Undocumented Immigration: The “Trickle-Down” Effect of Social Distancing and Racial Polarization

POLARIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED AND DOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS

Undocumented Immigration vs. Documented Immigration:

The “Trickle-Down” Effect of Social Distancing and Racial

Polarization

Claudia Amand

Professor Laura Lopez-Sanders

SOCI 122: Race and Ethnic Relations

The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

1


Abstract

Immigration in the United States has helped to perpetuate the

forces of “us” versus “them” among socio-ethnic relationships.

The recent wave of undocumented immigration, coupled with the

largely growing immigration population, has strengthened the

polarization of individual and group identities not just between

immigrants and non-immigrants, but also between undocumented and

documented immigrants. By looking at the history of US

immigration and evaluating the differences in experiences between

these two “classes” of immigrants, this paper will draw from

primary and secondary data to explain how social distancing is

constructing boundaries not just on a broad scale, but within

groups as well.

Keywords: immigration, group polarization, social distance,

2


Long-heralded as the ‘Nation of Immigrants’, the United

States has provided a home for millions of people around the

world in their search for a better life. These immigrants, who

have been both welcomed and unwelcomed throughout the years, have

added a variety of cultures, races, and ethnicities to this

diverse nation—but at a cost. In recent years, the surge of

undocumented immigration, particularly from Mexico and Central

American countries, has casted a negative light on immigrants in

general, leading to the perpetuation of intense social boundaries

3


between immigrants and non-immigrants (Arbona et al.) The

situation has been exacerbated by the increased enforcement of

illegal immigration, which in turn, has had the unintended

consequence of creating a new illegal class of immigrants

(Jimenez, and Lopez). These effects, however, have also begun to

seep within the immigrant population itself. In order to separate

themselves from this illegal class of ‘unwanted’ undocumented

immigrants, documented immigrants have begun to construct social

boundaries to distinguish themselves as a higher class of

immigrant.

The goal of this paper is to analyze why documented

immigrants are choosing to socially distance themselves from

undocumented immigrants, and how this demonstrates the growing

and complicated significance of race and ethnicity in the United

States. Using supporting evidence from academic articles, primary

interviews, and survey data, the paper will aim to explain that

the social distancing occurring between documented immigrants and

undocumented immigrants (specifically focusing on Hispanic

immigration), is in large part caused by a greater phenomenon

occurring in American race relations—polarization. As

4


undocumented immigration continues to push legal immigrants out

of the “them” identity, socioeconomic forces are simultaneously

pulling the same group towards an “us” identity, and thus,

polarizing the group towards whiteness.

Before diving into the mechanisms that will explain why

undocumented immigrants are socially distancing themselves from

documented immigrants, it’s important to understand and be able

to utilize the main theories behind the construction of this

argument. A better comprehension of the history of immigration

and the concepts underlying the social distance theory will

provide the necessary background evidence to support the paper’s

central claim of intra-immigrant polarization.

Before the Hart-Cellar Act of 1965, strong quotas in the

United States prohibited many immigrants from outside of Europe

to legally enter the country. This led to accelerated immigration

from Spanish-speaking countries, which significantly increased

the Hispanic population in the US. As barriers were broken and a

new pattern of immigration emerged, the need to control and

organize the flow of people began to complicate and transform

racial categorization and systems of stratification. What was

5


once a simple black/white divide became a more convoluted process

of exclusivity and inclusivity based on an immigrant’s ability to

ascribe to certain norms (Bean, and Lee).

As new Latino immigration began to restructure the

boundaries of the American color line, racial polarization began

to move towards a black/non-black racial divide. This was caused

by, and further led to, the ability of Latino immigrants to

mobilize themselves up the socioeconomic latter, which therefore

allowed them to be pitted against blacks as part of the larger

non-black “privileged” class (Bean, and Lee). This concept of

social distancing cannot be fully understood without first

considering the specific motives that shaped these decisions.

What’s important to realize here is that social distancing occurs

when the need to separate from the racialized “other/them”—which

in this case is blacks—allows a group to gain the benefits of

“us”. Because they were in a position that allowed for more

flexibility in choosing the categorization of their identity,

Latinos had an incentive to secure their privilege and “class”

and move more towards “whiteness” (Bean, and Lee).

6


This racialization of immigrant Latinos towards whiteness

has been questioned as of late, particularly because the vast

majority of unauthorized immigrants in the US are primarily from

Mexico and Central America. This has insinuated a strong

association between race and legality for many Americans

(Jimenez), which has had the outcome of moving the contours of

racial polarization once again. For many contemporary Hispanic

immigrants living in the US, the fear of being wrongly

categorized as undocumented has now become the new incentive to

socially distance oneself from the “other”—this time, however,

the other is undocumented immigrants rather than blacks. These

intra-group boundaries were not only forged by the surge of

illegal immigration, but they also help to explain why documented

immigrants felt the need to culturally assimilate to whiteness

more (Jimenez).

Though this theory provides a framework that can help

explain why documented immigrants would want to separate

themselves from the undocumented “other”, it still doesn’t

demonstrate how the extent of this social distancing leads to

polarization of the two groups. Aside from the obvious

7


differences in experiences that these two immigrant groups have

with things like accessibility and legal recognition, other

factors such as group sentiment beliefs are important markers

that can further illustrate the growing intra-immigrant gap.

Drawing from information that was collected after conducting

interviews with a documented immigrant and a previously

undocumented immigrant, as well as data responses from a survey,

the paper will now try to evaluate how the theory of social

distancing can be applied to current social issues between the

documented and the undocumented.

Even though undocumented immigration is abundantly covered

by the media and illegal immigrants are constantly “hiding in the

shadows” to avoid deportation (Jimenez, and Lopez), roughly 70%

of respondents from a survey of 304 individuals believed that

discrimination against undocumented immigration is not a problem

in the US (Appendix A, Figure 2). This is quite shocking

considering the negative stereotyping and marginalization that

most undocumented immigrants must deal with on a day-to-day basis

(Jimenez, and Lopez). Perhaps what this number reveals to us is

something more obscure about the current immigration climate in

8


the US: that most people don’t think undocumented immigration is

a problem because of the very fact that very few people outside

of the group itself actually associate with anyone of

undocumented status. In fact, over 85% of these same respondents

said that of the 5 people they talk to on a daily basis, none or

only 1 of them is Hispanic (Appendix A, Figure 1). Even though

the Hispanic population is rapidly growing to become the number

one minority in the country, and it is the largest immigrant

group, (Arbona et al.), most Hispanic immigrants isolate

themselves from members of other groups. This is very significant

because it shows how social distance with immigrants is both an

external problem and an internal problem. It also provides the

basis for explaining how the intra-group boundaries being formed

within immigrants are shaped by the already-existing boundaries

that have been formed from the outside (Roedinger).

There is no denying that “difficulties associated with

undocumented status may intensify immigration-related challenges

such as language difficulties, cultural differences, and

separation from family, which may, in turn, result in increased

levels of acculturative stress among undocumented immigrants in

9


comparison with their documented counterparts,” (Arbona, et al.

363). Even though all immigrants, whether documented or

undocumented, share these acculturative stressors, specific

experiences and the ways in which these challenges are met mark

the subtle, yet significant disparities within these two groups.

As a result, attitudes and behaviors are shaped according to how

an immigrant places him or herself (or group) within the larger

context of society’s social fabric.

For example, when asking Interviewee #1, a 20-year old

female who immigrated illegally from Costa Rica at the age of 3

but who has recently received legal status, whether it was hard

to integrate socially with her American peers, she responded by

explaining that most of her peers did not know that she was

unauthorized and therefore was always having to bear the burden

of a secret (Appendix B, Figure 3.2). This need to “hide” her

undocumented identity had a tremendous influence on the

interviewee’s lack of relationship with undocumented immigrants

in order to maintain her outward perception of being legal. She

went on to explain that even though she was at the top of her

graduating class and had a lot of American friends, little things

10


like being asked for a social security number made her feel

“alienated” and embarrassed”, despite her perfect English,

excellent academic achievement, and overall Americanized

lifestyle (Appendix B, Figure 3.1). This demonstrates how even

though the interviewee was, in fact, undocumented, she had to

distance herself from other undocumented peers in order to

achieve and maintain a certain level of respect and prestige.

Furthermore, it shows how the interviewee had to internalize the

attitudes that non-immigrants have toward undocumented

immigration to prevent her from being perceived as the unwanted

“other” (Barrett, and Roedinger). Simply put, she had to pick

whether she wanted to be white or not white.

Interestingly, Interviewee #2, a 56 year old male who

immigrated legally from Cuba over 18 years ago, shared that even

though he does maintain daily contact with undocumented

immigrants and has no fear of associating with them, the

relationship is kept within the parameters of employee-to-

employer labor interactions. He went on to explain that because

their cultures and lifestyles are so different, it becomes very

difficult to share a common bond even though they’re both

11


Hispanic immigrants (Appendix B, Figure 4.1). The interviewee,

who runs a janitorial company, understands that the nature of his

business demands low-skill, low-wage labor that most undocumented

workers are willing to do. His form of social distancing is

proven, however, with the way he spoke of his undocumented

employees. By doing things like giving them financial advice,

providing them legal guidance, and offering a job secures the

interviewee as still being in a level of power over the

undocumented employees (Appendix B, Figure 4.2). His authority

overshadows his sympathy and, as a result, the interviewee is

pulled away from the “other” and towards the powerful “us”.

Historically, labor relations have been one of they key

mechanisms for how immigrants groups have been able to straddle

the ethnic boundary to become more “white” and be able to

structurally assimilate with society (Roedinger). Similar to the

first interviewee, interviewee #2 was also forced to choose

between these two polarized sides, subsequently choosing to

distance himself away from the other in order to preserve his

sense of authority.

12


Though the interviewees represented the two sides of

immigration, both demonstrated that their need to socially

distance themselves from undocumented immigrants was driven by

the need to secure their sense of dominance; it was a way to

distinguish themselves as being different than their illegal

counterparts. By choosing to separate themselves socially from

undocumented immigrants, they were able to escape the

stigmatization that exists around contemporary Hispanic

immigration. Unknowingly, however, they were also contributing to

the maintenance of the supremacy of “whiteness”, and thus, adding

to the polarization of race in the US. Though their intentions

were selfish and harmless in nature, their decisions and

attitudes reflect a greater social phenomenon that characterizes

how groups are pushed and pulled across boundaries of race and

ethnicity in order to gain the benefits associated with one

particular group. In short, racial polarization has trickled down

to affect immigrants and immigrant groups on a more micro level

in order to combat the negative associations of undocumented

immigration. Ironically, this transition of social distancing in

the context of immigration suggests that even though the US

13


population is becoming more diverse, racial polarization will

sustain its influence because of unchanging socioeconomic factors

that distribute benefits unevenly across “us” and “them”.

14


Appendix A

Table 1. Views on Social Distance %

Have you interacted socially, like going out to lunch or a movie, with aHispanic person in the last month?

Yes 46.48No 52.63Off (did not respond) .99

If several Non-white families with about same income and education as you moved into your neighborhood, would you mindit?

A lot 0.66A little 10.86Not at all 87.83Off (did not respond) 0.66

Think of the five people with whom you interact with the moston analmost daily basis. Of these five, how many are Latino?

0 65.461 20.072 6.913 4.284 1.325 0.99Off (did not respond) 0.99

Source: Soci122 Course Survey, n=304

15


Table 2. Views on Undocumented Immigration %

Just in general…how sympathetic would you say you are toward immigrantsWho are in the United States illegally?

Strongly Sympathetic 41.12Somewhat Sympathetic 21.38Neither Sympathetic, Nor Unsympathetic 14.80Somewhat Unsympathetic 14.80Strongly Unsympathetic 7.57Off (Did not respond) 0.33

Undocumented Immigrants should be given a path to citizenship.

Strongly Agree 44.08Somewhat Agree 33.88Neither Agree, Nor Disagree 11.84Somewhat Disagree 6.58Strongly Disagree 3.29Off (Did not respond) 0.33

Do you agree or disagree with the following statement: DiscriminationAgainst Undocumented immigrants is NOT a problem in the US.

Strongly Agree 43.09Somewhat Agree 27.63

16


Neither Agree, Nor Disagree 17.76Somewhat Disagree 6.58Strongly Disagree 3.95Off (Did not respond) 0.99

Source: Soci122 Course Survey, n=304

Appendix B

Figure 3.1

Interviewee is a 20-year old female studying at the University of

North Carolina at Chapel Hill. She was born in Costa Rica and

immigrated illegally to Lincolnton, NC (outside of Charlotte)

when she was 3 years old with her three older siblings and her

parents. She recently received authorized status during her

senior year of high school three years ago after her mother

remarried someone who has American citizenship.

17


Can you tell me more about some of the experiences you’ve had being both a legal and

an illegal immigrant?

“Being an illegal immigrant, at first, especially someone

like me who moved to the US at a very young age creates an

interesting identity. I feel American but at the same time,

when I was illegal, I was always limited in the

opportunities I had being in this country. I remember

Feeling so alienated something when people would ask for my

social security number since I didn’t have one. It made me

feel like I didn’t belong here even though I consider the US

my home and I would never even think twice about leaving and

returning to Costa Rica. Especially with my American

friends, which I had a lot of. I would feel embarrassed a

lot, because like, since I was a high-achieving student, I

didn’t want people to think that I didn’t have papers. I was

just like everyone else in so many ways, but so different in

a really important way.”

18


Figure 3.2

How do you think your life would have been different if you hadn’t received authorized

status? Do you think these differences in experiences make it hard for legal and illegal

immigrants to integrate and share a broader “immigrant” identity?

“If I hadn’t gotten my papers my senior year I would have

been stuck working in a factory with false papers, which is

what my dad was doing before he died when I was 16. This

left me and mom and my older siblings in a really hard

situation because he was the one that was bringing home the

bacon. My mom couldn’t work because she had a lot of back

problems, which limited any options of her working in jobs

where most illegal immigrants work. So in a way, she had no

choice but to remarry someone very quickly after my father

died so that we could get papers and so that I could go to

school.”

“I feel guilty sometimes because I know my mom was pressured

to remarry to make sure I could get an education. I know

19


that her and her new husband aren’t in love. The

relationship is more of a civil partnership…it’s kind of sad

really. I wish she didn’t have to forcefully marry someone

just so that I wouldn’t end up working in a factory for the

rest of my life. Legal immigrants don’t have to deal with

that. Their process to integrate into American society is so

much less dramatic. Granted, it’s definitely not smooth, but

they don’t have sacrifice as much.”

Figure 4.1

Interviewee is a 56-year old male working in a managerial

position. He was born in Cuba and immigrated to the US legally

through a government program when he was 35 years old. He

immigrated with his wife and two daughters. He applied and

received his citizenship in 2002 after living in the country for

seven years.

Is it hard for you and others that have immigrated legally to be friends and share

experiences and/or identities with those that have come here illegally?

20


“Well.... It’s not that it’s hard to be friends. It’s more

like people like me who are legal don’t want to associate

with people who are illegal because we don’t want others to

think that we are illegal too. I know that sounds bad

because, you know, it’s not like I have a lot of American

friends either. But I’ve lived here for 18 years and did

everything that I was supposed to make sure that I could

have that “American life”. It’s hard to bond with illegal

immigrant—even though we share similar experiences—because

it takes away from the American life that I came here for.”

Figure 4.2

Can you tell me about some of the experiences you’ve had with illegal immigration and

how that has affected your opinion about immigration in general?

21


“Well you know I work for a company that hires mostly

illegal immigrants. With the kind of labor like cleaning and

maintenance, most people don’t want to work in that

environment. So we really have no choice but to hire low

skill minorities because they’re the only ones willing to

the job. Most if not all of the illegal immigrants I know

have been my employees. But…the bad part about it is that

most tend to be illegal with bought papers. It’s hard for me

because it’s a liability. I don’t want to get in trouble for

hiring these people, but at the same time, if I don’t hire

them, I won’t have a company.”

“Being their boss, you start to nurture them and care for

them in a way that almost makes you feel like your helping

them out because you know they have no else. Well…they’re

from different countries but we still speak Spanish and are

immigrants. I feel like I’m the middle-man between their

illegal status and their limited opportunities, and the

American citizen that has privileges. I give them advice

22


about things like financial responsibility and little things

like that. It's really hard for me. I came from a country

where living conditions are terrible and there are no

opportunities, just like them. But I was lucky. In the end

though, I know that they will never be more than just my

employee because my culture is so different from theirs.”

References

Arbona, C., Overa, N., Rodriguez, N., Hagan, J., Linares, A., &

Wiesner, M. “Acculturative Stress Among Documented and

Undocumented Latino Immigrants in the United States.”

Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 32.3 (2010): 362-384. Web.

Barrett, James R., and David Roedinger. “Inbetween peoples: Race,

nationality and the ‘new immigrant’ working class.” Journal of

American Ethnic History. 16.3 (1997): 3-45. Web.

Bean, Frank D. and Jennifer Lee. “Reinventing the Color Line:

Immigration and America’s new Racial/Ethnic Divide.” Social

Forces. 86.2 (2003): 561-580. Web.

23


Jiminez, Tomas R. “Mexican Immigrant Replenishment and the

Continuing Significance of Ethnicity and Race.” American

Journal of Sociology. 113.6 (2008): 1527-1567. Web.

Roedinger, David. “A Vast Amount of Coercion: The Ironies of

Immigration Restriction.” Working Towards Whiteness: How America’s

Immigrants Became White. New York, NY: Basic Books, 2005. Print.

24

Undocumented Immigration: The “Trickle-Down” Effect of Social Distancing and Racial Polarization

Documents

Transcript of Undocumented Immigration: The “Trickle-Down” Effect of Social Distancing and Racial Polarization