ADAPTATION FORMS OF LOANWORDS FROM ARABIC ORIGIN IN KAZAKH AND TURKISH

Dr. Hilal Oytun ALTUN UJ Zaklad Turkologii

hilal_oytun.altun@uj.edu.pl www.actaturcica.com

Loanword phonology

• The process of borrowing loanwords involves attempting to copy a foreign word and reproduce it within the host language. (Yip 268)

• Loanword phonology involves two scans, the first of which is roughly perceptual and the second of which is phonological. (Yip 271)

• The nature of reproduction is related with the constraints: Host language speakers do not perceive all the same distinctions as borrower language speakers; this perceived input is checked by a group of ranked constraints that are independently motivated for host language, and minimal adjustments are made to produce an output that is optimal with respect to those constraints. (Yip 261)

Words from Arabic origin that are ill-formed in the borrowing language are thus transformed into well-formed words. These repairs involve general phonological processes, such as

• 1. segmental changes

• 2. suprasegmental changes

• 3. ephenthesis

• 4. deletion

Repair strategies in loanwords from Arabic (Ar.) origin in Kazakh (Kz.) and Turkish (Tr.)

• 1. segmental

ʿäyb > ayıp (Kz.) (Tr.) عيب

• 2. suprasegmental

fäqîr (Ar.) > paqır(Kz.) / fakir(Tr.) فقير

• 3. ephenthesis

näql (Ar.)> naqıl (Kz.) / nakil (Tr.) نقل

• 4. deletion (It’s mainly about ع and ء)

näʿl (Ar.) > näl (Kz.) / nal (Tr.) نعل

This study focuses on:

• 1. Backness harmony

• 2. Long vowels

• 3. Word final consonant clusters

1. Backness harmony

o Vowel harmony is related with

• The vowels

• The consonants

o “Palatal consonants” are blamed for the violations of vowel harmony in Turkish.

o Autosegmental theory proposes “opaque segment “ to explain the disharmony in Turkish.

Opaque segments are

• Nonundergoers • Blockers (root vowels: a suffix vowel can not

harmonize with a non final root vowel) • Spreaders

which in Turkish o root vowels o disharmonic suffixes-nonalternating vowels o word final palatals /l, t, r, b, d/: hadd+i, sual+i, o palatal /l, r/ as a first member of consonant

cluster: harf+i, kalb+i o disharmonic epenthetic vowels: bulüz, bahis

Palatal consonant effect in Turkish Ar. Kz. Tr.

ḽ qälʿä qala kale

ʿämäl amal amel

iqbâl ıqpal ikbal +i

su‘âl sawal sual +i

miṡâl mısal misal +i

ķ nikâḥ neke nikâh

ʿaqîq aqıq akik

fäqîr baqır / paqır fakir

ṱ sâ‘ät sağat / sät saat +i

qiymät qımbat kıymet

ŗ ärvâḥ arwaq ervah

xäncär qanjar hançer

mäḥşär maqşar mahşer

ḥärf ärip harf +i

Harmonic in Kazakh, unlike Turkish:

äẕân azan ezan

dukkân düken dükkân

cäzâ’ jaza cezâ

cävâb jawap cevap

ḥisâb esep hesap

ḥâşiyä haşïa haşiye

mäydân maydan meydan

qäfäs qapas kafes

ṣuḥbät suxbat sohbet

xuṭbä qutpa hutbe

Long vowel effect in Turkish

idârä ïdara idâre

siyâsät sayasat siyâset

‘äcâ’ib ğajayıp acâyip

ʿädâlät ğadilet / ädilet adâlet

qâʿidä käde ka:ide

Disharmonic in Kazakh, harmonic in Turkish

zälzälä zilzala zelzele

lä‘nät lağnet / lağınet /

nälet

lânet

xidmät qızmet hizmet

äkbär äkbar ekber

ġarîb ğarıp / qarıp /

ğarip / kärip

garip

kälimä kälïma kelime

2. Long vowels

âdät ädet âdet

ävlâd äwlet evlat

dâ’im däyim / dayım dâim

billâhi bellähï billâhi

kâfir käpir kâfir

mäkân meken mekân

Long vowels are shortened regularly in Kazakh. Epenthesis of a semivowel or fronting can occur as compensatory

Epenthesis of a semivowel

zînät zeynet ziynet

âmîn awmïn / ämïn âmin

mäḥfûẓ maxpwz mahfuz

ḥîlä ayla/qayla hîle

ṣûrät swret sûret / surat

îmân ïman îman

ʿimârät ğïmarat imâret

ḥaqîqat aqïqat hakîkat

xalîfä xalïfa halîfe

tärâvîḥ tarawïx terâvih

‘ilmî ğılımï ilmî

siyâsî sayasï siyâsî

târîxî tarïxï târihî

äskärî äskerï askerî

billâhî bellähï billâhi

hicrî hïjrï hicrî

mädänî mädenï medenî

tabi‘î tabïğï tabiî

Long vowels are opaque segments since they’re root vowels

âxir aqır âhir

ʿâşıq ğaşıq âşık

ämânät amanat emânet

bâqî baqï bâki

xazînä qazına hazîne

ḥukûmät ükimet/ökimet hükûmet

idârä ïdara idâre

qâbiliyyät qabіlet kâbiliyet

fâ’iz payız fâiz

şâ‘ir şayır şâir

qâri’ qarï kâri

fälâkät bäleket/päleket felâket

xilâfät xalïfat hilâfet

Shortened examples in Turkish

ḥâżir äzir / käzir hazır

âdäm adam âdem / adam

ṣûrät swret sûret / surat

ʿâr ar ar

‘arûḍ aruz aruz

ʿäzîz ğazïz / äziz aziz

märḥûm marqum merhum

mäymûn maymıl maymun

şärî‘ât şarïğat şeriat

qâḍî qazï kadı

zäytûn zäytün zeytin

(C)vCV:C

äẕâb azap azap a:b+ı

cävâb jawap cevap a:b+ı

ḥisâb esep hesap a:b+ı

ḥuḍûr xwzır huzur u:r+u

ḥuqûq quqıq / xuqıq hukuk u:k+u

inṣâf ınsap / nısap insaf a:f+ı

intiẓâr ıntızar intizar a:r+ı

iqbâl ıqpal ikbal a:l+i

qäbûl qabıl kabul û:l+ü

zamân zaman zaman a:n+ı

ävlâd äwlet evlat a:d-ı

mäkân meken mekân a:n-ı

Word final long vowels remain unshortened in Turkish

bälâ bäle / päle belâ

dunyâ dünïe dünyâ

ävliyâ ävlïe evliyâ

dävâ’ dawa devâ

cäzâ’ jaza cezâ

şifâ’ şïpa şifâ

Compensatory lengthening occurs in Turkish due to deletion of guttural stop

äʿzâm ağzam âzam

ba‘ḍ bağzı bâzı

läʿnät lağınet lânet

ma‘nâ mağına / män mâṋâ

maʿlûm mağlum / mälim mâlum

mäʿqûl maqıl mâkuḽ

maʿrifät marapat mârifet

niʿmät nığmet nîmet

tä‘lîm tağlım/ tağlim/

tëlim

tâlim

väʿdä wağda / wäde vâde

yaʿni yağnï yâni

3. Word final consonant clusters

• Permissible syllable-final clusters in Turkish and Kazakh are only “sonorant+oral stop”.

• Kazakh only permits the “sonorant+t” type consonant clusters: alt, ant, etc.

(Tr.) alp (Kz.) alıp

(Tr.) Türk (Kz.) Türik

(Tr.) korkunç (Kz.) korkınış

etc.

“sonorant+obstruent” syllable-final clusters in loanwords in Turkish

/vk/ ẕävq zawıq zevk

/ns/ cins jınıs cins

/lp/ sulb sulıp sülp

/lk/ mulk mülik mülk

/lq/ halq xalıq halk

/rf/ ḥärf ärip harf

ʿurf ğurıp örf

/rş/ ʿärş ğarış arş

/rz/ ʿärz arız arz

färḍ parız farz

/rq/ färq parıq fark

/ht/ bäxt baqıt baht

Inserting an epenthetic vowel to break the root final consonant clusters

/tr/ ʿiṭr ätir ıtır

/nf/ ṣınf sınıp snıf

/hn/ zihn zeyin zihin

/yf/ käyf keyip keyif

/yr/ xayr qayır hayır

/sl/ äṣl asıl asıl

/sm/ räsm räsіm resim

/sr/ äṣr ğasır asır

/şr/ ‘uşr ğuşır/quşır öşür

/zq/ rızq rïzıq rızık

/zm/ näzm nazım nazım

Disharmonic epenthetic vowels

/br/ qäbr qabır kabir

/dr/ qadr qadır (tün) kadir

/tm/ xatm xatım/qatım hatim

/lm/ ẓulm zulım zulüm

/ql/ näql naqıl nakil

/qt/ väqt waqıt [waq] vakit

/vs/ qävs qawıs kavis

/vm/ qavm qawım kavim

/vz/ ḥavz äwiz /xawız havuz

Nonhigh vowel as an epenthetic vowel in Kazakh

/hr/ zähr zahar / zähar zehir

şähr şahar / şähär şehir

qähr qahar kahır

/hd/ cähd cahat ceht

-CCØ > -CCv in Kazakh

räbb rabbı rab (+bi)

ḥädd äddi had (+di)

näfs näpsi nefis

qävl qawlı kavl (+i)

xärc qarjı harç

näqd naqtı nakit

Elision

/ch/ väch wäj vech +i

/sh/ mäsḥ mäsi mes(h) et-

/qt/ vaqt waq [waqıt] vakit

/ht/ baht baq baht

/yl/ säyl sel sel

/pw/ ʿäfv ğapw af

-CCØ > -CV in kazakh

ḥäcc qajı hac (+cı)

ḥäqq qaqı/ aqı hak (+kı)

mäsḥ mäsi mes(h) et+

Conclusion

• Arabic loanword adaptaions are more minimal in Turkish

than Kazakh. • Codes from Arabic origin have followed different paths in

the procces of being copied into Kazakh or Turkish. • It effects the adaptation (or reproduction in host language)

of the Arabic etymons. • However some phonological rules are more restrictive than

the others for both Turkish and Kazakh; such as lacking of word final voiced plosives, or guttural stop.

• Main differences between the two languages are related to vowel harmony and long vowels, concerning to word final consonant clusters Turkish is more tolerant than Kazakh.

REFERENCES

• CLEMENTS G.N., SEZER E. (1982) . “Vowel and Consonant Disharmony in Turkish” http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/hayes/251VowelHarmony/readings/ClementsSezer1982TurkishVowelHarmony.pdf

• EKER S. (1998). Kıpçak Grubu Türk Dillerinin Karşılaştırmalı Ses Bilgisi, Hacettepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Doktora Tezi, Ankara.

• JOHANSON L. (1998). Code-Copying in Irano-Turkic. Language Sciences. 20,3,325-337.

• LEVI S.V. (2001). “Glides, laterals and Turkish Vowel Harmony”, Chicago Linguistic Society 37, Main Section, s.379/393.

• PEPERKAMP S., DUPOUX E. (2003). “Reinterpreting loanword adaptations: the role of perception”, 15th ICPhS Barcelona, 367/370.

• RUSTEMOV L.Z. (1982). Qazirgi qazaq tilindegi arab-parsı kirme sözderi. Almatı: Ğılım.

• TEKİN T. (1958). “Ayınlı ve Hemzeli Kelimeler”, Türk Dili Dil ve Edebiyat Dergisi, C.VIII, S:86, s.110/113.

• YIP M. (1993). “Cantonese Loanword Phonology and The Optimality Theory” Journal of East Asian Linguistics 2. 261-291.

• ZİMMER K. (1985). Arabic Loanwords and Turkish Phonological Structure. International Journal of American Linguistics. 51, 4, 623/625.