Greek and Latin Inscriptionsat New York University

edited byMicHaeL peacHin

With contributions byCharles Bartlett, Virginia Closs, Andrew Hagerty, Daniel Hoyer, Allannah Karas,

Philip Katz, Stephen Kidd, Inger Neeltje Irene Kuin, Melissa Marturano, Nathaniel Ralston, Joe Sheppard, David Starr, Joel Ward

Publications of the Center for Ancient StudiesNew York University

Volume II

«L’ERMA» di BRETSCHNEIDER

Greek and Latin Inscriptions at New York Universityedited by MicHaeL peacHin

© Copyright 2014 «L’ERMA» di BRETSCHNEIDER Via Cassiodoro, 11 - 00193 Roma

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Progetto grafico«L’ERMA» di BRETSCHNEIDER

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Greek and Latin Inscriptions at New York University - Roma : «L’ERMA» di BRETSCHNEIDER, 192 p. : ill.,; 24 cm. - (Studia Archaeologica; 199)

ISBN 978-88-913-0000-0 (brossura)ISBN 978-88-913-0000-0 (pdf)

CDD

V

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii

introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

editoriaL conventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

cataLoGue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

CATALOGUE

1. asH cHest oF tiBerius daMa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152. Grave MonuMent oF ti. cLaudius [iso]cHrysus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203. Grave MonuMent oF sosus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244. Grave MonuMent oF priMiGenius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265. Grave MonuMent oF priMiGenius - stepHen kidd . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266. Grave MonuMent oF pLautia priMa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327. Grave MonuMent oF spendo and trypHosa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358. Grave MonuMent oF Q. pactuMeius aLexander and voLuMnia urBana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409. Grave MonuMent oF c. siMinius priscus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4210. Grave MonuMent oF FeLicio. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4511. Grave MonuMent oF tHeLxis and cHeLys. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4812. Grave MonuMent oF L. GeLLius FeLix. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5313. Grave MonuMent oF aeLia iuLia arteMidora and p. aeLius porcianus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5514. Grave MonuMent oF aMpHion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5715. Grave MonuMent oF antonia sopHia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5816. Grave MonuMent oF appuLeia GratiLLa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6017. BuriaL MonuMent oF c. caLpurnius saBinus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6218. Grave MonuMent oF severaL cassii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6319. pine cone cippus oF c. FaBius. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

VI

20. Grave MonuMent oF FLavia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6621. Grave MonuMent oF t. FLavius ianuarius Mus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6822. Grave MonuMent oF t. FLavius spendo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7223. Grave MonuMent oF Furia eutycHia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7424. Grave MonuMent oF Herennia saBatHis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7625. Grave MonuMent oF irana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7726. Grave MonuMent oF iuLia FeLicissiMa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7927. Grave MonuMent oF MartiaLis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8228. Grave MonuMent oF Mutia cHreste . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8429. Grave MonuMent oF M. octavius diaduMenus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8630. Grave MonuMent oF cn. papirius isocHrysus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8931. Grave MonuMent oF paratio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9032. Grave MonuMent oF poMpeia dionysia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9233. Grave MonuMent oF pudens. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9434. Grave MonuMent oF L. saLvius daducHus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9735. BuriaL MonuMent oF suavis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9936. Grave MonuMent oF L. syLLatius Fortunatus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10037. Grave MonuMent oF sex. terentius nassus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10238. Grave MonuMent oF c. terentius vitaLis and FLavia Faustina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10439. Grave MonuMent oF c. titius HerMeros and c. aviLLius onesiMus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10640. Grave MonuMent oF M. uLpius GaLaesus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10841. Grave MonuMent oF L. voLusenus euMenes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11042. Grave MonuMent oF a dauGHter oF titus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11243. Grave MonuMent oF a Man FroM cyzicus, BrotHer oF GaLenus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11444. asH cHest oF sextus poMpeius Lapeius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11645. copy oF tHe consuLar Fasti FroM teanuM sidicinuM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11846. rooF tiLe, witH a GraFFito By BartoMeus BuLGarus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11947. MedievaL Boundary stone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12048. Brick staMp oF cuLpius suLpicesa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122

BiBLioGrapHy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124

48

11. Grave MonuMent oF tHeLxis and cHeLys

Description: This inscription has a curious history, and most of it is now lost. Since the larger part of the object once apper-tained to the NYU collection, however, and since we still have a photograph of those fragments (which is appar-ently the only such photographic record for this part of the inscription), it has seemed worth re-publishing the stone here so as to clarify its travels and make a few further comments on it.

Let us begin with the original publication (wiLson 1910, 31-32): “Our next inscription is engraved on a marble tablet (m. 0,37 wide and 0,115 high) which is said to have come to light outside of the porta Salaria about three years ago (1906). It is clearly from a columbarium and the two nails by which it was fastened to the wall, are still preserved. The stone was broken into three pieces, of which one has disappeared carrying with it at least one letter and part of a second from the last line.” Wilson’s depiction of the object as it was in 1910 is as follows (I have added the labels A, B, and C):

Turning to the next stage of the inscription’s history, a photo, made at NYU perhaps in the 1930s or 1940s (see above, p. ♣), demonstrates that the larger, left-hand piece (A) had, at some point after Wilson’s publication, been broken into three, and that at least two of those pieces had traveled from Johns Hopkins to NYU. By the time the NYU photo was made, the lower left-hand corner had apparently been lost:

Given the above, the following can be safely said. At the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, all remnants of this inscription were at Johns Hopkins and were drawn for Wilson’s publication. At some point there-after, the fragment A (or fragments A1 and A2 – the location of the lower left-hand corner at this point cannot be determined) moved to NYU, and was here photographed as part of this collection. One fragment, however, namely that labeled B on Wilson’s drawing, remained at The Johns Hopkins University (accession number JHUAM 100), where it currently resides.1

Recently, Sanchita Balachandran of The Johns Hopkins Archaeological Museum has discovered that cata-logue cards were made at Hopkins between 1930 and 1934 for that entire collection. For the fragment B, there is

A1 A2

A B C

Grave Monument of Thelxis and Chelys - pHiLip katz

49

precisely such a card. On the other hand, no such cata-logue card for the fragment A (or A1 and A2) can now be located. Therefore, what can be gleaned from the extant records at both Johns Hopkins and NYU sug-gests that the largest portion of this inscription traveled to NYU at some point between 1910 and 1930, thus accounting both for the absence of a catalogue card at Johns Hopkins and for the presence of the photograph among the NYU records. It seems most likely, then, that the stone came to NYU in 1923 when Professor Magoffin moved from Baltimore to New York; this must ultimately, however, remain a guess.

At some point, the fragments A1 and A2 disap-peared from the NYU collection. Thus, the only portion of this inscription whose whereabouts are currently known is the fragment B, now at Johns Hopkins. The photo given below, then, is a computer-manipulated montage of the old NYU photo of fragments A1 and A2 and the recent Johns Hopkins photo of fragment B.

The measurements of the entire stone must depend upon Wilson: 37 cm x 11.5 cm. The measurements of frag-ment B are 9.5 cm x 8 cm x 2 cm (thickness); and the letter sizes, which can be calculated on the basis of this frag-ment, are: 1.8 cm (line 1), with the tall T reaching 2 cm, and 1.2 cm (line 2), with the letters of line 3 having been ever so slightly smaller.

Bibliography: Wilson 1910, 31-32 no. 28; CIL VI 37783; ILS 9347.

Thelxis º Cottia º v(iva) Chelys º Cottiaesorores º gemellae º amantissim. ae[ca]ntrices º cárae º utraeque suei[s]

1: The y of Chelys has a cross through the vertical stroke. The first t of Cottiae is elongated, apparently so as to create room for the en-tire word in the line. 3: Unfortunately, the photograph cuts off the far right side of fragment A2. As such, we have given here Wilson’s reading, trusting that the letters e and i were indeed visible. This anyhow works better, given the available space.

1 The image of fragment B is courtesy of The Johns Hopkins Archaeological Museum.

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Translation: Thelxis, slave of Cottia, (and) Cottia Chelys, who is living, most loving twin sisters, both of them singers dear to their family.

Comments:1: As has been frequently noted, the names given to pairs of twins are often closely related, reflecting the similarly close relationship between the twins themselves. In the present case, each sister’s name is related to her musical ca-reer.2 Although appearing here for the only time as a personal name in either Latin or Greek, Thelxis, from the Greek verb θέλγω (“to charm”), was used as an abstract noun by Aelian to describe the ability of music to enchant a listener (Nat. 8. 24).3 Names derived from the same stem as Thelxis, however, occur several times in literature. One of the Sirens, for instance, was variously named Θελξιέπεια (Tzetzes on Lycophron 712), Θελξινόη (Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV 892), and Θελξινόη (ibid.). This latter name was also used of one of Semele’s attendants (Nonnus Dionysiaca 8. 195); one of the four muses (Cic. ND 3. 54); and the wife of Aigialeus in the Ephesiaca of Xenophon of Ephesus (5. 1. 5-12). When used of a musical performer, the name Thelxis also likely contained erotic overtones.4

Thelxis’ twin sister likewise has a name related to her profession. The Latin word Chelys, from the Greek χέλυς (“tortoise”), was commonly used metonymically by Latin poets to refer to the lyre, the instrument crafted by Hermes from the shell of a tortoise.5 As a proper name, it is unattested in Greek, but appears in two other Latin inscriptions at Rome (CIL VI 5014 and CIL VI 19365).6 In the present case, the name Chelys likely refers to the performer’s individual skillset (see below).

The abbreviation v, written in smaller script and placed above and to the left of Chelys, indicates that she set up the stone while still living, in the expectation that she be buried here, alongside Thelxis, after her own death.7 We here restore viva, following the restoration first suggested by Wilson and accepted by Desau, Solin, Treggiari, and Mano.8 Caruso, meanwhile, has recently proposed the finite verb vivit, a restoration that, although less common, would not alter the meaning of the text.9

In his 1933 republication of the inscription in CIL VI, Bang suggested that the nominative Cottia be emend-ed to the genitive Cottiae, making both sisters slaves of Cottia.10 Others, following Treggiari, have rejected this emendation on the grounds that the stone itself offers no a priori reasons for such a correction. On this reading, the different forms of nomenclature would indicate different status distinctions: Thelxis freed, Chelys still enslaved.11 Both of these approaches, however, are problematic. The first requires emending an otherwise carefully cut inscription, while the second would flout traditional naming practices, with Thelxis’ gentilicium, Cottia, following her individual Greek name rather than preceding it.

2 For the paired naming of twins, see dasen 2005, 62-63; soLin 1996a, 366-367 and 1990, 64-67; Mencacci 1996, 126-192.3 For Thelxis as a Latin personal name, see soLin 2003, 1330 and 1996, 562. The uniqueness of Thelxis as a name is noted by

soLin 1990, 65-66.4 As noted by Mano 2005, 420.5 See, for instance, Sen. Tro. 321 and Stat. Theb. 8. 233. For the lyre in the Roman world, see vendries 1999, 41-100.6 For Chelys as a Latin personal name, see soLin 2003, 1151 and 1996, 510.7 For such supralinear abbreviations, see FriGGeri and peLLi 1980 and Gordon 1948.8 wiLson 1910, 32; Desau ILS 9347; treGGiari 1979, 91; soLin 1996a, 367; Mano 2005, 4199 caruso 2008, 1418-1419. dasen (2005, 63), Mencacci (1997, 222 and 1996, 141), and Benz (1961, 39) note the abbreviation

v without offering an expansion. Meanwhile, dasen (2005a, 255), soLin (1990, 65-6), and Groag (PIR2 C 1550) omit entirely the v from their reproductions of the text.

10 Bang (CIL VI 37783): “fortasse legendum Thelxis Cottia[e].” This emendation has been accepted by Groag (PIR2 C 1550) and Mano (2005, 419). dasen (2005, 63 and 2005a, 255) accepts the emendation only tentatively, printing “Cottia(e?).” Solin likewise initially accepted the emendation only tentatively (1982, 1240: “Cottia<e?>” and 1990, 65: “Cottia(e?)”) but recently has endorsed the change more openly by removing the question mark (2003, 1151 and 1330; 1996a, 367; and 1996, 562).

11 treGGiari 1979, 91 and 104 n.54; Mencacci 1997, 222 and 1996, 141; wiLLe 1967, 318; Benz 1961, 39.

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We therefore prefer a different interpretation, suggesting that the line has been arranged chiastically. Thelxis, in other words, is to be taken with the genitive Cottiae at the line’s end, and was thus still Cottia’s slave upon her death. Her sister, on the other hand, had been freed by the time of the stone’s erection and was thus named Cottia Chelys. Such a reading allows us to avoid both emendation and unconventional nomenclature. Absolute certainty in this matter, however, is impossible.

The identification of the Cottia who owned the twins has similarly been a matter of dispute. Following the suggestion initially made by Groag, some have identified our Cottia as the wife of Vestricius Spurinna (PIR2 C 1550; raepsaet-Charlier 1987, no. 298), a friend of the younger Pliny, who is the sole recipient of letter 5. 17. This Cottia herself, meanwhile, is co-recipient of letter 3. 10 and is discussed at length in letters 1. 5, 2. 7, and, most importantly, 3. 1, in which she is characterized as an uxor singularis exempli.12 Wilson, on the other hand, identified our Cottia as Cottia Galla, the daughter of Aulus Cottius, proconsul in Spain (CIL VI 1396; PIR2 A 1549; raepsaet-Charlier 1987, no. 299).13 In both these cases, ownership of trained singers would not be out of place, and their examples well indicate the type of women who would have owned such slaves (see below). The stone itself, however, offers no information linking Cottia to either Vestricius Spurinna or Aulus Cottius, and such reconstructions can be considered no more than conjectural.

2: Recent years have seen a proliferation of studies concerning twins in Graeco-Roman antiquity, focusing es-pecially on the social status of twins and their reception in medical and mythological discourses. See especially dasen 2005a, rathmayr 2000, and menCaCCi 1996. In the present context, this relationship between Thelxis and Chelys would bear directly on their musical profession, for in addition to the interest aroused by their identical outward appearance, a similarity in vocal structures might have rendered their voices likewise identical.14

The superlative adjective amantissimae denotes the extent of grief felt by Chelys at the death of her sibling, a feature common among epitaphs for deceased twins.15

3: Within the familia of a wealthy Roman woman, female slaves could hold a number of positions, from adminis-trators and nurses to craftsmen and entertainers.16 It is in precisely this context that the noun cantrix makes its only literary appearance, in a monologue of Plautus’ Trinummus (251-254) in which Lysiteles lists the slaves who might attend to a Roman matron.17 Cantrices are also attested in four additional Latin inscriptions, all from Rome.18 There are, however, no other attestations of twin cantrices. Moreover, although most of these other cantrices have Greek names, none are related to their profession.

Unlike their male counterparts (cantores), who usually performed publically and were often accompanied by a tibicen, cantrices seem to have performed in private, non-theatrical settings, unaccompanied by instruments.19 In the

12 This identification has been widely accepted. See dasen 2005a, 255; ratHMayr 2000, 108; Mencacci 1997, 222 and 1996, 141; soLin 1996a, 367 and 1990, 66. For the role of this Cottia in Pliny’s letters, see sHeLton 2013, 131-132 and 213-214.

13 See wiLson 1910, 32; caruso 2008, 1419; Benz 1961, 39.14 As noted by caruso 2008, 1419. 15 dasen 2005a, 267-268.16 For the roles of female slaves within the Roman house, see treGGiari 1979 and 1976 and Le GaLL 1970. For the employment

of performers in particular, see the case of Ummidia Quadratilla as discussed by sick 1999 and sHeLton 2013, 240-255. For the social status of such musicians, both male and female, see scHeitHauer 2007.

17 The word is also used once by Tertullian (Adversus Marcionem 3. 5) to refer to the Sirens.18 AE 1991, 123; CIL VI 9230; CIL VI 7285; CIL VI 33794=ILS 1696. For the literary and epigraphic testimonia for cantrices,

see caruso 2008, 1416-1421 and Mano 2005, esp. 418-420. CIL VI 10131=ILS 5264 has also been taken by scHeitHauer (2007, 118) and Mano (2005, 419) to refer to a cantrix, but the title itself nowhere appears in the text.

19 For the respective roles and performance settings of the cantores and cantrices, see caruso 2008, 1408-1421. The domestic

philip Katz - Grave Monument of Thelxis and Chelys

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present case, however, the fact that Chelys is named after an instrument likely indicates that in addition to singing, she either played or was accompanied by the lyre.

As noted by Wilson, the inscription ends, and breaks off, with the dative reflexive pronoun suis, here using the diphthong ei in place of the long i, a custom which, according to Adams, “flourished, particularly in archaizing and formal style, from at least the second century BC to the early Empire.”20 For reference to several uses of the expression cara sueis, see ColafranCesCo et al. 1986, 783.

Though not corresponding to any meter, the line has a slow, spondaic rhythm that ends with a choriamb.

Date:Because the stone is now lost and only a single photograph, hitherto unpublished, survives, it has been difficult for scholars to draw firm conclusions about its date. Wilson, who saw the stone firsthand, dated the inscription to the first century AD on paleographic grounds, a suggestion reasserted by Mencacci.21 Caruso dates the stone more precisely to the first half of the first century AD based on the identification of Cottia as the daughter of Aulus Cot-tius (see above).22 As we have seen, however, such identifications are at best hypothetical and should not be used as dating criteria. Solin, meanwhile, has recently dated the inscription to the second half of the first century AD, a date that has been accepted by Mano.23

In its current state, the best evidence for dating the inscription comes from the superscript abbreviation v in line 1, which would put the stone roughly in the first or very early second century AD (see above, p. ). Such a date would also align the text with all other epigraphic attestations of cantrices.24

philip Katz

setting for their performance also contrasts with the monodiariae, a category of solo female singers who, it seems, performed on stage (caruso 2008, 1421-1424).

20 adaMs 2003, 48; wiLson 1910, 32.21 wiLson 1910, 32; Mencacci 1997, 222 and 1996, 141. Wilson’s date is also based on the use of the diphthong ei in sueis,

“a phenomenon which,” he believes, “is rare after 50 A.D.” dasen (2005, 63 and 2005a, 255) likewise accepts a date in the first century, but does not provide justification.

22 caruso 2008, 1419.23 soLin 2003, 1151 and 1330; soLin 1996, 510 and 562; Mano 2005, 419. In the previous edition of Die griechischen Personen-

namen, however, Solin dated the stone only to the first century AD (1982, 1070 and 1240).24 See caruso 2008, 1420.

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BiBLioGrapHy

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aLFöLdy, G. 1969. Die Personennamen in der römischen Provinz Dalmatia. Heidelberg: Carl Winter Univer-sitätsverlag.

_____. 1982. “Senatoren aus Norditalien. Regiones IX, X und XI.” In Epigrafia e ordine senatorio II, 309-368. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura.

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aLvino, G. 2003. Via Salaria. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato.

anderMaHr, a.M. 1998. Totus in praediis. Senatorischer Grundbesitz in Italien inder Frühen und Hohen Kaiserzeit. Bonn: Rudolf Habelt GmbH.

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