« From Imagined Ethnographies to Invented Ethnicities: The Homeric Halizones », Orbis Terrarum 11,...

Orb

is T

erra

rum

middot B

and

11

middot 20

12ndash

2013

ISSN 1385-285X

Internationale Zeitschrift fuumlr Historische Geographie der Alten Welt

Revue drsquohistoire geacuteographique du monde ancienJournal of historical geography

of the ancient worldRivista di storia geografica del mondo antico

Toslashnnes Bekker-nielsen 350 years of research on Neoklaudiopolis (Vezirkoumlpruuml) 3

AncA DAn From Imagined Ethnographies to Invented Ethnicities The Homeric Halizones 33

FrAnk DAuBner Gottlieb Schumacher ein Pionier der historisch-geographischen Erforschung Syriens 73

AnnAriTA Doronzio Von Marathon zum Illissos-Tal Topographische Bemerkungen zu zwei kultischen Landschaften Attikas 91

Jochen hAAs Die Weihung des Licnos Contextos Zur weiterraumlumigen kulturkomparatistischen Aussagequalitaumlt einer gallischen Inschrift aus AugustodunumAutun 105

PeTer kehne Cheruskerstudien II Zu den internationalen Beziehungen zwischen Cheruskern und dem Roumlmischen Reich aus cheruskischer Perspektive (53 v Chr bis ca 100 n Chr) 137

BArBArA scArDigli Al di lagrave dei confini Prodigi del lupo e la lupa 179

JonAs scherr Die Druiden das kulturelle Gedaumlchtnis und die Romanisierung Gedanken zur roumlmischen rsaquoDruidenverfolgunglsaquo 189

Der Neue Pauly ndash Addenda et Corrigenda 211

JonAs scherr Entremont Gournay-sur-Aronde Ribemont-sur-Ancre Roquepertuse 213

Literaturbericht 253

Franz Steiner VerlagFranz Steiner Verlag

Alte Geschichte Band 11 2012ndash2013

11

rbis Terrarum

wwwsteiner-verlagde

Publikationsorgan der Ernst Kirsten Gesellschaft Internationale Gesellschaft fuumlr Historische Geographie der Alten Welt

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copy Franz Steiner Verlag Stuttgart 2013Printed in GermanyISSN 1385-285X

or Bis Ter r ArumInternationale Zeitschrift fuumlr Historische Geographie der Alten WeltRevue drsquohistoire geacuteographique du monde ancienJournal of historical geography of the ancient worldRivista di storia geografica del mondo antico

Anca Dan

From Imagined Ethnographies to Invented EthnicitiesThe Homeric Halizones

Έτσι σοφός που έγινες με τόση πείραήδη θα το κατάλαβες οι Ιθάκες τι σημαίνουν

(Κωνσταντίνος Π Καβάφης Ιθάκη 1911)

Introduction A legendary people which transgresses the Greek historyFrom Antiquity to the Modern era many legendary mythopoetic characters were identi-fied with historical peoples the Greeks have constantly looked for the rsaquotruelsaquo Amazons im-agining migrations from northern Scythia and Caucasus to Ethiopia Still in Byzantiumand the Latin West the Biblical Gog and Magog stimulated the geographic imaginationthey were successively identified with the Scythians the Goths the Hungarians and withthe Mongols Tartars1 The Homeric poems and their peoples are for the Greek world viewwhat the Genesis and the sons of Noah are for the Christians they correspond to the wholeinhabited world are present in ethnographic discourses and represent one of the main bas-es in the construction of an ethnicity from inside or outside the group

The invention of imaginary groups on the basis of far-off historical Realien and of gener-al ideas of similarity and otherness is not a phenomenon relevant only to ancient fictionSuch imaginary groups are repeatedly integrated into the Greek inhabited world untilmodern times Their identifications offer a good illustration of how the ancient Greeksthought ethnicity and ethnography2 they are extreme cases which fully reveal the artifici-ality of the ethnic constructions and self-constructions We will be able to explain betterhow Greek ethnography and ethnicity works if we understand the factors and the mecha-nism of these identifications of others and of the self with such literary characters and eth-nics

The Halizones are obviously thought of as an obscure tribe which had no importanceduring Antiquity3 It is true that they are presented as involved in military events only inthe earliest and in the latest texts which mention them nevertheless neither the Homeric

1 See Anderson 1932 For Gog and the Goths (=Scythians) Courcelle 1964 22 n 2 322 Forthe indentification with the Hungarians in Remigius of Auxerre see Gautier-Dalcheacute 1990 Theidentifications with the Mongolians are listed by Schmieder 1994 259sq 289sq 317sq etc

2 The study of these groups could fill the gap between works devoted to the otherness of the edgeslike Romm 1992 and well-known works on Classical Greek ethnography like Hall 1989 Hall

2002 Malkin 1998 and 20013 See already the synthesis of Vassileva 1998

Anca Dan34

bards in the oral context of the archaic centuries nor George Pachymeres creator of liter-ary characters for his late-Byzantine chronicle might be taken as testimony for the real ex-istence of a Halizonian people which would have perceived itself as a group and whichwould have been seen as such and given this name by its contemporaries Despite their rel-atively numerous mentions in the ancient sources ndash that still needs to be explained ndash theHalizones are not important for their own factual history ndash which probably never hap-pened no historical group was generally called rsaquoHalizonianlsaquo between Classical and Romantimes the Halizonian-ness is only a mythopoetic characteristic of groups which have otherwell-established historical identities As such it is significant for the history of the peopleswith whom they were identified and for the ethnical thinking which determined both theirhistory and the writing of this history In other words the Halizones are a factor of metahis-tory They shed light on the erudite and long-lasting process of inventing group identitiesmainly through what Hans-Joachim Gehrke had called rsaquointentional historylsaquo the inser-tion in the reconstructed and assumed past of a community of significant events which ex-plain the self categorization of a group as a group with a particular identity4

It is well known that most of the Greek and Barbarian ἔθνη assumed or have been as-signed connections with the Homeric past Invented traditions supported such historicaldiscourses intended to prove the prestige of a collective identity inside and outside thecommunity itself thus from emic and etic perspectives5 The success of a theory was provedby its reception both in the local community and in works with a wide Hellenic diffusionBut rsaquofailed attemptslsaquo should have been numerous many real cultural communities couldnot establish a recognized kinship with a mythical person or group and fictional peoplesfound no serious historical heirs A sign of this failure in assuming and validating an epicidentity for a group is the multiplication of complex literary traditions forgotten and redis-covered refuted and defended through centuries This is the case of the Halizones Accord-ing to the Iliad (2851sq) they dwelled in the north-eastern extremity of the Trojan worldIn later sources they were explicitly presented as evidence for the antiquity of the Greekconnection with the Black Sea shores or for Homerrsquos wide knowledge of the oecumeneTheir successive identifications made always on geographic grounds illustrate the evolu-tion of the Greek geographic and ethnographic perceptions and representations of thenorthern periphery the land generally ascribed to Paphlagonians Enetians Mysians andPhrygians6

Three stages of the Halizonesrsquo literary existence deserve attention The first concernsHomerrsquos Trojan Catalogue The Halizones are presented explicitly by the names of theirleaders the main characteristics of their country and implicitly by their geographical po-sition in relationship to the others In the absence of direct historical successors they re-mained an inanimate body to which later local or widely-known historians associated dif-ferent souls Thus the second period of the history of this artificial people corresponds tosubsequent attempts to locate it according to other lieux de meacutemoire of the Greeks In the

4Gehrke 1994 2001 2003 and 2010 This concept is useful for solving the tension between mythand history as it had been discussed by Cartledge 1993 18sq and illustrated by Scheer 19932005 and Curty 1995 and 1999

5Hobsbawm1983 for the meaning of rsaquoemiclsaquo and rsaquoeticlsaquo see Pike 1967 and Harris 1976

6Hirschfeld 1894 Ruge 1912 Camassa 1984a and 1984b For the Homeric concept of ἔθνος asgroup see now Fraser 2009 1ndash11

From Imagined Ethnographies to Invented Ethnicities 35

end the self-identification of a Halizon in an inscription dated to Roman times and the ref-erence of Georges Pachymeres to Halizones as members of John Palaeologusrsquo army in 1267complete the long search for this ghostly people

The study of the Halizonian ethnicity involves the analysis of the texts corresponding tothese three stages of their literary existence The modern historian must reconstruct the his-torical information at the disposal of every author his cultural context and the aim withwhich he elaborated his work When put together all the pieces of this incomplete puzzlewill show the dynamics of the interaction between geo-ethnographic concepts receivedfrom the oral epics and reinterpreted in various cultural contexts the Halizones do not existas a unique people in history their history is made of the successive identifications of theHomeric ethnic with different groups These pieces also show an insight into the complexconstruction of Greek ethnicities for which the simple general pattern of rsaquous against theotherlsaquo does not work Based in this case on a Homeric motive the ethnic process concernsthe interior and the exterior of the concerned communities which are situated and situatethemselves between Greeks and Barbarians at the same time during two millennia ofGreek historiography

1 Halizones and Alybe in the Homeric worldAn epic image

Who were the Halizones The modern editions of the Iliad include two references to theἉλιζῶνες naming both their chiefs Ὀδίος and Ἐπίστροφος and their country Ἀλύβη Theauthenticity of the entry in the Trojan Catalogue of the second Song is confirmed by thebrief narration of the death of the great Ὀδίος under Agamemnonrsquos spear in the fifth Song

Αὐτὰρ Ἁλιζώνων Ὀδίος καὶ Ἐπίστροφος ἦρχοντηλόθεν ἐξ Ἀλύβης ὅθεν ἀργύρου ἐστὶ γενέθλη

Besides Odios and Epistrophos led the Halizonesfrom the distant Alybe where is the origin of silver

(2856sq)

hellip πρῶτος δὲ ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν Ἀγαμέμνωνἀρχὸν Ἁλιζώνων Ὀδίον μέγαν ἔκβαλε δίφρουmiddotπρώτῳ γὰρ στρεφθέντι μεταφρένῳ ἐν δόρυ πῆξενὤμων μεσσηγύς διὰ δὲ στήθεσφιν ἔλασσεδούπησεν δὲ πεσών ἀράβησε δὲ τεύχεrsquo ἐπrsquo αὐτῷ

hellip first Agamemnon king of mencast out from his chariot the great Odios leader of the Halizonesfor as he turned first of all ltAgamemnongt fixed his spear in his backbetween the shoulders and drove it through his breasthe fell with a heavy thud and the armour clanged upon him

(538ndash42)

For centuries this basic ethnographic characterisation has been topic of debate among his-torians and grammarians Today one sees that the Homeric image of the Halizones is per-fectly consistent with the whole epic world as this appears in the present text of the Iliad

Anca Dan36

and in its late antique tradition7 Their ancient inclusion among the Homeric peoples canreflect their original location on the edge of the Troad in the north-western corner of AsiaMinor This thesis is supported by the internal logic of the Catalogue and by the informa-tion included in this reference

How can this location be explained in terms of Homeric geography The Catalogue ofShips and the Trojan Catalogue form one of the first exhaustive inventories of the world asseen by archaic epic poets On a general mental image of the oecumene toponyms and eth-nics relevant for different publics from various Greek lands were combined at differentmoments This ahistorical character of the Catalogues in every detail determined by theoral collective and anonymous context of their composition is now commonly acceptedHowever despite their heterogeneous content these ethnographic inventories preservetheir original structure with a linear form In order to memorise and to communicate amajor part of the oecumenic space the ἀοιδός arranged the names of places and peoples inan order which reminds that of maritime and terrestrial itineraries The public is thus of-fered a virtual tour of the Trojan Warrsquos participants coherent with a common mental map

In the cultural context in which the poem has been composed the perception and repre-sentation of the space ndash which goes behind the limited perception of one person ndash are es-sentially empirical and hodologic8 But the apparent simplicity of a linear journey is offsetby the multiple meanings of its stages firstly mythic and epic narratives are encapsulatedin the registered names of places and peoples9 Secondly different lists transmitted overgenerations have been combined together by poets of different times origins interestswho participated to the crystallization of our Iliad Yet the meanings associated with thenames can be different But their geographic connections fixed in formulaic hexametersare mostly constant This allows the modern reader to go back in time and to retrieve theancient location of the Halizones by following the stratigraphy of the epic composition

The Catalogue of Ships was often seen as an Ur-periodos of Greece proper consisting ofthree itineraries going from Boeotia to Phocis Locris Euboea Attica the Peloponnese Ce-phalonia and Aetolia (2494ndash644) then to Crete Rhodes the Sporades (2645ndash680) and fi-nally to Southern Thessaly and Magnesia (2681ndash759) Although less evident the more ec-lectic Trojan Catalogue is also composed of three parts10 The first corresponds to theTroad and includes the country of Aeneas and of his Dardanians11 Zeleia Mt Ida and theriver Aesepus12 Adresteia Apaesus Pityeia and Tereia13 Percote Practius Sestus close to

7 Dictys of Crete 235 Dares the Phrygian 18 Tzetz Hom 568 For the unidimensional rsaquohodologiclsaquo character of the ancient empirical geography see Janni 1984

Podosinov 19799

Burgess 1996 95 and more generally Calame 200610 Pace eg Bryce 2006 127sq11 Il 2819ndash823 For the city of Dardanus (close to the modern Kepez cf Strab 13128) see now In-

ventory no 77412 2824ndash827 Zeleia corresponds to the modern Sarıkoumly (cf Strab 13110) see Leaf 1923 63sq and

Inventory no 76413 2828ndash834 Adresteia has been identified by Leaf 1923 70sq 77ndash80 (following Strab 13110

13113) with Oumlrtuumlluumlccedile on the river Granicus Pityeia is the ancient name of Lampsacus See Leaf

1923 87sq and Inventory no 755 763


Abydus and finally Arisbe14 The second part is European from the ambiguous Pelasgiansof Larissa15 the bard passes to the Hellespontic Thracians the Ciconians and the Paeoniansof Amydon and of the river Axius16 In the third part he crosses back to Asia Minor andencircles the Troad by naming the Paphlagonians and the Enetae of Cytorus Sesamusfrom the shores of Parthenius of Cromna Aigialus and Erythinoi17 After them come theHalizones of Alybe followed by the Mysians18 the Phrygians of Ascania19 the Meonians ofthe Gygaean Lake and from the Mt Tmolus20 the Carians of Miletus Mt of Phthires Mae-ander and Mt Mycale21 and the Lycians from Xanthus22

From this itinerary one understands that for the oral epic poets who contributed to thefixation of this text the Halizones were situated between the mysterious Enetae neighboursof the Paphlagonians and the Mysians This list might correspond to a short periplous ofnorthern Anatolia from the region occupied in historical times by some of Sinopersquos second-ary colonies near the mouth of the Parthenius to Heraclea and further on to the MysianBosporus Nevertheless it is certain that this part of the Trojan Catalogue was subject tonumerous modifications when the Greeks wanted to see the most northern parts of theirworld inserted in the Homeric poems

The localisation of the Enetae in the verses 2853ndash855 has been suspected as an interpo-lation at least since the Alexandrian edition of the Iliad used by Eratosthenes who refusedto accept that Homer had any acquaintance with the Black Sea23 Of course the presence oftoponyms is exceptional in the Homeric ethnographic catalogues moreover the Greek Αἰ-γιαλός Ἐρυθ(ρ)ῖνοι and even Κρῶμνα must be posterior to the Ionian colonisation of the7th century BC24 But it seems probable that these were included in a widely widespread Il-

14 2835ndash839 For Perkote see Leaf 1923 111ndash114 and Inventory no 788 Praktios (cf Strab13121) could be the modern Ulu Dere (cf Barrington Atlas Map 51 H4) For Sestus and Abydussee Inventory no 672 765 Arisbe could have been situated close to the modern Musakoumly See Bar-rington Atlas Map 51 H4 Inventory no 768

15 2840ndash843 It is impossible to say if these Pelasgians are situated in Troad or in Thessalia and Mac-edonia For the Anatolian Larisa see Inventory no 784 cf Sakellariou 1977 153sq

16 2844ndash85017 2851ndash85518 2858ndash861 See Debord 200119 2862sq See Maffre 2002 88sq20 2864ndash866 See Bengisu 1996 The Maionians were sometimes considered to be Mysians (Strab

12320 12812) sometimes Lydians (Strab 1283 1345 14524)21 2867ndash875 Cf Strab 1284sq and Robert Robert 1954 passim22 2876sq See Bryce Zahle 1986 11ndash41 and Des Courtils 2001 On the value of this integra-

tion of the Lycian hero in the Homeric epos see Gehrke 2005 On the ambiguity between South-ern Xanthian Lycians and the Trojan Lycians from Zeleia led by Pandaros (2824ndash827) who couldhave been Trojan allies or a subject population in more Troad-centered versions of the Iliad seeBryce 1977

23 Strab 736sq 12324ndash27 14522 Apollod 244 F 157andashf24 Αἰγιαλός rsaquosea-shorelsaquo is equally attested as toponym in Peloponnesus Thracia Arabia Aegyptus

Cyrenaica and Corsica (cf already Eust Commentary on the Iliad 2854) Ἐρυθρῖνοι could becompared with the Boeotian and with the Ionian Ἐρυθραί (modern Darimari and Ildır cf Strab9212) There is another ΚρώμναΚρώμνη near Corinth (Wiseman 1978 66ndash70) and in Thessaly(Hesych sv) Robert 1966 746 no 207 n 2 discussed the possible link with the god Cronos atCorinth he recorded the theonym Κρόνιος carried by a citizen of the Paphlagonian Cromna atPanticapaeum (IOSPE IV291=CIRB 199 apud Robert 1937 262 etc) In Paphlagonia this is also

Anca Dan38

iad before the 3rd century BC for some arguments must have been known to Apollonius ofRhodes The verses of Argonautica (2936ndash942) probably depend on Apolloniusrsquo scientificremake of epic geography he replaces the Homeric series of Cytorus-Sesamus-Parthenius-Cromna-Aigialus-Erythinoi ndash which we still have today in our version of the Iliad ndash with ananalogous list whose arrangement corresponds to the real geographic order going fromParthenius to Sesamus Erythinoi Crobialus Cromna to Cytorus25 If Erythinoi (by con-traction for metric reasons) and Cromna could pass for Barbarian place-names Aigialuswas undoubtedly Greek This is why Aigialus was replaced in some variants of the Iliad withCobialus (as Strabo 12310 and Byzantine lexica and scholia explain) Apollonius writes itas Crobialus maybe thinking of Thracian words like Crobyle (toponym attested only byPseudo-Demosthenes Philiprsquos Letter 3 in association with the Propontic Tiristasis) or Cro-byzoi (name of people living on the south-western Black Sea coast)

Another solution to the aberrant order of the Enetaean toponyms and of the hydronymParthenius in Homer was to suppose that the Caucones were included in the Catalogue atan early stage They were mentioned twice elsewhere in the Iliad26 Nevertheless Strabo as-signs the association of this people (already extinct before his times) with the Parthenius toCallisthenes of Olynthus the Caucones should be put next to the Enetae in the country oc-cupied in historical times by the Mariandynians27 Their presence at this point of the Iliadis confirmed in the first part of the 3rd century BC by the papyrus Hibeh 1928 Whateverthe date of the entry of the Caucones in the Trojan Catalogue one has to admit that as faras we can go back in the history of the text the Halizones were known to the Homeric audi-ence as being located between the Paphlagonians ndash Enetae and maybe Caucones ndash and theMysians29

The names of the Halizonian chiefs are a supplementary proof for their original presencein Homer and subsequently in the most ancient representations of north-western Asia Mi-nor Their ethnic is included in formulaic verses similar to those mentioning other Homer-ic heroes30 Their personal names are perfectly understandable in Greek just like those ofother Trojans and Trojan allies they have been interpreted as the ones who rsaquocamelsaquo (Ὀδίος

24 the epithet of the legendary king Pelops For the discordance between the supposed Homeric men-tions and the colonisation date cf Allen 1921 156ndash159 and 1924 347ndash350 followed amongothers by 963 137sq Hope Simpson Lazenby 1970 176 (n 3)ndash81 Kirk et al 1985258sq Contra Drews 1976 Graham 1990 54 n 60 Braund 1994 15 n 28 Crielaard 1995233ndash235 Cf Counillon 2004a Ivantchik 1998 319sq and 2005 153 Eck 2003

25 Parthenius (modern Bartın Su) Sesamus (modern Amasra) Erythinoi (modern Ccedilakraz) Crobialus(maybe the modern Karaağaccedil limanı) Cromna (modern TekkeoumlnuumlHısarkoumly) Cytorus (Byzantineand modern Kidros)

26 10429 2032927 Strab 1235 14527sq (cf 772) from Apollod 244 F 170 and Demetrius of Scepsis (p 61 Gae-

de) cf Eust Commentary on the Iliad 20328 Callisthenes 124 F 53 See Pearson 1960 43sqBurstein 1976 Cf West 1967 50sq Rengakos 1993 128sq Prandi 1985 76ndash82

28 Univ-Bibl Graz inv I+III1944 See West 1967 40sq and Rengakos 1993 128sq29 See also the papyri indicated by the database Mertens-Pack3 (httpprometheephiloulgacbe

cedopal seen the 15th December 2011) POxy inv 93 Dec 16J(1) unpublished PFlor 2107 1st

century AD PHal inv 33 2nd century AD PSI Il 9 (inv 1846v) 2ndash3rd centuries AD30 The chief of the Phoceans also called rsaquoEpistrophoslsaquo is recalled in a similar formula with a verb at

plural not at dual as one could have aspected from an archaic composition (2517 cf 2494) SeeWathelet 1988 sv Epistrophos and Odios no 116 and 241


lt Ὁδίος lt ὁδός) and rsaquoreturnedlsaquo (Ἐπίστροφος) Furthermore these meanings and the linkbetween the two are confirmed by a poetic wordplay in the episode relating the death ofὈδίος killed as he rsaquoturnedlsaquo στρεφθέντι

Like the gods who wear these names as epiclesis the chiefs from the silver-land were per-haps connected with the chthonic world31 In addition the name of their father Μηκισ-τεύς rsaquothe Greatestlsaquo in the Epitome of Pseudo-Apollodorus (335) and Minuus (gr Μινυόςrsaquoμικρόςlsaquo) in the Ephemeris Belli Troiani of Dictys of Crete (235) could also suggest the in-vention at different times of a link with the underworld of the Giants or of the dwarfs Thehinterland of the Asiatic coast of the Propontis was renowned for the presence of such ex-traordinary creatures local legends about Giants fighting the Dolions and the eponymfounder of Cyzicus were known enough to be integrated in Apolloniusrsquo Argonautics32 Onthe other hand the superlative Μηκιστεύς is a name carried by other heroes and even byHeracles in Elis33 If the Homeric chief has any tie with the image of Heracles this may alsocorroborate the link of the Halizones with the north-western Asia Minor where the Aiacidwas involved in several pre-colonial stories connected with the Argonautic saga34

The testimony of Pseudo-Apollodorus might be confirmed by the hydronym MacestusΜέγιστος corresponding to a major tributary of the Rhyndacus35 However this is not theonly element which connects the hydrography of north-western Asia Minor with the Hali-zonian chiefs Some manuscripts of the Iliad call Odios rsaquoRhodioslsaquo like the ancient name ofthe modern Koca Ccedilay which flows into the Marmara Sea between the sites of Abydus andDardanus36 Since rivers are often symbols of fecundity the fertility of the Halizonesrsquo landsoaked by the king-river could have been in agreement with its character of rsaquobirthplace ofsilverlsaquo37 This is not surprising for a remote land on the northern edge of the world wheremany regions where said to possess extraordinary richness

These are not just fabulous stories the metals from the north-western extremity of AsiaMinor were exploited and exported since the foundation of Troy38 One can now assumethat they were known in the Aegean at a very early date The mining sites registered bymodern authors in this region may correspond to very long-lasting exploitations39 Theprocess of obtaining silver from silver-lead well attested since remote Antiquity is now en-

31 Hermes the herald psychopompe is called ὅδιος in Hesych sv ὅδιοςmiddot hellip καὶ ἐπίθετον Ἑρμοῦmaybe as a variant of εἰνόδιος (Theokr 254 AG 10128 Phanias in AG 6299) and δρόμιος (ICr II2310) The god is also rsaquoguardian of doorslsaquo στροφαῖος in Pollux 872 cf Hesych Pausanias Atti-cus Phot EtymM sv and στροφεύς in IG XII 31374 Nevertheless the second meaning indicat-ed by the Suda (cf Scholia in Aristoph Plut 1153) fits also Hermes god of the thiefs Στροφαῖος hellipπαρὰ τὸ στρέφειν τὰ πράγματαmiddot οἱ δὲ τοῦτο ποιοῦντες πανοῦργοι λέγονται Pan is called εἰνόδιοςby Himerius fr 1 apud Phot 6243 (369b)

32 1936ndash101133 Lykophr Alexandra 618 (with Tzetzesrsquo scholia ad loc Ps-Zonaras sv) and Strab 832134

Ehrhardt 1995 35 MacestusΜέγιστος corresponds to the modern Simav Ccedilayı Rhyndacus is the modern Koca Dere-

Orhaneli The two rivers are merged together by Apoll Rhod in rsaquoa great Rhyndacuslsaquo (11165 withscholia ad loc) See Ruge 1928

36 Cf Tischler 1977 126 and sv Karesos 7437

Halleux 197038 See more recently Begemann et al 2003 More generally on the historically reconstructed com-

mercial network of Troy see De Jesus 1980 55sq and Treister 1996 28sq39

Cuinet 1894 16sq

Anca Dan40

tirely reconstructed by modern scholars40 The legendary silver-country of the Halizonesincluded in epic itineraries of north-western Asia may reflect knowledge of the mininglands north of the Troad

When they are first mentioned the Halizones appear as a group of soldiers an ἔθνος λα-ῶν41 Their description includes the most basic elements of an ethnographic discoursename particularity relative location But they do not correspond to a historical identityand have no real ethnicity they are just an image coherent with the world of oral poetry42

Historic names

At least two historical sources can be discussed as eventual parallels for the Homeric loca-tion of the Halizonesrsquo land in north-western Anatolia The first is a Hittite inscription men-tioning the name Hal-lu-wa that has been tentatively connected with ἈλύβηἉλύβη Thistoponym is quoted in a 14th or 13th century list of defeated enemies precisely in the regionof Troad ndash if the Troad itself is to be identified with the Seha-River Land close to the Sea43

From a linguistic point of view the Hittite() ending -υβα-uwa meaning rsaquoland oflsaquo is agood candidate for the lexemes involved in the formation of rsaquoAlybelsaquo and its variants More-over Jaan Puhvel translates the root halluwa- by rsaquohollow pitlsaquo Accordingly the toponymHalluwaAlybe might correspond to an uneven terrain44 This matches the nature of differ-ent sites inhabited since ancient times and situated on the edges of Troad where rivers cuttheir beds across the ranges of the Kaz Dağları (ancient Ida) and of the Madra Dağları (an-cient Pindasos) and flow out through the littoral plains of the Hellespont and northernAegean45

The second parallel is Hecataeus of Miletus and his Alazones of Alazia An ethic so closeto the Homeric one located in the north-western Troad during the 6th century BC ensuredHecataeusrsquo fragment a great success It became an argument in the debates between schol-ars interested in Homeric geography Strabo learned it from his 2nd century BC predeces-sor Apollodorus of Athens who could have found it in Demetrius of Scepsis46

ὁ μὲν (sc Ἑκαταῖος ὁ Μιλήσιος) ἐν γῆς περιόδῳ φησίν raquoἐπὶ δrsquo Ἀλαζίᾳ πόλι ποταμὸς Ὀδρύσης ῥέ-ων διὰ Μυγδονίης πεδίου ἀπὸ δύσιος ἐκ τῆς λίμνης τῆς Δασκυλίτιδος ἐς Ῥύνδακον ἐσβάλλειlaquoἔρημον δὲ εἶναι νῦν τὴν Ἀλαζίαν λέγει κώμας δὲ πολλὰς τῶν Ἀλαζώνων οἰκεῖσθαι διrsquo ὧν Ὀδρύ-σης ῥεῖ ἐν δὲ ταύταις τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα τιμᾶσθαι διαφερόντως καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ τὴν ἐφορίαν τῶνΚυζικηνῶν

ὁ δὲ Ἑκαταῖος λέγει ἐπέκεινα τῶν ἐκβολῶν αὐτοῦ ltsc τοῦ Αἰσήπουgt hellip

Hecataeus in his Circuit of the Earth says raquoabove the city of Alazia is the River Odryses whichflows out of Lake Dascylitis from the west through the plain of Mygdonia into the Rhyndacuslaquo

40Gale Stos-Gale 1981

41Kyrtatas 2000

42Konstan 2001

43 KUB XXIII fr 11+12 See with the problems of royal chronology and geographical interpretationof this inscription Garstang Gurney 1959 121ndash123 Huxley 1960 32sq Macqueen 1968Del Monte Tischler 1978 52sq Cline 1996 lately cf Pantazis 2009

44Puhvel 1991 sv halluwa- 47sq quoting Laroche 1961 Otten 1973

45 See the descriptions of Leaf 1923 xvindashxxv Cook 1973 passim46

Gaede 1880 fr 47 44sq generally sceptical about the attribution to Demetrius of fragments notexplicitely attested by Strabo More generally see Trachsel 2007


He says also that Alazia is now deserted but that many villages of the Alazones through whosecountry the Odryses flows are inhabited in these villages Apollo is accorded exceptional hon-ours especially on the confines of the Cyziceni

Hecataeus says that ltit is situatedgt beyond the outlets of Aesepus hellip(Hekat 1 F 217 [maybe through Demetrius of Scepsis] apud Apollodorus of

Athens 244 F 171 apud Strab 12322 apud Eust Commentary on the Iliad 2857)

We do not know the progression of Hecataeusrsquo itinerary in the Hellespontic region ndashwhether this fragment was really a part of the general description of the Asiatic shore ofMarmara and northern Aegean rather than an excursus in the account about southernPontus like in Strabo Hence it is impossible to determine the precise situation of Alaziaand of the Alazones in Hectaeusrsquo construction of the oecumene All we can say is that theywere probably to be found somewhere in the valley of Kara Dere (Odryses) south of the ter-ritory of ancient Cyzicus (modern BelkizBalkız Kale on Kapu Dağı) of the Manyas Goumlluuml(lake Dascylitis) and of the course of Orhaneli-Koca Dere not far away from the sources ofthe Goumlnen Ccedilay (Aesepus)47

The association of the Alazones with the hydronym Odryses (of Thracian origin) andwith Apollo are not Homeric But they are neither incompatible with Homeric geographyIn the Catalogue the Halizones come together with the Mysians (2858ndash861) and the Phry-gians of Ascania (2862sq) whose Thracian origin has never been questioned48 In addi-tion from an unknown date Odryses was included in local mythical genealogies as fatherof Thynos and Bithynos49 At the same time the importance of Apollo in the Troad hardlyneeds to be recalled the main protector of the Trojans was as Λύκ(ε)ιος and Λυκηγενήςthe principal divinity of the Lycian-Trojan archers led by the son of Lycaon from Zeleia-Ly-cia not far away from Rhyndacus also called Lycus50 The installation of the Milesians atCyzicus and their probable foundation of Apollonia on the Rhyndacus (modern Goumllyazı)gave new shapes to this cult51

Are we allowed to suppose that Hecataeus was already aware of some Homeric traditionsabout Trojan allies coming from the north52 As a matter of fact his picture of this regioncorresponds to a period when Homeric epics circulated in oral and perhaps also writtenform in Ionia and in overseas colonies But we do not know how he would have explainedthe geographic hiatus between his Alazones and Ἐνετή as far as we can reconstruct Heca-taeusrsquo Periodos Ἐνετή was not a neighbourhood of the Halizones but a city far away in theEast which corresponded to the historical Amisus53 We are also unaware of the form ofthe Halizonian ethnic in the version of the Homeric epic that Hecataeus could have knownand whether he tried to explain the possible difference with the name of the historical peo-

47 For the historical geography of this region see Barrington Atlas Map 52 Byzantium Inventoryno 747 Precircteux 2007 The identification of Odryses ndash which could correspond to Plinyrsquos theElder Horisius (nat 5143) ndash was particularly problematical see Munro 1912 Tischler 1977sv 106sq

48Debord 2001 Maffre 2002 88sq

49 Arr 156 F 77a apud Eust Commentary on Dionysius Periegetes v 79350 Arr 156 F 96 apud Eust Commentary on Homerrsquos Iliad 2824ndash82751

Ehrhardt 1983 135 Inventory 97552 Cf Nicolai 2003a 94sq53 Hekat 1 F 199 apud Strab 12325 (maybe through Maiumlandrios Zenodotus and Apollodorus of

Athens) cf Plin nat 611 See Nicolai 2003b

Anca Dan42

ple extant at his time The reference to the dioecism of the polis Alazia in villages scatteredalong the river valleys in the northern Troad might however be interpreted as the authorrsquosdesire to explain the disappearance of a centralized community probably still known to hiscontemporaries

So Hecataeusrsquo Περίοδος cannot help us to seize the historicity of the rsaquooriginallsaquo HomericHalizones At most together with the Hittite toponym and the archaeological finds it sug-gests that the Homeric bards and their public had several reasons to put Alybe in the north-ern neighbourhood of the Troad It also illustrates a first step in the invention of this imag-inary ethnic identity for which so many ancient writers searched Most of them were look-ing for a stronger Homeric background for their countries But the history of their trans-mission through the quotations of the adversaries and the abbreviations of thegrammarians makes the reconstruction of Halizonesrsquo historical ethnography difficult

2 Homeric peoples lost and foundSince evidence is scarce and the real existence of this people is only a hypothesis based onepic verses and problematic historic parallels many modern historians dismiss the topic asa rsaquopurely Homeric inventionlsaquo54 When this is not the case they consider Ἀλύβη an equiva-lent of Ἅλυς being under the influence of Straborsquos 7th and 12th book Accordingly what wasinitially only Straborsquos best hypothesis became certainty after him Together with Arrianplaying in this case also the part of the local historian engageacute Strabo represented the mostreliable source of information for lexicographers like Hesychius Stephanus of Byzantiumencyclopaedists of the 11thndash12th centuries anonymous scholiasts and Eustathius of Thes-salonica

By reading them however one understands that Antiquity registered at least seven dif-ferent locations for the rsaquobirthplace of silverlsaquo The Pillars of Hercules in the kingdom of Ar-ganthonius and Ἀλύβας-Μεταπόντιον in Southern Italy could not really pretend to becountries represented in the Trojan battle order55 But Troad with Mysia and BithyniaSouthern Trace Scythia Pontic Cappadocia and even Lycia had their defenders Theseidentifications ndash complicated by ethnic turmoil and ethnographic presuppositions like theone discussed by Strabo (following Artemidorus in 14522sq) ndash determined numeroustextual conjectures The search for this ghost people coincides with the history of the recep-tion of Il 2857sq in these verses local communities of northern Anatolia looked for a glo-rious past the Homeric scholars who wanted to offer a coherent explanation of the epicson the basis of ascertained facts made further use of these books Scattered fragments fromworks written with these two intentions show the wide impact of an isolated Homeric ref-erence for a region where in Classical Hellenistic and Roman times the Halizones becameargument for collective identity

54 Eg Eck 2003 27 n 4755 For the Tartassian silver country see DionPer v 335ndash339 with the Commentary of Eusthatius

and scholia ad loc for Metapontum Hesych and Steph Byz sv This toponym is more connectedwith the Od 24304 (and scholia ad loc) but the idea of richness is always present see eg Ca-

massa 1984a 167sq Mele 1996 9ndash11


The work of local patriots northwestern Asiatic Halizones brought to life

At the turn of the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC Demetrius of Scepsis tried to reconstruct theHomeric past of his country in order to give a solid basis to his claims for a prestigious epicmemory of his homeland he compiled historic and historiographic evidence about the ori-gin of contemporary communities around the Troad He associated the fragment of Heca-taeus on the Alazones with other late Classical testimonies all written by scholars native tothe Hellespontic area arguing for local identification of the Homeric Halizones Accord-ingly thanks to Straborsquos intermediary we find out that Demetrius of Scepsis quotedMenecrates from Elaea56 This pupil of Xenocrates of Chalcedon (the successor of Seusipp-us at the head of the Academy) wrote in his Circuit of the Hellespont

hellip ὑπερκεῖσθαι hellip τῶν περὶ τὴν Μύρλειαν τόπων ὀρεινὴν συνεχῆ ἣν κατῴκει τὸ τῶν Ἁλιζώνωνἔθνοςmiddot δεῖ δέ φησί γράφειν ἐν τοῖς δύο λάβδα τὸν δὲ ποιητὴν ἐν τῷ ἑνὶ γράφειν διὰ τὸ μέτρον

εἰ δrsquo ἄρα ὁ Μενεκράτης καὶ οὐδrsquo οὗτος τὴν Ἀλόπην ἢ Ἀλόβην ἢ ὅπως ποτὲ βούλονται γράφεινφράζει ἥτις ἐστίν hellip

hellip that above the region of Myrleia there is an adjacent mountainous tract which is occupied bythe people of the Halizones One must spell the name with two rsaquolrsquoslsaquo he says but the poet spells itwith only one for metrical reasons

Then not even Menecrates tells us what kind of place is rsaquoAlopelsaquo or rsaquoAlobecirclsaquo or however theywish to write it hellip (Menecrates of Elaea fr 3 Muumlller apud Strab 12322sq)

One may think that the localisation of the Halizones (and of AlopeAlobe) near Myrleia(modern Mudanya) is only a local tradition recovered (or invented) by a patriot whosearched for echoes of the Trojan war on the shores of his country57 Nevertheless Myrleiahad some reasons to pretend to be a silver land thanks to the resources of the Argantho-neion Mountain (modern Samanlı Dağı) which faced the city from the opposite side of thebay of Cius

By the end of the 4th century BC the Peripatetic Palaephatus of Abydos or of Parion au-thor of On unbelievable tales and On Trojan history amended the ethnic rsaquoAlazoneslsaquo byrsaquoAmazonslsaquo58 The women warriors would have come from rsaquoAlopelsaquo just like in the Historiesof Ephorus59 The difference between Palaephatus and Ephorus is the identification ofAlope which would correspond to a former site of Zeleia generally situated at the modernSarıkoumly

ὁ δὲ Παλαίφατός φησιν ἐξ Ἀμαζώνων [Ἀλαζώνων ex corr] τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀλόπῃ οἰκούντων νῦν δὲΖελείᾳ τὸν Ὀδίον καὶ τὸν Ἐπίστροφον στρατεῦσαι

hellip ὅ τε Παλαίφατος πρότερον μὲν Ἀλόπην οἰκεῖν φήσας νῦν δὲ Ζέλειαν οὐδὲν ὅμοιον λέγειτούτοις

Palaephatus says that it was from the Amazons who then lived in Alope but now in Zeleia thatOdius and Epistrophus made their expedition

hellip Palaephatus although he says that they formerly lived in Alope but now in Zeleia saysnothing of this kind for them (ie nothing about their location at or behind Aesepusrsquo sources)

(Palaephatus 44 F 4=fr 4 Muumlller apud Strab 12322sq)

56Goulet 2005 cf F Jacoby (FGrHist 701) Elea is to be identified with the modern Kazıkbağlarıancient port of Pergamon at the mouth of CaicusBakırccedilay

57 For Myrleia former Brylleion later Apamea see Corsten 1987 and Inventory no 75258 For the identity of Palaephatus see now Nuumlnlist 2006 with bibliography59 70 F 114 BNJ 70 F 114a apud 12321sq quoted infra

Anca Dan44

Together with Hecataeusrsquo fragment these are the testimonies combined by Demetrius ofScepsis in support of his own historical interpretation of the Halizones The grammariantries to reconcile information picked up in texts of the last three centuries with his own pa-triotic convictions maybe without explaining the geographic incongruities between theselocations on territories as different as Myrleia Zeleia and Scepsis and rivers like Rhynda-cus Odryses and Aesepus Thus the area involved in these debates overlaps the limits ofthe historic Hellespontic Phrygia60 In turn Strabo (12323) very critical on these theorieswhile wishing to defend his own patriotic interests did not overlook all these ambiguities

τοῦ δrsquo αὐλῶνος τοῦ περὶ τὸν Αἴσηπον ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῆς ῥύσεως αὐτοῦ πρῶτον ἔστι Πολίχνα τειχῆ-ρες χωρίον εἶθrsquo ἡ Παλαίσκηψις εἶτrsquo Ἀλαζόνιον τοῦτrsquo ἤδη πεπλασμένον πρὸς τὴν τῶν Ἁλιζώνωνὑπόθεσιν περὶ ὧν εἰρήκαμεν εἶτα Κάρησος ἐρήμη καὶ ἡ Καρησηνὴ καὶ ὁμώνυμος ποταμός ποιῶνκαὶ αὐτὸς αὐλῶνα ἀξιόλογον ἐλάττω δὲ τοῦ περὶ τὸν Αἴσηπον τὰ δrsquo ἑξῆς ἤδη τὰ τῆς Ζελείας ἐστὶπεδία καὶ ὀροπέδια καλῶς γεωργούμεναmiddot ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ τοῦ Αἰσήπου μεταξὺ Πολίχνας τε καὶ Παλαι-σκήψεως ἡ Νέα κώμη καὶ Ἀργυρία καὶ τοῦτο πάλιν πλάσμα πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν ὅπως σω-θείη τὸ raquoὅθεν ἀργύρου ἐστὶ γενέθληlaquo ἡ οὖν Ἀλύβη ποῦ ἢ Ἀλόπη ἢ ὅπως βούλονται παρονομά-ζειν ἐχρῆν γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο πλάσαι παρατριψαμένους τὸ μέτωπον καὶ μὴ χωλὸν ἐᾶν καὶ ἕτοιμονπρὸς ἔλεγχον ἅπαξ ἤδη ἀποτετολμηκότας ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔνστασιν ἔχει τοιαύτην τἆλλα δὲ ὑπο-λαμβάνομεν ἢ τά γε πλεῖστα δεῖν προσέχειν ὡς ἀνδρὶ ἐμπείρῳ καὶ ἐντοπίῳ φροντίσαντί τε το-σοῦτον περὶ τούτων ὥστε τριάκοντα βίβλους συγγράψαι στίχων ἐξήγησιν μικρῷ πλειόνων ἑξή-κοντα τοῦ καταλόγου τῶν Τρώων φησὶ δrsquo οὖν τὴν Παλαίσκηψιν τῆς μὲν Νέας διέχειν πεντήκον-τα σταδίους τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ τοῦ Αἰσήπου τριάκονταmiddot ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Παλαισκήψεως ταύτης διατεῖ-ναι τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν καὶ εἰς ἄλλους πλείους τόπους

In Aesepusrsquo valley on the left of the stream one comes first to Polichna a small place enclosed bywalls and then to Palaescepsis and then to Alizonion ltDemetriusgt has fabricated this last nameto support the hypothesis about the Halizones whom I have already discussed (cf 12320ndash27)And then one comes to Caresus which is deserted and Caresene and the river of the same namewhich also forms a notable valley though smaller than that of the Aesepus next follow the plainsand plateaux of Zeleia beautifully cultivated On the right of the Aesepus between Polichna andPalaescepsis there are Nea Come and Argyria This also is a name fabricated to support the samehypothesis in order to save the formula raquowhere is the birthplace of silverlaquo (cf Iliad 2857) Nowwhere is Alybe or Alope or however they wish to alter the name For having once already madetheir bold venture they should have rubbed their faces and fabricated this name too instead ofleaving it lame and readily subject to critic Thus this theory is open to objections on this pointbut the other information or at least most of it deserves the greatest attention as coming from aman ltDemetriusgt who was acquainted with the region and a native of it who gave enoughthought to this subject to write thirty books of commentary on a little more than sixty lines of theCatalogue of the Trojans He says at any rate that Palaescepsis is fifty stadia distant from Aeneaand thirty from the Aesepus River and that from this Palaescepsis the same name was extendedto several other sites (Strab 13145)

On the traces of Hecataeus and Palaephatus Demetrius could bring evidence of the silverresources of the lower Goumlnen Ccedilay and behind it on the lower Karadere east from Scepsisand Palaescepsis within the historical limits of Troad61 There were situated Argyria62 and

60 Ps-Scylax (sect94 cf Scylax 709 F 11 apud Strab 1248) with Maffre 2002 and 200661 The ancient Enbeilos corresponds to the modern Karadere Scepsis is situated on the modern

Kurşunlu Tepe Palaescepsis is maybe the modern Kuumlccediluumlk Ikizce See Inventory 974ndash976 1000sqexplaining Strab (1314 who quoted Eudoxus of Cyzicus [fr 336 LasserreGisinger p 65sq]Damastes of Sigeum [5 F 9] and Charon of Lampsacus [262 F 18])

62 Modern Karaidin or Guumlmuumlş Maden For KaraidinKaraaydın see Leaf 1923 211sq and Per-

nicka et al 2003 152


Ergasteria63 their names evoke mining activities now associated with sites where geogra-phers and archaeologists observed traces of silver exploitation Following Callisthenes (124F 54) Demetrius probably included the site of Argyria in a catalogue of the silver lands as-sociated with mythical figures who were part of the ancient history of this region of AsiaMinor Strabo quotes him once again in book 14 when he pursues his criticism to Apollo-dorus of Athens who used Demetriusrsquo text

hellip τοὺς δrsquo Ἁλιζῶνας αὐτὸς πλάττει μᾶλλον δrsquo οἱ πρῶτοι τοὺς Ἁλιζῶνας ἀγνοήσαντες τίνες εἰσίκαὶ μεταγράφοντες πλεοναχῶς καὶ πλάττοντες τὴν τοῦ ἀργύρου γενέθλην καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ μέ-ταλλα ἐκλελειμμένα ἅπαντα πρὸς ταύτην δὲ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν κἀκείνας συνήγαγον τὰς ἱστορίαςἃς ὁ Σκήψιος τίθησι παρὰ Καλλισθένους λαβὼν καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν οὐ καθαρευόντων τῆς περὶ τῶνἉλιζώνων ψευδοδοξίαςmiddot ὡς ὁ μὲν Ταντάλου πλοῦτος καὶ τῶν Πελοπιδῶν ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ Φρυγίανκαὶ Σίπυλον μετάλλων ἐγένετοmiddot ὁ δὲ Κάδμου ltἐκ τῶνgt περὶ Θρᾴκην καὶ τὸ Παγγαῖον ὄροςmiddot ὁ δὲΠριάμου ἐκ τῶν ἐν Ἀστύροις περὶ Ἄβυδον χρυσείων hellip ὁ δὲ Μίδου ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸ Βέρμιον ὄροςmiddotὁ δὲ Γύγου καὶ Ἀλυάττου καὶ Κροίσου ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Λυδίᾳ hellip τῆς μεταξὺ Ἀταρνέως τε καὶ Περγά-μου πολίχνη ἐρήμη ἐκμεμεταλλευμένα ἔχουσα τὰ χωρία

hellip ltDemetriusgt forges the Halizones or rather the first men who not knowing who the Hali-zones were wrote their name in several different ways and invented the rsaquobirthplace of silverlsaquo andmany other mines now all abandoned And for their ambition they also collected the stories citedby Demetrius of Scepsis after having taken them from Callisthenes and from certain other writ-ers who were not free from the false notions about the Halizones They tell that the wealth of Tan-talus and the Pelopidae arose from the mines round Phrygia and Sipylus that of Cadmus fromthose round Thrace and Mt Pangaeus that of Priam from the gold mines of Astyra nearAbydus hellip and that of Midas from those round Mt Bermius and that of Gyges and Alyattes andCroesus from those in Lydia and from the region between Ataerneus and Pergamum hellip there is asmall deserted town whose lands have been exhausted of ore

(Demetrius fr 44 Gaede apud Apollodorus of Athens 244 F 170 apud Strab 14528)

Pursuing his own interests Strabo constructs his argumentation against Demetrius ndash andimplicitly against all other local historians ndash without recalling any of the philological andhistorical advantages of the Mysian theory which did not involve so important alterationsof the ethnic as his own theory He denies the existence of cities like Alazia and AlopeAlobe on the Asiatic shore of Hellespont Of course he can be right as we do not have otherinformation about such a city except this text Yet the toponyms themselves cannot bepure inventions the Catalogue of ships refers to a Thessalian Alope on the southern coastof Achaia Phthiotis (maybe the modern RakhesPhourni)64 Other cities called rsaquoAlopelsaquo ex-isted in Locris one to the East on the Euboean Gulf (modern MelidoniAg Aikaterini) andanother to the South-West north from the Corinthian Gulf (modern MakriniKokovis-ta)65 A source carried this name in the region between Eleusis and Megaris like the daugh-ter of the Eleusian king Kerkyron loved by Poseidon66 Even rsaquoAlobelsaquo which does not seemto have been a real toponym was not Demetriusrsquo invention it was mentioned byMenecrates and perhaps by Hellanicus Ephorus and Eudoxus ndash if we accept the readings ofFelix Jacoby and Franccedilois Lasserre67 Maybe this was a real variant in the Homericoral tradition

63 Modern Balya Maden see Pernicka et al 2003 152sq64 Il 2682 cf Strab 949 958sq Steph Byz sv and the other sources in Toepffer 1894a65

Toepffer 1894bndashc and Barrington Atlas Map 5566 Paus 1393 cf Toepffer 1894d67 Hellanicus 4 F 186 Ephor 70 F 114a Eudoxus fr 345 Lasserre

Anca Dan46

Strabo is carried away by his own Pontic patriotism and tries to bring together all the in-coherencies of Demetriusrsquo north-western Anatolian theory

τί οὖν ἄξιον ἐπαινεῖν τὰς τούτων δόξας χωρὶς γὰρ τοῦ τὴν ἀρχαίαν γραφὴν καὶ τούτους κινεῖνοὔτε τὰ ἀργυρεῖα δεικνύουσιν οὔτε ποῦ τῆς Μυρλεάτιδος Ἀλόπη ἐστίν οὔτε πῶς οἱ ἐνθένδε ἀφ-ιγμένοι εἰς Ἴλιον raquoτηλόθενlaquo ἦσαν εἰ καὶ δοθείη Ἀλόπην τινὰ γεγονέναι ἢ Ἀλαζίανmiddot πολὺ γὰρ δὴταῦτα ἐγγυτέρω ἐστὶ τῇ Τρῳάδι ἢ τὰ περὶ Ἔφεσον ἀλλrsquo ὅμως τοὺς περὶ Πύγελα λέγοντας τοὺςἈμαζῶνας μεταξὺ Ἐφέσου καὶ Μαγνησίας καὶ Πριήνης φλυαρεῖν φησὶν ὁ Δημήτριοςmiddot τὸ γὰρraquoτηλόθενlaquo οὐκ ἐφαρμόττειν τῷ τόπῳmiddot πόσῳ οὖν μᾶλλον οὐκ ἐφαρμόττει τῷ περὶ Μυσίαν καὶ Τευ-θρανίαν

Why then should the opinions of these men merit approval For apart from the fact that theydisturb the early text they neither show us the silver-mines nor where in the territory of MyrleiaAlope is nor how those who went from there to Ilium were raquofrom far awaylaquo even if one wouldthink that there actually was an Alope or Alazia for these of course are much nearer the Troadthan the places around Ephesus Nevertheless Demetrius says that those who speak of the Ama-zons as living in the neighbourhood of Pygela between Ephesus and Magnesia and Priene talknonsense for he adds raquofar awaylaquo cannot apply to that region How much more inapplicablethen is it to the region of Mysia and Teuthrania (Strab 12322)

Behind Straborsquos polemic one understands that Demetrius of Scepsis himself built his argu-ment by contesting other theories These had placed the land of the Alizones ndash spelled outas Alazones and even identified with the Amazons ndash in the area of Ephesus Magnesia andPriene not far away from P(h)ygela (modern Kuşadası) This corresponds to the rsaquoLycianlsaquolocalisation of Alope identified with Ephesus by the anonymous sources of the mythogra-pher Hyginus (fab 143) of Pliny the Elder (nat 5115) and maybe through the mysteriousThemistagoras of Ephesus by scholiasts and lexicographers68 The identification of Anato-lian toponyms with names of Amazons was certainly the essential factor in the develop-ment of such theories about the existence of a city of HalizonesAlizonesAlazones that isto say rsaquoAmazonslsaquo close to the western shore of Asia Minor

Ephorus native to Cyme the region where the Amazons were perceived as pre-Aeolianfounders is directly responsible for this phenomenon By reading the fragmentary apprais-al of Demetrius read and criticised by Strabo through Apollodorus we can infer that Epho-rus had found in the Trojan Catalogue a mention of the Amazons He wrote about them inhis Universal history (BNJ 70 F 60andashb 166) and probably also in his Local history a true en-comium of his πάτρις (70 F 1)

οἱ μὲν [οὖν] μεταγράφουσιν raquoἈλαζώνωνlaquo οἱ δrsquo raquoἈμαζώνωνlaquo ποιοῦντες τὸ δrsquo raquoἐξ Ἀλύβηςlaquo raquoἐξἈλόπηςlaquo ἢ raquoἐξ Ἀλόβηςlaquo hellip τοὺς δrsquo Ἀμαζῶνας μεταξὺ Μυσίας καὶ Καρίας καὶ Λυδίας καθάπερἜφορος νομίζει πλησίον Κύμης τῆς πατρίδος αὐτοῦmiddot καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἔχεταί τινος λόγου τυχὸνἴσωςmiddot εἴη γὰρ ἂν λέγων τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰολέων καὶ Ἰώνων οἰκισθεῖσαν ὕστερον πρότερον δrsquo ὑπὸἈμαζόνων [ὧν] καὶ ἐπωνύμους πόλεις τινὰς εἶναί φασιmiddot καὶ γὰρ Ἔφεσον καὶ Σμύρναν καὶ Κύμηνκαὶ Μύριναν ἡ δὲ Ἀλύβη ἢ ὥς τινες Ἀλόπη ἢ Ἀλόβη πῶς ἂν ἐν τοῖς τόποις τούτοις ἐξητάζετοπῶς δὲ τηλόθεν πῶς δrsquo ἡ τοῦ ἀργύρου γενέθλη

Ταῦτα μὲν ἀπολύεται τῇ μεταγραφῇmiddot γράφει γὰρ οὕτως raquoαὐτὰρ Ἀμαζώνων Ὀδίος καὶ Ἐπί-στροφος ἦρχον ἐλθόντrsquo ἐξ Ἀλόπης ὅ θrsquo Ἀμαζονίδων γένος ἐστίlaquo ταῦτα δrsquo ἀπολυσάμενος εἰς ἄλ-

68 Themistagoras of Ephesus (FHG IV p 512 Muumlller apud Herodianus vol 31 p 28 Lentz)hellip κατὰ τὴν Ἀλόπην τὴν νῦν καλουμένην Λυκίαν τὴν πρὸς τῇ Ἐφέσῳ γυναῖκες hellip Scholia D ad Il539 (Ἁλιζώνων Ἔθνους Θρᾳκῶν Ἄλλοι δὲ εἶπον αὐτὸ ἓν εἶναι τῶν περὶ τὴν Καρικὴν θάλασσανοἰκούντων ἐθνῶν) EtymGen EtymM Etymologicum Symeonis and Ps-Zonaras sv Ἀλόπηmiddot χώ-ρα ἡ καλουμένη Λυκία πρὸς τῇ Ἐφέσῳ hellip See Toepffer 1894d


λο ἐμπέπτωκε πλάσμαmiddot οὐδαμοῦ γὰρ ἐνθάδε εὑρίσκεται Ἀλόπηmiddot καὶ ἡ μεταγραφὴ δὲ παρὰ τὴν τῶνἀντιγράφων τῶν ἀρχαίων πίστιν καινοτομουμένη ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον σχεδιασμῷ ἔοικεν ὁ δὲ Σκήψιοςοὔτε τὴν τούτου δόξαν ἔοικεν ἀποδεξάμενος hellip

Some authors change the name in raquoAlazoneslaquo others make it raquoAmazonslaquo and for raquofrom Alybelaquothey read raquofrom Alopelaquo or raquofrom Alobelaquo hellip Those who prefer the reading rsaquoAmazonslsaquo place thembetween Mysia and Caria and Lydia which is the opinion also of Ephorus who situates them inthe area near Cyme his fatherland And this might perhaps not be entirely unreasonable for hemay mean the country which was later inhabited by the Aeolians and the Ionians but earlier bythe Amazons and there are some cities it is said which got their names from the Amazons likeEphesus Smyrna Cyme and Myrina But how could Alybe or as some call it raquoAlopelaquo orraquoAlobelaquo be found in this region and how ltto explain the expressiongt raquofar awaylaquo and raquothe birth-place of silverlaquo

ltEphorusgt avoids these difficulties by his change of the text for he writes thus raquoBut the Ama-zons were led by Odios and Epistrophos coming from Alope where the race of Amazons islaquo Butin solving these objections he has fallen into another fiction for Alope is nowhere to be found inthis region and further his change of the text with innovations so contrary to the evidence of theancient manuscripts looks like rashness The Scepsian apparently did not accept his opinion hellip

(Strab 12321sq=Ephor 70 F 114 [BNJ 70 F 114a])

Ἔφορος οἰκῆσαί φησι τοὺς Ἁλιζῶνας τὴν παραλίαν τὴν μεταξὺ Μυσίας καὶ Καρίας καὶ Λυκίας69

κειμένην ἴσως δὲ διὰ τὸ ὑπερήφανον τοῦ πλούτου κατrsquo ἐναλλαγὴν τοῦ α εἰς ι οὕτως ὠνομάσθη-σαν

Ephorus says that the Halizones dwell on the coast which lies between Mysia Caria and LyciaThey were called so through the substitution of rsaquoilsaquo by rsaquoalsaquo because of their pride which came fromtheir wealth

(Steph Byz sv Ἁλιζῶνες ἔθνος=BNJ 70 F 114bcf the reconstruction of Herodian sv Ἁλίζων ἔθνος vol 31 p27f Lentz

cf Epaphroditus fr 25 Braswell-Billerbeck)

Ὅμηρος τὴν μεταξὺ Μυσίας καὶ Καρίας καὶ Λυδίας παράλιόν φησιν raquoἐλθόντrsquo ἐξ Ἀλόπης ὅθrsquo Ἀμα-ζονίδων γένος ἐστίνlaquo

Homer says this is a shore between Mysia Caria and Lydia raquocoming from Alope where the peo-ple of the Amazons arelaquo (Steph Byz sv Ἀλόπη)

Thanks to Strabo Ephorus and his extended geography of the Amazonsrsquo lands were inte-grated in the lexicographic and glossographic tradition and preserved for posterity Epho-rus shared the destiny of another north-western Anatolian scholar who five centuries laterbrought other proofs for another north-western localisation of the Halizones Arrian of Ni-comedia pursued a singular career in both Roman and Greek systems but did not forget topay homage to his fatherland through a new local history his Βιθυνικά70 Arrianrsquos Hali-zones were a sign of Bithyniarsquos Homeric past in Hadrianrsquos times this kind of argument wassupposed to have a real impact on the official perception of Anatolian cities71

Ἀρριανὸς δὲ τοιαῦτα περὶ Ἁλιζώνων ἱστορεῖmiddot raquoοὓς Ὅμηρος ἐν Νεῶν Καταλόγωι φησὶν ἉλιζῶναςΒιθυνοί εἰσιν ὧν Ὁδίος καὶ Ἐπίστροφος ἦρχον καὶ ἡ Ἀλύβη ἐν ἧι λέγει ἀργύρου γενέθλην εἶναιπαραδείκνυται καὶ οὐκ ἀμαυρὰ ὑπόμνησις ἀργυρltεgtίων ἔργα ὑπολελειμμένα ὁρᾶται Ἁλιζῶνες

69Meinecke changed it in ΛυδίαςLydia but ΛυκίαςLycia of the codices should be kept as in Eusta-thiusrsquo Commentary on Iliad 2682

70Tonnet 1988 Vidal-Naquet 1984 and more generally Madsen 2009 from a literary per-spective Zeitlin 2001

71 More generally for the Anatolian regions see Scheer 1993 for the 2nd century AD Lafond 2005

Anca Dan48

δὲ οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὗτοιlaquo φησί raquoκαλοῦνται ὅτι πανταχόθεν θαλάσσηι περιείργονται ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτουκαὶ ἀνατολῆς τῶι Εὐξείνωι πόντωι πρὸς μεσημβρίαν δὲ καὶ νότον τῶι Ἀστακηνῶι κόλπωι τῶιπρὸς Νικομήδειαν πρὸς δὲ δύσιν καὶ ζέφυρον τῆι Προποντίδι καὶ τῶι Βοσπόρωι ὡς μὴ πόρρωχερρονήσου εἶναι τὰ πολλὰ αὐτῶν καὶ δικαιότατα λέγεσθαι διεζῶσθαι θαλάσσηιlaquo ὁ δrsquo αὐτὸς Ἀρ-ριανὸς λέγει καὶ raquoτὸν ῥηθέντα Ὁδίον Ῥοδοίτην ποτὲ καλεῖσθαι εἶτα εἰς Ῥοδίον μεταπεσεῖν εἶταὉδίον κληθῆναιlaquo

Arrian relates this about the Halizones raquothose called Halizones by Homer in the Catalogue ofShips are in fact Bithynians commanded by Hodios and Epistrophos And Alybe where he saysthat there is a silver land is a complementary point this famous note regards the ancient exploi-tations of silver mines now abandonedlaquo He adds that raquothese men are called Halizones becausethey are encircled by sea from all directions that is from the north and the east by the Black Seafrom south and southeast by the Astakian gulf ndash on which lies Nicomedia ndash from west and north-west by Propontis and the Bosporus Thus the major part of their country is like a peninsula andthey are very rightly said to live thanks to the sealaquo The same Arrian says that raquothe one who iscalled rsaquoHodioslsaquo was once called rsaquoRhodoiteslsaquo and that this name was at first altered in rsaquoRhodioslsaquoand that he was than called rsaquoHodioslsaquolaquo (Arr 156 F 97sq=Bithynica fr 22 Roos-Wirth

apud Eust ad Il 2857 p 572 Van der Valk)

As a representative of the Second Sophistic and of its renewed interest in local history Ar-rian offers a full explanation for his original location of the Halizones in the region of Nico-media further to the north than ever before We do not know if he tried to solve the mys-tery of AlybeAlope but he made reference to the ancient Realien in order to prove the oldexploitation of silver and with it the notoriety of his fatherland His text survived becauseit corresponded with the interests of the Homeric scholars in late Roman and Byzantinetimes On its basis commentators like Eustathius could reconstruct an exhaustive and co-herent Homeric map of Asia Minor The lexicographers ndash at least since the 5th century ADgrammarian Methodius quoted by the Etymologicum Genuinum ndash have compiled Arrianrsquosetymology of the Halizones as rsaquopeople of the sealsaquo Yet Arrian was not the first to find theGreek root of ἅλς in this Anatolian ethnic Callimachus probably coined the Greek wordἁλίζωνος with no connection to the Homeric people but in order to describe the situationof Corinth (fr 384 Pfeiffer and scholia ad loc)72 Further on however one of Plinyrsquossources (for nat 5143) which resumed Hecataeusrsquo tradition and situated the Halizonessomewhere between the provinces of Asia and Bithynia close to the Mysian Olympus be-hind Dascyleion related their name to their enclosure by the sea (hos Homerus Halizonasdixit quando praecingitur gens mari) From such Hellenistic or early Roman writings orfrom Arrianrsquo text this location and historical explanation entered the lexicographic tradi-tion73

From Menecrates of Elaea and Palaephatus of Abydos to Demetrius of Scepsis Ephorusof Cyme and finally Arrian of Nicomedia one can follow the convulsions of the historical

72 The verse was resumed by Antipater of Sidon (AG 7218 Beckby) and maybe later taught inschools eg from the papyri fr 991 col 3 l 54 in Lloyd-Jones et al 1970 509ndash511 Nonnus ofPanopolis knew it (cf especially 37152) as well as the learned scholiasts (eg POxy 202258Pfeiffer) and lexicographers Suda sv Ἁλιζώνου τῆς ὑπὸ θαλάσσης περιεζωσμένης Λαΐδrsquo ἔχωπολιῆτιν ἁλιζώνοιο Κορίνθου also sv Πολιήτης Ps-Zonaras sv Ἁλιζώνου

73 EtymGud sv Ἁλίζωνες οἱ Βιθυνοί διότι ἡ γῆ αὐτῶν θαλάσσῃ διέζωσται καὶ οἱονεὶ χερ-ltσgtό[ν]νησός ἐστιν ὑπὸ τοῦ Εὐξείνου ltκαὶgt τῆς Προποντίδος διεζωσμένη also sv Ἁλιζώνων τῶνΠαφλαγόνωνmiddot παρὰ τὸ ὑπεζῶσθαι τῇ ἁλί The first text is resumed in Ps-Zonaras sv Ἁλιζῶνεςand in the Lexicon anepigraphum p 618 Sturz


identifications of the Halizones north of the Troas The reconstruction is difficult as theindirect tradition is eclectic distorting heterogeneous and fragmentary Nevertheless itshows how local voices developed several polemical theses on the basis of the same versesThese authors expressed themselves at different periods of time between the 4th centuryBC and the 2nd century AD in works which reflected their particular cultural contexts andthe requirements of their different genres But they shared one purpose to recuperate a partof Homeric past as insignificant as it might be for their own fatherland They used similarmethods looking for effective or hypothetic rsaquoarchaeologicallsaquo proofs in the space languageand traditions of the region74

Therefore geography and etymology the two basic categories on which the local histori-ans developed the picture of the Halizonian identity are also the two axes which structurethe ethnographic compilations of Roman and Byzantine times Yet others could use the in-ventions of local scholars for different purposes This determined the appearance of mixedtraditions with different localisations and new ethnic features Maritime etymologies havebeen imagined also for Alope when identified with Ephesus and connected with the pro-duction of salt (ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ αὐτῆς πρῶτον αὐτομάτως ἅλας πηχθῆναι) or whensituated somewhere on the Paphlagonian salted river Halys75 so one etymology couldserve different localisations Otherwise those who preferred to keep the relation of theHalizones to the silver land like Epaphroditus in the 1st century AD deduced the ethnicfrom the participle ἀλαζόνας We do not know the geographic connections of this secondetymology it might refer once again to Bithynia especially if Epaphroditus his sources orhis followers had Ephorusrsquo text in mind In any case it introduced a new ethnographic as-pect a theory about the character of the inhabitants as braggarts inflated by the prosperityof their country (ἀλαζόνας τινὰς εἶναι αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας τῆς χώρας ἐπῃρμέ-νους)76

The impact of local historians who had the aim to recuperate a piece of Homeric memo-ry for their country was not limited to literary studies besides a certain echo in the learnedsociety one can suppose that claims for such Homeric antecedents were formulated by dif-ferent cultural categories of population aware of many other local traditions77 Duringtheir oral or written existence such ethnographic inventions might be interconnected withother religious or mythical identity factors The people from Alybe probably played a partin other Bithynian stories This could have been the case of an anonymous tale concerningthe goddess Rhea bearing the baby Zeus along the silver-country78 Only late lexicogra-phers registered the episode we do not know when it was invented nor to which Ἀλύβη it

74 For this relationship between local history and rsaquoarchaeologylsaquo see now Schepens 2001 andClarke 2008

75 Hesych sv Ἀλιζῶνες ἔθνος Παφλαγονίας (Β 856) ἁλίζωνος ἰσθμός παρὰ τὸ ἁλὶ διεζῶσθαι [καὶἔθνος βαρβαρικόν] followed by Etymologicum Paruum (α 102 Pintaudi) Ἁλιζώνωνmiddot Παφλαγό-νωνmiddot παρὰ τὸ ἐξῶσθαι τῇ ἁλί Cf Scholia ad Il 2856a Erbse b(BCE3E4) ltἉλιζώνωνgt οὗτοι γὰροἰκοῦσι γῆν ὑπὸ θαλάσσης ἐζωσμένην and 539 b(BCE3)T ἀρχὸν Ἁλιζώνων τῆς Παφλαγονίαςδιὰ τὸ ὑπεζῶσθαι τῇ ἁλί | καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν Δαρητιδῶν προετύπωσε τὴν μάχην νῦν δὲ λεληθότωςἐπεῖπεmiddot raquoπρώτῳ γὰρ στρεφθέντιlaquo Scholia cod Genevensis gr 44 ibid

76 For the modern etymologies see the commentary of Braswell Billerbeck 2007 ad fr 2577 See infra the case of Dindianos78 Eg apud Steph Byz su Ἀλύβη raquoτηλόθεν ἐξ Ἀλύβης ὅθεν ἀργύρου ἐστὶ γενέθληlaquo παρὰ ταύτην

ἐλθεῖν Ῥέα λέγεται Δία φέρουσα νεογνόν also Etymologicum Symeonis ibid

Anca Dan50

referred but there are chances that the silver road for Rhea is to be situated in north-west-ern Asia Minor Her cult as Mother of the Gods and Cybele is well attested here since ar-chaic times79 Some tales connected Zeusrsquo birth with Scepsis80 others with the region ofSardis and the Tmolus or more generally with MaioniaLydia all known for mining activ-ities81 The legends about the Dactyls of the Mount Ida from Crete but also from Phrygiademonstrate yet one more connection between the smiths and the goddess82

North-western Anatolia ndash with its several possible locations for Alybe ndash was definitelyreferred to in oral and written versions of the Catalogue of Ships The reason is that it musthave corresponded to the cultural background of many Homeric singers and to the inten-tion of their audiences who were willing to hear about the Halizones Local ethnic andmore general cultural aims determined the invention of Halizonian ἔθνη during severalcenturies and perpetuated its memory a name considered to have died out in the 6th centu-ry BC when the Iliad itself was being composed survived unlike all the real names of thattime which were lost without a trace Its history signifies the quest for Hellenic prestige ongeographic grounds from the Greek colonists and from the Hellenised populations

Strabo the Pontian patriot Chalybes Alybe Halizones

The legacy of the Homeric people and of their rich land was a matter of dispute far outsideMysia and Bithynia Other Pontic countries had their own Alybe ndash whatever the term ofrsaquoPonticlsaquo would have meant for ancient authors that were transmitted through Hellenisticand Roman intermediaries83 Such localisations passed once again through ethnic identifi-cations between mythic and real otherness based upon folk etymologies Here too theHalizones were identified with the Amazons It is maybe in the region of Thermodon thatthe Ἀλόπη the third to be mentioned in the short register of homonymous cities fromStephanusrsquo of Byzantium Epitome (τρίτη Πόντου ἀφrsquo ἧς Πενθεσίλεια) was once thought tohave been located84 But the most successful localisation of the Halizones in Pontus is theone which identifies them with the Chalybes85 It is proposed once again by a native fromthe region Strabo of Amaseia who succeeded in convincing ancient Byzantine and evenmany modern scholars that the Chalybes from the Halys region could have taken part in theTrojan War and in consequence that Homerrsquos geography included the whole of Asia Mi-nor and the Black Sea shore

Yet many objections can be formulated against this theory it is true that from the Stoicperspective the alteration of the ethnic rsaquoHalizoneslsaquo in rsaquoChalybeslsaquo raised no difficultiesStrabo finds a parallel in the equivalence between Chalybes and Chaldeans already accept-

79 The literary sources are partially resembled by Heckenbach 1914 However no mention is madeof Alybe

80 Steph Byz sv Σκῆψις πόλις Τρωική ἐκλήθη δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ σκήψασθαι τὴν Ῥέαν ἀντὶ τοῦ παιδὸς λί-θον τεκεῖν

81 AP 9645 John the Lydian On the Months 471 p 123 Wuumlnsch assignes this tradition to the ar-chaic epic poet Eumelus of Corinth

82 Apoll Rhod 11123ndash1131 using Milesian sources like 491 F 3 apud scholia ad loc83

Dan 2007ndash200984 This must be one of the rsaquocities that never werelsaquo studied by Hoslashjte 200885 See the critical discussion of the sources in Olshausen 2012


ed during his times86 He offers as support other analogies that he may be quoting fromPosidonius (12320) In fact this etymology cannot be accepted the name of the Chalybesis clearly derived from the Greek word for rsaquosteellsaquo ndash as discussed infra It is true that the proc-ess of alteration of the guttural at the beginning of a word is attested for some languages incontact in Anatolia ndash and an example is precisely the Urartian theonym origin of the Chal-dean ethnic transliterated as Ḫaldi Xaldi or Khaldi The variation is not yet entirely ex-plained by modern linguists But Straborsquos connection between the historic and the Homericproper names can only be considered as a folk etymology no known linguistic law can ex-plain the kinship between these ethnics in any of the spoken languages of Anatolia

Despite this false linguistic explanation the link between Halizones and Chalybes didnot necessarily imply an eastern location for the Homeric people as Strabo wanted It istrue that Herodotus (128) and Ephorus (70 F 162) followed by Ps-Scymnos (fr 25 Mar-

cotte) Pomponius Mela (1105) and Ps-Arrian (sect27) situated the Chalybes west from theHalys In the Argonautic saga however as registered by the local classical historian Nym-phis of Heraclea or by Nymphodorus of Syracuse imitated by Apollonius of Rhodes theChalybes were settled in Mysia or Bithynia and were hostile to Polyphemos the founder ofCius87 We have no proof but in this north-western Anatolian context the Chalybiansmiths could already be identified with the Halizones without any breakdown of the itiner-ary of the Homeric Catalogue

It is only in order to pay tribute to his fatherland that Strabo transcends these difficultiesand insists on the remoteness of the Chalybes By doing so he was forced to recognize thatthe Chalybes and their country between Pontus and the Caucasus were not famous for sil-ver but for iron We understand from his text that others before him had tried to make thesame identification they were all condemned by Demetrius of Scepsis who built his thesison the geographic consistence of the Catalogue and on the historical likelihood of an archa-ic poetrsquos knowledge of the oecumene Apollodorus of Athens took over Demetriusrsquo argu-mentation Probably taking into account Eratosthenesrsquo convictions Apollodorus reducedHomerrsquos geographical knowledge to the Asia Minor inside of Halys His authority was themajor obstacle for Straborsquos aim to include Pontic Cappadocia in the Homeric world

Τούτους οὖν οἶμαι λέγειν τὸν ποιητὴν Ἁλιζώνους ἐν τῷ μετὰ τοὺς Παφλαγόνας καταλόγῳmiddot raquoαὐ-τὰρ Ἁλιζώνων Ὀδίος καὶ Ἐπίστροφος ἦρχον τηλόθεν ἐξ Ἀλύβης ὅθεν ἀργύρου ἐστὶ γενέθληlaquoἤτοι τῆς γραφῆς μετατεθείσης ἀπὸ τοῦ raquoτηλόθεν ἐκ Χαλύβηςlaquo ἢ τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρότερον Ἀλύ-βων λεγομένων ἀντὶ Χαλύβωνmiddot οὐ γὰρ νῦν μὲν δυνατὸν γέγονεν ἐκ Χαλύβων Χαλδαίους λεχθῆ-ναι πρότερον δrsquo οὐκ ἐνῆν ἀντὶ Ἀλύβων Χάλυβας καὶ ταῦτα τῶν ὀνομάτων μεταπτώσεις πολλὰςδεχομένων καὶ μάλιστα ἐν τοῖς βαρβάροις hellip ὑπονοεῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ Σκήψιος τὴν τοῦ ὀνόματος μετά-πτωσιν ἐξ Ἀλύβων εἰς Χάλυβας τὰ δrsquo ἑξῆς καὶ τὰ συνῳδὰ οὐ νοῶν καὶ μάλιστα ἐκ τίνος Ἁλιζώ-νους εἴρηκε τοὺς Χάλυβας ἀποδοκιμάζει τὴν δόξαν

These are the ones I think that the Poet calls Halizones mentioning them in his Catalogue nextthe after Paphlagonians raquoBut the Halizones were led by Odios and Epistrophos from Alybe faraway where the birth-place of silver islaquo since the written text has been either changed fromraquoChalybe far awaylaquo or the people were called rsaquoAlybeslsaquo in earlier times instead of rsaquoChalybeslsaquo Forit would have been impossible to be called rsaquoChaldaeilsaquo from rsaquoChalybelsaquo if in earlier times they

86Dan 2009 511a

87 Cf Nymphis (432 F 20 [addenda] apud Scholia in Apoll Rhod 41470 p 318 Wendel cf Hygi-nus fab 1425) Nymphodorus (fr 18 Muumlller ibid) Apoll Rhod (11321ndash1323 41473sq) Seelately Ehrhardt 1995 30ndash35 This fluctuation was well noted by Counillon 2004b 104

Anca Dan52

could not have been called rsaquoChalybeslsaquo instead of rsaquoAlybeslsaquo and that too when names undergomany changes particularly among the barbarians hellip The Scepsian himself is suspicious of the al-teration of the name from rsaquoAlybeslsaquo to rsaquoChalybeslsaquo and failing to note what follows and what ac-cords with it and especially why the poet calls the Chalybians Halizones he rejects this opinion

(Strab 12320sq)

ἀλλrsquo ἐκεῖνα οὐ δοτέα οἷς προσέχων ὁ Δημήτριος οὐδὲ τοῖς ὑπολαβοῦσι δεῖν ἀκούειν rsaquoτηλόθεν ἐκΧαλύβηςlsaquo πιθανῶς ἀντείρηκε συγχωρήσας γὰρ ὅτι εἰ καὶ μὴ ἔστι νῦν ἐν τοῖς Χάλυψι τὰ ἀργυρεῖαὑπάρξαι γε ἐνεδέχετο ἐκεῖνό γε οὐ συγχωρεῖ ὅτι καὶ ἔνδοξα ἦν καὶ ἄξια μνήμης καθάπερ τὰ σιδη-ρεῖα τί δὲ κωλύει φαίη τις ἄν καὶ ἔνδοξα εἶναι καθάπερ καὶ τὰ σιδηρεῖα ἢ σιδήρου μὲν εὐπορίατόπον ἐπιφανῆ δύναται ποιεῖν ἀργύρου δrsquo οὔ τί δrsquo εἰ μὴ κατὰ τοὺς ἥρωας ἀλλὰ καθrsquo Ὅμηρον εἰςδόξαν ἀφῖκτο τὰ ἀργυρεῖα ἆρα μέμψαιτό τις ἂν τὴν ἀπόφασιν τοῦ ποιητοῦ πῶς οὖν εἰς τὸν ποι-ητὴν ἡ δόξα ἀφίκετο πῶς δrsquo ἡ τοῦ ἐν τῇ Τεμέσῃ χαλκοῦ τῇ ᾿Ιταλιώτιδι

hellip but those other things are not to be granted things to which Demetrius assents without evenmaking a credible reply to those who have assumed that we ought to read rsaquofrom Chalybe farawaylsaquo For although he concedes that even if the silver-mines are not now in the country of theChalybians they could have been there in earlier times he does not concede the other point thatthey were both famous and worthy of note like the iron-mines But one might ask what is thereto prevent them from being famous like the iron-mines Can an abundance of iron make a placefamous but an abundance of silver not And if the silver-mines had reached fame not in the timeof the heroes but in the time of Homer could any person find fault with the assertion of the poetHow has the fame of these mines reached the poet But how could the fame of the copper-mine atTemesa in Italy have reached him (Strab 12323)

οὐ γὰρ οἴεται δεῖν δέχεσθαι τοὺς Ἁλιζώνους ἐκτὸς τοῦ Ἅλυοςmiddot μηδεμίαν γὰρ συμμαχίαν ἀφῖχθαιτοῖς Τρωσὶν ἐκ τῆς περαίας τοῦ Ἅλυος πρῶτον τοίνυν ἀπαιτήσομεν αὐτὸν τίνες εἰσὶν οἱ ἐντὸςτοῦ Ἅλυος Ἁλίζωνοι οἱ καὶ raquoτηλόθεν ἐξ Ἀλύβης ὅθεν ἀργύρου ἐστὶ γενέθληlaquo οὐ γὰρ ἕξει λέγεινmiddotἔπειτα τὴν αἰτίαν διrsquo ἣν οὐ συγχωρεῖ καὶ ἐκ τῆς περαίας ἀφῖχθαί τινα συμμαχίανmiddot καὶ γὰρ εἰ τὰς ἄλ-λας ἐντὸς εἶναι τοῦ ποταμοῦ πάσας συμβαίνει πλὴν τῶν Θρᾳκῶν μίαν γε ταύτην οὐδὲν ἐκώλυεπέραθεν ἀφῖχθαι ἐκ τῆς ἐπέκεινα τῶν Λευκοσύρων ἢ πολεμήσοντας μὲν ἦν δυνατὸν διαβαίνεινἐκ τῶν τόπων τούτων καὶ τῶν ἐπέκεινα καθάπερ τὰς Ἀμαζόνας καὶ Τρῆρας καὶ Κιμμερίους φασίσυμμαχήσοντας δrsquo ἀδύνατον

As regards Apollodorus hellip he does not think that we should take the Halizones from outside theHalys River for he says no allied force came to help the Trojans from beyond the Halys Firsttherefore we shall ask him who the Halizones from this side of the Halys and raquofrom Alybe faraway where the birthplace of silverlaquo are For he will be unable to tell us And we shall next askhim the reason why he does not concede that an allied force came also from the country of the farside of the river for if it is the case that all the rest of the allied forces except the Thracians livedthis side the river there was nothing to prevent this one allied force from coming form far side ofthe Halys from the country beyond the White Syrians Or was it possible for peoples who foughtthe Trojans to cross over from these regions and from the regions beyond as they say the Ama-zons and Treres and Cimmerians did and yet impossible for people who fought as allies withthem to do so (Strab 12324)

The Pontic Chalybes were themselves a legendary community As Xavier de Planhol

has rightly observed their perception as a group dit not lie on geo-ethnographic featuresbut on their professional specificity They were represented by a name connected ndash throughprogressive or regressive derivation ndash with the rsaquosteellsaquo rsaquoχάλυψlsaquo (and its derivationsrsaquoχαλυβδικόςχαλυβικόςlsaquo) The ultimate origin was maybe Hittite and Pananatolian88 Their

88 See Chantraine 1999 sv χαλκός and Χάλυβες For an Anatolian origin Laroche 1973 XIXPlanhol 1963 303sq quoting a letter of Laroche and Camassa 1984a 163ndash165 For inven-tories of attestations see Ruge 1899 and Counillon 2004b 104ndash108


characteristics were exclusively connected with metallurgy and did not depend on spatialhistoric or cultural continuity Like the mineworkers in different societies the Chalybes re-main at the periphery of the Greek world and their literary image always contains a signif-icant dose of imagination From discoverers of iron located in a vague northern Scythiancountry ndash in which could be included even Urartu and the prehistoric Colchis ndash the Cha-lybes became already in classical times inventors of weapons servants of Ares89 Aftertheir quotation in Callimachusrsquo Αἰτίαι they are regularly mentioned in Latin poetry assymbols of metallurgy Consequently they could even enter into mythology being associ-ated with the Cyclops and Vulcan90

The archetypal mineworkers from northern Asia Minor were already mentioned at theend of the 6th century BC in Hekataiosrsquo Periodos (1 F 202sq) Xenophon met them duringthe return of the Ten Thousands on the edges of Armenia on the Araxes ndash XenophonrsquosrsaquoPhasislsaquo ndash and on the shores of the Black Sea where they were associated with the Χαλ-δαῖοι91 The scattering of the Chalybian settlements through the valleys of the Pontic Alpsis similar in Xenophon and Strabo the Geography mentions the Chalybes-Chaldeans in Κα-ρηνῖτις and Ξερξήνη parts of Minor Armenia during Pythodorisrsquo reign92 in the hinterlandof PharnaciaThermodon and more generally on the slopes of the Pontic Alps93

During the history of their literary representations the Chalybes rsaquomovelsaquo from the AsiaMinor west of Halys to the region between Sinope and Amisos94 on the Thermodon95 orbetween Thermodon and Cotyora (modern Ordu)96 around CerasusPharnac(e)ia97 orfurther to the east until the frontiers of Colchis98 Despite this fluctuating geography theyremain a constant presence in the later scholarship not only in the Byzantine commentar-ies but also in Christian chronicles where they are one of the peoples of Japheth99 Theyare even an administrative reality under the Empire of Trebizond100 The western travellersand geographers of the last centuries who reached this southeastern corner of the Black Seafound the traces of traditional mineworking William J Hamilton describes contempo-rary small open-cast mines and smithies close to Uumlnye (ancient Οἰνόη) which correspondsto the region between Thermodon and Cotyora101 When looking for Straborsquos and thereby

89 Aischyl Prom 714ndash716 cf Bithynica fr 52=156 F 73 apud Eust Commentary on Dion Per v 767Muumlller

90 Callimachus fr 11048ndash50 Pfeiffer cf Scholia in Apoll Rhod 11321ndash1322a 2373ndash376 Wen-

del Catull 6648 Verg Georg 158 Mart 45512 Stat Theb 3585ndash587 4173ndash174 For mythicChalybes see Verg Aen 8416ndash422 10173sq (cf Plin nat 7197)

91 The Chalybes on the rsaquoPhasislsaquo 4418 4534 465 4715 on the Black Sea 551 782592 Strab 11145 12328sq cf Plin nat 612 rsaquoArmenochalybeslsaquo93 12319 1452494 Mela 110595 Eudoxus fr 282 Lasserre apud Steph Byz sv Χάλυβες EtymGud sv Ἅλυς96 Hekat 1 F 202 Ps-Scylax sect88 Apoll Rhod 2374ndash376 1000sq with scholia ad loc Mela 1106

Plin nat 611 Ps-Arr sect31 Argonautica orphica v 740sq cf Dion Per v 768 and Eusth Com-mentary and scholia ad loc

97 Aristot Mir 832a Strab 1231998 Xen An 551 Val Fl 4610ndash612 5140sq Amm 2282199 Eg Hippolytus Chronikon sect80

100Bryer 1982 Bryer Winfield 1985 101sq

101Hamilton 1842 272sq Cf Herzfeld 1968 sect104 Iron in the Pontus Region 124 sect108 The Cha-lybes Metallurgists 128sq

Anca Dan54

Homerrsquos Chalybes he stops at the mouth of the Tirebolu Suyu where he situates the Ἀργύ-ρια of Arrianrsquo Pontic Periplus (sect16) Further north is the rsaquoSilver-landlsaquo Ἀργυρόπολις (mod-ern Guumlmuumlşhane) with sites like Akccedilakale (the rsaquoSilver-Towerlsaquo)102 At the same time Wil-

liam F Ainsworth records his travels through the land of the Chalybes in the Iris valley(modern Yeşil Irmak)103 Twenty years before the fall of the Ottoman Empire Vital Cui-

net made an inventory of several ancient silver and copper mines already abandoned inthis area All these testimonies have been confirmed and properly connected with the an-cient written evidence by D R Wilson104 by the Stuttgart school of Eckart Olshau-

sen105 by the monumental synthesis of Antony Bryer and by David Winfield106

New data has been added thanks to archaeological explorations in the region of Samsun(the ancient delta of Halys)107 and in the hinterland of Sinope108 They have confirmed theimportance of metals in the integration of this area into the direct and often indirect ex-changes into a network that connected the Caucasus and the Northern Anatolia with theeastern Mediterranean since the Chalcolithic Despite its remoteness the region was a stra-tegic target for Assyrians and afterwards for the ancient Greeks109

All these investigations demonstrate the solidity of Straborsquos historical grounds in claim-ing the localisation of the Homeric silver land in Pontus there can be no doubt that a verycultivated historian and geographer descendent of an aristocratic family which played animportant political part in the last years of the Mithridatic Pontus was aware of thestrength of his claims The linguistic theories of the Stoics to the philosophy of whom heseems to have been sensitive proved him right

On the other hand scholars of the last two centuries wanted to go beyond Straborsquos rea-soning they tried to find new proof for the validity of this Pontian thesis The fascinationfor Hittite civilisation and the disbelief that this could have been not known by the Greeksinspired them rsaquoHittitelsaquo artefacts have been found at Pontic Iron Age sites The importanceof the Halys valley and of its resources in the exchange patterns of northern Anatolia is cer-tain But evidence that the Greeks were aware of Hittite presence in a region they had fre-quented and occupied since the 8thndash7th centuries BC is still missing Archibald HSayce quoted by Th W Allen tried to uncover the memory of the Homeric Ἀλύβη in aHittite Khaly-wa (rsaquoHalys countrylsaquo)110 However this hypothesis is impossible as George

L Huxley has argued long ago the Hittite name of the Turkish Kızıl Irmak was Mar-

102 See Bryer Vryonis 1962 Drews 1976 28 Sinclair 1989 103sq103

Ainsworth 1842 16sq104

Wilson 1960 31sq105

Mehl 1987 118sq106

Bryer Winfield 1985 cf the update of Pitarakis 1998107

AlkIm AlkIm Blg 1988ndash2003 Blg 1999 Doumlnmez 2002 Czichon Klinger 2006108

IşIn 1998 Doonan 2004 Koccedilak 2006 For a more general historical perspective one should goback to Burney 1956 and Burney Marshall Lang 1971

109 For the Assyrians see Maxwell-Hyslop 1974 Concerning the Greeks rather than the positivis-tic views of Drews 1976 of Matthews 1978 or Chahin 2001 147 see Des Courtils Reacutemy

1986 (with the remarks of Hind 1988 for Trapezousrsquo foundation) and Tsetskhladze 1995110

Allen 1921 160 Hope Simpson Lazenby 1970 177sq


raššandaMarraššantija and already signified the rsaquoRed Riverlsaquo just like the moder name111

The better-known toponym from this region in Hittite documents is Zalpa (ltZalpuwa) itmight correspond to İkiztepe at times occupied by the dangerous Kaška All these show noconnection with Ἅλυς the rsaquoSalt Riverlsaquo of the Phrygians Armenians Iranians andGreeks112 There is no evidence about a pre-Greek Ἀλύβη that one may connect with theHalys and with the Chalybes-Chaldeans otherwise than through Strabo

We can only admit that any possible Homeric references to Pontic regions as far as theHalys river are Straborsquos own speculations This region was not relevant enough for the ar-chaic audience of the Iliad before the textual fixation of the poem in writing We have notrace of a local scholar of Classical and Hellenistic times who would have proclaimed his lo-cal patriotism by assuming the presence of people from his fatherland on the battlefield ofTroy Strabo as a represententative of the Pontian identity ndash which was recently consolidat-ed on a geographical basis ndash is the first to do this he has the same aims and the same meth-ods which were employed by the scholars that he contradicts

Athenian allusions to Thracian Halizones

Local pride is not necessarily connected with a fatherland The fame of the Homeric silverland has been assigned to other important mining areas of the ancient world even when nolocal scholars assumed this glory for their country The Athenian presence in the northernAegean brought the Pangaion hills to the attention of the public The gold and silver miningexploitations in southern Thracian lands made the Thasian peraia rich and famous Al-ready during the archaic times Ionians Persians and Athenians successively took over thisarea113 Therefore anyone in Attica at some time in the 5th century BC could understandthe allusion of one of Sophoclesrsquo characters to a mythical Ἀλύβας ὄρος114 This was cer-tainly not an isolated reference Homeric scholiasts kept an enduring memory of texts thatsituated the Halizones in the region between the Rhodopes and the Chalcidian (rsaquocopperlsaquo)peninsula cut by the valleys of Axius Strymon and Nestos Here the Thracian peoplewould have preceded Persian rule ἀρχὸν Ἁλιζώνων ἔθνους Θρακῶν ndash οἰκούντων Περ-σῶν115 When one particular Thracian group was chosen for identification this was themysterious ἔθνος Αἰακῶν from the Thracian land () of Αἴα which could correspond to theAxius valley in Paionia116 Other anonymous grammarians following unknown sources

111Huxley 1960 32sq followed by Camassa 1984a 160 n 3 For the Hittite hydronyms and topo-nyms see now Muumlller-Karpe 2001 Czichon 2009 Klinger 2009 Czichon Klinger

2010 also the results of the Paphlagonia Project in Matthews Glatz 2009112

Georgacas 1964 cf Tischler 1977 sv 60 Brixhe Drew-Bear 1982 73ndash75113 For the literary sources see Oberhummer 1949 and Gočeva et al 1981 passim For the archae-

ological evidence Davies 1932 Lazaridis 1971 Κουκούλη-Χρυσανθάκη 1990 For an historicalperspective Isaac 1986 4 13sq 21ndash23 and Inventory 854ndash869

114 Fr 994 Radt apud Hesych and EtymM sv Steph Byz registers a Θρᾴκης πόλις ὡς Ὅμηροςsv Ἀλύβας (cf Etymologicum Symeonis sv)

115 Scholia ad Il 549 A Cf Scholia D ibid Ἁλιζώνωνmiddot ἔθνους Θρακῶν In the Scholia D ad Il 2859(ed C G Heyne) there is a confusing mixture of interpretations between Thracians (supposedEuropeans) and Bithynians Ἁλιζώνων Ἔθνους τοῦ Πόντου Εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι Βοιωτοί (Βιθυνοὶ) οὕςτινας Οἴνοπάς φασινmiddot οἱ δὲ ἔθνος Αἴα (Θρακῶν) Ἀλύβης Χωρίου Βιθυνίας Ὅθεν ἀργύρου ἐστὶγενέθλη Ὅπου κάλλιστος ἄργυρος γεννᾶται

116 Scholia ad Il 2856 A and D Cf Strab 7a121 See Escher-Buumlrkli 1894

Anca Dan56

were criticised by Strabo for having put the Halizones on the southern extremity of Chal-cidice in Pallene117

We know nothing about the historic reasons and factors in this identification118 Thesurviving evidence suggests that it corresponds to Athenian interests in the region ratherthan to a self-assumed ethnographic discourse Athens might have ennobled itself by claim-ing the Homeric glory of its overseas mining districts The important impact of Athenianliterature on the Homeric and lexicographic scholarship of Hellenistic Roman and thenByzantine times explains the development of these artificial identifications and the literaryconjectures they determined Accordingly the European Thracian Halizones appear as an-other illustration of the Greek practice of appropriation of old barbarian spaces once againthe connections with the epic Panhellenic world are evenly determined by historic aimsand scientific logic

Scythian scientific ventures

An extreme case of localisation of the Halizones concerns the outer northern edge the re-gion where the enigmatic swamp from the Hyperborean country is to be situated119 Maybethis should be identified or compared with another λίμνη of the Halizones eventually des-ignated by Hellanicus of Lesbos as Ποντική120 This theory could be paralleled by Straborsquosquotation of Hellanicus Herodotus (417) and Eudoxus of Cnidus (fr 345 Lasserre) asexamples of aberrant localisations of the Homeric people Agreeing on this point withDemetrius of Scepsis and Apollodorus of Athens Strabo condemns the localisation of Hali-zones in Scythian land at the mouth of Borysthenes or if one follows Herodotus (452)more closely north of the land of the Greco-Scythians Callipides Here the streams of theTyras and of the Hypanis draw closer before flowing in separate directions

οἱ μὲν [οὖν] μεταγράφουσιν raquoἈλαζώνωνlaquo hellip τοὺς μὲν Σκύθας Ἀλαζῶνας φάσκοντες ὑπὲρ τὸνΒορυσθένη καὶ Καλλιπίδας καὶ ἄλλα ὀνόματα ἅπερ Ἑλλάνικός τε καὶ Ἡρόδοτος καὶ Εὔδοξοςκατεφλυάρησαν ἡμῶν hellip

Some change the text in raquoAlazoneslaquo hellip calling the Scythians beyond the Borysthenes River rsaquoAla-zoneslsaquo and rsaquoCallipideslsaquo and with other names that Hellanicus and Herodotus and Eudoxus keptchattering on to us hellip (Strab 12321)

Almost nothing is known about Herodotusrsquo Alazonian people in his commentary ad lo-cum Aldo Corcella identified them with the Alazones exceptional beekeepers men-tioned by Pausanias (1321)121 But there is no evidence for a connection between the twoHerodotusrsquo ethnic can be explained as a western Iranian name to be translated by the Latinalienigenae Accordingly it corresponds perfectly to the otherness of the Alazones whoconduct their lives similar to the Scythians except that they work the soil and consume itsproducts ndash corn onions garlic lentils and millets ndash like sedentary people122

117 Strab 12322 sending back to the VIIth book now lost cf 7a125 27118 Cf Lazova 1980 Cf Camassa 1984a 181ndash184 The connection between Alybe and Kabyle (close

to the modern Yambol in Odrysian land) has no ancient basis119 Phot Lexicon sv Ἀλύβαςmiddot λίμνη λέγεται ἐν Ὑπερβορέοις cf EtymM sv120 4 F 186 apud Strab 12321 cf 4 F 146 apud Steph Byz sv Ἀλύβη121

Asheri Lloyd Corcella 2007 588122

Tomaschek 1894


We do not know who proposed the identification between the Scythian Alazones andthe Alizones it might be Hellanicus or one of his sources who would have drawn on Hero-dotus or on an analogous text and would have connected these Alazones with a PonticAlybe Otherwise Eudoxus himself may have used Herodotus and Hellanicus and may havebeen the first to write down this hypothesis123 In any case if we follow Strabo we shouldassume that this identification of the Trojan allies with a semi-barbarian people beyondThrace dates from Classical times

The reasons for these identifications must be purely scientific once the present state ofour sources taken into consideration no local patriot and no clear historical interest are tobe regarded as responsible for this assessment It is an extreme case not only because it ad-vances the farthest geographical location but also because the identification is now entirelyartificial exclusively depending on the logic of the scholars dealing with the historicity ofthe Homeric epics Besides this the geographical incoherence and the historical anachro-nism it induced in the Trojan Catalogue as well as the absence of significant mines in thenorth-western Pontic area did not discredit this location in the eyes of Greek scholars TheIliadrsquos text was flexible enough for such alterations to be accepted A number of folk etymol-ogies were therefore invented even before the Stoics in order to find a reflexion of theGreek oecumene in the Homeric world But the ethnographic constructions they supportedwere always short-lived we have no evidence that they gave rise to emic or etic ethnicities

3 The rebirth of the Halizones in living contextsThe consequence of this puzzle of evidence concerning Homerrsquos Alybe and Halizones isthat much like the ancient authors we are and will always be unable to recover them Thehistory of this people conforms entirely to the history of the research devoted to them bylocal patriots or Homeric scholars From Archaic till Byzantine times the work of Greekscholars ndash either local or world famous ndash shaped the Hellenic collective identities Theytransformed the text and with them the meaning of the Iliad as base for the Greek repre-sentation of the oecumene and for arguments in the ever-lasting civic rivalries It also had areal impact on the ancient and Byzantine educated circles the assumption of a Halizonianorigin in a common public context of Roman times and more than a millennium after-wards the attribution of this ethnic to a group in order to express its geographical locationand its political and cultural status attests to this The Halizonian etic identity of the ethno-graphic descriptions of Greek times becomes emic identity in a Roman epitaph and onceagain etic identity but in a vivid narrative of the Byzantine era

Accordingly as surprising as it may seem by the end of the 1st century AD or the begin-ning of the 2nd century AD a young man presents himself in his funerary epigram fromPanticapaion as a citizen of Alybe who died in Bosporus124

oὔνομα Δινδίανός μοι ἔχωνδrsquo ἔτι κούριον ἄνθος | πρωθή-βης ἱερῆς ἔπλεον ἐξ Ἀλύβης |τυτθῆς ἐνπορίης πειρώμε-

123 For Eudoxusrsquo use of Homer see Greppin 1984 Against Eudoxusrsquo use of Herodotus see Gardin-

er-Garden 1988124 SEG 26849 Published by Boltunova 1973 the text was amended by Merkelbach 1976

Anca Dan58

νοςmiddot ἀμφὶ δὲ γαίαν | Κιμμερί-ην Μοίρων ἐξετέλεσσα μί-τους | ἄχνοος οὐδέ τι σῆ-μα κατrsquo ἀνθήσαντος ἰούλου |οὔ τι δὲ γᾶ μάτηρ οὔτε125 θα-νόντος ἔχει | πλεῖτε νέοιπλεῖτrsquo ἄνδρες ὅπου μόνονἡελίου φῶς | ἓν τέλος126 ἀν-θρώποις πᾶσι βίου θάνατος

My name is Dindianos being still young in the prime of life I left the holy Alybetrying my luck with a small commerce near the Cimmerianland yet beardless the strings of my Destiny have come to an endThere is no grave for a first-flourishing beardneither the Mother-Earth has anything of the deceasedGo to the sea young people go to the sea men as long asthe light of the sun shinesThe life of all human beings has just one destination death

The name Dindianos a hapax is not included in the published volumes of the LGPN127 Itmight represent a derivation from the Thracian root of Δίνδας128 Also it could be con-nected with the Phrygian name of the mount DindymonDindyme (rsaquoheightlsaquo) worshipplace of Cybele Dindymene on the modern Kapıdağ129 Cyzicus itself would have beencalled Dindymis130 If so this person came from Bithynia from one of the places identifiedas silver lands by Demetrius or Arrian His tragic destiny ndash probable death in a shipwreckmaybe during a nocturnal pass through the Cimmerian Bosporus ndash and the analogy be-tween Homerrsquos geography and that of the Black Sea inspired the author of this epigram Thepoetic context allows the anonymous poet to make the first and unique transfer from anepic group identity sought out during more than 500 years by Greek scholars to the ethnicidentity of a real person Of course this is rsaquopoetrylsaquo But it is important to notice that thereaders of this text were aware of basic elements of Homeric ethnography They certainlyassumed the mythic past of their Cimmerian land and were able to equate Alybe with rsaquosil-verlsaquo and maybe also with a precise land somewhere around the Black Sea131 The attribu-tion or the assumption of a Homeric ethnic through historiographic and geographic dis-cussions was necessarily a commonplace Therefore it was possible to go beyond the limitsof an erudite discourse and its restricted reception and to present such an abstruse epicname as an emic ethnicity in a public open place In other words we have here concrete ev-

125Merkelbach Boltunova οὔ τε

126Merkelbach Boltunova ἔντελος

127 LGPN IV records one Ἀρδινδίανος (from Tanais CIRB 1280) maybe of Iranian origin (Justi

1895 sv) but impossible to explain (Zgusta 1955 sect280)128 For attestations see Detschew 1957 sv and LGPN IV s v Δίνδας Δίνδος LGPN Va sv Δίν-

τας129 Apoll Rhod 1985sq 1093ndash1097 1123ndash1131 1145ndash1148 cf Steph Byz sv Δίνδυμα ὄρη τῆς

Τρωάδος ἀφrsquo ὧν Δινδυμήνη ἡ Ῥέα ὁ τοπίτης Δινδυμναῖος καὶ τὴν θεὸν Δινδυμήνην ὅτι καὶ Διν-δυμηνός καὶ Δινδυμηνή καὶ Δινδύμιος καὶ Δινδυμία ἐκ τόπου Δινδυμόθεν For other occurrencessee Jessen 1905 and Buumlrchner 1905

130 Plin nat 5142131 For other Homeric references in the Black Sea area see Dan 2009 passim for general examples of

utilization of Greek myth in the Black Sea region see Dana 2011a and b


idence for the large diffusion of facts of rsaquointentional historylsaquo in Roman imperial times oneinterpretation of the Homeric tradition became here a socially constructed reality in theterms of Peter L Berger and Thomas Luckmann

There is a second testimony for the reification of the Halizonian ethnicity this time froman exterior point of view and in a restricted intellectual context During the PalaeologanRenaissance ndash and more precisely between the 13th and the 14th century when George Pa-chymeres John Cantacuzenus and Nicephorus Gregoras wrote their works ndash learned read-ers were able to discern reflections of contemporaneity despite the mannerist style of thehistorians The anachronistic use of ethnics as rsaquoScythianslsaquo rsaquoArabslsaquo and rsaquoEthiopianslsaquo was al-ready an ordinary artifice in Byzantine literature132 Yet at this precise moment the pictureof the empire ndash which had recovered Constantinople in 1261 but which was threatenedfrom the inside by its Roman community and from the outside by Latins and Turks ndash wasmore complex then ever Shifting alliances multiple internal strifes and short-lived politi-cal entities impeded simple answers to questions like rsaquowhat we arelsaquo rsaquowhat are those whowere once under our powerlsaquo rsaquowhat are those who share our originlsaquo rsaquowho are the Barbar-ians nowlsaquo

Pachymeres Thucydidean historian and specialist of the quadriuium offers quite pre-cise answers to such questions when he reconstructs the recent past133 He constantlyrsaquotranslateslsaquo the identity of his historic actors ndash RomansGreeks Hellenes versus Latins an-cient populations and places of the Byzantine Empire versus Barbarians ndash in charactersborrowed from Herodotus Hippocrates Aristotle Eustathius and it goes without sayingHomer134

The Iliad was a schoolbook in Byzantium and the Homeric vocabulary and figures havean essential place in literary writing135 The paraphrases as well as the new poems and nov-els inspired from the Trojan War were an important part of this literature136 If conflicts ofmodern times could be compared with epic fights there was nothing unusual in depictinga contemporary multi-ethnic army in Trojan colours this was rather a clicheacute in ancient andByzantine historiography

Pachymeres takes the liberty to use even the most obscure details and to include theHalizones at their right Homeric geographic place between Paphlagonians and Thraco-Phrygians before enumerating the Macedonians the Mysians and the Carians

Ἦν γὰρ τὸ Παφλαγονικόν πολύ τε καὶ μέγιστονmiddot ἦν δrsquo ἐξ Ἁλιζώνων πλεῖστον καὶ τὰ ἐς πόλεμονἀγαθόν οὓς καὶ Μεσοθινίτας ὁ κοινὸς εἴποι λόγος Ἦσαν ἔνθεν μὲν Θρᾷκες ἐκεῖθεν δὲ Φρύγεςἔνθεν μὲν Μακεδόνες ἐκεῖθεν δὲ Μυσοί καὶ Κᾶρες ἄλλοι καὶ πολὺ τὸ ἐκ Μαγεδῶνος καί γε τὸΣκυθικὸν προσῆν καὶ τὸ ξενικὸν Ἰταλικὸν πλεῖστον ἄλλο

There was the Paphlagonian corps strong and powerful there was also the corps of the Hali-zones very numerous and good at war the common expression would call these people rsaquoMeso-thynitailsaquo On one side there were the Thracians on the other there were the Phrygians on one

132 For the Scythians and other peoples of the north see Dagron 1987133 For his ancient culture see Failler 2004 cf Hunger 19691970134 For identities and politics see Angelov 2007 273sq quoted by Page 2008 107sq For literary

matters see Laiou 1993 and Petrides 2009 For Pachymeres in general Hunger 1978 447ndash453 and Λαμπάκης 2004

135Browning 1975 cf Kaldellis 2007

136Nilsson 2004

Anca Dan60

side the Macedonians on the other the Mysians and also the Carians A strong corps of Mage-donitai and a Scythian corps were also present and another foreign corps very numerous of Ital-ians (Pachymeres vol I p 403 BekkerIV27 Failler-Laurent)

The mention of the Halizones is so anomalous that the Byzantine historian feels the need toexplain the ethnic in geographic terms they are located in Mesothynia (modern Kocaeli pe-ninsula) which corresponds to the region between the coast demarcated by Nicaea (coun-try of the Bebryces) and Chalcedon and the river Sangarius (modern Sakarya) Thus Pa-chymeres situates the Halizones just like Arrian It is perhaps not a coincidence that theByzantine πολυίστωρ native of Nicaea reproduced the same local tradition as his famousancient predecessor from Nicomedia He could have been proud to allude to the Homericpast of the north-western Anatolian lands when he narrates conflicts between Orient andOccident In any case the preference for Asia Minor more than for western territories inthe context of the contradictory external politics adopted by Michael VIII and by Androni-cus II is an established fact in the modern scholarship dealing with Pachymeres

The Halizones are not an incidental quotation in the relation of one of John Palaeologusrsquocampaigns137 the Maryandenoi the Mosynoi and the Enetae are mentioned further to theeast on the Black Sea shore138 while the Bebryces are with the Chalcedonians the neigh-bours of the Halizones on the Propontic shore139 All these Homeric ethnics represent aprecise degree of otherness in geographic political and cultural terms They are people liv-ing close to Constantinople who remained outside the shifting borders of the Empire Likein the Homeric poems where they are identified only from an etic perspective they take upan intermediate position between the self and the enemy

In order to offer a detailed reflection of the Palaeologan world Pachymeres scoured theancient texts and reconstructed a sensitive ancient mirror for his complex reality His read-ers were able to understand the logic of his epic and historical allusions to seize their aes-thetic pleasure and to follow the story In these late times as during Antiquity the Homer-ic distortion and reinterpretation of the reality corresponded to a code accessible to thosewho shared the Greek culture

ConclusionQuintilian (10146) compared Homer source of all knowledge with the Ocean fromwhom all the rivers flow Our incursion into the history of the Halizones an obscure ἔθνοςallied with the Trojans which probably never existed as a rsaquopeoplelsaquo illustrates the assump-tion that Homer was the ἀρχηγέτης for the knowledge of the world (cf Strabo 112) Theverses 2856sq of our Iliad present the Halizones indirectly through their position in thenorth-western Anatolian itinerary and directly through their ethnonym a toponym twomeaningful anthroponyms and the mention of a silver land ndash which could allude to a geo-graphical location a way of life and a specific behaviour All these elements became the fourbasic ethnographic criteria fulfilled with various values during more than a millennium ofGreek ethnographic research and ethnic constructions The conservatism was one of the

137 Other occurrences are p 191 vol II BekkerVIII30 Failler p 308 vol II BekkerX16 Fail-

ler p 332 vol II BekkerX25 Failler p 413 vol II BekkerXI21 Failler138 P 291 and 405 vol I BekkerIII22 and IV27 Failler139 P 413 vol II BekkerXI21 Failler


main particularities of the premodern earth sciences The pictures of the imaginary com-munity of the HalizonesAlazonesAmazons from AlybeAlopeAlobe were constructedthrough deductions by comparisons and assimilations of information from differentsources of different origins and with different purposes So from the same etymology ofrsaquoHalizoneslsaquo or of rsaquoAlazoneslsaquo several locations ndash from Bithynia to Ionia and to Paphlagoniandash and different characters ndash of mineworkers seamen or braggarts ndash could be invented andreinserted into new arguments

The texts representing these ethnographic pictures derived from the same Homeric pas-sage do not belong to a uniquely literary genre like in the case of space the ancient dis-course about a people is transgeneric The different works to which each ethnographic ex-cursus belongs can be seen as reactions to a cultural context ndash itself determined by politicalsocioeconomical and cultural conditions Thus behind the standardisation and the selec-tion imposed by the indirect transmission one can see that since late Hellenistic timesgrammarians have joined historians in the study of the Halizones

For local scholars of both categories at any time personal interest could play an impor-tant role the most consistent images of the Halizones as an ethnic entity come from au-thors who inserted pieces of local intentional history supported by invented traditionsinto text They acted out of patriotism in a quest for prestige for their fatherlands The civicrivalries favoured the oldness of the Hellenic communities In regions occupied by coloni-sation claims for a Greek autochthony would have been impossible As a consequenceHomer first poet and main cultural reference point for all Greeks provided the best evi-dence for this much-coveted antiquity The participants to the war on the Achaean side oc-cupied key positions in Hellenic genealogies The Trojans and their allies served more asanchors for space-related identities Thus the prestige of a Halizonian past is not directlythat of the Bithynian and Pontic communities which presented themselves through coloni-al descent The memory of Odius and Epistrophus honour their lands as part of the Ho-meric world Thus the ethnographic picture presented by the local historians could serveas a part of the self-constructed ethnic identity the geographical one140

This perhaps explains why scholars who were not mainly interested in the local identitiesbut in the explanation of the Homeric poems proposed localisations even for the most ob-scure groups such as the Halizones Their authority made them participate in the debatesAs a consequence internal and external views emic and the etic insights interplay in the in-vention of the Halizones141 There is no overriding centre defining a periphery but peoplewith different aims and various cultural backgrounds which interact in the diachronic cre-ation of ethnographic and ethnic communities on the basis of Homeric geography The di-alogue between local scholars and Homeric scholars as well as Hellenic audiences was anongoing process and the stimulation was mutual Together they contributed to the inven-tion of different ethnographic images and corresponding historic identities It could evenresult in changes to the Homeric poems themselves Their oral origin and Panhellenic char-acter fully justify the relative flexibility of the texts

140 For this double identitary phenomenon through genealogy and geography see also Gruen 2011141 For this important observation about the relationship between emic and etic see Malkin 2001

passim

Anca Dan62

For thousands of years Homer represented the crux of the major arguments about Hel-lenism and otherness for both Hellenic and Hellenised peoples142 The richness of the Ho-meric ethnography allowed peoples from recently hellenised lands to find evidence for theidentities they assumed for themselves on mythical and geographical grounds Thosewhose Greekness was taken for granted could express degrees of Hellenicity or barbarismHellenic ethnic identity was not a fact opposed to a fixed rsaquootherlsaquo it was a continuous phe-nomenon involving an on-going dialogue between an ever-changing array of actors andHomer For all raquoHomer is like Sirens Perhaps it would be best if you kept clear of him fromthe start ndash if you blocked your ears with wax or steered another course to escape that magicBut suppose you made your way onward through the range of his song you would not eas-ily pass him by even if you were loaded with chains and if you did you would not be gladof itlaquo143

Abstract

The mention of the Halizones in the Trojan Catalogue (2851sq) is a matter of interest forspecialists of Homeric poetry Black Sea history and Byzantine receptions of AntiquityTheir case is an illustration of different forms of Greek rsaquointentional historylsaquo the history ofthis ἔθνος begins with the textualisation of the Iliad goes through the Greek attempts ofHomeric historicisation and ends with the Roman and Byzantine reification of epic char-acters into individual and collective identities Thanks to the Halizones one can seize thelong-lasting process of inventing ethnic identities in a continuous dialogue between emicand etic perceptions the relationships between fictional and real peoples are explained interms of rsaquoimagined ethnographieslsaquo participating in rsaquoinvented ethnicitieslsaquo

I am extremely grateful to Prof Hans-Joachim Gehrke for his support and numerous suggestions aswell as to Prof Douglas Frame Prof Patrick Gautier Dalcheacute Dr Soslashren Lund Soslashrensen Dr Eran Alma-gor and Dr Joseph Skinner for their preliminary reading and corrections brought to this paper

AbbreviationsBarrington Atlas R J A Talbert (ed) Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World Princeton

Oxford 2000Inventory M H Hansen Th H Nielsen (eds) An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis Ox-

ford 2004LGPN Lexicon of Greek Personal Names (httpwwwlgpnoxacuk)

BibliographyAinsworth 1842 W F Ainsworth Travels and Researches in Asia Minor Mesopotamia Chaldea

and Armenia II LondonAlkIm AlkIm Blg 1988ndash2003 U B AlkIm H AlkIm Ouml Blg İkiztepe IndashII Ankara

142 For other examples see Dench 1995 40sq Roymans 2009 Bazelmans 2009143

Herington 1969 translation from Eustathiusrsquo introduction at the Commentary on the Iliad ΤῶνὉμήρου Σειρήνων καλὸν μὲν ἴσως εἴ τις ἀπόσχοιτο τὴν ἀρχὴν ἢ κηρῷ τᾶς ἀκοὰς ἀλειψάμενος ἢἀλλrsquo ἑτέραν τραπόμενος ὡς ἂν ἀποφύγῃ τὸ θέλγητρον μὴ ἀποσχόμενος δέ ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ᾠδῆςἐκείνης ἐλθών οὐκ ἄν οἶμαι οὔτε παρέλθῃ ῥᾳδίως εἰ καὶ πολλὰ δεσμὰ κατέχοι οὔτε παρελθὼν εἴηἂν εὔχαρις


Allen 1921 T W Allen The Homeric Catalogue of Ships OxfordAllen 1924 T W Allen Homer The Origins and the Transmission CambridgeAnderson 1932 A R Anderson Alexanderrsquos Gate Gog and Magog and the Inclosed Nations

Cambridge MAAngelov 2007 D Angelov Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium 1204ndash1330

CambridgeAsheri Lloyd Corcella 2007 D Asheri A Lloyd A Corcella A Commentary on Herodo-

tus Books IndashIV Oxford (1st ed A Corcella Erodoto Le storie IV La Scizia e la Libia Roma 2001)Bazelmans 2009 J Bazelmans The Early-Medieval Use of Ethnic Names from Classical Antiquity

The Case of the Frisians in Derks Roymans (eds) 2009 321ndash337Begemann et al 2003 E Begemann S Schmitt-Strecker E Pernicka On the Composition

and Provenance of Metal Finds from Beşiktepe (Troia) in Wagner Pernicka Uerpmann

(eds) 2003 173ndash202Bengisu 1996 R L Bengisu Lydian Mount Karios in E N Lane (ed) Cybele Attis and Related

Cults Studies in Memory of M J Vermaseren Leiden 1ndash36Berger Luckmann 1966 P Berger Th Luckmann The Social Construction of Reality A Trea-

tise in the Sociology of Knowledge New YorkBlg 1999 Ouml Blg İkiztepe in the Late Iron Age in AS 49 27ndash54Boltunova 1973 A I Boltunova Nadgrobnaja epigramma Dindiana in StCls 15 125ndash130Braswell Billerbeck 2007 B K Braswell M Billerbeck The Grammarian Epaphroditus

Testimonia and Fragments Bern et alBraund 1994 D Braund Georgia in Antiquity A History of Colchis and Transcausasian Iberia 550

BCndashAD 562 OxfordBrixhe Drew Bear 1982 C Brixhe T Drew Bear Trois Nouvelles Inscriptions paleacuteo-phrygien-

nes de Ccedilepni in Kadmos 212 64ndash87Browning 1975 R Browning Homer in Byzantium in Viator 6 15ndash33Bryce 2006 T Bryce The Trojans and Their Neighbours LondonNew YorkBryce 1977 T R Bryce Pandaros a Lycian at Troy in AJPh 983 213ndash218Bryce Zahle 1986 T R Bryce J Zahle The Lycians I CopenhagueBryer 1982 A Bryer The Question of Byzantine Mines in the Pontos Chalybian Iron Chaldian Sil-

ver Koloneian Alum and the Mummy of Cheriana in AS 32 133ndash150Bryer Winfield 1985 A Bryer D Winfield The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the

Pontos I WashingtonBryer 1962 A Bryer S Vryonis The Question of the Byzantine Mines in Speculum 37 1ndash17Buumlrchner 1905 L Buumlrchner Dindymon in RE 5 652sqBurgess 1996 J S Burgess The Non-Homeric Cypria in TAPhA 126 77ndash99Burney 1956 C Burney Northern Anatolia before Classical Times in AS 6 179ndash203Burney Marshall Lang 1971 C Burney D Marshall Lang The Peoples of the Hills Ancient

Ararat and Caucasus LondonBurstein 1976 S M Burstein Fragment 53 of Callisthenes and the Text of Iliad 2850ndash855 in CPh

714 339ndash341Calame 2006 C Calame Pratiques poeacutetiques de la meacutemoire Repreacutesentations de lrsquoespace-temps en

Gregravece ancienne ParisCamassa 1984a G Camassa raquoDovrsquoegrave la fonte dellrsquoargentolaquo Strabone Alybe e i Chalybes in F

Prontera (ed) Strabone I Perugia 157ndash186Camassa 1984b G Camassa Dovrsquoegrave la fonte dellrsquoargento Una ricerca di protostoria mediterranea

PalermoCartledge 1993 P Cartledge The Greeks A Portrait of Self and Others OxfordChahin 2001 M Chahin The Kingdom of Armenia A History London (1st ed 1987)Chantraine 1999 P Chantraine Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des

mots Paris (1st ed 1968)Clarke 2008 K Clarke Making Time for the Past Local History and the Polis OxfordCline 1996 E C Cline Aššuwa and the Achaeans The rsaquoMycenaeanlsaquo Sword at Hattušas and Its Pos-

sible Implications in ABSA 91 137ndash151Cook 1973 J M Cook The Troad an archaeological and topographical survey Oxford

Anca Dan64

Corsten 1987 Th Corsten Die Inschriften von Apameia (Bithynien) und Pylai Bonn (IGSK 32)Counillon 2004a P Counillon Homegravere et lrsquohelleacutenisation de la Paphlagonie in J M Candau

Moroacuten F J Gonzaacutelez Ponce G Cruz Andreotti (eds) Historia y mito El pasado legenda-rio como fuente de autoridad (actas del simposio internacional celebrado en Sevilla Valverde del Ca-mino y Huelva entre el 22 y el 25 de abril de 2003) Maacutelaga 109ndash122

Counillon 2004b P Counillon Pseudo-Skylax le peacuteriple du Pont-Euxin texte traduction com-mentaire philologique et historique Bordeaux

Courcelle 1964 P Courcelle Histoire litteacuteraire des grandes invasions germaniques Paris (1st ed1948)

Crielaard 1995 J P Crielaard Homer History and Archaeology Some Remarks on the Date ofthe Homeric World in J P Crielaard (ed) Homeric Questions Essays in Philology AncientHistory and Archaeology Amsterdam 201ndash288

Cuinet 1894 V Cuinet La Turquie drsquoAsie geacuteographie administrative statistique descriptive et rai-sonneacutee de chaque province de lrsquoAsie-Mineure IV Paris

Curty 1995 O Curty Les Parenteacutes leacutegendaires entre citeacutes grecques Catalogue raisonneacute des inscrip-tions contenant le terme ΣΥΓΓΕΝΕΙΑ et analyse critique Genegraveve

Curty 1999 O Curty La Parenteacute leacutegendaire agrave lrsquoeacutepoque helleacutenistique Preacutecisions meacutethodologiquesin Kernos 12 167ndash194

Czichon 2009 R M Czichon Die hethitische Kultur im mittleren Schwarzmeergebiet in Wil-

helm (ed) 2009 265ndash277Czichon Klinger 2006 R M Czichon J Klinger Interdisziplinaumlre Gelaumlndebegehung im Gebiet

von Oymaağaccedil-VezirkoumlpruumlProvinz Samsun in MDOG 138 157ndash197Czichon Klinger 2010 R M Czichon J Klinger Karadenizrsquodeki Hititler Nerik-Zalpa in Ak-

tuumlel Arkeologiji Dergisi 58ndash65Dagron 1987 G Dagron raquoCeux drsquoen facelaquo Les peuples eacutetrangers dans les traiteacutes militaires byzan-

tins in TM 10 207ndash203Dan 2007ndash2009 A Dan Ἔναν καιρόν κι ἔναν ζαμάν hellip remarques sur lrsquoantiquiteacute de lrsquoidentiteacute grecque

pontique in Il Mar Nero 7 9ndash65Dan 2009 A Dan La plus merveilleuse des mers Recherches sur la repreacutesentation de la mer Noire et

de ses peuples dans les sources antiques drsquoHomegravere agrave Eacuteratosthegravene PhD (Universiteacute de Reims)Dana 2011a M Dana Le Renouveau identitaire des colonies grecques agrave lrsquoeacutepoque impeacuteriale Ioniens et

Doriens dans le Pont-Euxin in Cahiers rsaquoMondes ancienslsaquo 2 online at mondesanciensrevuesorgpdf521 (seen on 5 January 2012)

Dana 2011b M Dana Culture et mobiliteacute dans le Pont-Euxin approche reacutegionale de la vie culturelledes citeacutes grecques Bordeaux

Davies 1932 O Davies Ancient Mines in Southern Macedonia in Journal of the Royal Anthropo-logical Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 62 145ndash162

De Jesus 1980 P S De Jesus The Development of Prehistoric Mining and Metallurgy in AnatoliaOxford

Debord 2001 P Debord Les Mysiens in Fromentin Gotteland (eds) 2001 135ndash146Del Monte Tischler 1978 G E Del Monte J Tischler Die Orts- und Gewaumlssernamen der

hethitischen Texte WiesbadenDench 1995 E Dench From Barbarians to New Men Greek Roman and Modern Perceptions of

Peoples of the Central Apennines OxfordDerks Roymans 2009 T Derks N Roymans (eds) Ethnic Constructs in Antiquity The Role of

Power and Tradition AmsterdamDes Courtils Reacutemy 1986 J Des Courtils B Reacutemy Remarques sur lrsquoimplantation des colonies

grecques au sud-est du Pont Euxin in EA 8 53ndash64Des Courtils 2001 J Des Courtils LrsquoArcheacuteologie du peuple lycien in Fromentin Gotte-

land (eds) 2001 123ndash133Detschew 1957 D Detschew Die thrakischen Sprachreste WienDoumlnmez 2002 Ş Doumlnmez The 2nd Millennium BC Settlements in Samsun and Amasya Provinces

Central Black Sea Region Turkey in AWE 12 243ndash293Doonan 2004 O P Doonan Sinop Landscapes Exploring Connection in a Black Sea Hinterland

Philadelphia


Drews 1976 R Drews The Earliest Greek Settlements on the Black Sea in JHS 96 18ndash31Eck 2003 B Eck Voyageurs grecs et exploration de la mer Noire in H Duchecircne (ed) Voyageurs et

antiquiteacute classique Dijon 23ndash50Ehrhardt 1983 N Ehrhardt Milet und seine Kolonien Vergleichende Untersuchung der kulti-

schen und politischen Einrichtungen Frankfurt aMBernNew YorkEhrhardt 1995 N Ehrhardt Ktistai in den Argonautika des Apollonios Rhodios Beobachtungen

zur Entwicklung von Gruumlndungstraditionen in Kyzikos Kios Herakleia Pontike und Sinope inAsia Minor Studien 16 (Studien zum antiken Kleinasien 3) Muumlnster 23ndash46

Escher Buumlrkli 1894 J Escher Buumlrkli Aia (3) in RE 1 920Failler 2004 A Failler Citations et reacuteminiscences dans lrsquoHistoire de Georges Pachymeacuteregraves in

REByz 62 159ndash180Fraser 2009 P M Fraser Greek Ethnic Terminology OxfordFromentin Gotteland 2001 V Fromentin S Gotteland (eds) Origines gentium BordeauxGaede 1880 R Gaede Demetrii Scepsii quae supersunt Dissertatio hellip in Universitate Gryphiswal-

densiGale Stos-Gale 1981 N H Gale Z A Stos-Gale Cycladic Lead and Silver Metallurgy in

ABSA 76 169ndash224Gardiner Garden 1988 J Gardiner Garden Eudoxos Skylax and the Syrmatai in Eranos 86

31ndash42Garstang Gurney 1959 J Garstang O R Gurney The Geography of the Hittite Empire Lon-

donGautier Dalcheacute 1990 P Gautier Dalcheacute La Geacuteographie descriptive agrave Saint Germain drsquoAuxerre

(milieu IXendashdeacutebut Xe siegravecle) in Saint Germain drsquoAuxerre Intellectuels et artistes dans lrsquoEurope caro-lingienne IXendashXIe siegravecles Auxerre 270ndash276

Gehrke 1994 H-J Gehrke 1994 Mythos Geschichte Politik ndash antik und modern in Saeculum 45239ndash264

Gehrke 2001 H-J Gehrke Myth History and Collective Identity uses of the past in ancient Greeceand beyond in N Luraghi (ed) The Historianrsquos Craft in the Age of Herodotus Oxford 286ndash313

Gehrke 2003 H-J Gehrke Was heiszligt und zu welchem Ende studiert man intentionale GeschichteMarathon und Troja als fundierende Mythen in G Melville K S Rehberg (eds) Gruumlndungs-mythen Genealogien Memorialzeichen Beitraumlge zur institutionellen Konstruktion von KontinuitaumltKoumlln 21ndash36

Gehrke 2005 H-J Gehrke Heroen als Grenzgaumlnger zwischen Griechen und Barbaren in E SGruen (ed) Cultural Borrowings and Ethnic Appropriations in Antiquity Stuttgart 50ndash68

Gehrke 2010 H-J Gehrke Representations of the Past in Greek Culture in L Foxhall H-JGehrke N Luraghi (eds) Intentional History Spinning Time in Ancient Greece Stuttgart 15ndash34

Georgacas 1964 D J Georgacas From the River Systems in Anatolia the Names of the LongestRiver in Names 12 197ndash214

Gočeva Fol Mihailov 1981 Z Gočeva A Fol G Mihailov V Tăpkova Zaimova (eds)Fontes Historiae Thraciae Thracumque Serdicae

Goulet 2005 R Goulet Ndeg 112 Meacuteneacutecrategraves drsquoEacutelaea in R Goulet (ed) Dictionnaire des philoso-phes antiques 4 Paris 442sq

Graham 1990 A-J Graham Pre-Colonial Contacts Questions and Problems in J P Descoeu-

dres (ed) Greek Colonists and Native Populations Proceedings of the First Australian Congress ofClassical Archaeology held in honour of Emeritus Professor A D Trendall Oxford 45ndash60

Greppin 1984 J A C Greppin Early Greek Historical Fragments Pertinent to Armenian Matters inJSAS 1 35ndash43

Gruen 2011 E S Gruen Rethinking the Other in Antiquity PrincetonOxfordHall 1989 E Hall Inventing the Barbarian Greek Self Definition through Tragedy OxfordHall 2002 J M Hall Hellenicity between Ethnicity and Culture ChicagoLondonHalleux 1970 R Halleux Feacuteconditeacute des mines et sexualiteacute des pierres dans lrsquoAntiquiteacute greacuteco-ro-

maine in RBPh 48 16ndash25Hamilton 1842 W J Hamilton Researches in Asia Minor Pontus and Armenia with Some Ac-

count of Their Antiquities and Geology I London

Anca Dan66

Harris 1976 M Harris History and Significance of the EmicEtic Distinction in Annual Review ofAnthropology 5 329ndash350

Heckenbach 1914 J Heckenbach Ῥέα RE 21 339ndash341Herington 1969 C J Herington Homer A Byzantine Perspective in Arion 83 432ndash434Herzfeld 1968 E Herzfeld The Persian Empire Studies in Geography and Ethnography of the

Ancient Near East G Walser (ed) WiesbadenHind 1988 J Hind The Colonisation of Sinope and the South East Black Sea Area in Mestnye etno-

politicheskie obrsquovedishenija Prichernomorja v vv VIIndashIV do ne Materialy IV Vsesojuznogo sim-poziuma po drevnej istorii Prichernomorja Tshaltubo-Vani 1985 Tbilisi 207ndash223

Hirschfeld 1894 O Hirschfeld Alybe (1) in RE 1 1708sqHobsbawm 1983 E Hobsbawm Introduction Inventing Traditions in E Hobsbawm T Ranger

(eds) The Invention of Tradition Cambridge 1ndash14Hoslashjte 2008 J M Hoslashjte The Cities That Never Were Failed Attempts at Colonization in the Black

Sea in P Guldager Bilde J Hjarl Petersen (eds) Meeting of Cultures in the Black Sea Re-gion between Conflict and Coexistence Aarhus 149ndash162

Hope Simpson Lazenby 1970 R Hope Simpson J F Lazenby The Catalogue of the Ships inHomerrsquos Iliad Oxford

Hunger 19691970 H Hunger On the Imitation (ΜΙΜΗΣΙΣ) of Antiquity in Byzantine Literaturein DOP 2324 15ndash38

Hunger 1978 H Hunger Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner I MuumlnchenHuxley 1960 G L Huxley Achaeans and Hittites OxfordIsaac 1986 B Isaac The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest LeidenIşIn 1998 M A IşIn Sinop region Field Survey in AnatAnt 6 95ndash139Ivantchik 1998 A Ivantchik Die Gruumlndung von Sinope und die Probleme der Anfangsphase der

Griechischen Kolonisation des Schwarzmeergebietes in G R Tsetskhladze (ed) The GreekColonisation of the Black Sea Area Historical Interpretation of Archaeology Stuttgart 297ndash330

Ivantchik 2005 A Ivantchik Am Vorabend der Kolonisation Das noumlrdliche Schwarzmeergebietund die Steppennomaden des 8ndash7 Jh vChr in der klassischen Literaturtradition Muumlndliche Uumlber-lieferung Literatur und Geschichte BerlinMoskau

Janni 1984 P Janni La mappa e il periplo Cartografia antica e spazio odologico RomaJessen 1905 O Jessen Dindymene in RE 5 651sqJusti 1895 F Justi Iranisches Namenbuch MarburgKaldellis 2007 A Kaldellis Hellenism in Byzantium the transformation of Greek identity and

the reception of the classical tradition CambridgeKirk Janko Hainsworth Edwards Richardson 1985 G S Kirk R Janko J B Hains-

worth M W Edwards N J Richardson The Iliad Commentary I Books IndashIV CambridgeKlinger 2009 J Klinger Zalpa Nerik und Hakmiš ndash die Bedeutung der noumlrdlichen Peripherie Zen-

tralanatoliens in hethitischer Zeit in Wilhelm (ed) 2009 277ndash290Koccedilak 2006 Ouml Koccedilak Eskiccedilağrsquoda Orta Karadeniz Boumlluumlmuuml MadenciliğiMining at the Central Black

Sea Region in the Ancient Period in Karadeniz Araştırmaları Sempozyum BildirileriBlack SeaStudies Symposium Proceedings 16ndash17 April 2004 Ankara Istanbul 1ndash3839ndash62

Konstan 2001 D Konstan To Hellecircnikon ethnos Ethnicity and the Construction of Ancient GreekIdentity in Malkin (ed) 2001 29ndash50

Κουκούλη-Χρυσανθάκη 1990 Χ Κουκούλη-Χρυσανθάκη Τα rsaquoμέταλλαlsaquo της Θασιακής περαίας inΜΝΗΜΗ Δ ΛΑΖΑΡΙΔΗ Πόλις και Χώρα στην αρχαία Μακεδονία και Θράκη Πρακτικά Αρχαιολο-γικού Συνεδρίου Καβάλα 9ndash11 Μαίου 1986 Θεσσαλονίκη 493ndash532

Kyrtatas 2000 D J Kyrtatas Ancient Mediterranean Views of Ethnic Identity in A Ovadiah

(ed) Mediterranean Cultural Interaction The Howard Gilman International Conferences II TelAviv 53ndash70

Lafond 2005 Y Lafond Le mythe reacutefeacuterence identitaire pour les citeacutes grecques drsquoeacutepoque impeacuterialeKernos 18 329ndash346

Laiou 1993 A Laiou On Political Geography the Black Sea of Pachymeres in R Beaton ChRouecheacute (eds) The Making of Byzantine History Studies dedicated to Donald M Nicol London94ndash121

Λαμπάκης 2004 Σ Λαμπάκης Γεώργιος Παχυμέρης πρωτέκδικος καὶ δικαιοφύλαξ Αθήνα


Lazova 1980 Tz Lazova Are the Halizones a Thracian Tribe Some Glances at the Ancient GreekTradition in R Vulpe (ed) Actes du IIe Congregraves international de thracologie Bucarest 4ndash10 sep-tembre 1976 I Bucureşti 321ndash324

Laroche 1961 E Laroche Eacutetudes de toponymie anatolienne in RHA 1969 57ndash97Laroche 1973 E Laroche Contacts linguistiques et culturels entre la Gregravece et lrsquoAsie Minerue au

deuxiegraveme milleacutenaire in REG 86 XVIIndashXIXLazaridis 1971 D Lazaridis Thasos and Its Peraia AthensLeaf 1923 W Leaf Strabo on the Troad Book 13 cap 1 CambridgeLloyd Jones Parsons Nesselrath Undershell Powell 1970 H Lloyd Jones P J Par-

sons H G Nesselrath J Undershell Powell (eds) Supplementum Hellenisticum BerlinMacqueen 1968 J G Macqueen Geography and History in Western Asia Minor in the Second Mil-

lennium BC in AS 18 169ndash185Madsen 2009 J M Madsen Eager to be Roman Greek Response to Roman Rule in Pontus and

Bithynia LondonMaffre 2002 F Maffre La Phrygie hellespontique eacutetude historique PhD (Universiteacute de Bordeaux

III)Maffre 2006 F Maffre Phrygie maritime Phrygie hellespontique satrapie de Phrygie hellesponti-

que et le Ps Skylax sect93ndash96 in Colloquium Anatolicum 5 127ndash198Malkin 1998 I Malkin The Returns of Odysseus Colonization and Ethnicity BerkeleyLos Ange-

lesLondonMalkin 2001 I Malkin (ed) Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity Cambridge MAMatthews Glatz 2009 R Matthews C Glatz The Historical Geography of North-Central

Anatolia in the Hittite Period texts and archaeology in concert in AS 59 51ndash72Matthews 1978 V J Matthews Chalybes Syri and Sinope The Greeks in the Pontic Regions in

AncW 1 107sqMaxwell Hyslop 1974 K R Maxwell Hyslop Assyrian Sources of Iron A Preliminary Survey of

the historical and Geographical Evidence in Iraq 36 139ndash154Mehl 1987 A Mehl Der Uumlberseehandel vom Pontos in E Olshausen (ed) Stuttgarter Kolloqui-

um zur historischen Geographie des Altertums 1 1980 Bonn (Geographica Historica 4) 103ndash186Mele 1996 A Mele Culti e miti nella storia di Metaponto in L Braccesi (ed) Hesperigravea 7 Studi

sulla grecitagrave di Occidente Roma 9ndash32Merkelbach 1976 R Merkelbach Epigramm aus Pantikapaion in ZPE 20 82Muumlller Karpe 2001 A Muumlller Karpe Zur fuumlhhethitischen Kultur im Muumlndungsgebiet des Mar-

raššantija in G Wilhelm (ed) Akten des IV Internationalen Kongresses fuumlr Hethitologie Wuumlrz-burg 4ndash8 Oktober 1999 Wiesbaden 430ndash442

Munro 1912 J A R Munro Dascylium in JHS 32 57ndash67Nicolai 2003a R Nicolai La poesia epica come documento lrsquoesegesi di Omero da Ecateo a Tucidi-

de in A M Biraschi P Desideri S Roda G Zecchini (eds) Lrsquouso dei documenti nella sto-riografia antica Napoli 79ndash109

Nicolai 2003b R Nicolai Le mule di Paflagonia e lrsquoorigine dei Veneti un problema di geografiaomerica (Il 2 852) in R Nicolai (ed) ΡΥΣΜΟΣ studi di poesia metrica e musica greca offertidagli allievi a L E Rossi per i suoi settantrsquoanni Roma (Quaderni dei Seminari romani di cultura gre-ca 6) 47ndash62

Nilsson 2004 I Nilsson From Homer to Hermoniakos some considerations of Troy matter in Byz-antine literature in Troianalexandrina 4 9ndash34

Nuumlnlist 2006 R Nuumlnlist rsaquoPalaephatus 44lsaquo and rsaquoPalaephatus of Egypt 660lsaquo in I Worthington

(ed) Brillrsquos New Jacoby Online (accessed on 15 January 2012)Oberhummer 1949 E Oberhummer Pangaion in RE 36 589ndash592Olshausen 2012 E Olshausen Chalyben Autonym oder Xenonym in E Olshausen V Sau-

er (ed) Die Schaumltze der Erde ndash Natuumlrliche Ressourcen in der antiken Welt Stuttgarter Kolloquiumzur Historischen Geographie des Altertums 10 2008 Stuttgart (Geographica Historica 28) 337ndash344

Otten 1973 H Otten Eine althethitische Erzaumlhlung um die Stadt Zalpa WiesbadenPage 1963 D L Page History and the Homeric Iliad BerkeleyLos AngelesPage 2008 G Page Being Byzantine Greek identity before the Ottomans CambridgePantazis 2009 V D Pantazis Wilusa Reconsidering the Evidence in Klio 912 291ndash310

Anca Dan68

Pearson 1960 L Pearson The Lost Histories of Alexander the Great New YorkOxfordPernicka Eibner OumlztunalI Wagner 2003 E Pernicka E Eibner Ouml OumlztunalI G A

Wagner Early Bronze Age Metallurgy in the Northeast Aegean in G A Wagner E PernickaH-P Uerpmann (eds) 2003 143ndash172

Petrides 2009 A K Petrides Georgios Pachymeres between Ethnography and Narrative Συγγρα-φικαὶ Ἱστορίαι 33ndash5 in GRBS 49 295ndash318

Pike 1967 K L Pike Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human BehaviorThe Hague

Pitarakis 1998 B Pitarakis Mines anatoliennes exploiteacutees par les Byzantins recherches reacutecentesBizans devrinde işletilmiş Anadolu mandeleri yakın tarih araştırma sonuccedilları in RN 6153 141ndash185

Planhol 1963 X de Planhol Geographica Pontica XII in JA 251 293ndash310Podosinov 1979 A V Podosinov Iz istorii antichnyh geograficheskih predstavlenij in VDI 1147

147ndash166Prandi 1985 L Prandi Callistene uno storico tra Aristotele e i re macedoni MilanoPrecircteux 2007 F Precircteux La Propontide et ses Deacutetroits dans lrsquoantiquiteacute grecque (VIIIendashIer siegravecle

avJ-C) Geacuteographie historique et deacuteveloppement des implantations grecques littorales PhD (Uni-versiteacute de Paris IV)

Puhvel 1991 J Puhvel Hittite Etymological Dictionary III Words beginning with H BerlinRengakos 1993 A Rengakos Der Homertext und der hellenistischen Dichter StuttgartRobert Robert 1954 J Robert L Robert La Carie Histoire et geacuteographie historique avec le re-

cueil des inscriptions antiques II Le plateau de Tabai et ses environs ParisRobert 1937 L Robert Eacutetudes anatoliennes Recherches sur les inscriptions grecques drsquoAsie Mineu-

re ParisRobert 1966 L Robert Inscriptions de lrsquoAntiquiteacute et du Bas Empire agrave Corinthe in REG 79 733ndash770Romm 1992 J S Romm The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought Geography Exploration and Fic-

tion PrincetonRoymans 2009 N Roymans Hercules and the Construction of a Batavian Identity in the Context of

the Roman Empire in Derks Roymans (eds) 2009 219ndash238Ruge 1899 W Ruge Chalybes (1ndash3) in RE 3 2099sqRuge 1912 W Ruge Halizones in RE 7 2275Ruge 1928 W Ruge Makestos in RE 27 773Sakellariou 1977 M B Sakellariou Le Peuplement de la Gregravece et du bassin eacutegeacuteen aux hautes

eacutepoques II Peuples preacutehelleacuteniques drsquoorigine indo-europeacuteenne AthegravenesScheer 1993 T S Scheer Mythische Vorvaumlter Zur Bedeutung griechischer Heroenmythen im

Selbstverstaumlndnis kleinasiatischer Staumldte MuumlnchenScheer 2005 T S Scheer The Past in a Hellenistic Present Myth and Local Tradition in A Ersk-

ine (ed) A Companion to the Hellenistic World MaldenOxfordVictoria 216ndash231Schepens 2001 G Schepens Ancient Greek City Histories Self definition through history writing

in K Demoen (ed) The Greek City from Antiquity to Present historical reality ideological con-struction literary representation LouvainParisSterling 2ndash26

Schmieder 1994 F Schmieder Europa und die Fremden Die Mongolen im Urteil des Abendlandesvom 13 bis in das 15 Jh Sigmaringen

Sinclair 1989 T A Sinclair Eastern Turkey an Architectural and Archaeological Survey II Lon-don

Tischler 1977 J von Tischler Kleinasiatische Hydronymie Semantische und morphologischeAnalyse der griechischen Gewaumlssernamen Wiesbaden

Toepffer 1894a J Toepffer Alope (1) in RE 1 1595Toepffer 1894bndashc J Toepffer Alope (2ndash3) in RE 1 1595Toepffer 1894d J Toepffer Alope (4 6) in RE 1 1595sqTomaschek 1894 W Tomaschek Alazones in RE 1 1299Tonnet 1988 H Tonnet Recherches sur Arrien sa personnaliteacute et ses eacutecrits atticistes AmsterdamTrachsel 2007 A Trachsel La Troade un paysage et son heacuteritage litteacuteraire Les commentaires an-

tiques sur la Troade leur genegravese et leur influence RomaBaselTreister 1996 M Yu Treister The Role of Metals in Ancient Greek History LeidenNew York

Koumlln


Tsetskhladze 1995 G Tsetskhladze Did the Greeks Go to Colchis for Metals in OJA 143307ndash332

Vassileva 1998 M Vassileva Greek Ideas of the North and the East (Mastering the Black Sea Area)in G Tsetskhladze The Greek Colonization of the Black Sea Area Historical Interpretation ofArchaeology Stuttgart (Historia Einzelschriften 121) 69ndash77

Vidal-Naquet 1984 P Vidal-Naquet Flavius Arrien entre deux mondes in P Savinel Histoi-re drsquoAlexandre lrsquoAnabase drsquoAlexandre le Grand et lrsquoInde Paris 311ndash394

Wagner Pernicka Uerpmann 2003 G A Wagner E Pernicka H-P Uerpmann (eds)Troia and the Troad scientific approaches HeidelbergNew York

Wathelet 1988 P Wathelet Dictionnaire des Troyens de lrsquoIliade IndashII LiegravegeWest 1967 S West The Ptolemaic Papyri of Homer KoumllnOpladenWilhelm 2009 G Wilhelm (ed) Hattusa-Bogazkoumly Das Hethiterreich im Spannungsfeld des Al-

ten Orients WiesbadenWilson 1960 D R Wilson The Historical Geography of Bithynia Paphlagonia and Pontus in the

Greek and Roman Periods a new survey with particular reference to surface remains still visible BAThesis Oxford University

Wiseman 1978 J Wiseman The Land of the Ancient Corinthians GoumlteborgZeitlin 2001 F I Zeitlin Visions and Revisions of Homer in S Goldhill (ed) Being Greek un-

der Rome cultural identity the Second Sophistic and the development of Empire Oxford 195ndash266Zgusta 1955 L Zgusta Die Personennamen griechischer Staumldte der noumlrdlischen Schwarzmeerkuumlste

Die ethnischen Verhaumlltnisse namentlich das Verhaumlltnis der Skythen und Sarmaten im Lichte derNamenforschung Praha

Maps rarr

Anca Dan70


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Dr Anca DanAOROC-CNRS Eacutecole Normale Supeacuterieure

45 rue drsquoUlm F-75005 Paris

Umschlag Orbis 11 Ansicht ganz neu

Dan

Publikationsorgan der Ernst Kirsten Gesellschaft Internationale Gesellschaft fuumlr Historische Geographie der Alten Welt

her AusgegeBen von Cay LienauEckart OlshausenErika Simon Holger SonnabendundAngelos ChaniotisGiovanna Daverio RocchiHans-Joachim GehrkeHerbert GraszliglHelmut HalfmannPeter MarzolffDerek MosleyWolfgang OrthFrancesco PronteraSergei SaprykinHeikki SolinRichard I A Talbert

r eDAkTion Eckart Olshausen (verantwortlich) und Vera SauerMuumlhlweg 6D ndash 72414 Rangendingen

lAyouTVera SauerMuumlhlweg 6D ndash 72414 Rangendingen

homePAge wwwsteiner-verlagdeOrbis

er scheinungsw eiseJaumlhrlich 1 Band BezugsBeDingungenJahresabonnement euro 9860 Vorzugspreis euro 8820(guumlltig fuumlr Mitglieder der Ernst Kirsten Gesellschaft bei Abonnement uumlber den Vorsitzen-den der Gesellschaft)

jeweils zuzuumlglich Versandkosten euro 580 (Inland) euro 940 (Europa) euro 1740 (restliches Ausland)Einzelheft euro 110ndash (versandkostenfrei)Alle Preise inkl MwSt

Ein Abonnement gilt falls nicht befristet bestellt zur Fortsetzung bis auf Widerruf Kuumlndigungen des Abonnements koumlnnen nur zum Ablauf eines Jahres erfolgen und muumlssen bis zum 15 Novem-ber des laufenden Jahres beim Verlag eingegan-gen sein

v er lAgFranz Steiner Verlag Birkenwaldstraszlige 44D ndash 70191 StuttgartTelefon 0711 2582-0Telefax 0711 2582-390E-Mail servicesteiner-verlagdeHomepage wwwsteiner-verlagde

her sTellungChristine FelmikE-Mail cfelmiksteiner-verlagde

Anzeigen Susanne Szoradi (verantwortlich)E-Mail sszoradisteiner-verlagde

DruckDruckerei Laupp amp Goumlbel Nehren Alle in dieser Zeitschrift veroumlffentlichten Beitraumlge sind urheberrechtlich geschuumltzt Jede Verwer-tung in anderen als den gesetzlich zugelassenen Faumlllen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwil-ligung des Verlages

Das Emblem im Titel der Zeitschrift ist abge-leitet von einem Relief in der Galleria Estense Moacutedena Inv Nr 2627 (vgl Vera Sauer OT 1 1995 9ndash23)

copy Franz Steiner Verlag Stuttgart 2013Printed in GermanyISSN 1385-285X

or Bis Ter r ArumInternationale Zeitschrift fuumlr Historische Geographie der Alten WeltRevue drsquohistoire geacuteographique du monde ancienJournal of historical geography of the ancient worldRivista di storia geografica del mondo antico

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24 the epithet of the legendary king Pelops For the discordance between the supposed Homeric men-tions and the colonisation date cf Allen 1921 156ndash159 and 1924 347ndash350 followed amongothers by Page 1963 137sq Hope Simpson Lazenby 1970 176 (n 3)ndash81 Kirk et al 1985258sq Contra Drews 1976 Graham 1990 54 n 60 Braund 1994 15 n 28 Crielaard 1995233ndash235 Cf Counillon 2004a Ivantchik 1998 319sq and 2005 153 Eck 2003




















Cuinet 1894 16sq

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132 For the Scythians and other peoples of the north see Dagron 1987133 For his ancient culture see Failler 2004 cf Hunger 19691970134 For identities and politics see Angelov 2007 273sq quoted by 008 107sq For literary



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Cuinet 1894 16sq

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Historic names








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Cuinet 1894 16sq

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Historic names








41Kyrtatas 2000

42Konstan 2001

















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86Dan 2009 511a


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Cuinet 1894 16sq

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Historic names








41Kyrtatas 2000

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Anca Dan64



























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Cuinet 1894 16sq

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Historic names








41Kyrtatas 2000

42Konstan 2001

















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41Kyrtatas 2000

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Otten 1973 H Otten Eine althethitische Erzaumlhlung um die Stadt Zalpa Wiesbaden63 D L Page History and the Homeric Iliad BerkeleyLos AngelesPage 2008 G Page Being Byzantine Greek identity before the Ottomans CambridgePantazis 2009 V D Pantazis Wilusa Reconsidering the Evidence in Klio 912 291ndash310

Anca Dan68























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132 For the Scythians and other peoples of the north see Dagron 1987133 For his ancient culture see Failler 2004 cf Hunger 19691970134 For identities and politics see Angelov 2007 273sq quoted by 08 107sq For literary



136Nilsson 2004

Anca Dan60














passim

Anca Dan62


Abstract
































Anca Dan64



























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« From Imagined Ethnographies to Invented Ethnicities: The Homeric Halizones », Orbis Terrarum 11,...

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Transcript of « From Imagined Ethnographies to Invented Ethnicities: The Homeric Halizones », Orbis Terrarum 11,...