Post on 05-Feb-2023
POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
Undocumented Immigration vs. Documented Immigration:
The “Trickle-Down” Effect of Social Distancing and Racial
Polarization
Claudia Amand
Professor Laura Lopez-Sanders
SOCI 122: Race and Ethnic Relations
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
Abstract
Immigration in the United States has helped to perpetuate the
forces of “us” versus “them” among socio-ethnic relationships.
The recent wave of undocumented immigration, coupled with the
largely growing immigration population, has strengthened the
polarization of individual and group identities not just between
immigrants and non-immigrants, but also between undocumented and
documented immigrants. By looking at the history of US
immigration and evaluating the differences in experiences between
these two “classes” of immigrants, this paper will draw from
primary and secondary data to explain how social distancing is
constructing boundaries not just on a broad scale, but within
groups as well.
Keywords: immigration, group polarization, social distance,
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
Long-heralded as the ‘Nation of Immigrants’, the United
States has provided a home for millions of people around the
world in their search for a better life. These immigrants, who
have been both welcomed and unwelcomed throughout the years, have
added a variety of cultures, races, and ethnicities to this
diverse nation—but at a cost. In recent years, the surge of
undocumented immigration, particularly from Mexico and Central
American countries, has casted a negative light on immigrants in
general, leading to the perpetuation of intense social boundaries
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
between immigrants and non-immigrants (Arbona et al.) The
situation has been exacerbated by the increased enforcement of
illegal immigration, which in turn, has had the unintended
consequence of creating a new illegal class of immigrants
(Jimenez, and Lopez). These effects, however, have also begun to
seep within the immigrant population itself. In order to separate
themselves from this illegal class of ‘unwanted’ undocumented
immigrants, documented immigrants have begun to construct social
boundaries to distinguish themselves as a higher class of
immigrant.
The goal of this paper is to analyze why documented
immigrants are choosing to socially distance themselves from
undocumented immigrants, and how this demonstrates the growing
and complicated significance of race and ethnicity in the United
States. Using supporting evidence from academic articles, primary
interviews, and survey data, the paper will aim to explain that
the social distancing occurring between documented immigrants and
undocumented immigrants (specifically focusing on Hispanic
immigration), is in large part caused by a greater phenomenon
occurring in American race relations—polarization. As
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
undocumented immigration continues to push legal immigrants out
of the “them” identity, socioeconomic forces are simultaneously
pulling the same group towards an “us” identity, and thus,
polarizing the group towards whiteness.
Before diving into the mechanisms that will explain why
undocumented immigrants are socially distancing themselves from
documented immigrants, it’s important to understand and be able
to utilize the main theories behind the construction of this
argument. A better comprehension of the history of immigration
and the concepts underlying the social distance theory will
provide the necessary background evidence to support the paper’s
central claim of intra-immigrant polarization.
Before the Hart-Cellar Act of 1965, strong quotas in the
United States prohibited many immigrants from outside of Europe
to legally enter the country. This led to accelerated immigration
from Spanish-speaking countries, which significantly increased
the Hispanic population in the US. As barriers were broken and a
new pattern of immigration emerged, the need to control and
organize the flow of people began to complicate and transform
racial categorization and systems of stratification. What was
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
once a simple black/white divide became a more convoluted process
of exclusivity and inclusivity based on an immigrant’s ability to
ascribe to certain norms (Bean, and Lee).
As new Latino immigration began to restructure the
boundaries of the American color line, racial polarization began
to move towards a black/non-black racial divide. This was caused
by, and further led to, the ability of Latino immigrants to
mobilize themselves up the socioeconomic latter, which therefore
allowed them to be pitted against blacks as part of the larger
non-black “privileged” class (Bean, and Lee). This concept of
social distancing cannot be fully understood without first
considering the specific motives that shaped these decisions.
What’s important to realize here is that social distancing occurs
when the need to separate from the racialized “other/them”—which
in this case is blacks—allows a group to gain the benefits of
“us”. Because they were in a position that allowed for more
flexibility in choosing the categorization of their identity,
Latinos had an incentive to secure their privilege and “class”
and move more towards “whiteness” (Bean, and Lee).
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
This racialization of immigrant Latinos towards whiteness
has been questioned as of late, particularly because the vast
majority of unauthorized immigrants in the US are primarily from
Mexico and Central America. This has insinuated a strong
association between race and legality for many Americans
(Jimenez), which has had the outcome of moving the contours of
racial polarization once again. For many contemporary Hispanic
immigrants living in the US, the fear of being wrongly
categorized as undocumented has now become the new incentive to
socially distance oneself from the “other”—this time, however,
the other is undocumented immigrants rather than blacks. These
intra-group boundaries were not only forged by the surge of
illegal immigration, but they also help to explain why documented
immigrants felt the need to culturally assimilate to whiteness
more (Jimenez).
Though this theory provides a framework that can help
explain why documented immigrants would want to separate
themselves from the undocumented “other”, it still doesn’t
demonstrate how the extent of this social distancing leads to
polarization of the two groups. Aside from the obvious
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
differences in experiences that these two immigrant groups have
with things like accessibility and legal recognition, other
factors such as group sentiment beliefs are important markers
that can further illustrate the growing intra-immigrant gap.
Drawing from information that was collected after conducting
interviews with a documented immigrant and a previously
undocumented immigrant, as well as data responses from a survey,
the paper will now try to evaluate how the theory of social
distancing can be applied to current social issues between the
documented and the undocumented.
Even though undocumented immigration is abundantly covered
by the media and illegal immigrants are constantly “hiding in the
shadows” to avoid deportation (Jimenez, and Lopez), roughly 70%
of respondents from a survey of 304 individuals believed that
discrimination against undocumented immigration is not a problem
in the US (Appendix A, Figure 2). This is quite shocking
considering the negative stereotyping and marginalization that
most undocumented immigrants must deal with on a day-to-day basis
(Jimenez, and Lopez). Perhaps what this number reveals to us is
something more obscure about the current immigration climate in
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the US: that most people don’t think undocumented immigration is
a problem because of the very fact that very few people outside
of the group itself actually associate with anyone of
undocumented status. In fact, over 85% of these same respondents
said that of the 5 people they talk to on a daily basis, none or
only 1 of them is Hispanic (Appendix A, Figure 1). Even though
the Hispanic population is rapidly growing to become the number
one minority in the country, and it is the largest immigrant
group, (Arbona et al.), most Hispanic immigrants isolate
themselves from members of other groups. This is very significant
because it shows how social distance with immigrants is both an
external problem and an internal problem. It also provides the
basis for explaining how the intra-group boundaries being formed
within immigrants are shaped by the already-existing boundaries
that have been formed from the outside (Roedinger).
There is no denying that “difficulties associated with
undocumented status may intensify immigration-related challenges
such as language difficulties, cultural differences, and
separation from family, which may, in turn, result in increased
levels of acculturative stress among undocumented immigrants in
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comparison with their documented counterparts,” (Arbona, et al.
363). Even though all immigrants, whether documented or
undocumented, share these acculturative stressors, specific
experiences and the ways in which these challenges are met mark
the subtle, yet significant disparities within these two groups.
As a result, attitudes and behaviors are shaped according to how
an immigrant places him or herself (or group) within the larger
context of society’s social fabric.
For example, when asking Interviewee #1, a 20-year old
female who immigrated illegally from Costa Rica at the age of 3
but who has recently received legal status, whether it was hard
to integrate socially with her American peers, she responded by
explaining that most of her peers did not know that she was
unauthorized and therefore was always having to bear the burden
of a secret (Appendix B, Figure 3.2). This need to “hide” her
undocumented identity had a tremendous influence on the
interviewee’s lack of relationship with undocumented immigrants
in order to maintain her outward perception of being legal. She
went on to explain that even though she was at the top of her
graduating class and had a lot of American friends, little things
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
like being asked for a social security number made her feel
“alienated” and embarrassed”, despite her perfect English,
excellent academic achievement, and overall Americanized
lifestyle (Appendix B, Figure 3.1). This demonstrates how even
though the interviewee was, in fact, undocumented, she had to
distance herself from other undocumented peers in order to
achieve and maintain a certain level of respect and prestige.
Furthermore, it shows how the interviewee had to internalize the
attitudes that non-immigrants have toward undocumented
immigration to prevent her from being perceived as the unwanted
“other” (Barrett, and Roedinger). Simply put, she had to pick
whether she wanted to be white or not white.
Interestingly, Interviewee #2, a 56 year old male who
immigrated legally from Cuba over 18 years ago, shared that even
though he does maintain daily contact with undocumented
immigrants and has no fear of associating with them, the
relationship is kept within the parameters of employee-to-
employer labor interactions. He went on to explain that because
their cultures and lifestyles are so different, it becomes very
difficult to share a common bond even though they’re both
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Hispanic immigrants (Appendix B, Figure 4.1). The interviewee,
who runs a janitorial company, understands that the nature of his
business demands low-skill, low-wage labor that most undocumented
workers are willing to do. His form of social distancing is
proven, however, with the way he spoke of his undocumented
employees. By doing things like giving them financial advice,
providing them legal guidance, and offering a job secures the
interviewee as still being in a level of power over the
undocumented employees (Appendix B, Figure 4.2). His authority
overshadows his sympathy and, as a result, the interviewee is
pulled away from the “other” and towards the powerful “us”.
Historically, labor relations have been one of they key
mechanisms for how immigrants groups have been able to straddle
the ethnic boundary to become more “white” and be able to
structurally assimilate with society (Roedinger). Similar to the
first interviewee, interviewee #2 was also forced to choose
between these two polarized sides, subsequently choosing to
distance himself away from the other in order to preserve his
sense of authority.
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
Though the interviewees represented the two sides of
immigration, both demonstrated that their need to socially
distance themselves from undocumented immigrants was driven by
the need to secure their sense of dominance; it was a way to
distinguish themselves as being different than their illegal
counterparts. By choosing to separate themselves socially from
undocumented immigrants, they were able to escape the
stigmatization that exists around contemporary Hispanic
immigration. Unknowingly, however, they were also contributing to
the maintenance of the supremacy of “whiteness”, and thus, adding
to the polarization of race in the US. Though their intentions
were selfish and harmless in nature, their decisions and
attitudes reflect a greater social phenomenon that characterizes
how groups are pushed and pulled across boundaries of race and
ethnicity in order to gain the benefits associated with one
particular group. In short, racial polarization has trickled down
to affect immigrants and immigrant groups on a more micro level
in order to combat the negative associations of undocumented
immigration. Ironically, this transition of social distancing in
the context of immigration suggests that even though the US
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population is becoming more diverse, racial polarization will
sustain its influence because of unchanging socioeconomic factors
that distribute benefits unevenly across “us” and “them”.
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Appendix A
Table 1. Views on Social Distance %
Have you interacted socially, like going out to lunch or a movie, with aHispanic person in the last month?
Yes 46.48No 52.63Off (did not respond) .99
If several Non-white families with about same income and education as you moved into your neighborhood, would you mindit?
A lot 0.66A little 10.86Not at all 87.83Off (did not respond) 0.66
Think of the five people with whom you interact with the moston analmost daily basis. Of these five, how many are Latino?
0 65.461 20.072 6.913 4.284 1.325 0.99Off (did not respond) 0.99
Source: Soci122 Course Survey, n=304
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
Table 2. Views on Undocumented Immigration %
Just in general…how sympathetic would you say you are toward immigrantsWho are in the United States illegally?
Strongly Sympathetic 41.12Somewhat Sympathetic 21.38Neither Sympathetic, Nor Unsympathetic 14.80Somewhat Unsympathetic 14.80Strongly Unsympathetic 7.57Off (Did not respond) 0.33
Undocumented Immigrants should be given a path to citizenship.
Strongly Agree 44.08Somewhat Agree 33.88Neither Agree, Nor Disagree 11.84Somewhat Disagree 6.58Strongly Disagree 3.29Off (Did not respond) 0.33
Do you agree or disagree with the following statement: DiscriminationAgainst Undocumented immigrants is NOT a problem in the US.
Strongly Agree 43.09Somewhat Agree 27.63
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POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS
Neither Agree, Nor Disagree 17.76Somewhat Disagree 6.58Strongly Disagree 3.95Off (Did not respond) 0.99
Source: Soci122 Course Survey, n=304
Appendix B
Figure 3.1
Interviewee is a 20-year old female studying at the University of
North Carolina at Chapel Hill. She was born in Costa Rica and
immigrated illegally to Lincolnton, NC (outside of Charlotte)
when she was 3 years old with her three older siblings and her
parents. She recently received authorized status during her
senior year of high school three years ago after her mother
remarried someone who has American citizenship.
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Can you tell me more about some of the experiences you’ve had being both a legal and
an illegal immigrant?
“Being an illegal immigrant, at first, especially someone
like me who moved to the US at a very young age creates an
interesting identity. I feel American but at the same time,
when I was illegal, I was always limited in the
opportunities I had being in this country. I remember
Feeling so alienated something when people would ask for my
social security number since I didn’t have one. It made me
feel like I didn’t belong here even though I consider the US
my home and I would never even think twice about leaving and
returning to Costa Rica. Especially with my American
friends, which I had a lot of. I would feel embarrassed a
lot, because like, since I was a high-achieving student, I
didn’t want people to think that I didn’t have papers. I was
just like everyone else in so many ways, but so different in
a really important way.”
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Figure 3.2
How do you think your life would have been different if you hadn’t received authorized
status? Do you think these differences in experiences make it hard for legal and illegal
immigrants to integrate and share a broader “immigrant” identity?
“If I hadn’t gotten my papers my senior year I would have
been stuck working in a factory with false papers, which is
what my dad was doing before he died when I was 16. This
left me and mom and my older siblings in a really hard
situation because he was the one that was bringing home the
bacon. My mom couldn’t work because she had a lot of back
problems, which limited any options of her working in jobs
where most illegal immigrants work. So in a way, she had no
choice but to remarry someone very quickly after my father
died so that we could get papers and so that I could go to
school.”
“I feel guilty sometimes because I know my mom was pressured
to remarry to make sure I could get an education. I know
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that her and her new husband aren’t in love. The
relationship is more of a civil partnership…it’s kind of sad
really. I wish she didn’t have to forcefully marry someone
just so that I wouldn’t end up working in a factory for the
rest of my life. Legal immigrants don’t have to deal with
that. Their process to integrate into American society is so
much less dramatic. Granted, it’s definitely not smooth, but
they don’t have sacrifice as much.”
Figure 4.1
Interviewee is a 56-year old male working in a managerial
position. He was born in Cuba and immigrated to the US legally
through a government program when he was 35 years old. He
immigrated with his wife and two daughters. He applied and
received his citizenship in 2002 after living in the country for
seven years.
Is it hard for you and others that have immigrated legally to be friends and share
experiences and/or identities with those that have come here illegally?
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“Well.... It’s not that it’s hard to be friends. It’s more
like people like me who are legal don’t want to associate
with people who are illegal because we don’t want others to
think that we are illegal too. I know that sounds bad
because, you know, it’s not like I have a lot of American
friends either. But I’ve lived here for 18 years and did
everything that I was supposed to make sure that I could
have that “American life”. It’s hard to bond with illegal
immigrant—even though we share similar experiences—because
it takes away from the American life that I came here for.”
Figure 4.2
Can you tell me about some of the experiences you’ve had with illegal immigration and
how that has affected your opinion about immigration in general?
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“Well you know I work for a company that hires mostly
illegal immigrants. With the kind of labor like cleaning and
maintenance, most people don’t want to work in that
environment. So we really have no choice but to hire low
skill minorities because they’re the only ones willing to
the job. Most if not all of the illegal immigrants I know
have been my employees. But…the bad part about it is that
most tend to be illegal with bought papers. It’s hard for me
because it’s a liability. I don’t want to get in trouble for
hiring these people, but at the same time, if I don’t hire
them, I won’t have a company.”
“Being their boss, you start to nurture them and care for
them in a way that almost makes you feel like your helping
them out because you know they have no else. Well…they’re
from different countries but we still speak Spanish and are
immigrants. I feel like I’m the middle-man between their
illegal status and their limited opportunities, and the
American citizen that has privileges. I give them advice
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about things like financial responsibility and little things
like that. It's really hard for me. I came from a country
where living conditions are terrible and there are no
opportunities, just like them. But I was lucky. In the end
though, I know that they will never be more than just my
employee because my culture is so different from theirs.”
References
Arbona, C., Overa, N., Rodriguez, N., Hagan, J., Linares, A., &
Wiesner, M. “Acculturative Stress Among Documented and
Undocumented Latino Immigrants in the United States.”
Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 32.3 (2010): 362-384. Web.
Barrett, James R., and David Roedinger. “Inbetween peoples: Race,
nationality and the ‘new immigrant’ working class.” Journal of
American Ethnic History. 16.3 (1997): 3-45. Web.
Bean, Frank D. and Jennifer Lee. “Reinventing the Color Line:
Immigration and America’s new Racial/Ethnic Divide.” Social
Forces. 86.2 (2003): 561-580. Web.
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Jiminez, Tomas R. “Mexican Immigrant Replenishment and the
Continuing Significance of Ethnicity and Race.” American
Journal of Sociology. 113.6 (2008): 1527-1567. Web.
Roedinger, David. “A Vast Amount of Coercion: The Ironies of
Immigration Restriction.” Working Towards Whiteness: How America’s
Immigrants Became White. New York, NY: Basic Books, 2005. Print.
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