A Contribution to the Textual and Iconographical Study of Embossments from Third Intermediate Period...

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Front and rear cover images:Coffin lid of Djedmut and details, inv. MV25008 (photo by Danilo Pivato, © Governatorato SCV, Direzione dei Musei)

edited by alessia amenta and Hélène guicHard

Edizioni musEi vaticani

F i r s t Vatican coFFin conFerence

P r o c e e d i n g s

V o l u m e 1

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contentS

Volume 1

Foreword

alEssia amEnta 15

moHamEd i. aBouElata, manal a. Hossin

continuity of themes depicted on coffin lids from third intermediate Period to Graeco-Roman Egypt 21

avERil andERson, luc Bidaut

the third intermediate Period coffins in the mcmanus museum, dundee 31

maRia victoRia asEnsi amoRÓs

the wood of the third intermediate Period coffins: the evidence of analysis for

the Vatican Coffin Project 45

stEPHaniE d. atHERton-WoolHam, lidiJa m. mcKniGHt, JuditH E. adams, camPBEll PRicE

a scientific study of coffins in the manchester museum: current and future work 51

FRuzsina BaRtos

cartonnage fragments from the 22nd dynasty originating from theban tomb 65 and its surroundings 57

maRilina BEtRÒ

Birth, (re)-birth and votive beds: new evidence from a third intermediate Period context

in theban tomb 14 63

andERs BEttum

nesting: the development and significance of the ‘yellow coffin’ ensemble 71

susannE BicKEl

Kv 64. an intact 22nd dynasty burial in the valley of the Kings. Preliminary description 83

FEdERico BottiGliEnGo

digging in the museum: some notes on Amduat papyri in the museo Egizio of turin 89

Giacomo cavilliER

the Butehamun Project: Research on the funerary equipment 97

KatHlYn m. coonEY

coffin reuse: Ritual materialism in the context of scarcity 101

alain dautant, alEssia amEnta

the coffins of djedmut, nurse of Khonsu the child (vatican, la Rochelle and Padua museums) 113

alain dautant, miGuEl EscoBaR, FRancE JamEn

distribution and current location of the French lot from the Bab el-Gasus cache 123

alain dautant, FRancE JamEn

inventory of the 21st/22nd dynasties ‘yellow coffins’ in French museums 129

cÁssio dE aRaÚJo duaRtE

the Amduat on the 21st dynasty coffins 137

aidan dodson

the third intermediate Period coffins in the collection of the medelhavsmuseet, stockholm 145

moniKa dolinsKa

the third intermediate Period coffins in the national museum in Warsaw.

Presentation of the collection 155

silvia Einaudi

the tomb of Padiamunipet (tt 33) and its role in the ‘saite recension’ of the Book of the dead 163

HÉlÈnE GuicHaRd, sandRinE PaGÈs-camaGna, noËllE timBaRt

the coffin of tanetshedmut of the musée du louvre: First study and restoration for

the Vatican Coffin Project 169

maRia cRistina Guidotti

Restoration works on coffins from the late Period at the museo Egizio of Florence 179

nadinE GuilHou

Painters of coffins and papyri at thebes in the third intermediate Period 183

EdoaRdo Guzzon

the wooden coffins of the late third intermediate Period and late Period found

by schiaparelli in the valley of the Queens (Qv 43 and Qv 44) 191

First Vatican Coffin ConferenceContents

nEsRin m. m El Hadidi, saFa a. m. HamEd

the effect of preparation layers on the anatomical structure and chemical composition

of native Egyptian wood 199

REmY HiRamoto

terahertz (tHz) imaging of 21st dynasty coffins

211

FRancE JamEn

a textual-iconographical and technological study of unpublished 21st dynasty coffins from lyon:

the coffins of PA-d(j)-xnsw (musée des Beaux-arts, invv. H 2320-H 2321) 219

caRola KocH

the sarcophagus of nitocris (inv. cairo tn 6/2/21/1): Further considerations about

the God’s Wives’ burial places 231

alEXandRa KÜFFER

the coffins from the cache-tomb of Bab el-Gasus in switzerland 249

niKa lavREntYEva

the coffin of Padikhonsu from the Pushkin state museum of Fine arts, moscow

(inv. 1, 1a 5316 / ИГ 5402) 255

Éva liPtaY

the ancient Egyptian coffin as sacred space: changes of the sacred space

during the third intermediate Period 259

saBina malGoRa, JonatHan Elias

symbolism in 21st dynasty coffin art: implications of the trento coffin fragment (inv. Emv 4517) 271

saBina malGoRa, JonatHan Elias

the coffin of ankhpakhered (inv. asti 94a): defining an akhmimic regional style

for the later third intermediate Period 277

lilianE mann

the letters of Willem Pleyte 289

lidiJa m. mcKniGHt, stEPHaniE d. atHERton-WoolHam, JuditH E. adams, camPBEll PRicE

Preliminary research on the chester coffin. a potential case of mistaken identity and coffin reuse? 293

maRia GRazia mimmo

the beginning of the third intermediate Period 299

JuliE annE moRGan

image of the sah: a study of the graphic styles and colour patterning on coffins dated from

the 22nd to the 25th dynasties 303

susanna mosER, Gian luiGi nicola

sharing knowledge for restoring coffins: the case of civico museo di storia e arte of trieste 317

mElinda G. nElson-HuRst, JoHn W. vERano

the tulane university Egyptian collection: Reconstructing lost context – Phase 1 327

andRzEJ niWin sKi

the 21st dynasty coffins of non-theban origin. a ‘family’ for the vatican coffin of anet 335

ElEna PaGanini

life and death of ‘citizens’ of amun: a socio-economic investigation of the Bab el-Gasus cache 349

sandRinE PaGÈs-camaGna, HÉlÈnE GuicHaRd

coloured materials of theban coffins produced around the ‘yellow coffin’ series

from the louvre collections 357

daniEla PiccHi

the anthropoid coffin of mesiset (?): an interesting history of collecting, typological study,

and diagnostic investigation 361

luiGi PRada

a contribution to the textual and iconographical study of embossments from third intermediate Period

mummy braces, chiefly from the Bab el-Gasus cache and now in the cairo museum 369


Volume 2

Giovanna PREstiPino

the Vatican Coffin Project: observations on the construction techniques

of third intermediate Period coffins from the musei vaticani 397

noEmi PRoiEtti, valERia di tullio, FEdERica PREsciutti,

costanza miliani, nicola maccHioni, donatElla caPitani

a 25th dynasty coffin in the museo del vicino oriente at sapienza università di Roma:

a diagnostic multi-analytical study 407

maaRtEn J. RavEn

third intermediate Period burials in saqqara 419

nicHolas REEvEs

the coffin of Ramesses ii 425

isaBEllE RÉGEn

tradition and innovation on the third intermediate Period coffins. the case of an uncommon

rising solar and osirian scene with hacking up of the earth 439

utE RummEl, stÉPHanE FEtlER

the coffins of the third intermediate Period from tomb K93.12 at dra abu el-naga.

aspects of archaeology, typology, and conservation 451

GÁBoR scHREiBER

the burial assemblages of ankhefenamun and Hor, and other third intermediate Period burials

from theban tomb -61- 463

ian sHaW

new Kingdom and third intermediate Period coffin and textile remains from the 2011-2012

excavations at medinet el-Gurob, Fayum region 471

cYntHia maY sHEiKHolEslami

iconography and dating of some vatican coffins (museo Gregoriano Egizio, invv. d 2067.6.1-6

and mv 25007)

483

REnatE siEGmann

the ‘patchwork coffin’ of the servant (sDm aS) of a High Priest of amun-Re

in the musée d’ethnographie neuchâtel (late 21st/early 22nd dynasty) 503

loREdana sist

a 25th dynasty theban coffin in the museo del vicino oriente at sapienza università di Roma 509

RoGÉRio sousa

Building catalogues. the concept of ‘architectonisation’ and the description of coffins of the 21st dynasty 515

HElEn stRudWicK

the enigmatic owner of the coffins of nespawershefyt at the Fitzwilliam museum, cambridge 521

mYKola taRasEnKo

the third intermediate Period coffins in the museums of ukraine 529

JoHn H. taYloR

the vulture headdress and other indications of gender on women’s coffins in the 1st millennium Bc 541

iGoR uRanic

the third intermediate Period mummies and the coffins from the arheološki muzej in zagreb 551

REnÉ van WalsEm

the chain motif. a decorative architectonic element with prehistoric roots on the lid of some ‘stola coffins’ 557

Posters 575

conference bursary 593

Bibliography 597

index of museum numbers 685

contributors 707

remembering the conference... 716


369

a contribution to the textual and iconographical study of embossments from third intermediate Period mummy braces, chiefly from the Bab el-gasus cache and now in the cairo museum*

luigi Prada

A peculiar feature of TIP burials from the Theban area are the so-called mummy braces, typically consisting of two crossing straps of red-dyed leather which were placed on the deceased’s shoulders, hanging onto his/her chest and upper back.1 The ends of these straps were provided with trapezoidal insets of normally undyed parchment, backed and framed by the same thicker and darker leather of the braces. These insets consist of tabs typically embossed with small images, generally representing a ritual scene, and short texts. The significance of these braces as part of the funeral paraphernalia in the TIP is highlighted by the fact that not only could they be physically placed on mummies, but they could also be depicted in the decoration of coffins and mummy boxes.2

In association with such braces, another type of leather artefacts can be observed in mummies from this period, though this is found less commonly. This consists of two pendants, one in the shape of a menat-counterweight and one in that of a menkhet-tassel, normally placed on the mummy’s neck or chest and bound to one another by means of a strip of leather.3 As in the case of the braces, these pendants too are typically made of dyed leather, with an inset of parchment, which is embossed with short texts and/or decorative patterns.

Mummy braces (or sections thereof) with their tabs and the less common pendants are found in museum collections worldwide, as already observed by Egyptologists more than a century ago,4 and

* Permission for the study and publication of C erný’s notebook was granted by the former keeper of the Archive, Griffith Institute (University of Oxford), Vincent Razanajao. My thanks are due to Elizabeth Fleming and Cat Warsi of the Griffith Institute, for answering my queries concerning this material, and to Jenni Navratil, for scanning the notebook. In the preparation of this paper, I profited from discussion with Sabrina Ceruti (Archaeological Museum, Milan), Jenny Cromwell (Macquarie University, Sydney), and Mark Smith (University of Oxford), to whom I express my gratitude. Many thanks for their feedback are also due to the organisers and the participants of this conference, especially to Alessia Amenta (Vatican Museums) and Christian Greco (Museo Egizio, Turin). Attendance of the conference was made possible through a generous grant awarded by the Governing Body of The Queen’s College (University of Oxford), whose assistance I hereby gratefully acknowledge. Needless to say, none of the present work would have been possible without that of Jaroslav C erný, whose painstaking copies of the material form the origin and foundation of this study.

1 I will use the term ‘mummy braces’ throughout this article, as this is the most commonly used term in English for indicating this type of artefact, though objections have been raised against its use (e.g. van Walsem 1997, 15, fn. 46; Berman 1999, 367). Matters of terminology in labelling these items are discussed in more detail by Altenmüller 2000a, 76, whose remarks I need not reiterate here. Similarly, in indicating the material of which these objects are made, I follow the use of earlier studies, which, for convenience, call it ‘leather’ (and, in the case of the thinner material of which the embossed labels are made, ‘parchment’), though, strictly speaking, ancient Egyptian skin products such as these do not classify as proper leather (see van Driel-Murray 2000, 299).

2 Altenmüller 2000a, 73, fn. 2. 3 For a clear image of braces still in situ on a mummy, see e.g. Smith 1906, Pl. 5, Fig. 3, and for one showing a set including

both braces and pendants, see e.g. Taylor 2011, 34, 48. In the latter, the computer-graphic reconstruction shows the braces as if each made of two thin, separate leather strips running parallel to each other, rather than of just one piece of leather (as is usually observed). No such examples of braces are known to me, and it may possibly be the case that this reconstruction is based on a false impression given by the CT-scan: each brace is typically made from a wide leather strip folded inwards on both sides (Altenmüller 2000a, 74), so that a scan may give the impression of two strips running parallel to each other, where, in fact, one has simply two, rather than one, layers folded onto one another. The same scan of the mummy in question, without the superimposed computer graphics, can be seen in Taylor 2004, 32.

4 See the list in Wiedemann 1882, 86, where the “Platten aus Leder” he mentions clearly indicate tabs from leather braces.

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Luigi Prada

as can now even more easily be observed by searching online museum catalogues.5 Nevertheless, despite (or, perhaps, owing to) the overwhelming wealth of material available, in the vast majority of cases these braces with their associated pendants have remained unpublished and relatively underresearched.

A few studies concerned with funerary practices contain general overviews about these leather items.6 But it is only in recent times that the first specific study on the topic, by Hartwig Altenmüller, appeared.7 Besides the detailed study of an unpublished set of braces and pendants from a mummy in Hamburg, his contribution contains the first attempt at assembling a corpus of similar items published or only summarily recorded in the previous Egyptological literature, with discussion of their main shared features: it thus marks a significant advancement in the study and the understanding of these unique artefacts.8 To avoid any redundancies with Altenmüller’s work, I will take his article as a start point, and refer the reader to it throughout my own contribution.

One of the issues still open concerning our knowledge of mummy leather braces is the exact extent of the period throughout which they are attested. As previously mentioned, these items are found on mummies from TIP burials within the Theban area. The dating of these items, when their embossments are legible, is straightforward, for they typically mention either a king or a High Priest of Amun (or, sometimes, a combination of both), and this can be used, if not as an exact dating criterion (given that it cannot be proven that these braces were produced at the time of burial), at least as a near terminus post quem. Thus, most sets of braces (and, when present, associated pendants) can be dated to the 21st and the first half of the 22nd Dynasty. A limited number of published early specimens extends this span to the reign of Ramesses XI at the end of the 20th Dynasty.9 One further 20th Dynasty-example is registered in the Topographical Bibliography as belonging to the reign of Ramesses VIII,10 which would make this by far the earliest known example of mummy braces.11 The copy of this tab, found in one of the manuscripts of Sir John Gardner Wilkinson (now in the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford), is unpublished. Because

5 As shown by the number of hits resulting from a general search with key words relevant to leather mummy braces in the online databases of the British Museum or the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, to mention but two collections in England.

6 The most recent is Aston 2009, 380-381. Previous studies of particular consequence on these objects include Williams 1918, 275-277, and Goff 1979, 102-104, as well as van Walsem 1997, 116-119, who however mostly focuses on the pictorial representation of braces on coffins and on their significance. For more references, see the bibliography in Altenmüller 2000a, 109-112.

7 Altenmüller 2000a.8 A catalogue of the corpus assembled by him is in the table at the end of the article, which lists a total of 83 entries:

see Altenmüller 2000a, 92-100. This catalogue is stated to contain only dated (i.e., bearing the name of a king and/or a High Priest of Amun) items from the 21st-22nd Dynasty (Altenmüller 2000a, 77), but is in fact larger in scope, for it also registers 20th Dynasty (nos. 48-50) and undated items (nos. 75-83).

9 Altenmüller 2000a, nos. 49-50. By coincidence, one set of these early tabs dating to the 20th Dynasty (Altenmüller 2000a, no. 49) was also the first one, to my knowledge, to receive full scholarly attention and be published, in 1828 (Osburn 1828, 4-5, 33-41, Pl. 2).

10 PM I-2, 1964, 5: “Leather tab with Ramesses VIII embraced by Amen-re ‘-kamutf (?). Wilkinson MSS. xxii. 34”.11 Altenmüller 2000a, no. 48.

Fig. 1. C erný’s hand-copies of menat-shaped pendants bearing the name of the High Priest of Amun Menkheperre (left, Cat. no. 1) and of the High Priest of Amun Pinedjem II (right, Cat. no. 2). C erný MSS. 17.125.1 (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford).

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Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces

of this item’s unparalleled high date, Altenmüller suggested doubts about the correctness of its dating.12 Indeed, inspection of Wilkinson’s original manuscript has confirmed that, in this tab, the king named in the cartouche is Ramesses XI, and not VIII.13 Thus, based on the current evidence, the reign of Ramesses XI can be confirmed as the start point for the use of deposing embossed leather braces on mummies.

Concerning the latest attestations of mummy braces, these date to the reign of Takelot II, at the beginning of the Upper Egyptian 23rd Dynasty (or well into the 22nd Dynasty, based on the reader’s credo in matters of TIP chronology).14 Two specimens of tabs recording this king are currently known as the last of their type.15 Recently, David Aston has questioned the attribution of these tabs to Takelot II, stating that it is not possible to assess which Takelot the “Hedjekheperre Takelot” mentioned in them is, whether Takelot I or II.16

As a consequence, it would be impossible to tell whether the use of mummy braces is last attested at the time of Osorkon II (a successor of Takelot I who is also attested in tabs)17 or Takelot II. Nevertheless, a look at published copies of these two tabs confirms beyond reasonable doubt that they mention Takelot II, with both his praenomen and nomen preserved (Hedjkheperre Setepenre Netjerheqawaset and Takelot Siese Meriamun).18 Hence, it is possible to conclude and restate with certainty that, based on what is revealed by the currently available material, mummy braces are attested from the reign of Ramesses XI to as late as that of Takelot II.

Since the time of the first studies treating this category of funerary objects, scholars have remarked upon the value of the embossments they bear, and namely of their inscriptions recording kings’ and High Priests’ names, with regard to matters of chronology. This has been the case not only in connection

12 Altenmüller 2000a, 73, fn. 1, 77, fn. 8, 97, fn. 38. 13 The tab shows the king (l.) supporting with his arms an image of an ithyphallic god (r., on a plinth) standing in front of

a naos with insignia, exactly as in, e.g., tab no. 24 described in the Catalogue attached to this article (the frieze in the bottom register is also the same as in that tab). Above the figures is the following two line-inscription, with the king’s name (fully capitalised words indicate text within cartouche): → MN-MAa.&-Ra %&P.N-P&@ | di anx (‘MENMAATRE SETEPENPTAH, given life’). A note below the sketch remarks: “On leather straps of a dead; Thebes”. I should like to express my gratitude to the staff of the Special Collections and Western Manuscripts, Bodleian Library (University of Oxford), for granting me access to this manuscript (now shelf-marked as MSS. Wilkinson dep. b. 11).

14 On matters of chronology of the 22nd and 23rd Dynasties and the standing of Takelot II, it suffices here to refer to the remarks in Broekman, Demarée, and kaper 2009, viii. Takelot II’s Dynasty is marked as 22nd-A Dynasty in von Beckerath 1999, 192. See now also Payraudeau 2014, 63-68.

15 Altenmüller 2000a, nos. 73-74.16 Aston 2009, 380.17 To the braces dated to Osorkon II registered in Altenmüller’s catalogue (no. 72), one should also add those mentioned

by Aston 2009, 380, fn. 3046. 18 Particularly well legible is the copy of Altenmüller 2000a, no. 74, published in Roeder 1924, 539, no. 6964. As for

Altenmüller 2000a, no. 73, this tab is slightly more damaged, but one can still make out without much trouble the signs of the discriminating elements in Takelot II’s cartouches, that is, N*R @QA WA%.& and, even more clearly, %A A%.& (image in Leblanc and Nelson 1997, 66, Fig. 3). On these tabs, see also the relevant entries in Jansen-Winkeln 2007b, 171, nos. 13-14.

Fig. 2. C erný’s hand-copies of menkhet-shaped pendants bearing the name of the High Priest of Amun Menkheperre (left, Cat. no. 5) and of the High Priest of Amun Pinedjem II (right, Cat. no. 6). C erný MSS. 17.125.3 (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford).


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with the specific mummies on which the braces and pendants may be found, whose burial they can provide major help in dating, but also, particularly in early Egyptological studies, in connection with the study of the chronology of the early TIP and of the prosopography of the High Priests of Amun in Thebes at the time of the 21st Dynasty.19 The preeminent interest in these items’ potential for dating purposes has however had an unfortunate consequence: that is, tabs’ and pendants’ inscriptions have been typically discussed separately from the objects that bear them and, more specifically, from the images with which they are associated in the embossments.20 All this has happened to the serious detriment of our knowledge of the iconography of the embossments from mummy braces and associated items, but also to that of mummy braces and their meaning as a whole, which only an integrated study of all their features may hopefully help better explain.21 To get an idea of how patchy published records concerning the iconography of embossed tabs from mummy braces are, one only need look at the table containing the overview of the corpus put together by Altenmüller,22 and, specifically, at the column “Gott” within it: the published records available often do not even mention which deities are represented in the tabs, let alone give more details about the nature of the scenes in which they feature. A similar situation is true for the leather pendants: although these, unlike the tabs, do not bear complex scenes, little information on their aspect is available in the relevant literature.23

It is in this respect that the present paper hopes to offer a small contribution towards the study of this interesting yet neglected type of funerary material.

With the mummy braces having been in use throughout the 21st Dynasty in Thebes and their diffusion having been seemingly connected with the rise to power of the High Priests of Amun (as suggested by the almost ubiquitous representations and/or mentions of the latter on these items), it is natural that one of the most important ensembles of such artefacts stems from the many priestly mummies discovered in the so-called Bab el-Gasus, variously known also as the Second Cache or Tomb of the Priests of Amun, at Deir el-Bahari.24 The abundance of such items in this group burial is testified by the frequent mentions of them in studies connected with the discovery of the Bab el-Gasus, first and foremost in reports by one of its excavators, Georges Daressy,25 and is also obvious

19 For their value in dating a burial, see e.g. Osburn 1828, 33, and, in more recent times, Niwin’ski 1988, 15-16, 52-53; Altenmüller 2000a, 76-77; Aston 2009, 381; Taylor 2011, 49. For their use in wider chronological studies, see e.g. Wiedemann 1882, 86; Jansen-Winkeln 2006a, 230, fn. 69.

20 See e.g. Daressy 1896a, 75-76.21 The problem is also connected with the general lack of reproductions (whether photographs or facsimiles) of these

items in the relevant publications. Most recently on this issue, Effland 2013, 34. 22 Altenmüller 2000a, 93-100.23 To the point that, in his recent treatment of this material and due to the lack of published material, David Aston was

so cautious as to sound uncertain about whether the shape of these pendants is limited to menat-counterweights and menkhet-tassels only (as is indeed the case): “Where described, these [sc. pendants] are usually in the form of a menat or menkhet pendant” (Aston 2009, 381).

24 PM I-2, 1964, 630-642.25 Daressy 1896a; Daressy 1907.

Fig. 3. C erný’s hand-copies of tabs bearing the name of the High Priest of Amun Pinedjem II (left, Cat. no. 20; right, Cat. no. 21). C erný MSS. 17.125.8, bottom (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford).

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when looking at the provenance of the vast majority of objects collected in Altenmüller’s study.26 Yet, as is well-known (and mourned), no complete report of the clearing of this cache was ever published, let alone a publication devoted to small artefacts such as the mummy braces and pendants.

At the end of 2012, I had the opportunity to study a notebook of Jaroslav C

erný preserved in the

archive of the Griffith Institute, University of Oxford, and marked Cerný MSS. 17.125.27 This contains hand-copies of many tabs from leather braces and pendants preserved in the Cairo Museum and apparently stemming, for the most part, from the Bab el-Gasus, along with a few examples coming from the First, or Royal, Cache.28 No information about the time and occasion of C erný’s work on the making of these copies is contained in the notebook itself, as this includes only the drawings and a few essential annotations directly concerning

them. However, it is beyond doubt that its origin can be connected with the study and collation (against Daressy’s published copies) of the tabs preserved in Cairo, to which C

erný referred just en passant in one

of his publications about the history of the late New kingdom and the early TIP.29 It is from the study of these unpublished copies, which amount to a total of 48 and illustrate in full

detail many tabs and pendants for which a complete (or, in numerous cases, even partial) description was unavailable in the previous literature, that the present paper originated. A Catalogue of these copies has been compiled and is published as a supplement at the end of this article, along with three Appendices. Scans of all these copies have also been made available online (for more information, see the introduction to the Catalogue itself). In the remainder of this paper, some general observations will be made about the overall information that one can gather from the study of the embossments on these 48 tabs and pendants, and on the main patterns that they reveal for this category of items. Meanwhile, the separate Catalogue will allow the interested reader to have access to a complete and detailed description of the individual items.

From the point of view of the personages attested, the material here collected adds the name of Sheshonq I to those already gathered by Altenmüller,30 whilst the rest of it includes sovereigns and High Priests of Amun who were already attested on parchment embossments.

Concerning the leather pendants, all examples available in the Catalogue (nos. 1-7, 46-47) confirm that they occur in two forms only, that of a menat-counterweight and that of a menkhet-tassel. In the case of the menat-shaped ones (nos. 1-4, 46), they always present a vertical inscription occupying

26 Compare the entries under the column “Fundort” in his final table (Altenmüller 2000a, 93-100). On the importance of the Second Cache for the study of mummy braces, see also Niwin’ski 1988, 16, fn. 48: “The majority of such objects [sc. mummy braces] came from the Bab el-Gusus tomb”.

27 No mention of this notebook is in the printed edition of the Topographical Bibliography (PM I-2, 1964), but it is recorded in the relevant ‘Appendix slips’. On these, see the information available at: http://topbib.griffith.ox.ac.uk//project.html (last consulted: 16/02/2016).

28 PM I-2, 1964, 658-667.29 “The braces are now in the Cairo Museum and have been collated” (C erný 1975, 648, fn. 8). See also C erný 1975, 648,

fn. 9, 652, fn. 1. 30 Though absent from his corpus (but see the remarks in Altenmüller 2000a, 97, fn. 37), an attestation of this king on a

pendant had already been recorded in Maspero 1889, 573.

Fig. 4. C erný’s hand-copies of tabs bearing the name of the High Priest of Amun Pinedjem II (left, Cat. no. 22; right, Cat. no. 23). C erný MSS. 17.125.9 (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford).


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their main, oblong section (in the case of nos. 4 and 46, the inscription is also surrounded by a rectangular frame), whilst the round-shaped area at the lower end is decorated with a rosette-motif. The inscription can contain the name of either a High Priest of Amun or a king (the latter, only in the case of no. 46), sometimes styled as a production note (nos. 2-3).31 As for the menkhet-pendants (nos. 5-7, 47), these can be of two types. They can bear a vertical inscription, very much like their menat-counterparts, which covers most of their surface (and is sometimes surrounded by a rectangular frame, flared at its lower end, as in no. 5), whilst their wider bottom end shows a decorative pattern imitating an actual menkhet-tassel, and reproducing drop-shaped beads. Their inscriptions mention a High Priest of Amun, sometimes as part of a production note (nos. 6-7). Alternatively, this category of pendants may occur in a different style, where no inscription is present, and the embossment is completely decorative and fully imitates a menkhet-tassel, with the already described drop-shaped beads at the bottom and, in the vertical section, a pattern of perpendicular lines running vertically and, at wider intervals, horizontally, in order to imitate the actual object’s appearance (no. 47 only).

As for the oblong, slightly trapezoidal tabs found at the ends of the braces, their embossments show much more variety and complexity in their patterns. Four examples within the Catalogue are highly unusual, inasmuch as they bear either an inscription only (mentioning the goddess Mut: nos. 8-9) or the image of a divinity that takes up the whole embossment (nos. 43-44): they are thus set aside from the following analysis. Despite their individual differences, all the other specimens show a consistent general pattern, namely, the combination of an image representing a scene that involves two actors (on the one hand, either the king or the High Priest of Amun, on the other, a deity), and some text(s). Structurally, each embossment shows a fairly standardised design, which can conveniently be divided for analysis into two or sometimes three main areas. From top to bottom, the first area, which is optional and may or may not be present, consists of a horizontal band framed by lines, which appears above the main scene. This band could either be left empty or bear one horizontal line of text: the latter is the case in nos. 12, 18-21, 26-27, 30-31, 34-35. This text, which factually acts as a caption labelling the officiant (in all cases observed, the High Priest of Amun) in the scene underneath (and which is indicated as ‘caption’ in the Catalogue), is never self-contained in the one line taking up this band, but always continues past it into the tab’s second and main area, i.e., the field with the representation of the scene: in some cases, the text proceeds maintaining its horizontal orientation in a shorter second line, whilst in others it switches to vertical. Thus, this first area, though structurally separate at the top of the tab (which is why I chose, for convenience, to list it separately), is in fact essentially linked with the scene below.

The main field itself, besides the illustrated scene (on which I will focus later), always presents one or more captions of text. This text may continue, as previously described, from the separate band above. Otherwise, when the upper band is omitted (or, albeit present, is left blank), the inscription is wholly contained within this main field, being atop the figures and written in either horizontal (no. 16

31 On production notes, see further below, in the discussion about tabs.

Fig. 5. C erný’s hand-copies of tabs bearing the name of the High Priest of Amun Pinedjem II (left, Cat. no. 24; right, Cat. no. 25). C erný MSS. 17.125.10, top (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford).

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only) or vertical direction (with, in the latter case, up to four columns of text, as in no. 24). Nos. 40-41 are remarkable, for in their case the horizontal line of text normally attested in the separate upper band (as described above) is not delimited by a framing line at its bottom, but is an integral part, even visually, of this main field, which thus contains writing running both horizontally and vertically. The text, whether or not continuing from the separate upper band, may only consist of one caption, and in this case refers to the officiant only (who, in all such cases, is the High Priest of Amun). Alternatively, a second caption may also occur, to indicate the deity’s name (nos. 10, 11[?], 12-15, 23-25, 28-33, 36-42, 45[?], 48[?]), and in this case the text labelling the officiant may mention either the High Priest of Amun or the king. Sometimes, the caption indicating the officiant and that indicating the deity may be syntactically connected (even when they have opposite orientation in writing).

This is the case when the deity’s name is followed by the sign for mr(y), which makes the caption function as both an indication of the divinity in question and as an epithet for the king or High Priest of Amun depicted, who is said to be the ‘beloved of’ that deity (nos. 10, 15, 23-25, 38-39).

The last area into which tabs are structurally divided can be described as a bottom register. This may be filled in one of two ways. It can contain an inscription, which is typically ordered into two horizontal lines (nos. 10-11, 22-23, 32-33, 48; three in the case of nos. 28-29) recording a production note (nos. 32-33 are slightly unusual, in that the function of their text is certainly the same as a production note, but their phrasing is different from the standard). Otherwise, the bottom register can be taken up by a frieze of large-sized ankh- and was-signs (often also combined with djed- and/or neb-signs) disposed in various patterns.

As already mentioned, of these three areas observed in the structural partition of the embossments, the top band shows two distinctive features. First, from the point of view of the text it contains, it is intertwined with or even belongs to the scene below, of which it constitutes the beginning of an extended caption. Second, it is the one that does not always occur, for it is omitted when captions are shorter and can be included entirely in the main field bearing the scene. It can also be observed that, when this upper band is present, then in no case is text written both in it and in the bottom register, as the two are mutually exclusive. Three possible combinations only are thus observed, as far as the positioning of inscriptions in tabs is concerned:

• upper band (mention of the High Priest of Amun) + main field (mention of the High Priest of Amun [continued from above] plus, optionally, a deity): nos. 12, 18-21, 26-27, 30-31, 34-35;

• main field only (mention of the High Priest of Amun or the king plus, optionally, a deity): nos. 13-16, 24-25, 36-42, 45;

• main field (mention of the king and a deity) + bottom register (mention of the High Priest of Amun [typically styled as a production note]): nos. 10-11(? [captions lost]), 22(? [captions probably lost])-23, 28-29, 32-33, 48(? [captions partly lost]).

From this, useful elements for the general study of tabs from mummy braces can be deduced. For instance, when dealing with a damaged tab showing a clearly inscribed yet illegible upper band,

Fig. 6. C erný’s hand-copies of tabs bearing the name (now lost from the tab on the right) of the High Priest of Amun Pinedjem II (left, Cat. no. 28; right, Cat. no. 29). C erný MSS. 17.125.11, top (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford).


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the regularity of the patterns observed above can allow one to assume that this upper band must have borne the name of the High Priest of Amun, and not that of the king or a deity, and the same holds true for an inscribed bottom register.

Concerning the production notes found in the tabs’ bottom register, these appear only when the officiant portrayed in the scene is the king and not the High Priest of Amun, as their presence would otherwise be redundant, carrying a second mention of the same High Priest of Amun. Their phrasing is normally: iri.n + the name of the High Priest of Amun, with the implied antecedent of the relative form being the set of braces itself, ‘which the High Priest of Amun, NN, made’. These notes are found in both tabs (nos. 10-11, 22-23, 48; where iri.n is written with two n’s, about which see the Catalogue, fn. 74) and pendants (nos. 2-3, 6-7; written with one n). As previously remarked, tabs nos. 32-33 are slightly unusual in style, for the function of the two lines they bear in the bottom register is certainly that of a production note, yet the text itself simply mentions the High Priest of Amun (Pinedjem II), without prefixing his name with the relative form iri.n. Two more production notes, in tabs nos. 28-29, are especially remarkable, as they occupy three lines, and their phrasing is: ir(y) Xr-a sbA n Hm=f + the name of the High Priest of Amun (in both cases, Pinedjem II), ‘made under the direction of one instructed by his majesty, the High Priest of Amun, NN’.32 These two tabs are also exceptional inasmuch as they are the only two to bear two cartouches labelling the king, in order to host both his praenomen and nomen: in the other tabs collected in the Catalogue, whenever the king is portrayed, only his nomen is given.

An overall assessment of all these patterns reveals interesting information, and confirms the impression that, as already remarked before, the diffusion of this relatively short-lived category of objects must have had a very close association with the High Priests of Amun and their rise to power.33 On the items gathered in the Catalogue, which date for the most part to the 21st Dynasty, the inscriptions show an overwhelming prevalence of mentions of the High Priest of Amun over those of the king. In the 20th and 22nd(-23rd) Dynasties, tabs normally represent and mention the king only, with the only exception known to me being the mentions of Iuput at the beginning of the 22nd Dynasty (no. 48).34 But tabs dating to the 21st Dynasty show an exactly opposite trend. In many instances, they bear the representation and the name of the High Priest of Amun only,35 with his title and name often put in full evidence in the upper band. Otherwise, in those cases where they feature the king too (always Amenemope), they still grant more space to the mention of the High Priest of Amun, who stars in the

32 On the style of production notes, see already Altenmüller 2000a, 78-79. I diverge from his interpretation of the second, more elaborate phrasing (about which, see also fn. 89 in the Catalogue), in that I consider the name of the High Priest of Amun to be in apposition to sbA. His translation is instead: “unter der Leitung eines von seiner Majestät Unterwiesenen und des Hohepriesters des Amun”.

33 The close connection between mummy braces and the priesthood of Amun has been remarked upon by several interpreters; see most recently Aston 2009, 380.

34 Another example is Altenmüller 2000a, no. 47.35 In this case, the name of the Tanite king may make an appearance, but only obliquely, within the indication of the High

Priest’s filiation: see, in Appendix A, the items indicating Pinedjem II as son of Psusennes I.

Fig. 7. C erný’s hand-copies of tabs bearing the name of the High Priest of Amun Psusennes (III) (left, Cat. no. 36; right, Cat. no. 37). C erný MSS. 17.125.13, top (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford).

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production note below the scene, whilst they assign to the figure of the king only a short caption, generally reduced to his nomen in a cartouche.36

A similar situation is witnessed when considering the pendants. To the best of my knowledge, the examples from the 20th (Ramesses XI) and 22nd(-23rd) Dynasties (starting with Sheshonq I, see no. 46) always mention the king only, whilst all specimens dating to the 21st Dynasty mention High Priests of Amun only.

Given the seemingly tight connection between the content of these embossments and the High Priests of Amun, it can hardly be a simple coincidence resulting from the chance of the archaeological finds that the use of mummy braces as a whole appears to have seen its acme in the 21st Dynasty, contemporarily with the acme of the High Priests’ power. It then decreased in the 22nd Dynasty (with a significant number of braces for this dynasty being attested only for the reign of Osorkon I), after the royal authority had been reasserted, so to

speak, even on these media (causing representations and mentions of the king, rather than the High Priest, to star again in the embossments), to finally disappear. It should still be remembered, however, that the use of mummy braces and embossments did not come into vogue directly in the 21st Dynasty, explicitly at the initiative of the Amun priesthood, but started at the end of the 20th Dynasty, under the at least nominal authority of Ramesses XI.

One of the main interests of the embossments lies in the fact that, perhaps more immediately than other and more traditional textual and visual media, they can show us the self-representation at home, in Thebes, of the High Priests of Amun, so to say their in-house ‘propaganda’, the potential of whose study has largely passed unnoticed, due to the lack of reproductions of these items in modern studies. As an example, one can consider the tabs featuring Pinedjem II collected in the Catalogue. It is known that, unlike previous High Priests of Amun, Pinedjem II did not make use of royal attributes,37 and his name indeed never appears within a cartouche in the items here collected. Nevertheless, he is unexpectedly portrayed with a clear royal attribute, a uraeus on his forehead, in a number of the tabs that feature him, namely, nos. 20-21, 24-25, 34-35.38 It does not seem coincidental that these six tabs share a common feature also in the inscription captioning this royal figure of Pinedjem II, who, in them, is described as ‘justified’ and, more importantly, as the ‘High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods’, rather than with the shorter title of ‘High Priest of Amun’ found on all the other tabs featuring him. One wonders whether the epithet of ‘king of the Gods’ here given to Amun-Re may have been deliberately included with the specific aim of being functional to the unusual representation

36 In this respect, tabs nos. 38-39 are very unusual within our corpus, for they do not bear any mention of the High Priest of Amun, but only portray and label king Amenemope (unless, above the scene, there was a band of text, now lost, mentioning the High Priest of Amun, which would however be a unicum, at least based on the patterns identified above); in this respect, compare also nos. 51-54 in Altenmüller 2000a. Another remarkable, though less peculiar, case is that of the already mentioned tabs nos. 28-29: here, more emphasis is put on the king than elsewhere, for his figure is captioned with both his praenomen and nomen, and his presence also looms in the long production note, by means of the reference to Hm=f (‘his majesty’).

37 Jansen-Winkeln 2006a, 221-222.38 In the case of nos. 24-25 , the identification of the uraeus-bearing officiant as Pinedjem II is beyond any doubt, as he

is also captioned as the son of Menkheperre. In the other four cases, he is likely still Pinedjem II, though the absence of any indication of his filiation does not allow one to categorically exclude the possibility that this may instead be Pinedjem I; on this issue, see fn. 109 in Appendix A.

Fig. 8. C erný’s hand-copies of tabs bearing the name of the High Priest of Amun Smendes (II) (left, Cat. no. 40; right, Cat. no. 41). C erný MSS. 17.125.14, top (© The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford).


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of Pinedjem II with a uraeus, as a sort of subtle allusion to and justification of Pinedjem’s royal attribute: as Amun-Re holds royal status (amongst the gods), so does his main representative in Thebes, Pinedjem himself. Perhaps, royal aspirations were easier (and maybe also safer) to express within the milieu of the Theban priesthood, Pinedjem II’s main intended audience, on these small artefacts. These were not necessarily made expressly on the occasion of one’s burial, but might have been used as sacred paraphernalia during the daily running of the temple cults, thus being constantly before the eyes of the local clergy, who could have seen and understood in them a collateral and more or less subtle political message.39

To conclude the overview of these first, general observations emerging from the Catalogue, one still ought to discuss the scenes that are depicted on the tabs. Concerning the deities that appear in them,40 a list for those found in the Catalogue is available in Appendix B. Whilst Williams41 expressed doubts about the possible attestation of Ptah and Min in them, followed by Altenmüller42 only as far as Min was concerned (due to the easy, possible confusion with the almost ubiquitous representation of ithyphallic Amun and Amun-Re in the tabs),43 it is in fact the case that both gods are also depicted in the embossments, with Min being explicitly captioned as such in no. 41.

Little attention has been devoted to the nature of the action or situation depicted in the tabs’ images, again, due to the lack of published reproductions of them. Previous literature on the topic has generally described these scenes as depicting the king or the High Priest of Amun offering to or adoring a deity.44 The same was described by Altenmüller,45 who also specifies how, in the case of the offering scenes, the offer almost invariably consists of ointments, in connection with the ritual of anointing the god.46

Looking at the Catalogue, and excluding the already mentioned peculiar case of nos. 43-44, where only a standing god is represented, the scenes of all the other tabs show two standing characters facing each other: on one side is the officiant (king or High Priest of Amun), on the other the deity. In the case of the tabs representing an ithyphallic god (who can be unnamed, or labelled as Amun, Amun-Re, or Min), there is also a third element in the composition: this is the god’s insignia, which stand behind him (for a description of these insignia, see the Catalogue entries). In most tabs depicting a mummiform deity, the god is standing on a plinth, and is possibly meant to represent a divine statue (nos. 16, 22, 24-28, 30-33, 35-36, 38-41, 45, 48). Appendix C offers a list of all the scenes depicted in the tabs, in connection with the deity involved: recurrent combinations between the type of scene and the deity in question are evident. Offering scenes are well-attested, yet the most recurrent type of scene is, strictly speaking, neither one of offering nor one of adoration: in it, the officiant stretches his arms towards the deity (who is always an ithyphallic god) and lays his hands on him, in a way evocative of the so-called ritual of laying hands upon the god (see below). The second most attested type of scene is one of offering, namely, the offer of Maat. The offer of ointment, specifically in the form of applying unguent to the god’s brow, is also recurrent, albeit less frequent than the previous two.

The types of ritual actions pictured in these scenes find significant parallels in well-attested temple rituals for the cult of divine images, such as the Daily Ritual.47 The exact identification of the scenes in the

39 For more on the much contested and speculated original use and nature of these leather braces, see the discussion below. 40 These are often poorly or not at all recorded in early studies, as pointed out by Altenmüller 2000a, 79. 41 Williams 1918, 277.42 Altenmüller 2000a, 79, fn. 14.43 This confusion is particularly evident in Smith 1906, 156, where, in describing a tab, Daressy (quoted by Smith in his

own article) names the god therein portrayed as Min, despite the relevant caption, which he also transcribes, explicitly labelling him as Amun-Re.

44 Most recently, Aston 2009, 380.45 Altenmüller 2000a, 74-77, 79, 82, 84.46 This predominance of the anointing scene is however disputable, at least with regard to the tabs from the 21st Dynasty,

as will emerge from the ensuing discussion and from the Catalogue. 47 For a brief overview of this and connected rituals, see Eaton 2013, 175-190. For more on the cult of divine images, see

also Lorton 1999. A new, full, and detailed treatment of the Daily Ritual is now available in Braun 2013.

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tabs is complicated by the fact that, in interpreting them, one can only rely on their iconography, given that, due to the small size of the item and the consequent lack of space, the scene is never accompanied by a legend describing it, as it could be instead the case with similar depictions on other media, such as, for instance, a relief on a temple wall. In the case of the ritual of laying hands upon the god, this has parallels in both the textual sources for the Daily Ritual48 and in the iconograpic ones.49 The same is the case with another, subsequent step in the divine image’s toilette described in this ritual, i.e., the presentation of ointment, which is found in both the Daily Ritual’s written50 and visual sources.51 As for the tabs showing the officiant applying the ointment on the god’s brow, this scene is not included in the textual sources,52 but its iconography can be precisely matched.53 Finally, concerning the presentation of Maat, this also can have its place in the daily divine cult, being found, for example, as one of the steps of the Daily Ritual in its written sources.54

This close relationship between the representations found on the leather braces’ tabs and the divine cults that would take place in temples confirms and supports interpretations of the braces and their significance that were advanced by previous scholars. Developing distinct insights by Williams55 and van Walsem,56 Altenmüller in particular already highlighted the possibility that mummy braces might have had their original “Sitz im Leben” in the temple cult: they might have been in the first instance paraphernalia for the divine cult performed daily in the temples, and only secondarily turned to a use for funerary purposes, being placed on mummies and with them buried.57 If such braces were indeed originally employed in temple rituals pertaining to the care of divine images, their use on mummies could even be explained as a means of stressing the deceased’s divine status, by linking his or her image (the mummy) with that of the deity (the statue).

What the study of the tabs’ iconography certainly confirms is that their visual repertoire is derived from that of temple cults, for this shows perfect matches with scenes that can as easily be found on temple wall reliefs. As already remarked by Altenmüller,58 the case of the mummy braces and their likely integration in private funerary rituals from an extension of their original ritual use in the temple cult is another example of a general trend observed in the development of funerary practices during this period.59

48 Moret 1902, 167, no. 44.49 David 1973, 99, no. 13, with corresponding image in Calverley and Gardiner 1935, Pl. 15 (lower register, second scene

from the right), from the chapel of Re-Horakhty in the temple of Sety I at Abydos. The equivalent scene in this temple’s chapel of Amun-Re, the god generally encountered in the embossments bearing this scene, contains differences in the depiction of the king’s hands’ position, which make it a less perfect iconographical match with the scenes in our tabs; see Calverley and Gardiner 1935, Pl. 5 (lower register, second scene from the right).

50 Moret 1902, 191, no. 54.51 David 1973, 102, no. 29, with corresponding image in Calverley and Gardiner 1935, Pl. 10 (lower register, first scene from

the right), from the chapel of Amun-Re, with the medjet-unguent being offered in two vessels, one in each hand, as in the tab bearing this scene (no. 12).

52 Moret 1902, 76-77, fn. 1.53 David 1973, 99, no. 14, with corresponding image in Calverley and Gardiner 1935, Pl. 5 (lower register, third scene from

the right), from the chapel of Amun-Re. It must be pointed out, however, that the caption of this scene in Abydos describes it as a ritual of ‘wiping off (sfx.t) the medjet-unguent’, and not as one of applying the ointment. For an image where the same action (one hand holding an ointment vessel, the other stretched out with the little finger next to or touching the god’s brow) is captioned as ‘applying (rdi.t) the medjet-unguent’, see e.g. Nelson 1981, Pl. 30. On the ambiguity of this pose, which can represent such different ritual actions, see also Lurson 2013, 232.

54 Moret 1902, 138, no. 42. The offer of Maat is missing in the Abydos version of this specific ritual. 55 Williams 1918, 276.56 Van Walsem 1997, 119.57 Altenmüller 2000a, 77, 80-84, 91.58 Altenmüller 2000a, 82-83.59 Conversely, the view of Aston, who believes that mummy braces were purely funerary items expressly destined to the

burial, does not seem as convincing, for it fails to account for many of their features as described in this article; see Aston 2009, 381.


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catalogue and appendices The Catalogue describes all the 48 hand-copies of pendants and tabs from mummy leather braces

found in the first 17 pages of C erný’s notebook.60 For editorial reasons, the images of only 16 of these copies can be reproduced in this study (nos. 1-2, 5-6, 20-25, 28-29, 36-37, 40-41). All of them are however published and consultable online, in the archive-related section of the Griffith Institute website, under the entry ‘C erný’.61 The value of these modern copies is significant not only due to the fact that the original items still lie unpublished in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo,62 but especially because of the extreme fragility of these leather artefacts, whose organic nature makes them at very high risk of decay even in a museum storage environment.63

The Catalogue assigns a number (in bold) to each hand-copy, in a sequence from 1 to 48 that follows the order in which they appear in the notebook. Beside this number, I also record, in brackets and preceded by the letter C

. (for C erný), the alphabetic or alphanumeric cross-references that C erný

himself assigned to almost all of them, matching most items in pairs. No mention of the objects’ original dimensions is found in the notebook, and I was not able to ascertain whether the drawings are all in the same scale.

Each object is first identified by type, as either pendant (nos. 1-7, 46-47, with further specification as to what type of pendant) or tab (nos. 8-45, 48). In the case of pendants, the description is limited to the text they bear, as they do not present any images, besides the homogeneous decorative patterns (rosette in the case of menat-pendants, drop-shaped beads in that of menkhet-pendants) already described earlier in this article. The text is presented in transliteration, with names occurring in cartouche being fully capitalised. The original hieroglyphic version can be observed in C erný’s actual copies. As for the position of the captions, these can be generally assumed to be above or before the figures to whom they refer.

In the case of tabs, the Catalogue also includes an entry about the scenes they portray. These descriptions are kept short, focusing on the personages represented (whose relative position is indicated by means of ‘l.’ for left and ‘r.’ for right) and the action that is being performed. Human and divine figures are normally identified by name only when explicitly captioned by an inscription. If the Catalogue names them, despite their lacking a caption in the original tab, this is indicated. Specific features in the personages’ depiction are mentioned only when potentially significant or unusual: thus, for instance, standard features in a deity’s representation (such as the double crown on Mut’s head or her holding an ankh-sign in one hand and a papyrus-headed staff in the other) are not remarked upon, but the presence of a uraeus and/or a bull’s tail in the depiction of the officiant is always registered.

The description of each hand-copy is concluded by remarks, which register C erný’s own annotations (when present), chiefly concerning numbers or other modern marks that he observed on the items. In those instances in which the nature of these numbers can be ascertained, they chiefly seem to belong to the B-list of finds of the Bab el-Gasus,64 though there are also matches with the A-list; in other cases, they are Cairo Museum Journal d’Entrée (JE) numbers. Further, in the remarks I also attempt to suggest, whenever possible, an exact identification and provenance for each tab or

60 C erný MSS. 17.125.1-17.61 Available at: http://www.griffith.ox.ac.uk/archive/holdings/ (last consulted: 16/02/2016).62 I was unfortunately unable to find any information about the exact present whereabouts of this material in the Cairo

collection. 63 Compare, for instance, the same tab photographed in Williams 1918, Pl. 37, no. 19 (on the right) and again, showing

significant deterioration some 80 years after, in Berman 1999, 367, no. 279 (third from the left). Another example is the tab UC 13043, as published in Petrie 1917, Pl. 49, no. 22.2.5, and as it appears now; a modern photograph is available by searching the online database of the Petrie Museum, at: http://petriecat.museums.ucl.ac.uk/ (last consulted: 16/02/2016). In the case of the items treated in this Catalogue, no. 29 had already deteriorated between the time of discovery (as its production note was copied, still complete, in Daressy 1907, 31, no. 114) and when C erný saw it.

64 Daressy 1907, 3-14.

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pendant, with reference to the relevant bibliography (as already attempted by C erný himself, as is shown by additional pencil notes in his hand underneath many of the drawings), or at least to give significantly close parallels. Any attempt to precisely identify the objects from the Second Cache is made rather difficult by the fact that, as previously mentioned, the records about the discovery of the Bab el-Gasus coffins and the connected funerary equipment were only partially published by Georges Daressy, and, even when published, they contain a significant number of mistakes in both the descriptions and especially in the equivalences between A-list, B-list, JE numbers, etc.65 On account of this, in many instances within the Catalogue, identification attempts are intended only as tentative.

Three Appendices follow the Catalogue. appendix a collects the mentions of kings and High Priests of Amun in the objects included in the Catalogue,66 appendix B lists the deities attested on the tabs,67 and appendix c collects the types of scenes found on the same category of items.

65 On the mistakes contained in Daressy’s lists and concordance, see already the warning in Daressy 1907, 4, and the discussion and revised lists in Niwin’ski 1988, 27, 199-204. Daressy’s published copies of the texts from tabs and pendants also contain many imprecisions, but these cannot always be identified with certainty, owing to the recurrent lack of reliable correspondences between the actual objects and Daressy’s copies and records. A clear example of a wholly mistaken copy must be, for instance, that of the menkhet-pendant in Daressy 1907, 33, no. 127, where the name in the cartouche should be Psusennes, and not Pinedjem (on this, see also C erný 1975, 648, fn. 9, 652, fn. 1).

66 To be compared with the lists in Altenmüller 2000a, 77-78, 90.67 To be compared with the list in Altenmüller 2000a, 79-80.


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catalogue

1. (C . a1) [Fig. 1, left]

Type. Pendant (menat).Text. ←↓ anx Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Mn-xpr-Ra sA PAY-N+M MR(Y)-IMN (‘May the High Priest of Amun, Menkheperre Son of PINEDJEM MERIAMUN, live’). Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are two copies of this pendant, one of which is marked

“12” (as nos. 5, 26, 27), whilst the other stems “from Makere’s mummy (C. 61088)” (as no. 5). Match with Daressy 1907, 22, no. 11 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 2, based on text and numbering (A11 = B12).68 For the pendant from Maatkare’s mummy, see Altenmüller 2000a, no. 1a.

2. (C . c1) [Fig. 1, right]

Type. Pendant (menat).Text. Production note: ←↓ iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm sA Mn-xpr-Ra (‘Which the High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre, made’). Remarks. According to C


“Xnsurenp” (as no. 6). Match with Daressy 1907, 32, no. 120 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 26, based on text and mummy’s identity (khonsemrenep). For the unmarked copy, compare with Daressy 1907, 33, no. 127 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 28, which also bears the same text in the same orthography.

3. (C . d1)

Type. Pendant (menat).Text. Production note: ←↓ iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PA-sbA-xai-n-niw.t sA PA(y)-nDm (‘Which the High Priest of Amun, Psusennes Son of Pinedjem, made’). Remarks. Possible matches, based on text, include Daressy 1907, 25, no. 48 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 41 or Daressy 1907, 33, no. 125 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 43.

4. (C . b)

Type. Pendant (menat).Text. ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Nsy-BA-nb-+d(.t) (‘The High Priest of Amun, Smendes’). Remarks. Match with Daressy 1907, 35, no. 135 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 10, based on text.69

5. (C . a2) [Fig. 2, left]

Type. Pendant (menkhet).Text. ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Mn-xpr-Ra sA PAY-N+M MR(Y)-IMN (‘The High Priest of Amun, Menkheperre Son of PINEDJEM MERIAMUN’). Remarks. According to C


“12” (as nos. 1, 26, 27), whilst the other stems “from Makere’s mummy (Cat. 61088)” (as no. 1). Perhaps compare with Daressy 1907, 22, no. 13 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 3, which bears the same text (with minor discrepancy in the writing of PAy-nDm). Despite the matching numbering (A11 = B12), this pendant would not seem to belong to the same set as Daressy 1907, 22, no. 11, since its inscription does not start with anx. For the pendant from Maatkare’s mummy, see remarks to pendant no. 1.

68 The orthography of Pinedjem’s name in C erný’s facsimile differs slightly from the copy by Daressy 1907, 22, no. 11, which has no y, but is the same observed in an earlier copy of the same item, in Daressy 1896a, 76, no. 11.

69 The orthography of Smendes’ name in C erný’s facsimile differs slightly from the copy by Daressy 1907, 35, no. 135, which has no y, but is the same observed in an earlier copy of what is likely to be the same item, in Daressy 1896a, 76, no. 130 (probably a mistake for 135, as a different pendant no. 130 is already listed above in the same page).

383


6. (C . c2) [Fig. 2, right]

Type. Pendant (menkhet).Text. Production note: ←↓ iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm sA-nsw(.t) PA-%BA-¢aI-N-NIW(.&) MR(Y)-IMN (‘Which the High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN, made’).70

Remarks. According to C erný’s notes, marked “Xnsu renp” (as no. 2). For a match, see remarks to

pendant no. 2.

7. (C . d2)

Type. Pendant (menkhet).Text. Production note: ↓→ [iri].n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PA-sbA-xai-n-niw.t sA PA(y)-nDm (‘Which the High Priest of Amun, Psusennes Son of Pinedjem, [made]’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, marked “52”. Perhaps match with Daressy 1907, 25, no. 43 =

Altenmüller 2000a, no. 40, based on text (which however lacks [iri].n in his copy) and numbering (A43 = B52). For other possible matches, see remarks to pendant no. 3.

8. (C . bb)

Type. Tab.Scene. None (unlike all other examples of tabs, this and its twin, no. 9, bear no scene, only text). Text. ←↓ Mw.t wr(.t) nb(.t) ISr(w) Hnw[.t] nTr.w nb(.w) (‘Mut the Great, Lady of Asheru, Mistress of All the Gods’).71

Remarks. According to C erný’s notes, this tab and no. 9 are both marked “B26”. Probable match with

Maspero 1889, 579 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 12, based on the tab’s peculiar aspect (lack of scene) and text (especially note IrS for ISr).72 Possible, but much less likely, is a match with Daressy 1907, 24, no. 33 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 17, based on text (which however shows several orthographic differences) and numbering (A33 = B26). From Daressy’s description, it also seems possible to understand that his tabs include an image (“répresentent”) of Mut, which would definitely rule out any match with ours.73

9. (C . bb)

Type. Tab.Scene. None (see its twin, no. 8). Text. ←↓ Mw.t wr(.t) nb(.t) ISr(w) Hnw.t nTr.w nb(.w) (‘Mut the Great, Lady of Asheru, Mistress of All the Gods’). Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this tab and no. 8 are both marked “B26”. For a probable match,

see remarks to tab no. 8.

70 At the top of the inscription, the upper part of the eye-sign is covered by the edge of the leather in which the embossed parchment is embedded, but the sign remains clearly identifiable.

71 In both this tab and its twin (no. 9), the writing of Asheru is unusual, the signs being ordered in the spelling IrS. Also, the top of both tabs is lost, so it is impossible to tell whether more text (or even an image) originally preceded the extant inscription.

72 There are two minor disagreements between C erný’s and Maspero’s copies (with the latter writing the .t in wr.t and the w in ISrw), but these may be negligible, and perhaps the signs were originally there, but had become less visible at the time of C erný (this appears to be likely in the case of ISrw, where enough space for w is left beside the determinative).

73 The match of numbering (B26) between this tab and Daressy’s lists remains however striking, and, assuming (as seems reasonable) that this tab is the one described by Maspero (from the First Cache) and not by Daressy (from the Second Cache), one is led to wonder whether the numbers sometimes found on these items and recorded by C erný may have been written (at least in some cases?) not at the time of excavation/accession in Cairo, but only at a later phase and based on Daressy’s records, thus being themselves liable to containing errors. Uncertainty about the nature of these numbers is also increased by some instances of duplication in sets of braces that would otherwise appear to be completely unrelated from one another (see the case of “104” for nos. 10, 11 on the one hand and 40, 41 on the other, or that of “84” for nos. 13, 24).


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10. (C . n1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Amenemope (r.) offering Maat to Mut (l.). Text. Caption(s): ←↓ IMN-M-IP(.&) | ↓→ mr(y) Mw.t (‘AMENEMOPE, beloved of Mut’). Production note: ← iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | PAy-nDm sA Mn-xpr-Ra (‘Which the High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre, made’).74

Remarks. According to C erný’s notes, marked “104” (as nos. 11, 40, 41). Match with Daressy 1907, 28,

no. 81 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 36, based on text, iconography, and numbering (A81 = B104).75

11. (C . n2)

Type. Tab.Scene. The king (l.) offering Maat to Mut (r.).76

Text. Caption(s): lost, only minimal traces. Production note: ← iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | PAy-nDm sA PA-%BA-¢aI-N-NIW(.&) (‘Which the High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Son of PSUSENNES, made’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, marked “104” (as nos. 10, 40, 41). Match with Daressy 1907, 28,

no. 81 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 36, based on text (with minor discrepancy in the writing of PAy-nDm), iconography, and numbering (A81 = B104).

12. (C . k)

Type. Tab.Scene. Smendes (r.) offering ointment vessels to Mut (l.). In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Text. Caption(s): → Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Ns-BA-nb-+d(.t) | ↓ di anx (‘The High Priest of Amun, Smendes, given life’). ↓→ Mw.t Hnw.t nTr.w (‘Mut Mistress of the Gods’).Remarks. None.

13. (C . z1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Psusennes (l.) offering Maat to Mut (r.). In bottom register, a frieze with an ankh-sign flanked by two was- and djed-signs. Text. Caption(s): ↓→ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | PA-sbA-xai-n-niw.t (‘The High Priest of Amun, Psusennes’). ←Mw.t (‘Mut’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are two copies of this tab, marked “B84” and “84” (as no.

24). Perhaps compare with Daressy 1907, 26, no. 58 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 53, based on numbering (A58 = B84), though Psusennes’ name is there in a cartouche, unlike here.

74 The spelling of iri.n is here with two n’s, a writing that is often encountered in similar short production notes; see Jansen-Winkeln 1990, 138-139; Jansen-Winkeln 1994b, 93-95; Jansen-Winkeln 1996, 121-122, no. 201. The same redundant writing is shown by all other tabs documented in this Catalogue that present this formula, namely, nos. 11, 22-23, 48, and is possibly due to the horizontal direction of the writing, with the second n being used as a space-filler. In the pendants sporting a production note, this redundant n is never found, as their inscriptions run vertically.

75 Inhisdescriptionofthetabs,Daressyindicatesthesebraceswiththeword“étoffes”,ratherthantheusual“bretelles”–alapsus calami? That these are standard braces is confirmed by his previous description of this set in Daressy 1896a, 76, no. 81, where he includes it in a list of “bretelles”.

76 The captions of both figures are lost, but Mut can be identified through her iconography, which matches that found in all other tabs picturing her (wadj-headed staff in one hand, ankh-sign, here partly damaged, in the other, and double-crown). As for the officiant, this must be the king, rather than the High Priest of Amun: not only because all the better-preserved tabs collected in this Catalogue that present a production note (nos. 10, 23, 48) identify the officiant as the king, but also because of this tab’s association with no. 10, which further suggests that, here too, the officiant is Amenemope.

385


14. (C . z2)

Type. Tab.Scene. Psusennes (r.) offering Maat to Mut (l.). In bottom register, a frieze with an ankh-sign flanked by two was- and djed-signs. Text. Caption(s): ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | PA-sbA-xai-n-niw.t (‘The High Priest of Amun, Psusennes’). → Mw.t (‘Mut’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are two copies of this tab. Perhaps compare with Daressy

1907, 26, no. 58 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 53, which differs in showing Psusennes’ name in a cartouche. Another tab mentioning Psusennes, in Daressy 1907, 27-28, no. 66 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 54, however differs completely in iconography (khonsu in lieu of Mut).

15. (C . u)

Type. Tab.Scene. Pinedjem (r.) offering Maat to Mut (l.). In bottom register, a frieze with a was-sign flanked by two ankh- and djed-signs. Text. Caption(s): ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm | → mr(y) Mw.t (‘The High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem, beloved of Mut’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are two copies of this tab, one marked “43” (no match with

Daressy’s list A or B).77

16. (C . w)

Type. Tab.Scene. Pinedjem (r.) adoring Ptah (l., on a plinth).78

Text. Caption(s): ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm (‘The High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem’).79 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are three copies of this tab, all marked “128”. Match with

Daressy 1907, 30, no. 105 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 23, based on orthography (writing of Imn and of the nDm-sign, which Daressy interprets as paired with a book roll-determinative) and numbering (A105 = B128).

17. (C . aa)

Type. Tab.Scene. The king or the High Priest of Amun (l.) offering to a goddess (r.).80 In bottom register, a frieze

77 Several braces with the name of Pinedjem are registered by Daressy with very little or no elements that may help any attempt to identify them based on their text or iconography; see e.g. Daressy 1907, 26, 37, nos. 49, 144.

78 The god’s name is not given, but the iconography is that of Ptah (mummiform figure, tight cap, tassel behind the neck, was-staff). Comparison with representations of khonsu in tabs nos. 22-23 (further characterised by crook and flail in his hands and the lunar disk and crescent upon his head) suggests that the god in this tab is Ptah, and not the similarly mummiform khonsu. Ptah is certainly attested in at least two other tabs, where he is accompanied by a caption naming him: these are documented in Altenmüller 2000a, no. 9 and in Daressy and Smith 1903, 154. The latter is said to be from a coffin numbered 98 (Daressy’s A-list) and JE 29713 (in Daressy and Smith 1903, 154), but these data do not match the information later registered in Daressy 1907, 7, 25, no. 42 (having same JE number and deceased’s name as in Daressy’s earlier article) and 10, 30, no. 98. Another example of Ptah is doubtful, for only a mummiform figure is preserved, and this could also be, e.g., khonsu; see Altenmüller 2000a, no. 82. One further occurrence of this god may be documented in another tab, of whose existence I was made aware by C erný’s notes to tab no. 22; see Bruyère 1937, 88, no. 4.

79 The nDm-sign is very poorly executed. Amun’s name is here written with the sign depicting the god, rather than being phonetically spelled out as in all the other specimens collected in this Catalogue.

80 The captions of both figures are lost. Only the lower part of the goddess is preserved, with only her right hand, holding a (wadj-headed?) staff, being visible. The goddesses currently known to be attested on tabs from mummy braces are Mut (who has the most attestations), Isis, Nekhbet, and Wadjet; see Altenmüller 2000a, 79-80. Concerning the nature of the offering in this tab, the human figure holds a vessel apparently in the shape of a nu-pot in his left hand, whilst his right hand is lost through damage.


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Luigi Prada

with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Text. Caption(s): lost, only minimal traces. Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, marked “106”. Perhaps match with Daressy 1907, 29, no. 83 =

Altenmüller 2000a, no. 21, mentioning Pinedjem, based on numbering alone (A83 = B106).

18. (C . h1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Menkheperre (l.) offering Maat to Montu (r.).81 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Text. Caption(s): → Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | MN-¢PR-Ra (‘The High Priest of Amun, MENkHEPERRE’). Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, marked “88” (compare with no. 19). Match with Daressy 1907, 27,

no. 64 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 4, based on text, iconography, and numbering (A64 = B88).

19. (C . h2)

Type. Tab.Scene. Menkheperre (r.) offering Maat to Montu (l.). In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs.Text. Caption(s): ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | MN-¢PR-Ra (‘The High Priest of Amun, MENkHEPERRE’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, marked “B88” (compare with no. 18). For a match, see remarks

to tab no. 18.

20. (C . x1) [Fig. 3, left]

Type. Tab.Scene. Pinedjem (l.), with uraeus, offering Maat to Montu (r.). In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Text. Caption(s): → Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr.w | PAy-nDm mAa-xrw (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, Pinedjem, justified’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this tab and no. 21 are preserved in two intact pairs, with an

extra pair marked “122”; further, one copy of this tab (no. 20) is marked “151”. Possible matches may include Daressy 1907, 23, no. 30 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 15, which bears the same text in the same orthography, or Daressy 1907, 30, no. 98 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 22, which names Pinedjem and is numbered B122. The number “151” shows no match with Daressy’s list A or B.

21. (C . x2) [Fig. 3, right]

Type. Tab.Scene. Pinedjem (r.), with uraeus, offering Maat to Montu (l.). In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs.

81 Here, as in the case of tabs nos. 19-21, the god’s name is not given, but his iconography is that of Montu (hieracocephalic human figure sporting a uraeus and a double-plumed sun disk). Besides the examples registered in this Catalogue, Montu is known to feature, though again without any written caption, in at least two more tabs; see Altenmüller 2000a, nos. 49 (god indication omitted), 78. These two instances have been alternatively classified as representations of Re-Horakhty (Feucht 1995a, 56), but the presence of the double plume in the god’s solar headdress, which is characteristic of Montu, excludes this interpretation. As already remarked, all examples known to me of Montu in tabs from mummy braces lack a caption naming the god. On account of this, one should note the potential ambiguity of Montu’s traditional iconography (as seen here) beginning with the Ramessid Period, for his headdress can then also be used in hieracocephalic depictions of khonsu; see Werner 1986, 204-216. The distinctive iconography of khonsu in the tabs that unambiguously feature him (mummiform, with flail, crook, and human head surmounted by the lunar disk and crescent; see nos. 22-23) seems however to endorse the identification of the god here as Montu. Even in the case of a tab showing a hieracocephalic khonsu (Altenmüller 2000a, no. 63), the iconography is yet markedly dissimilar from Montu’s, for here too the god sports the lunar disk and crescent atop his head.

387


Text. Caption(s): ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr.w | PAy-nDm mAa-xrw (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, Pinedjem, justified’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this tab and no. 20 are preserved in two intact pairs, with an extra

pair marked “122”. Perhaps match with Daressy 1907, 30, no. 98 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 22, which names Pinedjem and is numbered B122. Compare also with Daressy 1907, 23, no. 30 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 15, which however slightly differs in its orthography (writing of n).

22. (C . o1) [Fig. 4, left]

Type. Tab.Scene. The king (l.), with bull’s tail, offering Maat(?) to khonsu (r., on a plinth).82 Text. Caption(s): none, probably lost. Production note: ← iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | PAy-nDm sA PA-[%BA]-¢aI-[N]-NIW(.&) (‘Which the High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Son of PSUSENNES, made’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are three copies of this tab, one of which is marked “85”.

Match with Daressy 1907, 27, no. 61 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 20, based on text and numbering (A61 = B85).

23. (C . o2) [Fig. 4, right]

Type. Tab. Scene. Amenemope (r.) offering Maat to khonsu (l.). Text. Caption(s): ←↓ IMN-M-IP(.&) | → mr(y) #nsw (‘AMENEMOPE, beloved of khonsu”). Production note: → iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | PAy-nDm sA Mn-xpr-Ra (‘Which the High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre, made’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are two copies of this tab. Compare with Daressy 1907,

32, nos. 119, 120 = Altenmüller 2000a, nos. 25, 26, although neither is registered as also depicting Amenemope.83

24. (C . l1) [Fig. 5, left]

Type. Tab.Scene. Pinedjem (l.), with uraeus, supporting with his hands ithyphallic Amun-Re (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia.84 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs.Text. Caption(s): ↓→ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra | nsw.t nTr.w PAy-nDm | mAa-xrw sA Mn-xpr-Ra | ←↓ mr(y) Imn-Ra (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, Pinedjem, justified, Son of Menkheperre, beloved of Amun-Re’).

82 Neither figure is captioned: although C erný did not explicitly mark the surface as damaged in the relative area, it is likely that captions were originally present and later lost through damage, or perhaps they were originally faintly embossed (the same applies to the signs sbA and n in the cartouche within the production note). The iconography of the god is that of khonsu (including mummiform figure, pendant behind the neck, was-staff with crook and flail in his hands, lunar disk and crescent upon his head); the same iconography is found in tab no. 23, where a caption gives the god’s name. As for the officiant, he must be the king (probably Amenemope), as is typically the case in tabs including production notes (see fn. 76). The object held in the hand of the officiant is lost, but the position of his arms and of his other hand matches the one observed in tabs depicting the offer of Maat.

83 The former also diverges in its orthography (writing of PAy-nDm). In the case of the latter, the writing of iri.n with single n is probably the one found in the matching pendant.

84 For this embrace-like action, see e.g. the representation on a relief in the great hypostyle hall at karnak, where the king is steadying the god’s image, in Nelson 1981, Pl. 47. The action depicted in this and the next tab (no. 25) is slightly different from that of laying hands upon the god, which is generally observed in other tabs picturing an ithyphallic god, for here one of the officiant’s hand is seen emerging to the back of the god, supporting him under his raised arm. Concerning the insignia, these appear in all the tabs presented in this Catalogue that feature an ithyphallic god (either unnamed or labelled as Amun/Amun-Re), and consist of a lotiform fan-like element, typically with a shen-ring at its lower end, placed atop a naos (except for tabs nos. 38-39) and sometimes flanked by lettuce plants (in tabs nos. 24-25, 32, 34-37, 45). These insignia are recurrent in the representation of Min and other ithyphallic gods, such as here with Amun-Re; see kuhlmann 1983.


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Remarks. According to C erný’s notes, there are two copies of this tab, marked “42” (as no. 25) and

“90”, as well as another two marked “84” (as no. 13). Match with Daressy 1907, 24, no. 38 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 18, based on text (including the less frequent orthography of Pinedjem’s name, with m as phonetic complement and book roll-determinative) and numbering (A38 = B42). Perhaps compare also with Daressy 1907, 29, no. 83 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 21, two pairs of braces also showing the same less common orthography of Pinedjem’s name (though, here, without y). The numbers “90” and “84” show no match with Daressy’s list A or B.

25. (C . l2) [Fig. 5, right]

Type. Tab.Scene. Pinedjem (r.), with uraeus, supporting with his hands ithyphallic Amun-Re (l., on a plinth) backed by insignia. In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Text. Caption(s): ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr.w | PAy-nDm mAa-xrw sA Mn-xpr-Ra | ↓→ mr(y) Imn-Ra (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, Pinedjem, justified, Son of Menkheperre, beloved of Amun-Re’).85

Remarks. According to C erný’s notes, marked “42” (as no. 24). For a match, see remarks to tab no. 24.

26. (C . f1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Menkheperre (l.), with uraeus and bull’s tail, anointing the brow of ithyphallic Amun(-Re)(?) (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia.86 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs surmounted by a sequence of signs (from r. to l.: was-, djed-, was-, ankh-, was-, and djed-sign). Text. Caption(s): → anx Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | MN-¢PR-Ra (‘May the High Priest of Amun, MENkHEPERRE, live’). Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this tab and no. 27 are preserved on one complete pair, and are

both marked “12” (as nos. 1, 5). Match with Daressy 1907, 22, no. 11 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 2, based on text and numbering (A11 = B12).

27. (C . f2)

Type. Tab.Scene. Menkheperre (r.), with bull’s tail, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun(-Re)(?) (l., on a plinth) backed by insignia.87 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs surmounted by a sequence of signs (from r. to l.: was-, djed-, was-, ankh-, and was-sign).Text. Caption(s): ← anx Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn | MN-¢PR-Ra (‘May the High Priest of Amun, MENkHEPERRE, live’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this tab and no. 26 are preserved on one complete pair, and are both

marked “12” (as nos. 1, 5). For a match, see remarks to tab no. 26.

85 The mr-sign is here inverted, facing the opposite direction with respect to the signs composing Amun-Re’s name, certainly in order to obviate a problem of space and avoid any overlap with Amun-Re’s headdress’ plumes.

86 For similar representations of anointing gestures on a larger scale, see references in fn. 53. The god’s name is not indicated: I suggest an identification as Amun(-Re), for the insignia behind him are those accompanying Amun/Amun-Re, and not Min, in those tabs presented in this Catalogue that clearly label the god. However, outside this corpus the same insignia are commonly used in association with Min too, hence the query in my suggestion.

87 The god’s name is not indicated: for his suggested identification, see fn. 86. For the scene of laying hands upon the god, here depicted, which is recurrent in those tabs featuring an ithyphallic god, see the discussion earlier in this article (especially references in fn. 49).

389


28. (C . m1) [Fig. 6, left]

Type. Tab.Scene. The king (l.), with bull’s tail, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun-Re (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia.88 Text. Caption(s): → nb tA.wy [… (name in cartouche)] | nb xa.w [… (name in cartouche)] (‘The Lord of the Two Lands, […], the Lord of Diadems, […]’). ← Imn-Ra (‘Amun-Re’). Production note: ← ir(y) Xr-a sbA n Hm=f | Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm | sA nb tA.wy PA-%BA-¢aI-N-NIW(.&) MR(Y)-IMN (‘Made under the direction of one instructed by his majesty, the High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Son of the Lord of the Two Lands, PSUSENNES MERIAMUN’).89 Remarks. The only comparative material for this tab is the next one (no. 29), which bears a similar production note and scene.

29. (C . m2) [Fig. 6, right]

Type. Tab.Scene. The king (r.), with bull’s tail, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun-Re (l.) backed by insignia and faced by a lettuce plant.90 Text. Caption(s): [… (name in cartouche)] | [… (name in cartouche)] (‘[…] […]’). → [I]mn-Ra (‘[A]mon-Re’). Production note: ← ir(y) Xr-a [sbA] n Hm=f | Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn [PAy-nDm | sA Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Mn-xpr-Ra] (‘Made under the direction of [one instructed] by his majesty, the High Priest of Amun, [Pinedjem Son of the High Priest of Amun, Menkheperre]’).91 Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, marked “139”. Match with Daressy 1907, 31, no. 114 = Altenmüller

2000a, no. 24, based on text (a more exact copy of which is in Daressy 1896a, 75, no. 114) and numbering (A114 = B139).

30. (C . i1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Smendes (r.) anointing the brow of ithyphallic Amun-Re (l., on a plinth) backed by insignia.92 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs.Text. Caption(s): ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Ns-BA-nb-+d(.t) | ↓ di anx (‘The High Priest of Amun, Smendes, given life’). → Imn-Ra (‘Amun-Re’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are two copies of this tab, one of which is marked “29668”

(as no. 31). Based on Daressy 1907, 11, this JE number should correspond to Daressy’s A-list no. 114 (but a different equivalence, with A87, is given in Niwin’ski 1988, 203). If so, this tab would have to be associated with the set recorded in Daressy 1907, 31, no. 114 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 24 and documented by tab no. 29, which seems to be excluded. Comparison with the items registered under Daressy’s A-list no. 87 (Niwin’ski 1988, 125, no. 111) shows no match.

88 The names in the cartouches are lost. 89 In Imn, the expected phonetic complement n is missing. In the cartouche, all signs apart from xai-n-niw(.t) are damaged.

The phrasing of this tab’s production note (also attested in the next tab, no. 29) is relatively infrequent (see Wb III, 387.2 and IV, 84.17), as discussed by Jansen-Winkeln 1990, 139.

90 The names in the cartouches are lost. The feet of the god, including the expected plinth, are lost. 91 The text of the production note is lost for the most part, and is restored here, as in C erný’s facsimile, based on the

copies (slightly divergent from one another) published in Daressy 1896a, 75, no. 114 and Daressy 1907, 31, no. 114. For this infrequent production formula, see fn. 89.

92 Unlike all other tabs presenting anointing scenes (normally showing the officiant holding an ointment vessel in one hand and anointing the divine figure’s brow with the other), this includes an extra element, that is, a wedjat-eye in the officiant’s anointing hand. This eye, symbolising the ointment on the officiant’s little finger, is sometimes found in this type of scene (Lurson 2001, 67, fn. 11): see e.g. the statuette of the king represented in a relief in the great hypostyle hall at karnak, in Nelson 1981, Pl. 153 (here inexactly labelled as an incense offering scene; the nature of the offering as ointment is made explicit in its caption, mentioning the medjet-unguent) and Eaton 2013, 148, Fig. 7.12.


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31. (C . i2)

Type. Tab.Scene. Smendes (l.) anointing the brow of ithyphallic Amun-Re (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia. In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs.Text. Caption(s): → Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Ns-BA-nb-+d(.t) | ↓ di anx (‘The High Priest of Amun, Smendes, given life’). ← Imn-Ra (‘Amun-Re’).Remarks. According to C


(as no. 30), whilst the other is marked both “29668” and “19” (no match with Daressy’s list A or B).93 Concerning the JE number, see remarks to tab no. 30.

32. (C . q1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Amenemope (r.), with uraeus and bull’s tail, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun-Re (l., on a plinth) backed by insignia. Text. Caption(s): ←↓ nTr nfr | IMN-M-IP(.&) (“The Perfect God, AMENEMOPE”). → Imn-Ra (“Amun-Re”). Bottom register: ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm | sA-nsw(.t) PA-%BA-¢aI-N-NIW(.&) MR(Y)-IMN (‘The High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN’).94

Remarks. Compare with Daressy 1907, 23, no. 24 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 35, whose text (omission of nsw(.t)) and orthography (writing of PAy-nDm) however slightly differ. Perhaps compare also with Daressy 1907, 28, no. 82 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 37, whose text (omission of nTr nfr and of niw(.t)) and orthography (writing of n) also differ.

33. (C . q2)

Type. Tab.Scene. Amenemope (l.), with uraeus and bull’s tail, laying hands(?) on ithyphallic Amun-Re (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia.95 Text. Caption(s): ↓→ nTr nfr | IMN-M-IP(.&) (‘The Perfect God, AMENEMOPE’). ← Imn-Ra (“Amun-Re”). Bottom register: → Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm | sA-nsw(.t) PA-%BA-¢aI-N-NIW(.&) MR(Y)-IMN (‘The High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN’).96

Remarks. For comparative material, see remarks to tab no. 32.

34. (C . t1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Pinedjem (l.), with uraeus, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun(-Re)(?) (r.) backed by insignia.97 In bottom register, remains of a frieze with the top part of a was- and an ankh-sign still visible at its right end (originally, probably of the same type as the frieze in tab no. 35).

93 An additional note by C erný adds: “lower part of a somewhat similar brace from Makere’s mummy (C. 61088); upper part illegible”.

94 The bottom register of this and the next tab (no. 33) is slightly unusual, in that it contains a text which is not explicitly marked as a production note (as is the case in all other tabs showing inscriptions in the bottom register, a space otherwise reserved for a decorative frieze), i.e., a text not introduced by either iri.n or ir(y) Xr-a. Despite this, it appears that, here too, the function of this text is that of a production note.

95 Of the insignia, only the naos is preserved, the rest being lost. The representation of the action performed by the officiant is partly different from that described elsewhere as “laying hands”, for neither of his hands is touching the god: given the position of his left hand, up high with the palm facing the god’s face, some other ritual may be here depicted. For instance, scenes associated with the ritual of uncovering the god’s face in later temple reliefs show the officiant’s arms in a position similar to that of this tab, with the god sometimes represented directly before the king (as here), rather than still within his shrine (see Beinlich 2008, 139).

96 On the peculiarity of the text in the bottom register of this tab, see fn. 94. 97 The god’s name is not indicated: for his suggested identification, see fn. 86.

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Text. Caption(s): → Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr.w | PAy-nDm mAa-xrw (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, Pinedjem, justified’).Remarks. Compare with Daressy 1907, 23, no. 30 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 15, which however slightly differs in its orthography (writing of n).

35. (C . t2)

Type. Tab.Scene. Pinedjem (r.), with uraeus, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun(-Re)(?) (l., on a plinth) backed by insignia.98 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Text. Caption(s): ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr.w | PA(y)-nDm mAa-xrw (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, Pinedjem, justified’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are two copies of this tab, one of which is seemingly marked

“26712” (the second digit is unclear: alternatively, it could be 22712 or 24712). Compare with Daressy 1907, 23, no. 30 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 15, which however slightly differs in its orthography (writing of PAy-nDm and n).

36. (C . y1) [Fig. 7, left]

Type. Tab.Scene. Psusennes (l.) laying hands on ithyphallic Amun-Re (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia. In bottom register, a frieze with an ankh-sign flanked by two was- and ankh-signs. Text. Caption(s): ↓→ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr(.w) | PA-sbA-xai-n-niw.t sA PA(y)-nDm (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, Psusennes Son of Pinedjem’). ←↓ Imn-Ra nb p.t (‘Amun-Re Lord of the Sky’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are three copies of this tab, two of which are marked,

respectively, “B49” (no match with Daressy’s list A or B) and “133” (as no. 37). Perhaps match with Daressy 1907, 35, no. 133 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 45, based on text (which however shows discrepancies in the writing of nTr.w and p.t) and numbering (A133). Perhaps compare also with Daressy 1907, 37, no. 148 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 46, which shows the same orthographic discrepancies.99

37. (C . y2) [Fig. 7, right]

Type. Tab.Scene. Psusennes (r.) laying hands on ithyphallic Amun-Re (l.) backed by insignia. In bottom register, a frieze with an ankh-sign flanked by two was- and ankh-signs. Text. Caption(s): ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr.w | [PA]-sbA-[xai]-n-niw[.t] sA PA(y)-[nDm] (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, [P]su[se]nnes Son of Pi[nedjem]’). ↓→ I[m]n-[Ra] nb [p.t] (‘A[m]on-[Re] Lord of the [Sky]’).Remarks. According to C


(as no. 36). For a possible match (here also paralleling the writing of nTr.w), see remarks to tab no. 36.

38. (C . s1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Amenemope (l.), with uraeus and bull’s tail, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun-Re (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia. In bottom register, a frieze with a sequence of signs (from r. to l.: ankh-, was-, djed-, and ankh-sign). Text. Caption(s): ↓→ IMN-M-IP(.&) | ←↓ mr(y) Imn-Ra (‘AMENEMOPE, beloved of Amun-Re’).Remarks. Perhaps compare with Daressy 1907, 32, no. 116, 38, no. 152 = Altenmüller 2000a, nos. 51, 52.

98 The god’s name is not indicated: for his suggested identification, see fn. 86.99 As in all other similar cases discussed in this Catalogue, it is possible that these minor inconsistencies might be due to

inaccuracies in Daressy’s copies, and not actually reflect the real situation (see fn. 65).


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39. (C . s2)

Type. Tab.Scene. Amenemope (r.), with uraeus and bull’s tail, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun-Re (l., on a plinth) backed by insignia.100 In bottom register, a frieze with a sequence of signs (from r. to l.: ankh-, djed-, was-, and ankh-sign). Text. Caption(s): ←↓ [IMN]-M-IP(.&) | ↓→ mr(y) [Imn-Ra] (‘[AMEN]EMOPE, beloved of [Amun-Re]’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, marked “155” (no match with Daressy’s list A or B). For comparative

material, see remarks to tab no. 38.

40. (C . j1) [Fig. 8, left]

Type. Tab.Scene. Smendes (l.) laying hands on ithyphallic Amun (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia. In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs.Text. Caption(s): → Hm-nTr tp(y) [n] Imn [Nsy]-BA-nb-+d(.t) | ↓ di anx (‘The High Priest [of] Amun, [S]mendes, given life’). ← Imn (‘Amun’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this tab and no. 41 belong to a pair marked “104” (as nos. 10, 11;

no match with Daressy’s list A or B).

41. (C . j2) [Fig. 8, right]

Type. Tab.Scene. Smendes (r.) laying hands on Min (l., on a plinth) backed by insignia.101 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Text. Caption(s): ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Nsy-BA-nb-+d(.t) | ↓ di anx (‘The High Priest of Amun, Smendes, given life’). → Mnw (‘Min’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this tab and no. 40 belong to a pair marked “104” (as nos. 10, 11;

see remarks to tab no. 40).

42. (C . g1)

Type. Tab.Scene. Menkheperre (r., image completely lost) before ithyphallic Amun-Re (l., only double plume, flail, and raised arm extant). Text. Caption(s): ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Mn-xpr-Ra | sA-nsw(.t) PAY-N+M MR(Y)-IMN (‘The High Priest of Amun, Menkheperre Royal Son of PINEDJEM MERIAMUN’). → Imn-Ra (‘Amun-Re’).Remarks. Perhaps match with the second set of braces listed in Daressy 1907, 31, no. 113 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 8, based on text and iconography; about this set, see also Aston 2009, 184, TG 786, 381. Perhaps to be associated with tab no. 45 (as suspected by C

erný)?

43. (C . cc1)

Type. Tab.Scene. An ithyphallic god (centre, looking l.) backed by insignia and faced by an offering stand, which is flanked by two lettuce plants.102

100 The name of the god is lost in lacuna, but the perfect parallel found in the better-preserved tab no. 38 suggests that here too Amun-Re is depicted.

101 The insignia of Min are different from those associated with other ithyphallic gods in the tabs collected in this Catalogue: they depict Min’s characteristic conical shrine, with a porch and a horned mast at its front; see Munro 1983.

102 This and the following tab (no. 44) are highly unusual, inasmuch as they bear the image of a god only, without any officiant in front of him. There is no indication of the god’s name in this tab, but the presence of the insignia found elsewhere in this corpus in combination with Amun/Amun-Re, along with the similarity between this tab and no. 44 (possibly preserving part of Amun-Re’s name), suggests that he may be the god here depicted, rather than Min.

393


Text. None.103

Remarks. None.

44. (C . cc2)

Type. Tab.Scene. Ithyphallic Amun-Re(?) (centre, looking r.) backed by insignia and faced by an offering stand. Text. Caption(s): only two signs are visible, seemingly mn and ra (possibly as part of Amun-Re’s name?). Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, there are two copies of this tab, one of which is marked “35” (no

match with Daressy’s list A or B).

45. (C . g2)

Type. Tab.Scene. The High Priest of Amun (r.), with uraeus, laying hands on ithyphallic Amun(-Re)(?) (l., on a plinth) backed by insignia.104 In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs. Text. Caption(s): ←↓ … | sA-nsw(.t) [… (name in cartouche)] (‘… Royal Son of […]’).105

Remarks. Perhaps to be associated with tab no. 42 (as suspected by C erný)?

46. (C . no number)

Type. Pendant (menat).Text. ←↓ nb tA.wy @©-¢PR-Ra %&P.N-Ra nb xa.w ^^(N)Q MR(Y)-IMN di anx mi Ra D.t (‘The Lord of the Two Lands, HEDJkHEPERRE SETEPENRE, the Lord of Diadems, SHESHONQ MERIAMUN, given life like Re forever’).Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this pendant and no. 47 are both marked “26292”. JE numbers

in this range appear to pertain to the First Cache. Compare with a similar item described in Maspero 1889, 573, which however shows differences in the inscription (such as the lack of mi Ra).

47. (C . no number)

Type. Pendant (menkhet). Text. None (item uninscribed). Remarks. According to C

erný’s notes, this pendant and no. 46 are both marked “26292” (see remarks

to pendant no. 46).

48. (C . no number)

Type. Tab.Scene. Sheshonq (l.) laying hands(?) on ithyphallic Amun(-Re)(?) (r., on a plinth) backed by insignia and faced by a lettuce plant.106

103 It is unclear whether this tab ever bore any caption that was subsequently lost through damage. In his hand-copy, C erný does not explicitly mark any damage to the surface.

104 The god’s name cannot be read: for his suggested identification, see fn. 86. The officiant’s name cannot be read either, but the epithet ‘Royal Son’, compared to other occurrences in the corpus collected in this Catalogue, suggests that he should be the High Priest of Amun.

105 Above the scene, two of the in origin probably three vertical columns of text (of which, one must have contained the god’s name, the other two the name of the officiant) cannot be read, as they are covered, as indicated by C erný’s own note, by another brace. As for the cartouche, the text that it contained is lost through damage. Perhaps, if this tab is to be associated with no. 42, the inscriptions might have originally indicated Amun-Re and Menkheperre.

106 The god’s name is lost, but was probably present originally (based on the general patterns identified earlier in this article): for his suggested identification, see fn. 86. Of the insignia, only part of the naos is visible. The action of the officiant may be the same found in tab no. 33, for the position of his hands is here the same (see fn. 95). Alternatively, this might even be a scene of anointing, if the officiant originally held a vessel now disappeared.


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Text. Caption(s): ←↓ ^^NQ (‘SHESHONQ’).107 Production note: → iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra | (‘Which the High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods, Iuput, justified, made’).Remarks. Compare with a similar item described in Maspero 1889, 573 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 47, which however shows no cartouche of Sheshonq and a slightly different orthography for Iuput’s name.

appendix a

Chronological overview of the kings and High Priests of Amun whose mention is preserved in the texts of the tabs and pendants collected in the Catalogue.

Only in the case of no. 29 is a mention in lost text included in this overview, as the inscription can be restored with full certainty from an earlier copy of it. In all other cases, even if the identity of a personage whose caption is lost can be positively deduced (e.g. Amenemope in nos. 11, 22), the occurrence is not registered in this Appendix. All epithets occurring in the texts are here reproduced, with the exception of those in the format ‘beloved of + divine name’, which are primarily used as a deity’s caption (abbreviations: HPA = High Priest of Amun; HPARkG = High Priest of Amun-Re king of the Gods; LD = Lord of Diadems; LTL = Lord of the Two Lands; PG = Perfect God). All numbers indicate tabs, unless they are followed by (P), to indicate pendants.

No mention of kings or High Priests of Amun is recorded in tabs nos. 8, 9, 17, 43, 44, 45, 47.

21st Dynasty: King amenemope:

AMENEMOPE: 38, 39. AMENEMOPE (+ HPA Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre): 10, 23. PG AMENEMOPE (+ HPA Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN): 32, 33.

HPa menkheperre:HPA MENkHEPERRE: 18, 19, 26, 27. HPA Menkheperre Son of PINEDJEM MERIAMUN: 1 (P), 5 (P). HPA Menkheperre Royal Son of PINEDJEM MERIAMUN: 42.

HPa smendes (ii):HPA Smendes: 4 (P), 12, 30, 31, 40, 41.

HPa Pinedjem ii:108

HPA Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre: 2 (P). HPA Pinedjem Son of the HPA Menkheperre: 29 (text restored). HPARkG Pinedjem justified Son of Menkheperre: 24, 25. HPA Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre (+ AMENEMOPE): 10, 23. HPA Pinedjem Son of PSUSENNES: 11, 22. HPA Pinedjem Son of the LTL PSUSENNES MERIAMUN: 28. HPA Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN: 6 (P). HPA Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN (+ PG AMENEMOPE): 32, 33.

107 The top of the tab, including the upper edge of Sheshonq’s cartouche, is lost, so it is impossible to tell whether his name was preceded by any epithet. In the spelling of his name, the q-sign (here found above, rather than underneath, the n-sign) has an orientation opposite to that expected, facing left, whilst the officiant in the scene, below Sheshonq’s cartouche, is in fact facing right.

108 Named, in some items, as son of the High Priest of Amun Menkheperre and, in others, as (nominal) son of king Psusennes I; see Jansen-Winkeln 2006a, 230.

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HPA Pinedjem:109 15, 16. HPARkG Pinedjem justified: 20, 21, 34, 35.

HPa Psusennes (iii):HPA Psusennes: 13, 14. HPA Psusennes Son of Pinedjem: 3 (P), 7 (P). HPARkG Psusennes Son of Pinedjem: 36, 37.

22nd Dynasty:King sheshonq i:

LTL HEDJkHEPERRE SETEPENRE LD SHESHONQ MERIAMUN: 46 (P). SHESHONQ (+ HPARkG Iuput justified): 48.

HPa iuput: HPARkG Iuput justified (+ SHESHONQ): 48.

appendix B

Overview of the deities featured in the tabs collected in the Catalogue, ordered alphabetically.

All epithets occurring in the texts are here reproduced (abbreviations: GLAMAG = The Great, Lady of Asheru, Mistress of All the Gods; LS = Lord of the Sky; MG = Mistress of the Gods). A number followed by (I) indicates that an image of a deity is depicted in the scene, but this deity is not named in the text; a number followed by (T) indicates that a deity is mentioned in the text only, and is not depicted. In all other cases, it is implied that a deity is both depicted and named.

Amun (ithyphallic): 40. Amun-Re (ithyphallic): 24, 25, 26(?) (I), 27(?) (I), 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34(?) (I), 35(?) (I), 36 (LS), 37 (LS), 38, 39, 42, 44(?) (perhaps caption only partly extant), 45(?) (I), 48(?) (I). khonsu: 22 (I), 23. Min: 41. Montu: 18 (I), 19 (I), 20 (I), 21 (I). Mut: 8 (T; GLAMAG), 9 (T; GLAMAG), 10, 11 (I), 12 (MG), 13, 14, 15. Ptah: 16 (I). Unidentified goddess: 17 (I). Unidentified ithyphallic god: 43 (I).

109 Concerning the entries in this and the next line, Pinedjem is here mentioned without indication of his filiation, which causes uncertainty as to whether this is Pinedjem I or II. Previous studies have assumed these attestations of Pinedjem’s name to pertain to Pinedjem II (e.g. Altenmüller 2000a, 77; Jansen-Winkeln 2007a, 223, nos. 73-74), though some with caution (e.g. Niwin’ski 1988, 52, fn. 129). In some cases, the association of a tab with other items stemming from the same burial ensemble may help clarify things. This is the case for tab no. 16, stemming from a mummy also accompanied by a piece of cloth dated to the 48th year of Menkheperre (Daressy 1907, 30, no. 105), which suggests that, by proximity in time, any associated item mentioning Pinedjem is likelier to refer to one of Menkheperre’s successors, Pinedjem II, rather than his predecessor, Pinedjem I. But, in other cases, there remains uncertainty. Here, I list all these few problematic attestations of ‘Pinedjem’ under Pinedjem II, but the reader is warned that this must not necessarily be the case.


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appendix c

Overview of the actions/situations featured in the scenes of the tabs collected in the Catalogue, with indication of the deity involved (abbreviations: A = Amun; AR = Amun-Re; k = khonsu; M = Min; Mo = Montu; Mu = Mut; P = Ptah; UG = unidentified goddess; UIG = unidentified ithyphallic god) and ordered by frequency of attestations.

Laying hands upon the deity: 27 (AR?), 28 (AR), 29 (AR), 32 (AR), 33(?)(AR), 34 (AR?), 35 (AR?), 36 (AR), 37 (AR), 38 (AR), 39 (AR), 40 (A), 41 (M), 45 (AR?), 48(?) (AR?). Offer of Maat: 10 (Mu), 11 (Mu), 13 (Mu), 14 (Mu), 15 (Mu), 18 (Mo), 19 (Mo), 20 (Mo), 21 (Mo), 22(?) (k), 23 (k). Anointing the brow of the deity: 26 (AR?), 30 (AR), 31 (AR). Deity alone, without officiant: 43 (UIG), 44 (AR?). Supporting the deity: 24 (AR), 25 (AR). Adoration: 16 (P).Offer of ointment vessels: 12 (Mu). Unspecified offer: 17 (UG). Scene absent or lost: 8 (Mu), 9 (Mu), 42 (AR).

BiBliOgRAPhY

597

AA.VV. 1878. Documenti inediti per servire alla storia dei Musei d’Italia, pubblicati a cura del Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione, vol. I. Firenze-Roma: Tipografia Bencini.

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Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. 1851. Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia (1850 & 1852). Philadelphia: Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia.

Adams, Judith, and Chrissie Alsop. 2008. “Imaging in Egyptian mummies”. In Egyptian mummies and modern science, ed. Rosalie David, 21-42. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Adams, C. V. Anthony. 1966. “The manufacture of ancient Egyptian cartonnage mummy-cases”. Smithsonian Journal of History 1, 3: 55-56.

Adams, C. V. Anthony. 1990. “An investigation into the mummies presented to H. R. H. the Prince of Wales in 1869”. Discussions in Egyptology 18: 5-19.

Adams, John M. 2013. The millionaire and the mummies. Theodore Davis’s gilded age in the Valley of the Kings. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

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Photo credits

Photos © Governatorato SCV, Direzione dei MuseiImages and Rights Office: Rosanna Di Pinto, Filippo PetrignaniSecretary for Departments: Daniela Valci, Gianfranco MastrangeliPhotographers: Pietro Zigrossi, Alessandro Bracchetti, Giampaolo Capone, Luigi Giordano, Danilo Pivato, Alessandro PrinzivallePhotos R. Hiramoto: pp. 104, 216Photos N. Crawford: pp. 211, 215

© The Fitzwillian Museum, Cambridge: pp. 522-527 © Arheološki Muzej in Zagreb (kind permission): pp. 552-555 (photo F. Beusan) © Bibliotheca Alexandrina Antiquities Museum (photo C. Gerigk): p. 24 (fig. 4) © Bolton Council from the collections of Bolton Museum: p. 479 (fig. 12)© Boris Lipnitzki/Roger-Viollet/Archivi Alinari, Firenze: p. 562 (fig. 1)© Castello del Buonconsiglio, Trento: pp. 271, 273-275© Cl. Ghislaine Gendron, Musée Dobrée — Grand patrimoine de Loire-Atlantique: p. 130 (fig. 1A)© Leeds Museums and Art Galleries (City Museum), UK: p. 80 © Liebieghaus Skulpturen Sammlung/Bormann: p. 81© Musée d’art et d’histoire, Ville de Genève: pp. 252 (photo Y. Siza), 253 (photo B. Jacot-Descombes), 429 (fig. 6, inv. n. 012440, photo M. Aeschimann et B. Jacot-Descombes)© Musée Testut Latarjet d’Anatomie et d’Histoire naturelle médicale, Lyon (kind permission): p. 131 © Museo del Vicino Oriente, Egitto e Mediterraneo, Sapienza University of Rome (photo M. Necci): pp. 407, 509 © Neuchâtel Museum of Ethnography, Switzerland: pp. 251 (fig. 2), 254, 507 (fig. 8)© TAJAN: p. 130 (fig. 1C) © The Cleveland Museum of Art: p. 25 © The Trustees of the British Museum: pp. 22-23, 26-27, 138, 139 (fig. 2), 141 (fig. 5 ), 309-315, 543-550 © University of Basel Kings’ Valley Project: pp. 84-85 (fig. 2, drawing by T. Alsheimer), 86-87 (photo M. Kacicnik) © Ville de Clermont-Ferrand – Collections du Musée Bargoin, cl. T. Mollard: p. 126 (fig. 3B)Archives nationales de France, AF17 17240: p. 123 Bibliothèque nationale de France: p. 441 (fig. 8)Brooklyn Museum (kind permission): p. 441 (fig. 7) C2RMF (kind permission): pp. 172 (fig. 2, photo G. de Puniet; fig. 3, image by S. Pagès-Camagna), 173 (image by S. Pagès-Camagna)Central Manchester University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust (kind permission): pp. 54-55Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte di Trieste (kind permission): pp. 318-322 Civico Museo Archeologico, Asti (kind permission): pp. 278-279, 281-285 Collection Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle de la Rochelle: pp. 114-119, 567 (fig. b)Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (kind permission): pp. 407-416 Courtesy of The Egypt Exploration Society: p. 37 (right image)Courtesy of the Middle American Research Institute, Tulane University: pp. 329-333 Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Kairo (kind permission): pp. 452-453 (drawing by S. Michels), 457 (drawing by S. Fetler), 458-462 Éditions Musée du Louvre (kind permission): p. 428 (fig. 4) Faculty of Archaeology, Cairo University (kind permission): pp. 202-205 Fondazione Museo delle Antichità Egizie di Torino (kind permission): pp. 92-95, 107 (figs. 8-9), 107 (fig. 8, photo N. Crawford; fig. 9, photo R. Hiramoto) G. Schreiber (kind permission): pp. 464-470 (photo L. Mátyus) Garstang Museum of Archaeology, University of Liverpool (kind permission): pp. 293-294 (figs. 1-3, photo by the authors of the essay) Griffith Institute, University of Oxford: pp. 370-377, 430 Images by A. Tang (kind permission): pp. 212-213 KNH Centre for Biomedical Egyptology University of Manchester — Ancient Egyptian Animal Bio Bank Project, Central Manchester University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust (kind permission): pp. 295-296 (photo C. Brassey), 297 (photo by the authors of the essay) Kramskoy Voronezh Regional Art Museum (kind permission): p. 531 (fig. 3, photo S. Kupriyanov)Kunsthistorisches Museum, Wien: pp. 106 (photo N. Crawford), 427

Lviv Historical Museum (kind permission): p. 539 Lviv Museum of the History of Religion (kind permission): p. 536Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm (kind permission): pp. 145-151 (photos A. Dodson)Musée d’Archéologie Méditerranéenne, Centre de la Vieille Charité, Marseille (kind permission): pp. 126 (fig. 3A), 130 (fig. 1B)Musée des Beaux-arts de Lyon (kind permission): pp. 126 (fig. 3C, photo A. Dautant), 221, 227-230 (photo A. Basset)Musée du Louvre (kind permission): pp. 105 (fig. 3 photo N. Crawford), 171 (photo C2RMF/G. de Puniet), 174 (photo M. Garcia-Darowska), 175 (photo C2RMF/G. de Puniet and M. Garcia-Darowska), 176 (photo C2RMF/A. Chauvet), 177 (photo C2RMF/G. de Puniet and M. Garcia-Darowska)Museo Civico Archeologico, Bologna (kind permission): pp. 362-367 Museo Egizio, Firenze (kind permission): pp. 105 (fig. 4, photo R. Hiramoto; fig. 5, photo N. Crawford), 107 (fig. 10, photo R. Hiramoto), 108 (photo R. Hiramoto), 180-182, 214, 217 (photos R. Hiramoto) Museum Appenzell (kind permission): p. 251 (fig. 3) Museum Gustavianum, Uppsala University (kind permission): pp. 342-345Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest, 2017 (kind permission): pp. 261-269 National Museum in Warsaw (kind permission): pp. 156-162 (figs. 1, 3, 6, 7: photos Z. Dolin' ski), (figs. 2, 4, 8: photos M. Dolin' ski) Odessa Archaeological Museum (kind permission): pp. 530, 531 (fig. 2) and 532 (photos N. Tarasenko)Peter Brand (kind permission): p. 429 (fig. 5)Photo © Musée du Louvre, dist. RMN-Grand Palais/Georges Poncet: pp. 79, 105 (fig. 2, photo R. Hiramoto), 442 (fig. 9) Photo © Musée du Louvre, dist. RMN-Grand Palais/Les frères Chuzeville: pp. 71, 440 (fig. 5) Photo I. Pridden (kind permission of the author of the essay): pp. 472-478 pmimage.ch/Neuchâtel Museum of Ethnography, Switzerland: pp. 503-507 (fig. 7), 508Private Archives Haccius, courtesy of Bernard Haccius: p. 250 (photo F. Temporel)Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden (kind permission): pp. 139 (fig. 3), 140, 419-424 Su gentile concessione del Comune di Padova, Assessorato Cultura e Turismo, Museo Archeologico — Musei Civici agli Eremitani: pp. 120-121The Egyptian Museum, Cairo (kind permission): pp. 24 (fig. 3), 186, 188, 245-248, 346-348, 425, 428, 439 (fig.2) The McManus: Dundee’s Art Gallery & Museum (kind permission): pp. 32-36, 41-43 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of Mrs. G. W. Neville and Miss Cardwell, 1906 (kind permission): p. 479 (fig. 11) The National Heritage Institute, Regional Historic Sites Management in Prague (kind permission): p. 440 (fig. 3)The University of Manchester, Manchester Museum (kind permission): pp. 51-52, 53 (photo authors of the essay), 54-55University of Dundee, Ninewells Hospital & Medical School Clinical Research Imaging Facility, CRIF (kind permission of L. Bidaut): p. 37 (left image)Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond, lent by The Metropolitan Museum of Art (photo L. Boudreau): p. 440 (fig. 4)

Drawings by L. Di Ninno (kind permission of the author of the essay): p. 511 (fig. 2)Drawings by L. Sist and I. Melandri (kind permission of the author of the essay): p. 513 (fig. 5) Drawing by P. del Vesco and E. Taccola (kind permission of the author of the essay): p. 63 (fig. 1)

The images associated with each text, if not otherwise specified, have been provided by the respective authors, who assume any liability to third parties for their reproduction.The Publisher is fully prepared to provide compensation due for any images for which it has not been possible to identify and locate the source.

A Contribution to the Textual and Iconographical Study of Embossments from Third Intermediate Period...

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