2016, “Syriac and Karshuni Inscriptions on Wall Paintings in the Qadisha Valley, Lebanon”,...

JOURNAL OF EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND HERITAGE STUDIES

T H E P E N N S Y L V A N I A S T A T E U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S V O L . 4 N O S . 2 –3 2 0 1 6

JEMAHS

E D I TO R SAnn E. Killebrew, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park (USA)Sandra A. Scham, The Catholic University of America (USA)

A S S I S TA N T E D I TO R SHanan Charaf, University of Paris I-Sorbonne (France)Louise A. Hitchcock, University of Melbourne (Australia) Justin Lev-Tov, Cogstone Resource Management, Inc. (USA)

B O O K R E V I E W E D I TO RMitch Allen, Mills College (USA)

E D I TO R I A L A S S I S TA N THeather D. Heidrich, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park (USA)

J E M A H S

Salam Al-Kuntar, University of Pennsylvania (USA)Lorenzo d’Alfonso, New York University (USA)Jere L. Bacharach, University of Washington (USA)Reinhard Bernbeck, Freie Universität Berlin (Germany)Eric H. Cline, The George Washington University (USA)Anastasia Dakouri-Hild, University of Virginia (USA)Elif Denel, American Research Institute in Turkey, Ankara (Turkey)Ioannis Georganas, Independent Researcher (Greece)Joseph A. Greene, Harvard University (USA)Matthew Harpster, Institute of Nautical Archaeology, Bodrum (Turkey)

Kenneth G. Holum, University of Maryland, College Park (USA) Saleh Lamei, D. G. Centre for Conservation of Islamic Architectural Heritage (Egypt)Mark Leone, University of Maryland, College Park (USA)Thomas E. Levy, University of California, San Diego (USA)Alexander Nagel, Smithsonian Institution (USA)Shelley-Anne Peleg, Israel Antiquities Authority (Israel)Susan Pollock, Freie Universität Berlin (Germany) Issa Jubrael Sarie, Al-Quds University (Jerusalem)Neil A. Silberman, University of Massachusetts Amherst (USA)Stuart Tyson Smith, University of California, Santa Barbara (USA)

Sharon R. Steadman, SUNY Cortland (USA)Margreet Steiner, Independent Scholar (The Netherlands)Christopher A. Tuttle, Council of American Overseas Research Centers (USA)James M. Weinstein, Cornell University (USA)Donald Whitcomb, The University of Chicago (USA)Naama Yahalom-Mack, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Israel)

E D I TO R I A L A N D A D V I S O R Y B O A R D

Front cover photo: The monastery of Deir Mar Lisha‘ (Saint Élysée) in the Qannubine Valley within the Qadisha Valley, partly built inside a natural cave, is the birthplace of monastic life for the Maronite Church. (Photo by A. Zwegers. Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons [http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/deed.en].)

Journal of EastErn MEditErranEan archaEology and hEritagE studiEs

V o l . 4 n o s . 2 –3 2 0 1 6

iii From the Guest EditorHanan Charaf

f E at u r E a r t i c l E s121 The Qadisha Valley, Lebanon

Anis Chaaya

148 Syriac and Karshuni Inscriptions on Wall Paintings in the Qadisha Valley, LebanonGaby Abousamra

194 Wall Paintings in the Qadisha Valley, Lebanon: Various Styles and DatesMay Hajj

209 The Castle of Smar Jbeil—A Frankish Feudal Stronghold in LebanonAnis Chaaya

242 The Maritime Approaches to Ancient Byblos (Lebanon)Martine Francis-Allouche and Nicolas Grimal

278 Deir el-Ahmar—A Roman Settlement in the Northern Bekaa Valley, LebanonLaure Salloum

journal of eastern mediterranean archaeology and heritage studies, vol. 4, nos. 2–3, 2016Copyright © 2016 The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA

Syriac and KarShuni inScriptionS on Wall paintingS in the QadiSha Valley, lebanon

gaby abousamra

This article presents and discusses Syriac and Karshuni inscriptions on wall paintings in different monasteries, churches, hermitages, and caves in the Qadisha Valley in northern Lebanon. The Syriac language and script was used alongside the Karshuni (an Arabic language that uses the Syriac alphabet) and was spoken by many Christian communities at various times in this valley. Beyond the epigraphic analysis of these inscriptions, the aim of this article is to demonstrate that the differ-ent Christian communities living in the Qadisha Valley used the same places of worship throughout their long history.

key words: Qadisha Valley, inscriptions, Syriac, Karshuni, wall paintings, Maronite history, Lebanon

abstractfrom mostly religious persecution. It was particularly valued by different Christian communities, who escaped persecution by the various Muslim authorities that reigned over Mount Lebanon after the Arab conquest in the eighth century AD. These communities erected many churches and monasteries, most of which are still stand-ing today. One of the most interesting features of the valley is the abundance of paintings adorning the walls of the churches, hermitages, and caves.1 Some of the paint-ings include Greek,2 Latin, Ethiopian,3 Arabic,4 Syriac, and Karshuni inscriptions (Abousamra 2000; 2004; 2005). In this article, the Syriac5 and Karshuni inscrip-tions known to date are discussed.6 They originate from the churches, monasteries, and hermitages of Deir Mar Asya, Deir es-Salib, Mart Shmuni, Deir Qannubine, as well as the Mar Bishoy hermitage near the Mar Antonios Qozhaya monastery (Fig. 2).7

Deir Mar Asya (Saint Asya)

This monastery is located at the bottom of the Hasrun Cliff (Abi-Aoun et al. 1993). The most prominent remains of the church are two chapels: the right one (Fig. 3) contains frescoes and an Ethiopian inscription with an Ethiopian-style cross surrounded by the Greek mono-gram IC XC, while the left one is more severely damaged (see Fig. 3). Numerous deposits of children’s clothing

The Qadisha Valley (the “Sacred Valley”) is located in northern Lebanon and has been inhabited since prehis-toric times (Fig. 1). Its remoteness renders the valley relatively inaccessible and therefore, in the course of its history, attractive to many communities seeking refuge

JEMAHS 4.2-3_02_Abousamra.indd 148 27/06/16 9:42 PM

Journal of eaStern Mediterranean archaeology and heritage StudieS | 149

indicate that people pray here to Saint Asya to heal sick children (Abousamra 2013: 219).

This church also features a painting of two red horsemen and two brief Syriac inscriptions. The horsemen are located on the second row of stones

on the left-hand side of the base of the apse. The two inscriptions are written vertically and are read from top to bottom. They are located on the third block of the apse’s right side and are painted on top of a square filled with a Union Jack motif, whose dimensions are about 26 by 26 cm (Figs. 4–5). The two inscriptions are painted in red on a white background. The first inscrip-tion on the right is reddish-black, and the second is red. The maximum length of the lines is 7 cm, and the maxi-mum height of the letters is 1 cm; the space between the two inscriptions is 5 cm. The script is a mixture of estrangelo and serto.

Inscription A (Figs. 6, 8)

The first line is clear enough with big letters. The second line presents several difficulties: the serto ܕ is a little bit lower with a small point under it, followed by an ܐ on the same level with a stroke on the head to the right side. These two letters are followed by a clear ܠ and probably by double ܗ and double ܢ (the last three letters overlap). This word seems to be ܠܐܗܗܢ ܢ (for ܠܐܗܢ) “our God.” The last word apparently is , an epithet of God. In the last line, we can read the word ܠܥܠܡ. Maybe there is a fourth line beginning with an ܐ, probably the word ͽܐ “Amen” (?), which usually concludes this kind of doxology.

Other similar formulas can be found in liturgical texts and appear usually at the beginning of manuscripts, col-ophons, and inscriptions on stones in different forms: ͽܐ ܠܥܠܡ ܕܠܐܗܐ ,ܒܫܡܗ ܠܥܠܡ ܠܐܗܐ ,ܒܫܡ ܠܐܗܐ .…ܒܫܡ However, we do not know of any formula in the Syriac tradi-tion, such as ܥܠ ܫܡܗ ܕܠܐܗܢ. An amulet found in the Hadath grotto near the village of Hasrun features the expression ܥܠ ܫܡ: ܥܠ ˺ܫܡ-˹]ܗܐ ܕܚܢܢܝܐ[ ܘܥܙܪܝܐ ܘܡܝܫܝܠ ܘܕܢܝܠ ܗ˺ܘ ܕ˹ܓܘܒܐ“By the names of H. anania, Azaria, Michael, and Daniel of the pit” (Abousamra 2013: 216); or in the beginning of a manuscript from Bsharri (dated to AD 1617) in the Université Saint-Esprit de Kaslik Library (USEK_OLM_264), where it is written:

ܥܠ ܫܡ ܕܬܠܬܝܘ ܩܕܝܫܬܐ ܘܫܒܚܬܐ ܫܪܝܢͽ ܠܡܟܬܒ ܛܟܣ ܕܬܫܡܫܬܐ ܕܪܝܬܐ ܫܠܚ

f i g . 1general view of the Qadisha Valley indicating the sites discussed in the article. (Photo © Google Earth.)


f i g . 2a map of Qadisha Valley indicating the main monasteries and churches. (Map by E. Trad.)

f i g . 3a general view of the two chapels at the monastery of deir Mar asya. the one to the right contains an ethiopian inscription. (Photo by E. Trad.)


f i g . 4a view of the inscription at deir Mar asya written above a painted union Jack motif. (Photo by E. Trad.)

f i g . 5a drawing of the inscription at deir Mar asya, which is written in a mixture of estrangelo and serto Syriac scripts. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)


152 | S y r i A c A n D K A r S h u n i i n S c r i P T i o n S o n WA l l PA i n T i n G S

Inscription B: (Figs. 7–8)

The first letter of the first line is damaged, but we can propose the letter ܚ. At the end of this line, we are tempted to see an ܐ (because of the traces of red ink right above the ܒ) and to read ܘܫܒ “thought;” however, these traces seem to be from a diagonal decorative line. We can, there-fore, suggest a proper name ܚܘܫܒ “H. awsheb” (estrangelo script). In the second line, we can read ܛ “sinner” (serto script) as an adjective for ܚܘܫܒ. The last three letters probably indicate a year. We can see a vertical short :ܗ and a ܦ followed by a quadrate ,ܐ of the 1805) ܐܦܗ Seleucid era = AD 1494).8 If this proposition is correct, then we have here a proper name with an epithet and the indication of the year. Maybe this H. awsheb (Eusebius)9 was the painter of the frescoes of this church, a pilgrim, or a monk who lived in the monastery and recorded his name with the year.

The two chapels are coated with the same plaster and decorated with the same red color. The Syriac and Ethiopian inscriptions, along with other decorations, should be dated to the second half of the fifteenth cen-tury AD, when this monastery was still occupied by Syrian

Jacobite and Ethiopian monks,10 probably after their expulsion from Ehden in AD 1488 to Hadshit, Hardin, and other villages.11 The date written in this inscription could correspond to the period when the (AD 1494) ܐܦܗmonastery was occupied.

Deir es-Salib

This monastery is located inside a grotto (Fig. 9) near the path between the Qadisha Valley and the village of Hadshit (Wadi Hulat) (Dodd 2004: 250–62; Abdul Massih, Chaaya, and Hajj 2014). The church has two naves, each ending in an apse, separated by a double-arched colon-nade and painted with frescoes (Fig. 10). The fresco in the left apse of Fig. 10 depicts saints and apostles; the right one shows the remains of the annunciation scene, as well as more saints. In the middle of the arched colon-nade, there is a fresco of a crucifix. The south and west walls of the right nave are decorated with rectangular red quadrates that were prepared to be painted or are painted12 and display some ancient Arabic inscriptions and graffiti. Erica Dodd (2004: 61–62) interprets these

f i g . 6

1. ܥܠ ܫܡܗ by the name

2. ܕܠܐܗܗܢ ܢ of our living god

3. ܠܥܠܡ forever

4. ܐ]؟[ ]ܡ؟[ a[men?]

f i g . 6a close-up view of inscription a at deir Mar asya containing a liturgical formula. (Photo by F. Baroudy.)



f i g . 7a close-up view of inscription b at deir Mar asya containing the name of a man named h. awsheb (eusebius). (Photo by F. Baroudy.)

f i g . 7

1. [ܚ]ܘܫܒ [h. ]awsheb

2. ܛ ܐܦܗ the sinner 1805

crossed red lines as the remains of a fresco that preceded the remaining paintings. Syriac inscriptions—most in serto script—are painted over the damaged frescoes and present the names of the saints. The maximum height of the letters (ܬ ,ܠ ,ܓ ,ܐ) is 3 cm, the average height of the other letters is 1 cm, and the width of the script is 3 to 5 mm.

The Left-Side Apse Inscriptions

The left apse depicts five standing saints (Fig. 11), whose names are written vertically in white letters on the left side of their halos. The first from the right is a physician saint according to Dodd (2004: 49); he is most likely the physician martyr Thallelaeus (Sader 2012: 117–18), who was born in Lebanon in the third century AD and is seen holding a medical box. The inscription has disappeared, but the first letter of the word ]ܕܝܫ؟[ܩ “H]oly?[” is still visible (Fig. 12). The second figure is clearly identified by the accompany-ing 17 cm-long inscription ܪܝ ܦܘܠܘܣ ”Holy Saint Paul“ ܩܕܝܫ(Figs. 13–14). The third saint is ]ܘܥ[Δܪܝ ܒܪܬܠܡ ܝ ܩܕܝܫ

“Holy Mar Yeshu Bartolomeos” according to Dodd (2004: 49–50); however, I believe this name should be read ܪܝ ܝܥܩܘܒ ܬܠܡܕܐ ”Holy Saint James the Disciple“ ܩܕܝܫ (Figs. 15–16). The fourth saint is identified by Dodd as ܪܝ ܝܘܢͽ ܐܘܢܓܠ :Holy Saint John the Evangelist” (2004“ ܩܕܝܫ49). In fact, the letters are barely legible, and only the word ܐܘܢܓܠ is clear (Figs. 17–18). The fifth saint is Saint John Chrysostom (Dodd 2004: 50). While we can see the remains of the 3 cm-long word ܐ]Δܩܕ]ܝ (Figs. 19–20), this saint has the same posture and similar clothes as the depiction of Saint Dionysus (ܒܢܣܘܣ for ܕܝܢܣܘܣ؟) in the scene of the dormition in the church of Saint Charbel in M‘ad (see Dodd 2004: 333; and Hélou 1999–2000: 153) and the church of Saint Saba in Edde (ܕܝܘܢܣܘܣ) in the moun-tains overlooking Byblos (still unpublished). Indeed, his clothes are decorated with crosses, his right hand is against his chest, and his left hand is holding a book. The name of this saint was probably written: [[ܐ ܡ]ܪܝ ܕܝܢܣܘΔܩܕ]ܝ but we can barely see any of the remaining letters. It is ;ܣmore probable that Saint Dionysus is depicted here. The sixth saint—the only one remaining on the left side—is Daniel (Dodd 2004: 50). The letter ܩ is visible against the badly preserved blue background: [ܩ]ܕܝܫ؟ (Fig. 21).


f i g . 8a drawing of inscriptions a and b at deir Mar asya. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)


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f i g . 10the church at the monastery of deir es-Salib has two naves and two apses, painted with frescoes. (Photo by P. naim.)

f i g . 11the left-side apse of the deir es-Salib church painted with frescoes depicting six saints. (Photo by P. naim.)



The Right-Side Apse Inscriptions

This apse (Fig. 22) features the annunciation on the left side with an inscription (11 cm long) in mixed serto and estrangelo, written in white letters against a blue back-ground (Figs. 23–24): ܪܝܡ ܪܝ ܬ “Saint Mary” (ܪܝ ܬ for ܪܬܝ) and painted between the faces of Mary and the angel Gabriel. The painter most likely first wrote ܡܪܝ but then added the ܬ to correct it to the feminine form. It is possi-ble that this scene was completed prior to the twelfth century AD (Hajj 2014: 210), before the paintings on the left-side apse.

The woman with royal garments standing next to a young boy (Fig. 25) is probably Saint Salome (Shmuni) with her young son,13 as there is an identical representation in the Saydet ed-Dorr grotto near Hadshit, indicating the name written in Greek (see also Dodd 2004: 245–47). Near

the damaged part of the fresco on the left side, the letter which is written vertically, is visible (Fig. 26). It could be ,ܩthe beginning of the name and the epithet of this woman saint: ]ܪܬܝ ܫܡܘܢܝ ܕܝܫܬܐ[ܩ “Ho]ly Saint Shmuni?[.”

In the center of this apse are the remains of a fresco, and near its upper right corner are some horizontal letters—apparently in estrangelo script: …ܥ/ܝܐ؟. Another horizontally inscribed line is written below in serto script (Fig. 27): ؟ͽܓ؟...ܦ؟]...[...ܦ؟... ܐܢ؟ ܝܘܢ... (…I? …John?). This is the only place where a horizontal script is present in this church; the inscription probably records the name of a painter or donor.

Iconographical and style considerations place the fres-coes of these two apses between the twelfth and the thir-teenth centuries AD.14 Therefore, the inscriptions should be dated to the same period.

f i g . 12the Syriac inscription (red circle) in the deir es-Salib church that could possibly be read as the word “saint.” (Photo by P. naim.)



The Crucifixion Inscription

The scene of the crucifixion is painted on the soffit of the central arch on the northern side of the south-ern nave (Fig. 28). Both Dodd and Youhanna Sader mention that the inscription located above the head of Christ is written vertically, but that the letters are not clear (Dodd 2004: 115, 251; 114 ،ص ،2012 On the .(صادر، contrary, the inscription is under this scene, written vertically in serto script and in red ink. It is composed

of eight lines (Figs. 29–30). The width of the wall at the beginning of the lines is 44 cm but narrows down to 41 cm at the end. The written space is almost 33 by 33 cm. The longest line is 33 cm long. The maximum length of the letters is 5–6 cm (ܐ, ,ܠ ,ܚ؟ the average for ;(ܛ the other letters is 2–3 cm. The maximum width of the script is 1 cm. The first two lines are damaged by a hole in the middle, and parts of the other lines have disappeared.

f i g . 13the Syriac inscription (red circle) in the deir es-Salib church reads “holy Saint paul.” (Photo by P. naim.)

f i g . 14a drawing of the Syriac inscription in the deir es-Salib church giving the name of holy Saint paul. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)



According to Dodd, this painting is earlier than the other ones in the church and should be dated to the ninth or tenth century AD (2004: 62, 89, 253). However, this inscription seems later than the other frescoes in the church and is not to be dated to the same period, that is, the twelfth and thirteenth centuries AD. It probably dates to the same period as the inscription at Deir Mar Asya (fifteenth century AD? ]see above[). Indeed, both inscriptions are written vertically almost in the same

color ink. Some letters, and even some words, can be read but do not make complete sense.

It is not clear if this inscription is Syriac or Karshuni. But it looks more Syriac because at the end of some words there is ܪܝ؟ ,ܒܢ/ܒܚ؟ ,ܓܣ؟ :ܐ/ܘ...

The reading of the inscription is not definite. I suggest:1. ܟܠ ـ ܕ؟... ... ܢـ؟ܨ؟ܠܝ؟ ܥܠ

2. ܛܝ ... ܘܓܣ؟3. ܒܚ/ܒܢ؟ ܠܘܠΔ/ܥ؟...ܐ؟

f i g . 15a Syriac inscription (red circle) in the deir es-Salib church reads “holy Saint James the disciple.” (Photo by P. naim.)

f i g . 16a drawing of the Syriac inscription in the deir es-Salib church giving the name of holy Saint James the disciple. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)



4. ܘܒܢܡͽ ܘ…5. ܕܪܝ/ܘ؟ ܐ؟ ܠܩܘܛ/ܐ؟

6. ܘܠܒ/ܘܛܒ؟...ܐܠ؟...7. ...؟8. ...؟

Line 1: ܟܠـ ܕ؟... ܢـ؟ܨ؟ܠܝ؟ܥܠ: The first and last words are clear. On top of the hole, there is the remnant of a let-ter (perhaps ܢـ؟). The group after the hole is difficult to interpret. It seems there is an oval line coming from the

bottom and ending on the horizontal line (perhaps it is a remainder of the letter ܨ ). After the hole, a letter, which looks like ܦ with open head, is followed by ܝ. It is prob-ably a ܠܝ where an angle is added to the ܠـ?.

Line 2: The first word seems to begin with two ܠܠܛܝ؟ :ܠ, but the meaning is elusive. It is probably an erroneous form of Syriac [ܛܝ]ܐ… The last word is probably ܘܓܣ؟; the ܘ is attached to the ܓ, and the first circle of the ܣ is a little bit smaller than the second.

f i g . 17a Syriac inscription (red circle) in the deir es-Salib church reads “holy Saint John the evangelist.” (Photo by P. naim.)

f i g . 18a drawing of the Syriac inscription in the deir es-Salib church giving the name of holy Saint John the evangelist. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)



f i g . 20a drawing of the Syriac inscription in the deir es-Salib church that could possibly be read as the word “saint.” (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)

Line 3: ܥ؟/Δܠܘܠ -In the first word, the let :ܒܢ؟/ܒܚ ters between ܒ and ܐ are not clear, and the ܒ seems to be attached to another letter before it. The end of the sec-ond word is also not clear. If we have the reading Δܠܘܠ, we would probably have a well-known family name here from the village of Hadshit (لولش?). The line finishes, per-haps with a final ܐ.

Line 4: ...؟ ܘͽܘܒܢܡ: The reading is almost sure. The last four letters, ܘ ͽ, are below the right line, which seems to indicate a list of personal names.

Line 5: ؟ ܠܩܘܛ/ܐ؟ܪܝ/ܘܕ: The first word begins with a semi-circle letter, probably ܘ or ܕ followed by ܡ, and per-haps by ܪ and ܝ, and finishes with one or two oblique ܐ. The second word can be read as ܠܩܘܛ/ܐ؟.

This inscription might be an invocation formula (see Figs. 29–30).

-We find a similar formula in differ :ܟܠ ܩܪܐ؟ ܢܨܠܝ؟ ܥܠ ܛ؟ent inscriptions from various centuries (Abousamra 2015: 26–27). The text presents what is probably an invocation formula with humble self-designations, such as ܛ (“sin-ner”) or -together with the name of a benefac ,(”thief“) ܓܣtor or donor (Benjamin?) and other members of his family, who hope to be remembered for good before the Lord.

f i g . 19a Syriac inscription (red circle) in the deir es-Salib church that could possibly be read as the word “saint.” (Photo by P. naim.)



f i g . 22the right-side apse of the deir es-Salib church featuring the annunciation and Mart Shmuni. (Photo by P. naim.)



Mart Shmuni

The church of Mart Shmuni on the east bank of Wadi Hulat (Fig. 31) was decorated with frescoes, which were destroyed during the renovation of the church in the 1980s (Fig. 32). Old photos show a succession of three

figures. The inscriptions were in vertical script, from top to bottom, and were placed near the heads of some of the saints/apostles on the southern apse. To the left of the right figure, we could see the letters ]ܡ ـ]ܪ؟ for (ܪܝ؟). There were the remains of unidentifiable letters (Figs. to the left of the second ]ܦܘܠܘܣ؟ or ܦܠܦܘܣ[ ܦ؟ܠ؟ܦ؟ܘ؟ :(34–33

f i g . 23a Syriac inscription (red circle) in the annunciation scene in the deir es-Salib church that reads “Saint Mary.” (Photo by P. naim.)

f i g . 24a drawing of the Syriac inscription in the deir es-Salib church reading the name of the Virgin Mary. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)


f i g . 27a Syriac horizontal inscriptions (red rectangle) in the deir es-Salib church possibly reading “John,” the name of a painter or donor. (Photo by P. naim.)

f i g . 28the scene of the crucifixion painted inside the deir es-Salib church. (Photo by P. naim.)


f i g . 29a Syriac inscription in serto script located under the crucifixion scene in the deir es-Salib church. (Photo by P. naim.)

f i g . 30a drawing of the Syriac inscription under the crucifixion scene in the deir es-Salib church. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)

f i g S . 29–30

1. ܟܠـ ܕܩܪܐ؟ ܢܨܠܝ؟ ܥܠ let everyone read [?] pray [?] for

2. ܛ؟... ܘܓܣ the sinner [?]… and the brigand [?]

3. ܚܒ/ ܒܢ ؟ ܠ ܘܠΔ/ܥ ؟…ܐ؟ sons of [?]…

4. ܕ/ܘܒܢܡͽ؟ ܘ... of/and benjamin [?] and…

5. ܕܪܝ/ܘ؟ ܐ؟ ܠܩܘܛ/ܐ؟... of the lord [?]…

6. ܘܠܒ/ܘܛܒ؟...ܐܠ؟... …[?]

7. …؟ …[?]

8. …؟ …[?]


fig

. 31

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figure. To the left of the third figure (Fig. 35–36), traces of some letters survived: ]ܒ؟[ܝܥܩܘ “Jame]s?[.” The apos-tle Philip ܦܠܦܘܣ is usually painted next to ܝܥܩܘܒ, as in the Bahdidat, Kaftun (still unpublished), and M‘ad frescoes (see Dodd 2004: 333); thus, the second person was most probably him.15

Deir Qannubine (Our Lady of Qannubine)

The monastery of Our Lady of Qannubine is built into a natural cave (Fig. 37). It was the seat of the Maronite patriarchate from AD 1440 until 1823. The church is adorned with many frescoes and paintings. They were

commissioned by the priest Peter from Cyprus (Butrus al-Qoborsi) by order of the Maronite patriarch Stephan Duwayhi in AD 1702 and finished in AD 1705 during the term of Patriarch Gabriel from Blawza (Jebrayel al-Bluzani) when the subsequent painter (or the restorer) added this patriarch to the group painted in front of Patriarch Duwayhi. The central apse is adorned with the scene of the Deisis, while the small left apse depicts Saint Joseph and the one to the right the prophet Daniel. On the northern side of the ceiling, the scene of the crown-ing of the Virgin Mary is painted (Fig. 38). The frescoes bear two Syriac and Karshuni inscriptions in serto script but sometimes mixed with Arabic vowels.

f i g . 32the interior of the church dedicated to Mart Shmuni. all of the frescoes were removed during the renovation of the church in the 1980s. (Photo by c. Karam.)


f i g . 33inscriptions (red circles) in the Mart Shmuni church placed near the heads of some saints/apostles(?). (Photo by r. nassif.)

f i g . 34a drawing of the Syriac inscriptions in the Mart Shmuni church. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)


f i g . 35an inscription (red circle) in the Mart Shmuni church possibly read as “Saint James.” (Photo by r. nassif.)

f i g . 36a drawing of the inscription in the Mart Shmuni church possibly read as “Saint James.” (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)


fig

. 37

the m

onas

tery

of o

ur l

ady o

f Qan

nubi

ne, t

he se

at of

the M

aron

ite p

atria

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te fr

om a

d 14

40 u

ntil 1

823.

(Pho

to b

y G. A

bous

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.)



The Deisis Inscriptions

The first person of the Holy Trinity is painted in the center of the main apse: God the Father, sitting on a large throne and in front of him the Lamb of God (Agnus Dei) lying on an altar (Fig. 39). Two rows of angels surround him. To his left, the Virgin Mary, patroness of all Maronite patriarchal monasteries, is painted in a posture of suppli-cation. To his right, Saint Stephen, patron of Patriarch Duwayhi, is painted. All the inscriptions in this scene are written in white-yellowish-colored ink.

To the left and right of God’s head, the first part of the hymn of the angels (Luke 2:14) is inscribed:

.Glory to God in the highest” (Fig. 40)“ ܠܐܡܓܕ ܠܠܗ ܦܝ ܠܐܥܠThe length of each part of this inscription is 47 cm. The maximum height of the letters is 10 cm (ܠ ,ܐ).

An inscription, which dates the fresco, is written on the bottom of the scene in one line, on both sides of the carpet on which God’s feet rest (Figs. 41–42). The length of the first part is 88 cm, and the second part probably is the same length. In the remaining written space (35 cm), we read:

ͽܠܨ ]ܣܢܗ ܠܐܦ ܘܣܒܥܡ؟[ܐܝܗ ܘܣܢܬܝ ܣܗ ܘܠܐܕܗ ܠܐܟ ܢܠܣܬ ܗܕܗ ܟ ܟ

ܬ

“This church of the Mother of Salvation was painted ]in the year one thousand and seven hund?[red and two” (AD 1702). Therefore, according to the list of the Maronite patriarchs, this painting was finished when Patriarch Duwayhi was still alive.

The maximum height of the letters is 10 cm = ܬ ,ܨ ,ܠ ,ܐ... the average height 4 cm = ܗ, ,ܣ The maximum ...ܦ

f i g . 38the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)


f i g . 39the deisis fresco in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine with the god the father in the middle surrounded by the Virgin Mary and Saint Stephen. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)

f i g . 40the deisis inscriptions (red circles) in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine read “glory to god in the highest.” (Photo by G. Abousamra.)


f i g . 41two inscriptions in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine written in Karshuni and latin under the image of Saint Stephen. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)

f i g . 42two inscriptions in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine written in Karshuni and latin under the image of the Virgin Mary. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)



width of the script is 1 cm. From the word ܘܣܒܥܡ؟[ܐܝܗ]the lower part of the ܐ. remains. The second part of this inscription probably dates the painting of the scene:

.16

ܠܣܬ ܟܨܬ does not stand for ܬ

ܠ ܟ

”was finished“ تخلصت = ܬ

in a local dialect, but for تكلست “plastered”—washed in lime, then painted while wet. In this inscription, as in the Prophet Daniel one, the letter كاف has a point over (ܣܗ ܢ

,(ܟthe letter خاء under (ܠܨ and there is no confusion 17,(ܠܐܟbetween سني and صاد. The inscription designates the date of the painting on the wall and not the foundation of the church, which was earlier.

Underneath Saint Stephen, who is dressed as a dea-con, there are two inscriptions written in Karshuni and Latin (see Fig. 41). Some of the characters in the Latin inscriptions (Stephen and Maria) are attached to other ones. Both ܐܠܓ and PRõ are in abbreviation: ܐܠܓ for ܐܠܓܠܢ “for us,” PRõ for pro nobis “for us.”

Saint Stephan pray for us.” The“ ܝ ܐܪ ܐܣܛܦܐܢܘܣ ܨܠܝ ܐܠܓlength of the line is 38 cm, and the maximum height of the letters is 5 cm = ܬ ,ܐ…, the average height 3 cm = ܣ, .and the maximum width of the script is 1 cm ,…ܦ

S. STEPHANE ORAPRõ]NOBIS[ “Saint Stephan pray for us.” The length of the line is 38 cm, the height of the big letters is 5 cm, the height of the small letters is 3 cm, and the width of the script is 1 cm.

Underneath the figure of Holy Mary is a dou-ble inscription, written in Karshuni and Latin (see Fig. 42). Both ܐܬܜܪܥܝ and pro nobis are abbreviated: ܐܬܜ for ܐܬܜܪܥܝ (for Arabic ترضعي) “pray,” PROÑ for pro nobis “for us.”

ܩܕܝܣܗ ܪܝܡ ܐܬܜ ܐܠܓܠܢ Holy Mary pray for us.” The length“ ܝof the line is 38 cm, the maximum height of the letters is 6 cm, the average height is 3 cm, and the maximum size of the script is 1 cm.

S. MARIÁ:ORAPROÑ]OBIS[ “Holy Mary pray for us.” The length of the line is 31 cm, the height of the letters is 4 cm, and the size of the script is 1 cm.

The Prophet Daniel Inscription

The fresco on the apse shows Daniel in the lion’s den. Above him, a hand from heaven moves the clouds and pours water on him (Fig. 43). A Karshuni inscription,

f i g . 43a Karshuni inscription in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine located under the fresco depicting the prophet daniel. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)


ܘܣܢܬ ܝܢ [ܘܣܒܥܡ؟[ܐ ܝܗ


painted in black ink and located between two decorative crosses, is at the bottom of the wall painting. The maxi-mum height of the letters is 10 cm = ܬ ,ܠ ,ܐ..., the average height 3 cm = ܣ, and the maximum width of the ,...ܦ script is 1 cm. We read clearly:

ͽܐܪ ܕܐܢܐܠ ܠܐܢܒܝ ܥ ܕܒܚ ܟܠܕ ܦܝ ܠܐܩܕܐܣ ܠܐܕܝ ܝܨܝܪ ܥܠܝܠ ܘܓܦܪܐܢ ܟܐ♱

ܢܦܣ ܠܐܡܐܝܬ♱

“Complete and immortalized remission, in the mass becomes on the altar of Saint Daniel the prophet, for the soul of the dead.”

The diacritic points, in the Deisis and Prophet Daniel Inscriptions of خاء ,كاف, and تاء are triangles; those of راء ,دال, and غني are lozenges. The vowels (الحركات) used are only fath. ah is not in its right (شدة) The shaddah .(كرسة) and kasrah (فتحة)place: above the ܡ (ܟܠܪܘ), it should be on the ܠ.

The Saint Joseph Inscription

Saint Joseph is painted with the divine child in his left arm and a saw in his right hand (Fig. 44). His name is inscribed on the left side, executed in white-yellowish ink: ܪܝ ܝܘܣܦ “Saint Joseph;” and on his right is written: ͽܣ ܠܦ Intercede for us.” The length of each sentence“ ܐܦis 30 cm. The maximum height of the letters is 7 cm = ܠ, ܐ, and the average height is 4 cm = ܦ ,ܣ. The maximum width of the script is 1 cm.

This is one of two Syriac inscriptions in this church. The second one, to which we will turn now, belongs to the scene of the coronation of the Holy Virgin.

The Coronation of the Holy Virgin Inscription

This fresco measures 4.48 m in height and 4.40 m in width, featuring the scene of the coronation of Mary. The scene is composed of different parts (Fig. 45): In the middle of the upper part, enclosed in a circular aure-ole and surrounded by angels on both sides, the Holy Trinity places a crown on the Virgin Mary’s head. The sun is depicted in the upper right corner, while a half-moon appears in the left corner. In the center of the fresco, enclosed by a red circle, the Lamb of God rests on the altar, flanked by cedar branches and by two tiers of

patriarchs. Syriac letters, which indicate the patriarchs’ names, are recorded in full at the bottom of the scene and are painted in white on the edges of their miters (upper tier), as well as on their chasubles (lower tier); here, the letters are executed in brown color (Figs. 46–47). The lower part of the fresco is too damaged by moisture to allow for the deciphering of the inscription.

I begin with the small Syriac inscription written in black ink on a white background (two lines) and placed on the cross held by Christ (Fig. 48). The inscription occupies an area of 8 by 5 cm, the longer letters are ܠ ܐ (2 cm), and the thickness of the script is 0.3 cm. Both ܢܨܪܝܐ and ܝܘ ܕܝܐ (with the syome) are abbreviated. This is the inscription that Pontius Pilate placed on the cross (John 19:19).

Above the crown on top of the Virgin’s head, there is a two-line inscription in brown ink written vertically into the rays that descend from the Holy Spirit (the dove) (Fig. 49). The length of the lines is 25 cm, the height of the letters ܠ ,ܐ 4 cm, and the thickness of the script is 0.5 cm. The inscription paraphrases Song of Songs 4:8 but adds the last word (ͽܦܬܬܟܠܠ) in order to allude to the scene of the coronation.

A large, eight-line Karshuni inscription, written in black-brownish ink in the middle of the bottom of the fresco but unfortunately damaged, indicates the names of 15 Maronite patriarchs (Figs. 50–53).18 Next to each patriarch or on his clothing is an identifying Syriac number-letter that corresponds to his name in the inscription (Fig. 54). The inscribed space measures 42 by 177 cm. The length of the line is 40 cm. The maximum height of the letters is 6 cm = ܬ ,ܠ ,ܐ.... The average height is 3 cm = ܦ ,ܣ…. The maximum width of the script is 1 cm. To the right side of this inscription are traces of red paint, possibly indicating a vertical inscription.

The decipherment of this inscription is based on a text copied in a register from Bkerki (Fig. 55; Appendix 1), old photos,19 and my personal examination of the inscription. As the end of the inscription indicates, the fresco was restored in AD 1781 by Mussa Dib, the disci-ple of Al-Qoborsi, from the village of Dlebta. The list of the patriarchs is copied in the patriarchal register before AD 1823 (the date of the death of the Patriarch Yuh. anna al-H. elu20). Recently, a document held in the archives of the Maronite bishopric of Tripoli (Fig. 56; Appendix 2)


f i g . 44a Syriac inscription (one of two) in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine painted under the fresco of Saint Joseph. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)

f i g . 45the coronation of the holy Virgin fresco in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by c. Kayrouz.)


fig

. 47

the p

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pain

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he fr

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of th

e cor

onat

ion of

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oly V

irgin

in th

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urch

of th

e mon

aste

ry of

our

lad

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annu

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. (Ph

oto

by c

. Kay

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fig

. 46

the p

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pain

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to th

e lef

t sid

e of t

he fr

esco

of th

e cor

onat

ion of

the h

oly V

irgin

in th

e ch

urch

of th

e mon

aste

ry of

our

lad

y of Q

annu

bine

. (Ph

oto

by c

. Kay

rouz

.)


f i g . 48the Syriac inscription placed on the cross held by christ on the fresco of the coronation of the holy Virgin in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)

f i g . 49a two-line inscription written vertically into the rays descending from the holy Spirit of the fresco of the coronation of the holy Virgin in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)

f i g . 481. ܝܫܘܥ ܢܨܪ Jesus the nazarene,

.2ܠܟ ܕܝܘܕ king of [the] Jews.

f i g . 49

1. ܗܠܡܝ ͽ ܠܒܢܐܢ ܝ come from lebanon, oh

ͽܠΰܝ ܦܬܬ2. ܥܪܘ my bride, and you will be crowned..


f i g . 50an eight-line Karshuni inscription in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine lists the names of 15 Maronite patriarchs. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)

f i g . 51a more detailed image of the patriarchs inscription in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)


f i g . 52another more detailed image of the patriarchs inscription in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by A. Badwi.)

f i g . 53a drawing of the Syriac inscriptions with the patriarchs’ names in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)

f i g S . 50–53

ͽܘܠܐܪܘܚ ܠܐܩܕܣ ܐܐܠܗ ܘܐܕ ܐ ͽܒܣܡ ܐܐܠܒ ܘܐܐܠܒ

ܩܕ ܐܥܬܢܝ ܒܬܔܕܝܕ ܗܕܗ ܠܐܨܘܪܗ ܩܕܣ ܠܐܣܕ ܠܐܔܠܠ ܐܪܝ ܟܐܝܠܠܐܟܐܙܢ ܢܨܒܗ ܐܐܠܒ ܐܐܠܩܕܣ ܠܐܒܐܒ ܒܘܣ

ܘ ܘܟܐܢ؟ ܢܐܝܒ ܒܛܪܝܪܟ ܥܠܝ ܠܐܛܐܝܦܗ ܠܐܡܐܪܘܢܗ ܘܗܘ ܩܐܛͽ ܒܗܕܐ ܠܐܕܝܪͽܘܗܘܐܠܝ ܗܡ ܠܐܒܛܐܪܟܗ ܠܐܕܝ

ܠܐܔܐܔܝ ܒ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܥܩܘܒ ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܣܟܢܘܐ ܗܕܐ ܠܐܕܝܪ. ܐ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܢܓ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܒܛܪܣ ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܕ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܫܡܥܘܢ

ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܗ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܘܣܝ ܠܐܥܟܐܪܝ ܘ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܟܐܝܠ ܠܐܪܙܝ ܙ ܠܐܒܛܪܟܣܪܟܣ ܠܐܪܙܝ ܚ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝ ܘܣܦ ܠܐܪܙܝ

ܛ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܢ ܟܠܘܦ ܗܕܢܐܢܝ ܝ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܔܪܔܣ ܥܡܪܗ ܝܐ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܝܘܣܦ ܠܐܥܐܩܘܪܝ ܝܒ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܚܢܐ ܠܐܨܦܪܐܘܝ

ܝܓ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܔܪܔܣ ܒܣܒܥܠܢܝ ܝܕ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܐܣܛܦܐܢ ܠܐܕܘ ܝܗܝ ܠܐ ܟـܘܪܝ ܔܒܪܐܝܠ ܠܐܒܠܘܙܐܢܝ. ܘܟܐܢ ܠܐܡܨܘܪ

ܘܣܝ ܪܝܣ ܕܝܕܘܣܢܗ ܐܝܨܗ ܗܔܪܝܗ ܨܚ

.1

.2

.3

.4

.5

.6

.7

.8

in the name of the father and the Son and the holy Spirit, one god, amen.

had cared for the renewal of this image reverend Monsignor Mar Mikhail al-Khazin, the plant of the holy father, pope pius

Vi. he was patriarchal Vicar for the Maronite community and he lives in this monastery. these are the patriarchs who

lived in this monastery: i. the patriarch yuh. anna al-Jaji, ii. the patriarch ya‘qub al-h. adathi, iii. the patriarch yussef al-h. adathi, iV. the patriarch Sham‘un

al-h. adathi, V. the patriarch Musa al-‘akkari, Vi. the patriarch Mikhail al-rizzi, Vii. the patriarch Sarkis al-rizzi, Viii. the patriarch yussef al-rizzi,

iX. the patriarch yuh. anna Makhluf, X. the patriarch gergis ‘omaira, Xi. the patriarch yussef al-‘akuri, Xii. the patriarch yuh. anna as-Sefrawi,

Xiii. the patriarch gergis beseb‘elani, XiV. the patriarch estephan al-duwayhi, XV. the patriarch Jibrail al-bluzani. the painter was father

Mussa, superior of the Monastery of our lady of the field, the year 1781 a.d., the year 2092 of the greek and the year 1195 of the hegira. truly.

܂ܝܘܢܢܗܣܕܗ ܠܐܚܩܠܗ ܣܢܗ ܐܥܦ ܣ ܘܣܢܗ ܒܨܒ

ܝܗܠܐܒܛܪܟܗܝ


fig

. 54

a dr

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he p

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’ sce

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the c

hurc

h of

the m

onas

tery

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ach

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arch

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nscr

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.)


Journal of EastErn MEditErranEan archaEology and hEritagE studiEs | 183

was found, discussing the reasons for and the history of this fresco.

Thirteen of these patriarchs are also mentioned in a list of 17 patriarchs in the Saint Marina chapel, west of the monastery of the Our Lady of Qannubine (Fig. 57; Appendix 3). Only two patriarchs are missing: Yussef al-‘Akuri, buried in ‘Akura, and Gergis Beseb‘elani, buried in Mar Shallita Muqbes in Kisrwan.

Epigraphic Notes: The painter lists the patriarchs in chronological order, divided into four series: (ܐ–ܓ), (ܕ–ܘ), ,ܙ :Only three letter-numbers are not visible .(ܙ–) ,(ܚ–ܝ), and . The letter ܙ apparently belongs to the last series (it should appear before the letter ܚ). The letter-number The two letter-numbers of .ܒ is quite similar to ܓare separated. The two last patriarchs Duwayhi () and Bluzani (ܗ) are in relief, the first ordered the painting when the second, his successor, was still alive; work on the painting began before AD 1704 (date of the death of Patriarch Duwayhi) and was finished during the early mandate of Patriarch Bluzani. The number-letters of the

f i g . 55the Bkerki register that helped decipher the Patriarchs’ inscription in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by S. Saliba.)

f i g . 54

Patriarch number and Position left lower rankfirst left inscriptionsecond left inscriptionthird left inscription

ܐ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܘܚܢ ܠܐܔܐܔܝܒ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܥܩܘܒ ܠܐܚܬܝ

ܓ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܒܛܪܣ ܠܐܚܬܝ

right lower rankfirst right inscriptionsecond right inscriptionthird right inscription. the letter ܘ is written

on the belt of the patriarch.

ܕ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܫܡܥܘܢ ܠܐܚܬܝܗ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܡܘܣܝ ܠܐܥܟܐܪܘܘ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܡܝܟܐܠ ܠܐܪܙܝ

left higher ranksecond left altar? ܙ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܣܪܟܝܣ ܠܐܪܙܝ

right higher rankfourth right altar. We can see the letter.on the top of the crown ܚ

third right altarsecond right altar

ܚ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܘܣܦ ܠܐܪܙܝ

ܛ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܘܚܢ ܡܟܠܘܦ ܗܕܢܐܢܝܝ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܓܪܓܣ ܥܡܝܪܗ

left higher rankthird left altar?fourth left altar?fifth left altar

ܝܐ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܘܣܦ ܠܐܥܐܩܘܪܝܝܒ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܘܚܢ ܠܐܨܦܪܐܘ

ܝܓ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܔܪܓܣ ܒܣܒܥܐܠܢܝ

right higher rankfirst right altar ܝܕ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܐܣܛܦܐܢ ܠܐܘܗܝ

left higher rankfirst left altar ܝܗ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܓܒܪܐܠ ܠܐܒܠܘܙܐܢܝ


was found, discussing the reasons for and the history of this fresco.

Thirteen of these patriarchs are also mentioned in a list of 17 patriarchs in the Saint Marina chapel, west of the monastery of the Our Lady of Qannubine (Fig. 57; Appendix 3). Only two patriarchs are missing: Yussef al-‘Akuri, buried in ‘Akura, and Gergis Beseb‘elani, buried in Mar Shallita Muqbes in Kisrwan.

Epigraphic Notes: The painter lists the patriarchs in chronological order, divided into four series: (ܐ–ܓ), (ܕ–ܘ), ,ܙ :Only three letter-numbers are not visible .(ܙ–) ,(ܚ–ܝ), and . The letter ܙ apparently belongs to the last series (it should appear before the letter ܚ). The letter-number The two letter-numbers of .ܒ is quite similar to ܓare separated. The two last patriarchs Duwayhi () and Bluzani (ܗ) are in relief, the first ordered the painting when the second, his successor, was still alive; work on the painting began before AD 1704 (date of the death of Patriarch Duwayhi) and was finished during the early mandate of Patriarch Bluzani. The number-letters of the

f i g . 55the Bkerki register that helped decipher the Patriarchs’ inscription in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by S. Saliba.)

f i g . 54


ܐ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܘܚܢ ܠܐܔܐܔܝܒ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܥܩܘܒ ܠܐܚܬܝ

ܓ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܒܛܪܣ ܠܐܚܬܝ















Mar Bishoy

The hermitage of Mar Bishoy is located west of the monastery of Saint Antonios Qozhaya (Fig. 58).22 A Karshuni inscription is located in the second room of the hermitage, on the wall west of the entrance (Fig. 59). It is inscribed vertically on white plaster in light brown ink above a geometric frieze (Figs. 60–61). The location of the inscription is not convenient for writing (especially for someone who is right-handed) because it is limited by the nearby southern wall. The inscription runs from the left to the right sides of the wall and finishes in the corner. It is a kind of writing exercise, a repetition of Syriac alpha-betic letters, with some small prayers.

The writing covers a maximum area of 23 by 13 cm. The length of the two first lines is 2 cm, the maximum length

of Lines 3–15 is 9 cm. Lines 16–23 measure maximally 12 cm, and Lines 24–27 are 6 cm. The following letters have a height of 1 cm, while the average ܬ and ,ܠ ,ܓ ,ܐheight of the letters is about 0.5 cm.

The inscription in Figs. 59–61 can be divided as fol-lows: The first two lines are incoherent. Thirteen exercise lines of repeated letters (3–15) follow. Only the letters ܥ, are not represented in this scribal exercise. Lines ܬ and ,ܪ16–17 are the Trinity formula. Lines 18–27 contain a small variety of prayers, invoking God, Saint Mary, Saint John, and Saint Antonios.

Epigraphic Notes

This expression could .ܣ is under the ܡ the ,ܒܐܠ ܓܣܡ :1.1designate spiritual beings or angels. In the second line the author tried to begin with the Trinity formula or by the name of God: ܒܐܣܡ; at the end of red color we can see the letter ܗ. In Line 16 the word ܘܪܘܘܚ is written with-out ܐܠ, probably because it is not pronounced before the solar letters, and with two ܘ to indicate, perhaps, a long

f i g . 57the patriarchs list in the saint Marina chapel, west of the our lady of Qannubine monastery. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)

f i g . 57


ܐ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܘܚܢ ܠܐܔܐܔܝܒ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܥܩܘܒ ܠܐܚܬܝܓ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܒܛܪܣ ܠܐܚܬܝ














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patriarchs in the inscription are written in red ink and refer to the Syriac letters on the painting. Arabic vowels are in red ink. Diacritics are in lozenge red points (for ܔ). The mark of the letter كاف appears as a red triangle over the letter. Apparently, there is no special dot for the letter .ܠܐܒܛܪ ܝܪܟ for ܠܐܒܛܪܟ The writer used the word .خاء

Line 1: ܩܕ the ܕ looks like ܘ with a dot below.Lines 2–3: The copyist read ܢܨ ܒܗ ܐܐܠܒ ܐܐܠܩܕܣ “plant of the

Holy Father,” but it can be به األب األقدس) ܢܨ ܒܗ ܐܐܠܒ ܐܐܠܩܕܣ (نص“the Holy Father established him.” This may refer to the deposition of the Patriarch Joseph Estephan by Pope Pius VI in AD 1779 and his replacement with Vicar

Michael Khazen until AD 1784 when the pope reinstated the deposed patriarch.21 ܠܐܒܒ ܒܝܘܣ: The copyist wrote the two words in the beginning of the third line, but they are at the end of the second line as it appears on the fresco. The beginning of the third line is not clear enough. On the basis of the remains, we can suggest two readings. First, probably the number VI (for the pope) is written as a Syriac letter ܘ (waw), then the word ܘܒܐܢ: ܢܐܝܒܐ ܒܛܪܝܪܒܐ The Pope Pius VI, and he…“ …ܠܐܒܐܒܐ ܒܘܣ ܘ ܘܟܐܢ was a patriarchal vicar”. Second, we can propose the word ܠܐܒܐܒ :the sixth” in full letters“ ܠܐܣܐܕܣ ܐܐܠܩܕܣ ܐܐܠܒ ܢܨܒܗ ܒܛܪ ܝܪܟ

ܢ ܝܒ ܕܣ The Holy Father Pope Pius VI“ ܠܐܣܐ

f i g . 56a document from the archives of the Maronite bishopric of tripoli giving the reasons for and the history of the scene of the patriarchs in the church of the monastery of our lady of Qannubine. (Photo by A. Badwi.)

ܒܘܣ



established him as patriarchal vicar.” The first hypothesis is more probable since the numbers are rendered as let-ters in this inscription.

Lines 4–6: After the word ܠܐܕܝܪ there is a big red point. The copyist abbreviated the last word ܠܐܒܛ (for ܠܐܒܛܪܟ) at the end of each line, although it is not abbreviated on the painting.

Line 4: ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܫܡܥܘܢ, we can see the end of the ܟ on the .in the following line ܝܘܣܦ of ܦ

Line 5: ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܣܦ, we can see the remainder of the stroke of the ܟ.

Line 6: ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܢܐ, the ܟ is clear.Because of these mistakes, the fresco was most

probably damaged when the copyist wrote the inscrip-tion (beginning of the nineteenth century AD?).

Mar Bishoy

The hermitage of Mar Bishoy is located west of the monastery of Saint Antonios Qozhaya (Fig. 58).22 A Karshuni inscription is located in the second room of the hermitage, on the wall west of the entrance (Fig. 59). It is inscribed vertically on white plaster in light brown ink above a geometric frieze (Figs. 60–61). The location of the inscription is not convenient for writing (especially for someone who is right-handed) because it is limited by the nearby southern wall. The inscription runs from the left to the right sides of the wall and finishes in the corner. It is a kind of writing exercise, a repetition of Syriac alpha-betic letters, with some small prayers.

The writing covers a maximum area of 23 by 13 cm. The length of the two first lines is 2 cm, the maximum length of Lines 3–15 is 9 cm. Lines 16–23 measure maximally 12 cm, and Lines 24–27 are 6 cm. The following letters have a height of 1 cm, while the average ܬ and ,ܠ ,ܓ ,ܐheight of the letters is about 0.5 cm.

The inscription in Figs. 59–61 can be divided as fol-lows: The first two lines are incoherent. Thirteen exercise lines of repeated letters (3–15) follow. Only the letters ܥ, are not represented in this scribal exercise. Lines ܬ and ,ܪ16–17 are the Trinity formula. Lines 18–27 contain a small variety of prayers, invoking God, Saint Mary, Saint John, and Saint Antonios.

Epigraphic Notes

This expression could .ܣ is under the ܡ the ,ܒܠ ܓܣܡ :1.1designate spiritual beings or angels. In the second line the author tried to begin with the Trinity formula or by the name of God: ܒܐܣܡ; at the end of red color we can see the letter ܗ. In Line 16 the word ܘܪܘܘܚ is writ-ten without ܐܠ, probably because it is not pronounced before the solar letters, and with two ܘ to indicate, perhaps, a long vowel. In Line 17, the word ܠܐܩܕܘܣ can be a transcription for القدوس or القدس with ܘ to form a long vowel. In the word ܬܥܢܢܝ in Line 19, there is more space between ܬ and ܥ.

f i g . 57the patriarchs list in the Saint Marina chapel, west of the our lady of Qannubine monastery. (Photo by G. Abousamra.)



Lines 18–20 are quotations inspired from Psalm 50:3, 11. In Line 20, the word ܐܣܪܦ (for ܐܨܪܦ), the change from reflects a local Arabic dialect in some villages ,سين to صادaround Deir Qozhaya (until today): for example, Fradis, Arbet Qozhaya, and Qannubine. The last four lines are a concluding formula noting the intercession of Saint Mary, Saint John, and Saint Antonios, the patron of the nearby monastery.

There is no coherence in this inscription and no one subject. The language is poor and incorrect: It is an inscription perhaps by a student beginning to learn to read and write. This inscription could also be an exercise of a novice or monk from the time when the hermitage was renovated and repopulated at the begin-ning of the 18th century AD, probably around 1712.

The hermitage belonged to the monastery of Mar Antonios Qozhaya as indicated by Germanos Farhat in his chronicle.23 He lived there for a short time as a her-mit (AD 1712) and was a superior between AD 1710 and 1716.24 Reverend Blaybel sums up the renovation of this hermitage and the sojourn of Farhat there:25 “The Order started the construction of the Saint Bichoy hermit-age near the Monastery of Qozhaya, and Father Gebril26 Farhat was the first monk to seclude himself for worship and writing. However, his high rank and well-known ardor and enthusiasm for the Order, in addition to his many acquaintances among the community did not let him stay long in the hermitage, as people asked him to help in solving serious matters which could not be solved without his intervention.”

f i g . 58a view of the Mar bishoy hermitage. (Photo by A. chaaya.)



Conclusion

Syriac and Karshuni inscriptions on painted walls in the Qadisha Valley attest to the fact that the Syriac language and script were used during different peri-ods in this location. The tradition of using the Syriac language in the region, according to the epigraphic evidence, goes back to the eighth century AD, continues during the medieval period (Abousamra 2000; 2004; 2013), and into modern times. The types of inscriptions vary between graffiti, middle script, and good calligra-phy, such as those on the frescoes from the monastery of Our Lady of Qannubine.

The inscriptions render information on the various concerns of individuals and communities, who lived in

and around the churches and hermitages: They touch on spiritual and liturgical life, quote or allude to bibli-cal texts, document historical and artistic activities, and commemorate works and people, especially the patri-archs. The number of frescoes and inscriptions are a good testimony to the activities of the artists and the styles they employed, highlighting a tradition that continues through the centuries.

Syriac and Karshuni scripts, usually employed by Syriac-speaking people, are used side-by-side with others such as Greek, Ethiopian, and Arabic, in various churches like Deir Mar Asya, Deir es-Salib, Mar Bishoy, Hadath, and the Hawqa grottoes. This fact is of major importance because it demonstrates how different Christian com-munities lived together and used the same places of wor-ship throughout the long history of the Qadisha Valley. In addition, the use of two or more scripts alongside each other (Syriac, Karshuni, and Latin, such as on the fres-coes in the monastery of Our Lady of Qannubine) testi-fies to the fact that one and the same community mixed different traditions and languages.

f i g . 59the Karshuni inscription on the wall west of the entrance in the Mar bishoy hermitage. (Photo by A. chaaya.)


Appendix 1

ܢܣܟܗ ܡܐ ܗܘ ܡܚܪܪ ܬܚܬ ܨܘܪ ܠܐܒܛܐܪܟܗ ܒܕܝܪ ܩܢܘܒܝܢ ܘܗܘ ܬܡܐܢܝܗ ܐܣܛܪ ܢܣܟܢܐܗܡ ܘܔܥܠܢܐ ܐܢ ή ܣܛܪ ܒܗܕܗ ܠܐܘܪܩܗ ܝܒܬܕܝ ܘܝܢܬܗܝ

ܦܣܛܪܐ

ܟܡܐ ܗܡ ܣܛܪܐ

ܒܐܠܟܐܠܡ ܠܐܡܒܬܕܝܒܗܐ ܟܠ ܣܛܪ ܡܢ ܐܐܠܣܛܪ ܠܐܡܕܟܘܪܗ

Below is a copy of the eight lines that were placed under the images of the patriarchs in the monastery of Our Lady of Qannubine. The lines in this transcription correspond to the original division of the text on the church wall.

1. ܒܣܡ ܐܐܠܒ ܘܐܐܠܒܢ ܘܠܐܪܘܚ ܠܐܩܕܣ ܐܐܠܗ ܘܐܚܕ ܐܡܝܢ 2. ܩܕ ܐܥܬܢܝ ܒܬܔܕܝܕ ܗܕܗ ܠܐܨܘܪܗ ܩܕܣ ܠܐܣܝܕ ܠܐܔܠܝܠ ܡܐܪܝ

ܡܝܟܐܝܠ ܠܐܟܐܙܢ ܢܨܒܗ ܐܐܠܒ ܐܐܠܩܕܣ ܥܠܝ ܠܐܛܐܝܦܗ ܠܐܡܐܪܘܢܝܗ

ܒܛܪܝܪܟܝܐ

ܠܐܒܐܒܐ ܒܝܘܣ ܘ ܢܐܝܒܐ .3

ܘܗܘ ܩܐܛܢ ܒܗܕܐ ܠܐܕܝܪ ܘܗܘܐܠܝ ܗܡ ܠܐܒܛܐܪܟܗ ܠܐܕܝܢ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܚܢܐ ܠܐܔܐܔܝ ܒ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܥܩܘܒ

4. ܣܟܢܘܐ ܗܕܐ ܠܐܕܝܪ. ܐ

ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܓ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܒܛܪܣ ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܕ ܠܐܒܛܪ ܫܡܥܘܢ 5. ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܗ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܡܘܣܝ ܠܐܥܟܐܪܝ ܘ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܡܝܟܐܝܠ ܠܐܪܙܝ

ܙ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܣܪܟܝܣ ܠܐܪܙܝ ܚ ܠܐܒܛ ܝܘܣܦ ܠܐܪܙܝ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܚܢܐ ܡܟܠܘܦ ܗܕܢܐܢܝ ܝ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܓܪܓܣ

6. ܛ

ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܝܘܣܦ ܠܐܥܐܩܘܪܝ ܝܒ ܠܐܒܛ ܝܘܚܢܐ ܠܐܨܦܪܐܘܝܥܡܝܪܗ ܝܐ

f i g . 60a more detailed image of the Karshuni inscription in the Mar bishoy hermitage. (Photo by A. chaaya.)

f i g . 61a drawing of the Karshuni inscription in the Mar bishoy hermitage. (Drawing by G. Abousamra.)



In order to identify the patriarchs in the wall painting, refer to the alphabetical character next to each figure. For example, Patriarch Yuh. anna al-Jaji is identified by the letter ܐ next to him.

Appendix 2 (Badwi 2013: 141)

ان الصورة المصورة على حائط قنوبين )اي صورة البطاركة(. 1فهذه تصورت بزمان البطرك اسطفان الدويهي من بطرس القبرسي. 2

text translation

ܒܐܠ ܓܣܡ .1 Without body

ܒܐܣܡ ܗ .2 in the name h

ܕ ܕ ܕ ܫ ܫ ܩ ܙ ܫ ܫ .3 ddd šš q z šš

ܘܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ .4 wwwwwwwwwwwwwww

ܐ ܐ ܐ ܨ ܩ ܣ .5 ’’’ s. q s

ܗ ܗ ܗ ܗ ܗ ܠܘ ܗ ܗ ܗ ܗ .6 hhhhh lw hhhh

ܦ ܦ ܦ ܦ ܦ ܦ .7 pppppp

ܣ ܝ ܝ ܒ ܒ ܒ ܒ ܒ .8 s yy bbbbb

ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܣ ܣ ܣ .9 ’’’’’’’’’’ sss

ܣ ܣ .10 ss

ܓ ܓ ܓ ܓ ܓ ܓ .11 gggggg

ܕ ܕ ܕ ܕ ܕ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ .12 ddddd ’’’’

ܚ ܝ ܝ ܝ ܚ ܚ ܚ .13 …h. yyy h. h. h.ܡ ܡ ܠ ܠ ܡ ܛ ܛ ܟܝ ܟܝ ܟܝ .14 mm ll m t.t. ky ky ky

ܢܢ ܢܢ ܢܢ .15 nn nn nn

ܒܣܡ ܐܐܠܒ ܘܐܐܠܒܢ ܘܪܘܘܚ .16 in the name of the father and the son and the holy

ܠܐܩܕܘܣ ܠܐܠܗ ܝܐ ܠܐܠܗ ܝܐ ܠܐܠܗ .17 spirit. god, o god, o god.

ܐܪܚܡܢܝ ܝܐ ܠܐܠܗ…ܣܘ؟ .18 Be gracious to me, o god?

ܐܣܐܠܟ ܝܐ ܪܒܝ ܐܢ ܬܥܝܢܢܝ .19 i ask you, o my lord, to help me.

ܝܐ ܪܒܝ ܐܐ ܐܣܪܦ ܘܓܗܟ .20 o my lord, ’’ turn away thy face.

ܐܝܐ ܝܐ [ܪܒܝ؟] ܐܓܦܪ ܟܝܛܐܐκ ܝܐ ܪܒܝ .21 oh, o [my lord?], forgive our sins, o my lord,

22. ܝܐ ܠܐܗ؟ ܗܪܒܘܐ ܠܐܝ o god? you flee to…

ܐܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ .23 amen, amen, amen.

[ܒ؟]ܨܠܘܬ ܒܨܐܠܗ [ܘܠܐܕܗ؟] .24 [By?] the prayers, by the prayer [of the Mother

ܠܐܠܗ ܡܪܝܡ [ܘܡ ܐܪܝ؟] .25 of?] god, Mary, [and saint?]

ܝܘܚܢܐ ܘܡܐ[ܪ]ܝ .26 John and sai[n]t

ܐܢ[ܘܢܝ]ܘܣ ܐܡܝ[ܢ] .27 ant[oni]us. ame[n].

…

f i g s . 59–61

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7. ܝܓ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܔܪܔܣ ܒܣܒܥܐܠܢܝ ܝܕ ܠܐܒܛܪܟ ܐܣܛܦܐܢ ܠܐܕܘܝܗܝ ܝܗܠܐܒܛܪ ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܠܐܒܠܘܙܐܢܝ. ܘܟܐܢ ܠܐܡܨܘܪ ܠܐܟܘܪܝ

8. ܡܘܣܝ ܪܝܣ ܕܝܪ ܣܝܕܗ ܠܐܚܩܠܗ ܣܢܗ ܐܥܦܐ ܡܣ ܘ ܣܢܗ ܒ ܝܘܢܐܢܝܗ ܘܣܢܗ ܐܝܨܗ ܗܔܪܝܗ ܨܚ

ܘܠܟܝ ܬܥܪܦ ܟܠ ܒܛܪܝܪܟ ܡܢ ܠܐܒܛܐܪܟܗ ܠܐܡܕܟܘܪܝܢ ܡܢ ܗܘ ܐܠܚܜ ܠܐܚܪܦ ܐܐܠܒܔܕܝ ܠܐܡܘܨܘܥ

ܒܗܕܗ ܐܐܠܣܛܪ ܥܢܕ ܟܠ ܒܛܪܝܪܟ ܦܬܪܐܗ ܡܕܘܢܐ ܩܕܐܡܗ ܡܬܐܠ ܠܐܒܛܪܝܪܟ ܝܘܚܢܐ ܠܐܔܐܔܝ\\

ܡܕܘܢ ܚܕܐܗ ܐ

ܒܨ


قاطن دير قنوبين بامر البطرك الدويهي وسبب هذا التصوير، هو. 3انه راى حلما حسب شكل الصورة اي انه عمال بقدس على مذبح. 4تحت ارزات لبنان وبخر االسرار وصورة شخصه على شكله الحقيقي. 5وهو هامته كبيرة كبير العينين والراس والبطرك. 6جبرايل البلوزاني قباله وكانت هذه الصورة تعطلت. 7الى ان بزمان البطرك يوسف اسطفان وتنزله المطران مخايل. 8حرب الخازن النائب احضر الخوري موسى ديب من سيدة. 9

10. الحقله وجدد هذه الصوره مصلحا تعطيلها وبقيت11. صورة الدويهي على رسمها الحقيقي وصورة البطرك جبرايل

12. البلوزاني صنعت على صورة هيئة المطران مخايل حرب المذكور..

13. )نقال عن لسان البطرك بولس مسعد.(

1. This painted image on the wall of Qannubine (the image of the Patriarchs),

2. was painted in the time of the Patriarch Estephan Duwayhi by Peter the Cypriot,

3. who lived in Deir Qannubine by order of the Patriarch Duwayhi. The reason of this painting is:

4. He ]the patriarch[ saw a dream similar to the image: He was celebrating the mass on an altar

5. Under the cedars of Lebanon, blessing the sacraments. This picture is identical to his own person:

6. His stature is big, he has big eyes and a big head. And the Patriarch

7. Gabriel from Blawza is in front of him. This image was damaged,

8. But in the time of Patriarch Joseph Estephan and his consecration, Bishop Mikhael

9. Harb Khazen, the vicar, brought the Priest Mussa Deeb from Our Lady

10. of the Field, and restored this painting and11. the Duwayhi image remains faithful to the original

one, and the image of the Patriarch Gabriel12. from Blawza was made in the image of the Bishop

Michael Harb mentioned above.13. (Quoting from Patriarch Paul Massaad).

1. In the year 1909, in the days of our Father the beatified Mor Eli

2. Elia Peter, patriarch of Antioch and all the East, was renewed

3. This blessed chapel, in which precede and die, in the hope

4. of the glorious resurrection our fathers, the beatified patriarchs,

5. which their names are written here for the good memory and forever ܀

6. Yuh. anna al-Jaji 1404–14457. Ya‘qub ‘Id al-H. adathi 1445–14688. Boutros H. assan al-H. adathi 1468–14929. Sham‘un H. assan al-H. adathi 1492–1524

10. Musa Sa‘adeh al-‘Akkari 1524–156711. Mikhail al-Rizzi 1567–158112. Sarkis al-Rizzi 1581–159713. Yussef al-Rizzi 1597–160814. Yuh. anna Makhluf 1608–163315. Gergis ‘Omaira 1633–164416. Yuh. anna as-Sefrawi 1648–165617. Estephan al-Duwayhi 1670–170418. Jibrail al-Blouzani 1704–1705


Appendix 3

1. ܒܫܢܬ ܐ ܨ ܛ ܒܝܘܡܬܐ ܕܐܒܘܢ ܛܘܒܬܢܐ ܡܪܝ ܠܐܝ2. ܠܐܝܐ ܦܛܪܘܣ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܕܐܢܛܝܘܟܝܐ ܘܕܟܠܗ ܡܕܢܚܐ ܐܬܚܕܬ

ܗܝܟܐܠ ܗܢܐ ܡܒܪܟܐ ܕܒܗ ܩܕܡܘ ܫܟܒܘ ܥܠ ܣܒܪܐ .3

4. ܕܩܝܡܬܐ ܡܫܒܚܬܐ ܐܒܗܬܢ ܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܛܘܒܢܐ5. ܕܫܡܗܝܗܘܢ ܗܪܟܐ ܟܬܝܒܝܢ ܠܕܘܟܪܢܐ ܛܒܐ ܘܕܠܥܠܡ ܀

ܐܬܕ–ܐܬܡܗ 6. ܝܘܚܢܐ ܠܐܓܐܓܝ ܐܬܡܗ–ܐܬܢܚ 7. ܝܥܩܘܒ ܥܝܕ ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܐܬܢܚ–ܐܬܨܒ 8. ܒܛܪܣ ܚܣܐܢ ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܐܬܨܒ–ܐܢܟܕ 9. ܫܡܥܘܢ ܚܣܐܢ ܠܐܚܕܬܝ ܐܢܟܕ–ܐܢܣܙ ܕܗ ܠܐܥܟܐܪܝ 10. ܡܘܣܝ ܣܥܐܐܢܣܙ–ܐܢܦܐ 11. ܡܝܟܐܝܠ ܠܐܪܙܝ ܐܢܦܐ–ܐܢܨܘ 12. ܣܪܟܝܣ ܠܐܪܙܝ 13. ܝܘܣܦ ܠܐܪܙܝ ܐܢܦܐ–ܐܣܚ

ܐܣܚ–ܐܣܠܓ 14. ܝܘܚܢܐ ܡΰܘܦ ܐܣܠܓ–ܐܣܡܕ 15. ܓܪܓܣ ܥܡܝܪܐ ܐܣܡܚ–ܐܣܢܘ 16. ܝܘܚܢܐ ܠܐܨܦܪܐܘܝ

ܐܣܥ–ܐܥܕ 17. ܐܣܛܦܐܢܘܣ ܠܐܕܘܝܗܝ ܐܥܕ–ܐܥܗ 18. ܓܒܪܐܝܠ ܠܐܒܠܘܙܐܢܝ ܐܥܨܘ–ܐܦܟ 19. ܝܘܣܦ ܠܐܬܝܐܢ

ܐܦܛ–ܐܦܟܓ 20. ܝܘܚܢܐ ܠܐܚܠܘ ܐܦܟܓ–ܐܦܡܗ 21. ܝܘܣܦ ܚܒܝܫ

ܐܦܡܗ–ܐܦܢܕ 22. ܝܘܣܦ ܠܐܟܐܙܢ ܢܪܘܨܘܢ ܒܩܒܪܐ ܓܪܡܝܗܘܢ .23

ܝܩܐ ܕܪܚܡܘ ܩܘܫܬܐ 24. ܕܙܕ


19. Yussef al-Tiyyan 1796–180920. Yuh. anna al-H. elu 1809–182321. Yussef H. baych 1823– 184522. Yussef al-Khazen 1845–185423. May rejoice in the tombs the bones24. of the righteous who loved the truth.

Lines 1–2: ,is covered by the stone ܐ most probably the ,ܠܐat the end of the line; the scribe rewrites it, advanced a bit, in the beginning of Line 2. ܠܐ ܦܛܪܝܪܟ is Elias Peter H. owayyek (1843–1931), who was elected patriarch in 1898.

Line 8: Boutros (for Yussef) H. assan al-H. adathi.Line 17: The name ܐܣܛܦܐܢܘܣ ܠܐܕܘܝܗܝ has recently been

repainted for emphasis.27

Line 19: There is an error: ܐܦܟ should be (1809 =) ܐܦܛ.Lines 23–24: These last two lines are centered. The sen-

tence ܗܘܢ ܕܙܕܝܩܐ ܕܪܡܘ ܘܘܫܬܐ ܓܪ ܢܕܘܨܘܢ ܒܩܒܪ is a compilation of two quotations from the Maronite breviary,28 safro of Sunday, the melody “Ariko.” ܗܘܢܢܕܘܨܘܢ ܒܩܒܪܐ ܓܪ is from the middle of the Strophe 11; and ܙܕܝܩ ܕܪܡܘ ܩܘܫܬܐ is the begin-ning of Strophe 8. Also, we find the same melody in the lilyo of Wednesday: Strophe 10 begins with ܙܕܝܩ ܕܪܡܘ ܩܘܫܬܐ, and in the middle of Strophe 11 we find ܗܘܢܢܕܘܨܘܢ ܒܩܒܪܐ ܓܪ. These two strophes are said for the memorial of deceased and martyr “our fathers and brothers.”

notes1. For new discoveries in the Qadisha Valley, see Liban

s outerrain, vols. 1–4 (1988–1993); and Groupe d’études et de recherches souterraines du Liban 1994. For the latest publication of some mural paintings, see Dodd 2004; and Sader 2012.

2. For Saydet ed-Dorr, west of Bsharri, see Dodd 2004: 239–48. We find crosses with the Greek monogram IC XC at differ-ent sites: twice in Deir es-Salib (Dodd 2004: 37–38, 251; Sader 1989: 26). Both mention the main decorated apse cross. Fadi Baroudy, Paul Khawaja, and Alain Maroun (1989: 18) mention another one inside a quadrate on the left side of the entrance. There is also one in Asi Hawqa (Baroudy, Khawaja, and Maroun

1988: 17; Salamé-Sarkis 1988: 19), and one in Deir Mar Asya (Abi-Aoun et al. 1993: 7). See also .43 ،لبنان الجوفي 5، ص ،… الجداريةبدوي، 1998، الرسوم

3. In Mar Asya, see .32–31 ،1998، الكتابة الحبشية…، لبنان الجوفي 5، ص بدوي،

4. In Deir es-Salib, Asi Hawqa (Salamé-Sarkis 1988: 18–23), and the hermitage of Mar Bishoy near Saint Antonios Qozhaya.

5. Syriac had three varieties: estrangelo (the classical Syriac script), serto (the western Syriac script used by the Jacobites and Maronites), and madnhaya (the eastern script used by Assyrians and Nestorians). Inscriptions found in the Qadisha Valley belong only to the estrangelo and serto scripts.

6. I wish to express my sincere thanks to the friends who allowed me to use their photos of these inscriptions: Abdo Badwi, Fadi Baroudy, Georges Hayek, Nada Hélou, Charles Karam, Charbel Kayrouz, Pierre Naim, Elsi Trad, and Apolline Vernet.

7. Special thanks to Elsi Trad, who kindly drew this map.8. We hesitate to read ܐܩܗ (1105 = AD 774) or 1860) ܐܦܣ = AD

1549). In the first suggestion, the second letter seems to be a quadrate ܦ not closed/linked, so not a ܩ, which would render a date that would be too early. In the second case, the last letter cannot be ܣ because there is not enough space for the first circle of this letter.

9. This name was known and a person by that name is mentioned as a copyist for a marriage contract from AD 1306 (Baissari 1999: ms. 20, 61). In Bka‘kafra, near Qadisha Valley, there is a monastery dedicated to Saint Hawsheb (Eusebius) from the twelfth century and renovated in AD 1496 .(الدويهي، تاريخ األزمنة، طبعة فهد، ص، 372)

10. Concerning the presence of Jacobite and Ethiopian monks in the Qadisha Valley, see

147. الدويهي، تاريخ األزمنة، توتل، ص، . الدويهي، الشرح المختصر، ص40–139. 214 . تاريخ األزمنة، فهد، ص، 353. بارودي، 1998، ص، 100–95.

11. See. 160-75 بارودي، 1998، ص For the presence of the Jacobites after AD 1488 in Jobbat Becharri, see ،بارودي 1998 : 115–16.

12. On the preparation of the graticules, see Hajj 2014: 207–9. The first witness describing the monastery of Deir es-Salib is written by Yussef El-Hurany, during his visit in September 1924 (see

االب يوسف ابراهيم الحوراني الحصروني، تاريخ أديار معاملة الجبة، نشره االب يوسف الخوري، غزير، 1998، ص، 45–47.

13. For the last proposal, see Hélou 2008: 58; Nordiguian and Voisin 1999: 340; and Ziadé 2014.

14. See Dodd 2004: 18, 92, 253; and Sader 1989: 30; however, Sader dates the frescoes to the end of the thirteenth century AD without mentioning the inscriptions.

ܦܛܪܝܪܟ

gaby abousamra is professor of epigraphy and Semitic languages in the Department of Art and Archeology at the Lebanese University, Beirut. He is also a member of the research unit UMR 7192 at the Collège de France in Paris. He is a specialist in the history of the ancient Levant and ancient Semitic languages. (Department of Arts and Archeology, Section 2, Lebanese University, Fanar, Lebanon; [email protected])


ܦܛܪܘܣ


15. In The Frescos of Mart Shmuni Church-Hadsheet (2013), by The Phoenix Center for Lebanese Studies, there are only three faces in Apse C (photos 22–25) without the supposed Philip. Most of these photos were taken by Raif Nassif on November 13, 1971.

16. The word ͽܘܣܢܬ ܝ is the dual of ܣܢܗ (year) or a probable error for Arabic واثنتين where the ا after the و is not pronounceable, and the ث can be pronounced as س, where the other date numbers (in the same inscription) are written in full words But with the kasrah underneath the sin .([ܣܢܗ ܠܐܦ ܘܣܒܥܡ؟]ܐܝܗ)the meaning is clear: “two years.”

17. See in this article the inscriptions of the Prophet Daniel and the Crowning of Mary ( ܠܟܠܕ ;ܟܐܘ; ͽܦܬܬܟܠܠ).

18. This inscription is transcribed on a half-page in the Bkerki Library: first series, number 111, p. 699 (title of the manuscript: Patriarchal Register, second volume = ܠܐܒܛܪܝܪܟܝ مخلوف، ص. ). See also 97-95ܔܠܪ ܬܐܢ ͽ ܠܐܣܔܠ

19. I thank Abdo Badwi and Georges Hayek for the old photos they gave me.

20. The last patriarch who lived in Qannubine (1809–1823). After his death, the patriarchate moved to Bkerki.

21. About the problem of deposition of this patriarch, see .452–47 .يوسف الدبس، ص

22. Excavations of this hermitage were conducted in 2004 by Anis Chaaya. I thank him for the photos that he generously gave me.

23. See .147. قراعلي، ص. 61 . فرحات، صكرم، ص. 215 .24بليبل، ص. 84 .2526. When he became bishop he changed his name to Germanos.27. His name was probably repainted when he was proclaimed

“venerable” by the Vatican in July 2008.28. The edition of the breviary (ܫܚܡܬܐ) in question here was

printed by the Catholic Press Beirut in 1890. See also 474. .تابت – عبيد، 2010 ، ص

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