FOCUS ON ISIAM IIIArchaeology and Islamic identitiesin BahrainTimothy Insoll*

Exploring tbe archaeological correktes of Islam in Bahrain, the authorfnds that'Ishmic identiEis no singular condition: communities are diuerse, exhibiting a culture that is rich, mubicuburaland complex.

Keywords: Bahrain, ninth to thirteenth centuries, Islam, Carmathian

Introduction

The discussion of identiry within Islamic archaeology is rare, and it is often treated as agiven, as if Islam was a monolithic category when in realiry it is composed of a variery ofidentity variables, such as those revolving around sectarian affiliation, ethnicity or genderfor example . Ideally, Islam should be structured by'emphatic ideological denial of the prirnacyof ethnic idrntity (and ranh)' (Barth 1969:38), but in realiry divisions based on class, caste,ethniciry occupation and the like exist. These types of identities can be manifest internallywithin the overall Islamic communiry but Islamic identities are also evident in relation toexternal identiry groups as well, most notably those of other religions. Such a dichotomy oflabels broadly corresponds to what Jenkins (1994:200) defines as the difference berween'groups' and 'categories' - the former 'rooted in processes of internal definition' and thelatter'externally defi ned'.

Essentially the problem can be framed as one of categorisation and classification. The'rigidiry of Western taxonomizing' has recently been critiqued from an archaeologicalperspective by Meskell (2001: 185) drawing upon similar criticisms made by Foucault(1977), and it could be argued that the label 'Islam' is sometimes used too infexiblyby archaeologists. \7hich in turn relates to the very notion of what Islam is - whatconstitutes Islam? This is a question which has been well considered by anthropologists(Asad 1986; Geertz 1968; Gilsenan 1982), but rarely by archaeologists (Insoll 1999). Yetthe archaeological record - material culture - can allow the evaluation of the notion ofdiversiry within Islam, rhe exploration of the creation and maintenance of identities, theexrenr to which diversiry renders the term 'Islams' preferable to 'Islam', and the interplaybetween'contextualism' and'Levi-Straussian universalism' (Asad 1986: 2).

This paper works from the proposition that of course Islam as a recognisable categoryexists, but within the supra-structure there is great diversiry what has been referred to

I|.(ttO(tta

' School of Art History and Archaeohgy, Uniuersity of Manchester, Oxford Road, Mancbesten M13 9PL, UK( Ema i I :'Ti m. I ns o I ldman c h e s ter ac. u kT

Receiued: 29 January 2004; Acceptcd: I 8 May 2004; Reuised: 7 June 2004

ANrIeurrY 19 (2005): 601-608

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Archaeohgy and Islamic idcntities in Bahrain

elsewhere as 'structuring principles' and 'regional diversity (Insoll 1999: I l). With regard to

Islamic identities on Bahrain, the overall framework ofMuslim beliefand practice might offer

little room for manoeuvre, but within this structure internal boundaries are constantly being

adapted and altered in minor ways during the creation and maintenance of identiry relations,

some of which might be archaeologically visible. Yet this said, more serious transgression,

what might be termed'heresies' from an orthodox perspective, can also develop, and again

potenrially these can be explored within the archaeological record. In order to construct a

more complete Islamic archaeology, it is perhaps necessary to attempt to include, as far as

possible, all the categories of actors, in both their communal and individual manifestations.

Archaeology and identity

Obviously, the archaeology of identiry in its various forms is increasingly being considered(see for example Shennan 1989; Meskell 2001; Gilchrist 1999; Casella & Fowler 2005),but rarely is religious identiry the focus of attention. Instead the predominance of ethniciryand gender within archaeological discourse on identity is probably more a reflection of thepriorities of the scholars themselves rather than necessarily an approximation of past realiry(lnsoll 2004). Therefore the neglect of identity within Islamic archae ology is far from unique(Insoll 2001). Equally, in archaeological investigations of identity in general the so-calledsingle-issue questions (Meskell 2001: 187) have tended to be the focus of research. Themultiple strands of identity are rarely considered together.

These multiple strands can take many forms as can be seen from contemponryobservation, for numerous permutations of identity are possible in Bahrain and the widerArabian Gulf today based upon region, nationaliry tribe, clan, religion, gender, profession,class, ethniciry language and other variables (Fuller & Francke 1999:9). Examples of labelsinclude, for example, Arab, Arab Muslim, fuab Shi'ah, Ibadi, Omani, Arab Sunni, Bahraini,Iranian,'Wahabi, Saudi, Kuwaiti, Shi'ah, Muslim, Christian, Hindu, male, female, foreignarchaeologist and indigenous archaeologist. Indeed, these are all labels which apply withinthe present, and are far from exhaustive. Syncretic identities might also be created (Shaw6{ Stewart 1994), blended from heterogeneous elements and cross-cutting categories. Yetthese multiple identities need not all be on simultaneous display either. Elements might besuppressed for political or other reasons, or more effort might be put into maintaining oneaspect of identity depending upon who the individual or community expressing and readingthe identities is. In other words, what Barth (1959: l4) refers to in the context of ethniciryas the varying amounts and forms of content (given) in different socio-cultural systems'.

Thus we also have to acknowledge the practical realities of exploring identity as a factor inits neglect within Islamic archaeology i.e. as an area of research which could prove difficultfor the researcher. The practice of archaeology within the Gulf;, the region in which Bahrainlies (Figure 1), has been considered by Potts (1990; 1998), and he isolates various factorswhich could be of relevance here. Issues such as who is funding archaeological research areof significance, as is the existence of contract work in the Gulf. Both of these could meanrhat fears over securing repeat funding/contracts might lead to self-censorship for real orimagined reasons. Equally, even where external funding is in place, similar fears over theissuing of research permits might also impinge upon how, if at all, issues of identiry areapproached via the archaeological data. For, to adapt the words of Denny (1985:65), the

602

Timothy Insoll

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Figure 1. Bahrain and the hcation of Bikd al-Qadin.

guardians of 'normative' Islam might not

like 'excursions' into areas of study which

question aspects of the ideal, an egalitarian

Muslim communiry devoid of division.

Howevet this author was fortunate in

being given complete freedom to explore all

potential dimensions of identiry within the

relevant archaeological record in Bahrain.

Hence a brief summary of what has been

achieved in relation to these data is provided

here - focusing upon how the recovery

of the subtleties of identity is potentially

achievable in Islamic archaeology in relation

to a particular movement, the Carmathians.

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Identifring identity

The 'Early Islamic Bahrain Project' hasalready been very briefly described inAntiquity (Insoll 2002). To recap: the focusof the research has been the investigationof the early Islamic period (mid-seventh towelfth centuries) previously little explored.

Attention was predominantly focused within the early Islamic capital, Bilad al-Qadim, where

wo site complexes were investigated. The 6rst of these is a mixed market and residential area

situared close to the extant Al'Khamis mosque (Figure 2), a structure which in its earliest

phase could possibly be associated with the Umayyad Caliph Umar bin Abd-al-Aziz (717-

720) (Kervran 1990). The second site, also within the same area, had a complex sequence

of use, having variously served as a mosque, and later a Shi'ah shrine, but also in its earliest

phases as what seems to have been a type of fort or fortified house. The absolute dating of

both complexes has yet to be finalised, but occupation primarily spans the ninth-thirteenth

centuries AD.

Yet far from being a record of an undifferentiated 'Islam', the archaeological sequence has

provided tantalising glimpses of a complex picture of various manifestations of identity over

time. 'W'ithin the confines of this paper, obviously, selectiviry has had to be employed (but

see Insoll in press), and therefore the discussion is largely related to material indicative of

the presence of the Carmathians within Bilad al-Qadim.

The Carmathians were an Ismaili Shi'ah movement which controlled Bahrain from the

mid-tenth to the late eleventh centuries ('Bahrain' then encompassing a large part of the

Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia as well). This is a movement which was branded as heretical

by Sunni Muslims. Nasir-i-Khusraw, a Tajik Pe rsian poet who visited part of the Carmathian

state in 1051, refers to an absence of mosques in their domains; exceptional for Muslim

communities, as well as their retailing and eating'the fesh of euery animal including cats

and dogi (Petrushevslry 1985:247), Undoubtedly, there is an aspect of exaggeration here in

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Archaeohgy and Ishmic identities in Bahrain

Figurc 2. A uiew of thc cxcauated area adjacent to thc Al-I{hamis Mosque.

creating a demon out of a populady perceived heretical movement; a movement which wentso far as ro carry off the Black Stone of the Kdba until a ransom was paid by the Abbasidsfor its return in the mid-tenth century (De Goeje 1862).

Khusraw also describes how transactions were completed with baskets or sacks of leadtokens (Insoll 2003b), and in rhe recent excavations, various lead coins and weights werefound which might have been linked, in part, as Khusraw relates, with Carmathian commerce(Insoll 2003b) (Figure 3). On their own these are not necessarily convincing indicators ofthe former presence of this heretical movement, but they are seemingly contextualised bya Fatimid gold dinar which was found. This coin could be read solely as a signifier oftrade perhaps, and ascribed to a particular ruler and mint; in this instance the FatimidCaliph Nezar al-Aziz, AD 989, with the coin minted at Mansuriya near Kairouan in Tirnisia(Figure 4). However, it too functions as a marker of identiry shifting affiliations, power andcontrol. The Fatimids were an Ismaili Shi'ah dynasry but much more powerful than theCarmathians, with whom they had a'more or less constant, although ofien serel (Kervran

1982 62) alliance until the Carmathians were defeated by the Abd al-Qays in 1076. Thiscoin would appear to be an indicator of such links - of Shi'ah identity and alliances manifestacross large parts of the Muslim \7orld. As Shi'ism had originally attracted converts drawnthrough their aspiration'for an order in which all Muslims would be eqaal and Arab birthwould no hnger carry priuileges' (Lewis 1973:221), so the Carmathians perhaps built suchlinks to maintain their opposition to the established Sunni order.

Khusraw's aforementioned comment regarding Carmathian diet is also pertinent. Forwithin Bahrain ir is possible, using the dietary evidence, to again suggest a possible link with

S mm-;;{ : l

604

Timothy Insoll

the Carmathians. The presence of a male mandibular canine from a pig (Smith 2003) in a

conrexr interpreted as associated with the period of Carmathian control (eleventh century)

is interesting, as perhaps reflecting the Carmathians' eclectic diet. Yet contrary perhaps, to

expecrations, the bulk ofunorthodox dietary evidence - cat, dog, pig - does not date from the

period of Carmathian control (Smith 2003). Something more complex is indicated by the

faunal remains recovered, possibly signifying a pragmatic position by a Muslim community

towards obtaining sustenance in the face of impoverishment as seemingly indicated towards

the end of the archaeological sequence; or alternatively, a manifestation of more diverse,

multiple identities as yet otherwise not understood.

Besides the evidence pertinent to the Carmathians, further archaeological data were

recovered which is in the process of analysis but which is also indicative of other dimensions

of identity. Gender and ethnicity are both also seemingly manifest. The question can be

asked, for example, as to who used the sequence of ovens found (Maclean & Insoll 2003)?

The status and identity of a group producing pottery towards the end of the occupation

sequence in the late welfth-thirteenth centuries (Carter 2002: 39) is also a perplexing one,

as is the meaning and possible identiry associations represented by an egg found buried

beneath a foor. Is the latter perhaps associated with a Christian group? Equally, trade goods

of putative African origin exist: ivory possibly sourced from Africa, and represented by

beads found. Can we say more than that trade existed? Are these potentially also indicators

of Africans in Bahrain as well (Insoll 2003a)? Likewise with the Indian pottery and beads

found. But such identifications are obviously not signifiers of identiryper se, and would in

any case require confirmation by source analysis. Nonetheless, the recovery of this material

raises all sorts of interesting possibilities as regards reconstructing identity in Early Islamic

Bahrain.

()t r(l|ultta

Figure 3. Examphs of the had coins and tokens.

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Archaeohgt and Islamic idzntities in Bahrain

Conclusions

As stated, the material from Bahrain is still undergoing analysis, but it is hoped that thepotential for recognising multiple identities has been indicated. Both what could be termed'macro' and 'micro' level scales of analysis exist and it is often tempting to lock Islamicarchaeological materid into the macro level alone, and thus look at the grand niurativessuch as international trade (this author is by no means exempt). But in so doing we neglectthe equally relevant subtleties at the micro level of analysis. Subtleties such as the micro-level fuctuations in identity which can occur and which could structure the archaeologicalmaterid we uncover. The potters' community referred to previously for instance: are theya pariah group of the type described by Barth (1969 31)? As analysis proceeds it might bemore possible to address this question, and in so doing, begin to include all the classes ofactors referred to earlier - marginal groups, peasants, nomads, city dwellers, rulers, therebyattempdng to recreate what fuad (1986: I l) terms the 'action play'.

Fiprc 4. Faimid goU dinar latcd AD 989 (379 AH).

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Timothy Insoll

Vhat is seen in the Bahrain data are 'snapshots' of identiry in the archaeological sequence.

But equdly much has had to be neglected here. Gender in Islam, for example, is often seen

as singular - female - where considered at all, and in turn is thought to be only represented

by objects such as kohl sticks used to apply make-up to the eyes or employed as spindle

whorls. A firture avenue of research which will be pursued is how engendered space is

created through social practice, something shown to be of great significance in ethnographic

accounts from Bahrain (Hansen 1968). Perhaps then we will begin to be able to alter the

prevailing Islamic archaeological'discourse', and show how in the words of Foucault (1977:

93), the 'manifold rehtions ofpower which permeate, characterise and constitute the social body'

are rich, multivalent and complex.

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Andrew Petersen lor the inviration to contribute to this special section in Antiquity and to mycolleagues Eleanor Casella and Chris Fowler for allowing me to draw upon some of the ideas which are expandedupon in my paper in their 2005 volume. Profound thanks are also extended to the Crown Prince Court o[Bahrain, BAPCO and the AHRB as major sponsors of the Early Islamic Bahrain Project. The authorities inthe Bahrain National Museum and the Department of Heritage are also gratefi,rlly acknowledged for permissionto complete the research. The author would also like to thank all the team in Bahrain for their assistance, butespecially Mustafa Salman without whom rhe day-to-day practicalities could not have been achieved.

I

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