Studies presented to Pontus Hellström

Edited by

Lars Karlsson Susanne Carlsson

and Jesper Blid Kullberg

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS BOREAS. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 35 Series editor: Gunnel Ekroth Editors: Lars Karlsson, Susanne Carlsson and Jesper Blid Kullberg Address: Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Box 626, SE-751 26, Uppsala, Sweden The English text was revised by Catherine Parnell Abstract Lars Karlsson, Susanne Carlsson and Jesper Blid Kullberg (eds.), . Studies presented to Pontus Hellström. Boreas. Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civilizations 35, Uppsala 2014. 533 pp., with 231 ills., ISBN 978-91-554-8831-4 This volume contains studies on Classical Antiquity presented to Professor Pontus Hellström on his 75th birthday in January 2014. The 41 papers cover subjects ranging from the Etruscans and Rome in the west, to Greece, the landscape of Karia, and to the Sanctuary of Zeus at Labraunda. Many papers deal with new discoveries at Labraunda, but sites in the surrounding area, such as Alabanda, Iasos, and Halikarnassos are well represented, as well as Ephesos and Smyrna. Many architectural studies are included, and these examine both Labraundan buildings and topics such as masonry, Vitruvius, the Erechtheion, stoas, watermills, and Lelegian houses. Other papers deal with ancient coins, ancient music, Greek meatballs, and Karian theories on the origin of ancient Greece. Keywords: Pontus Hellström, Labraunda, Karia, Ancient Turkey, sanctuary, Ancient Greece, Hellenistic, Roman, Hekatomnid, archaeological excavations Jacket illustration: Pontus Hellström Collage by Jesper Blid Kullberg 2013. © Respective authors ISSN 0346-6442 ISBN 978-91-554-8831-4 Printed in Sweden by Edita Bobergs AB, 2014 Distributor: Uppsala University Library, Box 510, SE-751 20 Uppsala, Sweden www.uu.se; acta@ub.uu.se

Contents

To Pontus ................................................................................................... 7 Pontus Hellström, a dynamic exhibition curator at Medelhavsmuseet by Suzanne Unge Sörling .......................................................................... 9 LABRAUNDA Flowers and garlands of the alsos. Verdant themes in the architectural sculpture of Labraunda by Jesper Blid Kullberg ................ 19 The travels of Zeus Labraundos by Naomi Carless Unwin ..................... 43 Antae in the afternoon: notes on the Hellenistic and Roman architecture of Labraunda by Ragnar Hedlund ....................................... 57 Then whose tomb is that ? by Olivier Henry ........................................... 71 The Labraunda hydrophoroi by Lars Karlsson ....................................... 87 Coins from Labraunda in Ödemi by Harald Nilsson ............................. 93 Greek notes on Labraunda and Milas by Katerina Stathi ..................... 101 Quelques observations sur la forteresse de Labraunda par Baptiste Vergnaud ........................................................................... 107 A room with a view. Karian landscape on display through the andrones at Labraunda by Christina G. Williamson ............................. 123 ETRUSCANS AND ROME Ein kilikischer Sarkophag mit Sänftendarstellung im Museum von Adana von Eva Christof & Ergün Lafl ........................... 141 Tracking solidi—from Thessalonica to Hjärpestad by Svante Fischer .................................................................................. 153 Egyptian gods on Athenian lamps of the Late Roman period by Arja Karivieri ................................................................................... 163 The “Bearded intellectual” in the Villa of the Papyri: How about Cineas? by Allan Klynne ............................................................. 171 Some notes on an ivory diptych and the reputation of an emperor by Hans Lejdegård .................................................................. 179 The book and the building:Vitruvian symmetry by Johan Mårtelius ................................................................................ 187 Images of animals in Etruscan tomb paintings and on cinerary urns and sarcophagi by Charlotte Scheffer ............................................ 195 Early water-mills east of the Rhine by Örjan Wikander ....................... 205

ANCIENT GREECE A note on minced meat in ancient Greece by Gunnel Ekroth ................ 223 Marginally drafted masonry as an aesthetic element by Axel Frejman ..................................................................................... 237 The stone doors of the Erechtheion by Henrik Gerding ........................ 251 Rediscovery of a donator: FW Spiegelthal, Swedish consul at Smyrna by Anne-Marie Leander Touati ................................................ 271 Music, morale, mistresses, and musical women in Greece by Gullög Nordquist .............................................................................. 279 Looking (again) at the grave stelai from Smyrna by Eva Rystedt .......... 289 Karian theories: seeking the origins of ancient Greece by Johannes Siapkas .............................................................................. 301 The Greek oikos: a space for interaction, revisited and reconsidered by Birgitta L. Sjöberg ....................................................... 315 Was anything measured? by Thomas Thieme ........................................ 329 Why it should be obvious that Euhemerus did not write his Sacred History to bolster ruler cult by Marianne Wifstrand Schiebe .... 341 KARIA A marble head from Alabanda by Fatma Ba datl Çam ....................... 353 Culti orientali a Iasos: ipotesi interpretativa di un edificio di età romana di Daniela Baldoni .............................................................. 369 A monumental tomb complex from Thera in Karia by A. Baran .......... 387 A Lelegian house or a honey-tower by Gunilla Bengtsson ................... 405 The triad from Ephesos: The Mother Goddess and her two companions by Susanne Berndt-Ersöz ................................................... 415 Iasos e i Mente e by Fede Berti ............................................................. 427 Gladiators in ancient Halikarnassos by Jesper Carlsen ......................... 441 The desire for things and great tales by Anne Marie Carstens .............. 451 Dining rooms in the sanctuary: old and new epigraphic evidence from Halikarnassos by Signe Isager and Poul Pedersen ....................... 457 Tra natura e cultura: rocce-altari in ambiente ‘lelego’? di Raffaella Pierobon Benoit ................................................................. 467 A pilgrim flask from Halikarnassos by Birte Poulsen ........................... 479 Göktepe in Caria by Paavo Roos ........................................................... 497 Auf der Suche nach der diple stoa – nicht nur in Priene von Frank Rumscheid ............................................................................ 507 APPENDIX The published writings of Pontus Hellström. A bibliography 1965 2013 .................................................................... 527

A monumental tomb complex from Thera in Karia

by A. Baran

The ancient city of Thera in Karia1 was identified by two inscriptions found on the Yerkesik plain during earlier research.2 However, the main city could not be satisfactorily located because the remains around Yerkesik are scarce and the fortification on Yerkesik hill is too small to be a settlement. R. Descat3 later suggested that the site at Okkata (Ula-Mu la) should be identified with the ancient city of Thera.4 This suggestion was also supported by the French Team surveying the area.5 Our surveys of the territory, and at the site, since 2011 have not yet produced any inscription with the site’s name, but they have made the identification of the centre of Thera koinon as the site at Okkata (also called Ta yenice) much more acceptable.6

The geographical situation of the site is very suitable for an ancient city as it controls all the roads leading from inner Karia towards the sea. The city also has a strong fortification system and very large farming areas, which are fertile even today. The large public buildings like the theatre, agora, sanctuaries, as well as domestic areas and a huge necropolis, were documented during recent research and a plan of the site was established (Fig. 1). The city has a very wide necropolis area, which starts just in front of the fortification walls, especially on the eastern and western sides of the city. The eastern necropolis has many tombs, including two rock-cut

1 It is a pleasure to contribute to the Festschrift for Prof. Pontus Hellström on his 75th birthday. I would like to thank him for his help during my PhD and accepting me as a member of Labraunda team. I also thank Prof. Lars Karlsson for publishing this book and helping me to revise the text. I am sincerely grateful to ahin Gümü and Recep Kendirci who excavated the tomb, and to Gürol Aytepe who made the accurate drawings and observations. 2 Fraser & Bean 1954, no: 46-47, pl. 12; Blümel 1991, 732–733. 3 Descat 1994, 206–207. 4 This is mentioned in the ancient sources. Arrian (Anabasis, 11.5.7) mentioned that Orontobates was holding the city together with Myndos, Kaunos and Kallipolis when Alexander arrived. Stephanus Byzantius (Eth., Thera) and Ptolemy (Geography, V.2.16) listed Thera as a polis in Karia. 5 Debord & Varinlio lu 2001, 35–36. The site at Okkata was previously identified as Kyllandos, but this was later corrected, since the site of Kyllandos was at Elmal . See: Fraser & Bean 1954, 72–73 and Baran 2012b, 89 ff. 6 See Baran 2012a, 2012b, 2013a and 2013b.

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Fig. 1. Thera, site plan (A. Baran & . Gümü ). Fig. 2. The Monumental Tomb Complex, front view (Photograph A. Baran).

chamber tombs with facades, a rock-cut chamber tomb with an arcosolium, and several cist tombs. The western side of the necropolis is wider than on the eastern side, and has eight subterranean-built chamber tombs with double rooms, two rock-cut chamber tombs, hamasoria, cist tombs, and a monumental rock-cut tomb complex, which has a unique plan and arrangement. This unique tomb has been published by previous researchers,7 but it was investigated in detail by our team and excavated

7 Paton & Myres 1896, 261, fig. 40; Debord & Varinlio lu 2001, 40–42, Figs. 50–53; Roos 2006, 39–41, pls. 17–18, 49–51; Diler 1998, 410, Res. 1–2

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together with the Mu la Museum.8 After this research it was possible to examine much new evidence, and the complete drawings were made (Figs. 2–8). It was also possible to draw a reconstruction of the tomb thanks to new evidence (Fig. 6).

The monumental rock-cut tomb complex is situated on the edge of a bedrock spur, which was transformed into a tomb with two levels of burials (Fig. 2). The upper level includes a rock-cut hamasorium with three parallel burials, which are covered by a monolithic lid (Fig. 3), and a round rock with five loculi behind a rounded temple facade on the lower level (Figs. 4, 5). A shield relief can be noted above the middle loculus, which differs from the others by having an elaborated door (Fig. 6). There are vase-shaped niches carved inside all the loculi, except in the third one (Figs. 4, 5). The round arrangement of the tomb facade, and the two levels of burials (which were built simultaneously) make the tomb a unique example in tomb typology; let us call it a “Monumental Tomb Complex”.

The earliest description by Paton includes a photo of the tomb, and it shows only the shield relief which is partly destroyed today.9 This means that the main destruction of the tomb occurred at least before the journey of Paton and Myres. Paton mentioned four chambers/loculi because the fifth one was not visible that time. A. Diler also mentioned the tomb with four loculi in his survey in 1996.10 Recently there was an illegal excavation in front of the middle loculi, and it is most likely that after this dig the fifth of the loculi, which looks west towards the Yenice plain, became visible (Fig. 4). The description of the tomb and the drawings were made by the French team and the tomb was dated to the early Hellenistic period.11 P. Roos then made more detailed description and drawings according to the visible remains, but did not offer a date.12 O. Henry also mentioned this tomb, mostly with quotes by P. Roos,13 but offered a date between the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC, and suggested that it was of the Doric order because of an anta capital profile.14 After our detailed investigations and excavations it was possible to produce accurate drawings (Figs. 3–6).

The tomb complex was cleaned and all the debris removed. It was possible only to clean inside the upper shaft and loculus 3. The other loculi were full of debris. Unfortunately, there was no stratigraphy in the debris, which suggests that the loculi had been disturbed.

8 We are thankful to Hakan Dinç and Musa Ötenen, who are the archaeologists of Mu la Museum, for their help during the work. 9 Paton & Myres 1896, 261, fig. 40. 10 Diler 1998, 410. 11 Debord & Varinlio lu 2001, 40-42, figs. 50-53. 12 Roos 2006, 39-41, pls. 17-18, 49-51. 13 Henry 2005, vol. II.1, 288–291, pls. 291–293; Henry 2009, 64, 260. 14 The profile of the anta capital consists of cavetto and ovolo profiles. This combination can be noted on many buildings in different orders and monuments from the 3rd century BC, but the comparable examples are dated between the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC; see Çörtük 2012, 54, and related bibliography.

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Fig. 3. Plan of the upper level (G. Aytepe & A. Baran). Fig. 4. Plan of the lower level (G. Aytepe & A. Baran)

A medieval European coin that was found in the debris supports this suggestion of disturbance. The ceramics date from the 4th century to the Byzantine periods, but Roman kitchenware ceramics were also prevalent. There were no human bones in the debris inside the loculi, and this also suggests that the tombs had been disturbed after the time of burial. The front part of the loculi was then excavated in order to stop the destruction

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caused by illegal excavations, and to find fragments of the entablature for further study. The excavation revealed a big fragment that had fallen from the entablature almost intact. However, the soil produced no stratigraphy; but, after a metre of debris, the foundation deposit could be determined just below the big fragment (Fig. 8). A sounding under this big fragment revealed a human skeleton. Unfortunately, only the upper part of the body could be removed because of the danger of collapse. The skeleton could be described as a woman around the age of forty,15 but no finds around the skeleton were discovered. It should also be mentioned that the soil around the skeleton mainly consisted of gravel from the bedrock. This suggests that the woman’s body was originally inside the tomb complex, but was then removed and buried in the foundation deposit in front of the tomb.

There was much pottery in the debris, and the characteristics were the same as the debris of the loculi. It was interesting to find half of a bronze coin in the debris in front of the tomb complex. It is 34 mm in diameter but almost half of it is missing. The head of Helios faces right on the obverse, a partly preserved inscription “Rhodion” at the top, and the name of a magistrate on the left of the middle rose can be discerned on the reverse. It could be dated to the period AD 1–25.16

The investigations in the tomb helped us to make accurate drawings and observations. The upper level of the tomb complex is a flattened platform and there is a rock-cut shaft covered with a gabled lid (Figs. 3, 5–10). The western part of the shaft is missing because of the broken part of the entablature. This missing part of the shaft can be seen on the big fragment uncovered in front of the tomb (Figs. 4, 8). The shaft has three burials inside, and they were separated from each other by parapets formed from bedrock. These parapets, which are 0.11–0.13 m thick and 0.48 m high, were heavily damaged, but the remains on the sides and bottom meant that it was possible to take measurements (Figs. 9, 10). There is a 0.06 m-wide ledge above the parapets, which might point to possible cover slabs on top of the parapets. The top of the shaft has a barrel vault, and when the broken part was complete it may be proposed that the original opening was only in the middle part of the shaft. The placement of the lid might also support this opinion because the lid is off-centre and covers only two of the burials. There is a small rock-cut cavity on the top of the eastern edge of the opening just below the lid (Fig. 5). This 0.06 m-thick cavity might belong to the first phase of the tomb—if a stone plate was used to cover the opening of the vault or a smaller lid was used.

The gable-shaped lid has six bosses on the sides and measures 1 m in height, 1.22 m in width, and is 2.02 m long. It seems very big and must have been harmful for the statics of the tomb. The broken part of the entablature starts from the north-west corner of the shaft, and one may presume that the destruction was probably caused by this heavy lid. The drawings of the cross-sections of the tomb complex show that the shaft

15 I thank Ay en Aç kkol and Seda Karaöz Ar han for describing the skeleton, which is going to be studied in detail in the future. 16 SNG Keckman I, 759; RPC I, 2748. I thank Koray Konuk for his help.

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was 0.20 m above the loculi ceiling, and almost 0.10 m behind the front of the loculi (Fig. 5). These measurements suggest that the upper and lower levels of the tomb were constructed simultaneously, since it would have been almost impossible to cut other levels after one had been cut. The platform above the shaft was most probably used for cultic activities. The existence of a 0.30 m-wide and 0.25 m-deep channel on the eastern edge of this platform, which leads downwards, might support the theory of cultic activities (Figs. 3, 8).

Fig. 5. Drawings of the facade and sections (G. Aytepe & A. Baran).

Although there are many similar examples in the region, the closest parallels for the arrangement of the upper level are at Korykos, in Kilikia, and Kokanaya, in Syria.17 Both of these tombs have three burials, which have parapets between burials and gable-shaped lid above barrel vaults.

17 Henry 2005, 332, pl. 72–73; Roos 2006, 40 and related bibliography.

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Fig. 6. Reconstruction drawing (G. Aytepe & A. Baran). Fig. 7. The Monumental Tomb Complex from the west (Photograph A. Baran).

The lower level of the tomb deserves the most attention. There are five loculi (Figs. 4–8, 11–15) behind a rounded temple facade. There should be a platform or stairway in front of the tomb, but after the excavations no such arrangement could be found. However, the bedrock goes steeply just below the line of columns, and the filling is mostly gravel from the bedrock. After 1 m wide hole in bedrock, another big bedrock was seen. (Figs. 4, 8). Owing to the limitations of the excavations, the northern side of this rock could not be excavated, but it seems very probable that this bedrock fragment was joined to the front of the tomb platform and they were split apart by the force of the falling entablature fragment. By studying the angle at which the fragment fell, and the sides of the bedrock, we might be able to confirm this hypothesis

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Fig. 8. The Monumental Tomb Complex from the north. Fig. 9. View of the parapets and the vault of the rock-cut shaft at the upper level. Fig. 10. View of inside the rock-cut shaft, at the upper level. Fig. 11. Loculus 1 (Photographs Figs. 8-11, A. Baran).

The square rock-cut base, on the eastern side of the tomb in front of the eastern anta, supports a platform. The function of this base is not clear but the existence of a round dowel in the middle of the top surface, with lead remains in situ, and a square hole in the back corner, may suggest that something was attached to it. It could have been used as a base—perhaps for a votive basin, bowl or an altar (Figs. 4, 6).

Loculus 1 (Figs. 4, 5, 11) is in the short end of the tomb and looks west. It is 3.10 m deep, 64 cm wide and 1 m high. The inner part of the

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tomb was cleaned, but the loculus has been heavily damaged by natural causes and illegal excavators. The rock surface inside has worn away on many parts because of the water leaking through the cracks. Holes that were dug in the middle and at the back wall were illegally made in order to look for other burials. There is a vase-shaped niche cut in the left wall just after the entrance, but it has suffered heavy erosion on the edges. There is no coffin on the floor. The floor is recessed behind the threshold and it is 10 cm deep, 74 cm long, and 78 cm wide. The end of this recess has a rounded shape, for the turning of the door slab, and there are barely visible round marks on the ceiling. There is also a niche on the right wall behind the threshold. It is 12 cm wide, 74 cm long, and 18 cm recessed. The measurements of the floor fits with the wall niche, and taking into account the pivot holes, we can conclude that there was definitely a door slab. There is also a small hole which is 5 x 6 x 2 cm, on the middle of the left wall behind the door jamb. This must have been used as a locking mechanism for the door from inside.

Loculus 2 (Figs. 4, 5, 12) is 2.50 m long, 90 cm high, and 62 cm wide at the front, and 80 cm at the back. There are three vase-shaped niches: two in the left wall and one in the back wall. The coffin cut, which is under the threshold level, is 2.22 m long, 57 cm wide, and 48 cm deep. The upper edges of the coffin are 4–7 cm wide and 5 cm lower than the floor level behind the threshold. This arrangement suggests that the coffin was originally covered with one or more stone slabs, and a small fragment of a limestone slab that was found during the excavations might support this idea (Fig. 16). There is a niche for a door slab on the right wall and it is 98 cm high, 80 cm long, and 13 cm wide. There is a channel leading from the pivot hole towards the corner of coffin. This channel might have been used for the placement of a door slab. The pivot hole on the ceiling behind the jamb is 14 x 10 x 4 cm, and there is a slightly visible, round recess on the ceiling which corresponds to the size of the door slab. There is also a small hole measuring 3 x 6 x 3 cm on the middle of the left wall behind the door jamb for the inner locking mechanism (Fig. 17).

Loculus 3 (Figs. 4, 5, 13) differs from the other loculi because of its elaborate door frame and the shield relief on top. The doorframe consists of three fascias on the sides and the top. The lintel and the threshold have moulding that is very similar to that of the anta capital. The loculus also differs by not having vase-shaped niches and coffin. The door consists of two wings. There are door niches on both sides behind the door jambs; they are 42 cm long, 5–10 cm deep, and 95 cm high. Both corners on the ceiling and floor have pivot holes, and the slightly visible round traces from the door wings are noticeable on the ceiling. A small limestone fragment that was found in front of the loculi, stuck inside the bedrock crack, might belong to a door slab (Fig. 18). It has a flat-topped moulding on its worked face, and the other side is half worked and chisel marks are preserved. This loculus is 2.64 m long, 1 m high, and 64–84 cm wide. There is no coffin, but three grooves on the floor prove that it was going to be carved but this was not completed. The unfinished condition of the loculus suggests that the owner of the tomb died before its completion and then the tomb was used as it was. There is fresh evidence of smashing in

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the back wall, and this was made by illegal excavators looking for other burials inside the bedrock.

Fig. 12. Loculus 2. Fig. 13. Loculus 3. Fig. 14. Loculus 4. Fig. 15. Loculus 5 (Photographs Figs. 12-15, A. Baran).

Loculus 4 (Figs. 4, 5, 14) is 2.52 m long, 97 cm high, and 75–69 cm wide. There is only one vase-shaped niche in the back wall. The niche for the door slab on the right wall behind the door jamb is 74 cm long and 7 cm deep. The pivot holes are 4 cm deep and are visible on the ceiling and floor in the corner. The channel from the pivot hole on the floor towards the coffin is the same as in loculus 2 and loculus 5. There is also a small

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hole, which is 4 x 7 x 4 cm, on the middle of the left wall behind the door jamb for an inner locking mechanism. The coffin is 1.96 m long, 58 cm wide, and 50 cm deep. The upper edges of the coffin are 4–9 cm wide and 5 cm lower than the floor level behind the threshold. This arrangement, which is similar to loculi 2 and 5, may indicate that the coffin was originally covered with one or more stone slabs.

Loculus 5 (Figs. 4, 5, 15) is similar to loculi 2 and 4 in its general arrangement. It is 2.52 m long, 93 cm high, and 65 cm wide. It has two vase-shaped niches, one at the back (Fig. 19), and one in the right side. The niche for the door slab on the right wall behind the door jamb is 90 cm long and 10 cm deep. The pivot holes are 6 cm deep and are visible on the ceiling and the floor in the corner. The channel on the floor, from the pivot hole towards the coffin, is similar to the channels in loculi 2 and 4. There is also a small hole, which is 3 x 7 x 3 cm, on the middle of the left wall behind the door jamb for the inner locking mechanism. The coffin is 1.98 m long, 52 cm wide, and 0.48 m deep. The upper edges of the coffin are 6–9 cm wide and 2 cm lower than the floor level behind the threshold. This arrangement may indicate that the coffin was covered with one or more stone slabs, as in loculi 2 and 4.

The eastern anta is fully preserved, but the upper section of the western anta is missing and could not be uncovered during the excavations. These antae, and the preserved parts of the ceiling and entablature on the eastern side, indicate a porch that was supported by antae and possibly with columns (Figs. 4, 7). On the eastern side, only a 1 m-long part of the entablature is preserved, and it can be interpreted as an architrave and a projecting moulding on the face (Figs. 5, 20). The eastern corner of the pediment is also discernible above the antae, and the rock is cut as a broad band on the top of pediment. This flattened band was inclined according to the slope of the pediment. A slight trace of a projecting moulding which frames the pediment is also visible. The cross-section of the preserved part of the entablature (Fig. 5) has a pyramidal appearance because the facade inclines from the bottom towards the top. It was made for optical or static purposes.

The tomb is almost intact in spite of a big fragment which fell from the middle of the entablature, as mentioned above. This missing part had limited our understanding of the entablature of the tomb, but was then found during the excavations in front of the tomb (Figs. 4, 8). This big fragment is almost intact but there are some cracks and the edges are mostly broken away. The fragment broke off from the bedrock, fell down, and rolled once; this is clear because it lies upside down today (Figs. 21–22). The roundness of the entablature and the cavity above the architrave may be interpreted with the help of this fragment (Figs. 21–-22).The cavity is another interesting feature of the tomb. While the architrave

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Fig. 16. Fragment of the stone cover of the coffin in the loculus. Fig. 17. Small hole cut into the left wall for the inner locking mechanism. Fig. 18. A fragment of a limestone door slab. Fig. 19. Detail of vase-shaped niche. Fig. 20. Preserved part of architrave (Photographs Figs. 16-20, A. Baran).

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follows the normal lines, the pediment above turns from 60 cm inside. The reason behind this would be either to reduce the weight of the entablature, or so a statue or something akin to that could be placed there. When one follows the slope of the pediment it is clear that the top of gable should be on top of the middle column, and this cavity is just above the turning point of the entablature (Fig. 6).

There is a barely visible trace of an adjoining part of square shape at the bottom of the architrave, just before where it was broken (Fig. 23). This trace was thought to be the remains of an abacus from a capital, and when we looked for traces on the walking level part of a round recess could be noted on the floor (Fig. 24). Although the rest of this recess was destroyed by illegal diggers, it is thought to be for fastening a column. After cleaning the floor level in front of the tomb, another clue could be noted on the western side, before the remains of the western anta. It was a round dowel hole with a lead channel beside it (Fig. 25). During the excavations, in the middle of these two features, a rectangular cavity with remains of mortar was cleared out. A block with a rectangular dowel hole and a lead channel beside it were found below this level (Fig. 26).18 Their measurements fit each other, and when the block is placed into position it is at an even level with the floor (Fig. 8). It is important to note that the spans between the traces of the columns are almost equal, and thus it is possible to suggest a three-columned portico in front of the tomb (Figs. 4, 6). The order of the columns is not easy to determine, but the round form of the first recess, the round anathyrosis on the block, and the slightly visible round recess around the third dowel suggest Doric columns without bases. It is interesting that no column fragments were found during the excavations, but when the northern front of the tomb that we excavated is studied in the future more clues will possibly be uncovered.

There are remains of lime mortar on the faces of the tombs but it is not clear if this was part of the original arrangement, as stucco or later repairs. The mortar comprises lime, sand, and tiny ceramic pieces. The same mortar can be noted under the block that was below the middle column, and that makes it likely that the mortar might have been used during later repairs. The possibility of the tomb having more than one phase has been suggested above because of the recess below the lid of the upper level. The mortar remains might have been from successive periods, maybe for repairing the tomb, or maybe the tomb was used for different purposes—for example, as an animal shelter in later periods. Distinguishing the phases is not easy but when all evidence is taken into consideration, it seems very likely that there was more than one phase in the construction of the tomb.

18 There is a round feature in the middle of recessed part on one side of the block. The function or purpose of this arrangement is not easy to determine with the current evidence. The possibilities are that it was a re-used block or had some kind of parapets between the columns.

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Fig. 21. The uncovered fragment of entablature. Fig. 22. The front of the entablature fragment. Fig. 23. The slightly visible trace the adjoining members at the bottom of the architrave. Fig. 24. The slightly visible trace of the first column. Fig. 25. Dowel hole and lead channel for the third column. Fig. 26. The reused block, as a support for the second column (Photographs Figs. 21-26, A. Baran). Fig. 27. Kyrene, Tomb N198, plan and section (Greve 2006, Abb. 19). Fig. 28. Kyrene, Tomb N13, with the shield relief (Thorn 2005, fig. 64) Fig. 29. Rhodos, tomb with the shield relief (Lauter 1988, Abb. 1).

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The tomb has is round on the western side and the reason for this is most likely the form of the bedrock (Figs. 4, 6, 7). The artisans who carved the tomb must have wanted to use the whole bedrock. Another possible reason for having a round form might be because of the appearance of the tomb. The tomb, with its round form, looks towards Do anköy and there are many settlements around the village.19 Another possible reason for having a round form might be the view from the tomb because it looks towards Do anköy which has many ancient settlements around. It is not easy to support this possibility but for example the ancient remains at Ömerler which we believe was one of the sanctuaries of Thera might be the outlook of the tomb, or anywhere else in the vicinity which was originally the home of the tomb owners. As mentioned above, this tomb is unique in many respects and the vase-shaped niches, especially, are quite interesting. While the niche is common in burials, the vase-shaped niche is not common. A similar arrangement, with a vase-shaped niche can be noted on the back wall of a rock-cut chamber tomb in Akkaya village which is 8 km north-west of Thera.20 This might be a sign for a local practice in the region.

There is no exact parallel for the tomb, but the closest parallel to the Thera tomb is in the northern necropolis of Kyrene in Libya. The tomb N198 has many comparable features (Fig. 27).21 The tomb consists of three loculi cut into the bedrock behind a porch on a lower level, and a sarcophagus on the upper level. The sarcophagus is poorly preserved but the third loculus is also similar because it has a niche with a rounded back and a recess below. The stone slabs covering the coffin inside the loculi may also be similar to Thera tomb. The Kyrene tomb has a Doric facade without columns. The earliest finds from the tomb dates to around 350 BC, but the finds from later periods point to the tombs being reused.

The shield relief above the door of loculus 3 is also an interesting feature of our tomb. Similar reliefs have been found in many places, especially on pediments, and a similar shield relief above the entrance is also found in Kyrenian examples. Tomb N13 has a very similar shield relief just above the loculus door (Fig. 28).22 This tomb is dated to the Late Classical period. The niches inside the loculi next to Tomb N13 may also confirm the similarities between the Thera tomb and the example from Kyrene. There are many examples of loculi with vase-niches in the rear walls in the Kyrenian necropolis, but most of them were transformed into cineraria in the Roman period.23 A shield relief is present above the entrance of a rock-cut tomb in Dokuz Sokak Cemetery on Rhodos (Fig. 29).24 This tomb is also similar: it has a galleried chamber-loculus system behind a facade. The similarities between the tombs of Karia and Kyrene

19 Baran 2013a, fig. 1. 20 Debord & Varinlio lu 2001, 42–43, fig. 55; Henry 2005, vol. II.1, 15, pl. 2; Roos 2006, 23, pls. 9. 2–4, 40.4, 41.3–4; Baran 2013a, 277, fig. 29–30. 21 Thorn 2005, 125–126, figs. 109–112, 116–117 (as Tomb N197); Greve 2006, Kat 19, Abb. 19 a–e, Taf. XXIIb, c, e. 22 Thorn 2005, 106, fig. 64. 23 Thorn 2005, 427–428. 24 Lauter 1988, 157, Abb. 1–2.

A. Baran

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and the possibility of the role played by Rhodos in this development seem quite intriguing.25

The date of the monumental tomb complex is not easy to determine. The finds are dateable to between the 4th Century BC and the Roman period. The architectural details are not securely dateable, but the profile of the anta points to a date around the 3rd–2nd century BC. The close parallels mentioned above are also dateable to after the 4th century BC. It seems very possible that the construction of the tomb of Thera started in the late part of the 4th century BC, and was used until the Roman Period.

* * *

25 Thorn 2005, 468–471.

A monumental tomb complex from Thera in Karia

Boreas 35 403

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