Post on 07-Jan-2023
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‘Mediated Persona’ and Hong Kong Stars:
Negotiating Mainland Celebrity
Amanda Weiss
University of Tokyo, Japan
Using Corner’s theory (2003) of the mediated persona, this article analyses
the image construction of Hong Kong stars Jackie Chan and Andy Lau. It will
ask, how have these Hong Kong stars negotiated Mainland Chinese stardom,
particularly since the time of the handover in 1997? In what ways do the
personae of these stars seek to appeal to Mainland fans and markets? The
article will argue that Chan’s Mainland persona has been constructed through
a nationalist approach: he is seen wearing traditional Chinese clothing,
confronting the perceived Western power of Hollywood, and has made
statements in support of Mainland Chinese policies. In contrast, while Lau’s
Mainland persona also foregrounds ‘Chineseness’, it shies away from the
explicitly political. Rather, Lau’s Mainland persona reinforces his Asian (as
opposed to global) star image since it appeals to Chinese consumer dreams
and moral ideals.
Keywords: Jackie Chan, Andy Lau, star image, mediated persona, Chinese
stardom
Introduction
From the late 1970s, the Hong Kong entertainment industry dominated China’s popular
imagination. Thomas B. Gold (1993, pp.909-910) notes that Hong Kong media began
penetrating China’s market after the open-door policy. At that time, the Mainland was
largely a repository of Hong Kong and Taiwanese culture—Hong Kong and Taiwanese
star power was so absolute that even anti-Communists like Taiwanese singer Teresa Teng
were very popular in China in the late 1970’s.1 Thus from the late 1970s, China provided
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
the market and Hong Kong and Taiwan provided the commodities: the talent (Gold 1993,
pp. 923).
Hong Kong delivered the Mainland’s chief source of glamourous celebrities via
bootleg tapes, VCDs, DVDs and official imports. Their slick film productions, exciting
narratives, and highly developed star system were the Mainland’s dominant source of star
culture for the first few decades of economic reform. Yet after 30 years of a market
economy and enormous changes in the organisation of its domestic entertainment
industry, Mainland China has developed its own star system. From once ‘borrowing’ its
stars from Hong Kong, China is now creating its own. Mainlanders like Zhou Xun, Zhao
Wei, Jiang Wen, and Zhang Ziyi have displaced many Hong Kong movie stars, who can
no longer expect monolithic popularity in Chinese markets.
Yet at the same time, the slow ‘death’ of the Hong Kong film industry has led
Hong Kong entertainers to move northwards. A mixture of lackluster and repetitive
filmmaking, overexpansion, and economic woes ended the Golden era of Hong Kong
cinema in the early 1990s. From dominating Asia’s entertainment, Hong Kong now finds
itself reliant on China. The Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement of 2004, which
reclassified Hong Kong films as Mainland productions, provided some much-needed
economic support to the ailing industry (Zhu and Nakajima 2010, pp. 33). As Laikwan
Pang (2007, pp. 416) suggests, “…in the last decade Hong Kong film companies have
downplayed the emphasis on the local market, as the China market becomes increasingly
dominant.” Add to this a desire to capitalise on China’s seemingly endless market, and it
is no wonder that since the handover of Hong Kong, many stars have begun focusing on
Mainland markets (Coonan 2009, online).
This study explores the ways in which Hong Kong stars negotiate Mainland
stardom through their star image. In other words, how are the personae of Hong Kong
stars constructed to appeal to Mainland markets? I focus on two Hong Kong stars in the
Mainland market—local actor/singer star Andy Lau and international action film star
Jackie Chan. I choose these two stars as they are both older male Hong Kong stars who
enjoy a great deal of exposure and popularity in Mainland China. Concentrating on their
constructed star images, this study will analyse the different ways by which Andy Lau
and Jackie Chan’s personae are mediated to appeal to the Mainland market.
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
Mediated Persona
John Corner discusses how the personae of politicians are mediated through staged
political performances. He argues that while we often adjust our personae even in our
private lives, politicians are special in the scale and impact of their persona building. He
states,
The self-presentation of politicians, however, is widely seen to be distinctive
as a result of the scale of its projection…the degree of self-conscious strategy
attending its planning and performance, the intensity of its interaction with
media systems, and the degree to which certain personal qualities are seen not
merely to enhance but to underwrite political values (Corner 2003, pp. 68).
A politician’s persona, as well as that of other public figures, relies heavily on the media
for its wide-reaching impact. The projection of self for a politician is further used to
emphasise the political legitimacy of the candidate.
The public and private unite at this point of the projection of self, blurring the line
between public sphere and private sphere. Corner demonstrates the ways in which
different spheres of action interact. These spheres include political institutions and
processes, the private sphere, and the sphere of the public and popular. He notes that the
sphere of the public and popular is “the space of a demonstrable representativeness”
(Corner 2003, pp. 74). In effect, this is where the politician presents their persona. Within
this sphere there are two distinctions. The place where the private sphere and the public
sphere intersect is where the politician shows their private persona to the public. On the
other hand, the place where the sphere of political institutions and the public sphere
intersect is where the politician shows their political persona to the public, or where other
organised bodies criticise, analyse or otherwise represent the politician publicly.
Corner further delineates the three types of mediations that take place in political
presentation: iconic, vocal and kinetic. Iconic mediations are situations such as the posed
photograph, in other words, the politician’s clothing choice, haircut, facial expression,
and physical behaviour. Vocal mediations are forms of public address—both the way in
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
which the speaker performs and what they say are important elements of the mediated
persona. Finally, there is the kinetic element. With this, Corner refers to ‘high’ and ‘low’
politics, such as the politician’s participation in glamorous international conferences as
contrasted with visits to factories. This stems from the politician’s desire to reach a varied
range of constituents and political groups by appealing to a wide stratum of society. The
mixture of these three elements leads to the construction of the mediated persona (Corner
2003, pp. 69).
Corner’s concept of mediated personae applies to stars as well. Like politicians,
celebrities 2 often construct their star image by strategically managing public
representations of their professional and private personae. Richard Dyer (2004, pp.2)
touches upon the multiple ways in which star images are created:
A film star’s image is not just his or her films, but the promotion of those
films and of the star through pin-ups, public appearances, studio hand-outs
and so on, as well as interviews, biographies and coverage in the press of the
stars’ doings and ‘private’ life.
Thus, a star’s persona is created via the various iconic, vocal and kinetic
mediations presented to audiences in the sphere of the public and popular. This
presentation of multiple selves can be problematic. Chris Rojek (2001, pp. 10-11) notes
that while the presentation of the persona is always staged, the divide between the ‘star’
self and the ‘real’ self can become blurry and indistinct for both the star and audiences
alike. Additionally, the institution of celebrity shares much in common with democratic
political systems. Stardom is based on popularity, which is at its core an election. Both
Marshall (2004) and Rojek discuss celebrity’s relationship to democratic culture:
celebrity is legitimised by the support of popular culture (Marshall, pp. 7, Rojek 2001,
pp. 9). A celebrity is like a politician as they attempt to appeal to audience members and
gain their support. Audience members are ‘consumer-voters’—by purchasing media
about the star, by attending their films or buying their DVD’s, they are in essence
‘voting’ for the star.
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
Corner’s theory is also fitting in that the relationship between Hong Kong and
China, even for stars, is also political. After the handover of Hong Kong in 1997, many
Hong Kong stars faced a political choice of alliances. Do they remain in Hong Kong to
see where the handover would lead the entertainment industry? Do they position
themselves to appeal to the US/European markets? Do they appeal to the Mainland
market? In the case of the Mainland, how do they negotiate the different political systems
and socio-cultural attitudes to appeal to a new audience without alienating homegrown
fans? Exploring further, how do these stars use iconic, vocal and kinetic mediations to
achieve their goals? This study will attempt to answer some of these questions.
Mainland Chinese Stardom
Chinese fandom is tied to the conventions of pan-Asian stardom. According to Bertha
Chin (2007, pp.216), Asian fandom is star-centric, not character-centric. She argues,
We constantly return to the figure of the star (such as Jackie Chan or Leon
Lai) as the object of (Asian) fan adoration rather than a specific filmic text or
genre. Even within the space of the Internet, websites and forums are mostly
geared towards an actor rather than a film.
Stars throughout Asia are often double and ‘triple-threat’ singer/actor/TV personalities—
a context that reinforces the focus on the individual as star.3 Further, all dialects of
Chinese are mutually intelligible in their written forms. Such linguistic availability
weakens the distinctions among Chinese regional stardoms. Cantonese speakers in Hong
Kong are largely aware of Jackie Chan’s Mainland persona, and interviews he conducts
in China affect his reception in Hong Kong. The Internet and fan translations (the
‘globalisation of fandom’) further obliterate distinctions in local stardom. However, there
are important and subtle ways in which Mainland stardom is distinct from the rest of East
Asia, and in particular, Hong Kong.
Hong Kong and Chinese audiences interpret stars slightly differently. In a study
by Yue and Cheung, the authors used interviews and surveys with 826 high school
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
students from Hong Kong and Nanjing to investigate each region’s criteria of fandom and
idol worship. They found that Chinese idol worship is generally based on “identification
with or romantic attachment to idol figures for intimacy and identity formation” (2000,
pp. 92). Hong Kong idols were perceived as “carefree and hedonistic” by young
mainlanders, who have received an education populated by ideological heroes that
promote a strong sense of social responsibility and altruistic behaviour (Yue and Cheung
2000, pp. 92). The researchers further suggested that young Mainland Chinese find it
difficult to differentiate between role models and idols, and that they are more likely to
appreciate a star that projects a simple lifestyle, humble background, and altruistic
tendencies (Yue and Cheung 2000, pp. 97). As Corner says, for a personality to be judged
to be a “person of qualities… The projection of an optimal political self will often require
careful attention to popular values...” (Corner 2003, pp. 75). Hong Kong stars must—to a
certain extent—note and project Mainland Chinese values to be successful in that market.
The results of this study should not suggest a simple binary—Lau and Chan have
invoked the model/hard worker narrative in both markets. Further, according to Wing-Fai
Leung (2007, pp. 32), Hong Kong audiences interpret younger and older stars differently.
Younger stars are often considered less trained and less talented than the stars of Hong
Kong’s 1980’s golden era. Their popularity is also viewed as manufactured and reliant
on heavy promotion. Meanwhile, audiences often attribute the talent and professionalism
of older stars (including Lau and Chan) to years of training and effort—in essence, they
succeeded due to hard work. Despite this, the aforementioned study may suggest that the
hard working role model narrative is especially admired in Mainland China. Gold and
Chin propose further factors that contribute to Mainland success. Originally, the
popularity of Hong Kong and Taiwanese actor/singers in China was based on five
criteria: popularity, novelty, content, ‘Chineseness,’ and escapism (Gold and Chin 1993,
pp. 913-915). ‘Chineseness,’ which comes with ties to either overt or latent Chinese
nationalism, has long been a successful strategy for Mainland success. (pp. 922).4
Therefore, we can conclude that some elements of Mainland stardom include:
actor/singer-centric appeal, role model behaviour, patriotism/ethnic ‘Chineseness,’ and
entertainment appeal (how talented/skilled at performing the stars are perceived). Hong
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
Kong stars aiming for Mainland popularity often express these qualities in their iconic,
vocal and kinetic appearances.5
In terms of the focus on the Mainland market, age is an important complicating
factor for both Chan and Lau. Due to changing consumption practices, audiences might
not ‘consume’ older stars through their films or music. Leung argues that while many
young Hong Kongese were very familiar with Chan and Lau, they had seen few if any of
the films featuring the two actors (Leung 2007, pp. 31). The star images of older stars
like Lau and Chan are shaped through paparazzi images, magazine interviews, and
television appearances. Moreover, Lau and Chan, as ageing actors, must change their
personae to match their ageing bodies. Chan no longer has the ability to perform his
physical tricks with the same vigour; Lau is no longer a boyish idol. According to Chris
Holmlund (2010, pp. 101), Jackie Chan’s target audience has long been composed of
youth (teenagers and 20-somethings) and his stardom depends heavily on his physical
abilities. As such, his ageing has manifested itself in certain ways—fewer daring martial
arts, scarcer romantic scenes, more scenes with characters older than himself.6 Both Lau
and Chan’s images must be renegotiated—how has that occurred in a new political
climate and in the face of ageing?
In examining Andy Lau and Jackie Chan, I will first look at the Mandarin
language filmography of the two stars and highlight different approaches to targeting
Mainland audiences. I will then analyse Chan and Lau’s iconic/vocal mediations in
interviews and Beijing Olympic music videos. Finally, I will summarise how each stars’
filmic and personal appearances reveal the highly-structured process of Mainland
personae building, and the ways in which these mediations demonstrate representational
strategies in targeting the Mainland.
Jackie Chan
Jackie Chan’s career has undergone a series of persona changes. Nien-Ying Wang (2005)
divides Chan’s career into three stages up to the 1990s. Chan first rose to fame as a
comedic version of the folk hero Wong Feihung. Then, from the 1980s, he became a
‘sophisticated city cop’ in films such as Police Story. As 1997 approached, Chan became
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
an international figure in movies such as First Strike (Wang 2005, pp. 21-30). Kwan-
Pang Lai (2007) notes a similar local to global transformation in the mid 1990s. Chan
became the Tourism Ambassador for Hong Kong and his identity shifted from a ‘colonial
identity’ (his ‘loyal civil servant’ character of the 1980’s) to a global identity
(international co-productions from the late 1990’s to the present). Chan, as Hong Kong’s
Tourism Ambassador and its most globally famous actor, thus emerged as a
representational figure for Hong Kong (Pang 2007, pp. 206, Fore 2001, pp. 131-132). In
the follow-up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Chan became one of the most visible
representatives of the games, thereby further expanding his ‘representative identity’ to
encompass not only Hong Kong, but also all of China.
Now, Chan is once again reinventing himself for the Mainland market by re-
defining his ‘Chineseness.’ According to Steve Fore (1997, pp. 253), as he cultivated his
popularity:
Jackie Chan had to establish himself as a Chinese, and even more
specifically, a Hong Kong star. He did so in part by developing a screen
persona that corresponds in important ways with traits and behaviours that
are virtuous in Hong Kong.
I would further argue that Chan has long since begun a process of renegotiating his Hong
Kong Chineseness into a larger pan-Chineseness that encompasses the entire Chinese
diaspora. This is a complex process. While Chan may still appeal to Hong Kong
audiences somewhat as a ‘Hong Kong star,’ his pan-China persona may usurp and de-
legitimise his ‘localised’ Chineseness to some extent.
The disparity between Chan’s Greater China and US personae are clear. In Hong
Kong, Taiwan and China, Chan has a reputation as a ‘lady’s man,’ inattentive father,
political loudmouth, and respected film industry ‘big gun.’ In the US he is considered to
be a clownish though compelling and likable kungfu comedian. There is little interest in
Chan’s private or sexual life in the United States, and he uses this disinterest to create a
clean, desexualised, and comedic image. Meanwhile, Chan’s Hong Kong and Mainland
personae largely converge due to language. Mandarin and Cantonese are mutually
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
recognisable via Chinese characters, and most of Chan’s interviews and appearances are
subtitled in Chinese to make them accessible to both markets. Nevertheless, Chan’s
recent interviews, declining popularity in Hong Kong, and frequently outspoken
appearances in Mainland media suggest a specific and concerted effort to construct a
Mainland-targeted persona. As will be discussed below, after conquering the US market
in the mid 1990s, Jackie Chan turned his attention to the Mainland market through
concerts, commercials and Mandarin language films.
Andy Lau
Lau’s childhood was—like Chan’s—characterised by poverty and persistence. After
years on Hong Kong television, Lau broke into cinema and wider success in the late
1980s, also developing his own production company in the process. Unlike Chan, Lau
first developed as a TV star/idol, then a movie star/idol, and later as a ‘serious actor’
known for his.physical attractiveness and charm. His concerts are frequent record
breakers in the Mainland, and he was one of the ‘Four Heavenly Kings’ of Cantopop in
the early 1990s. Further, also unlike Chan, Lau is known for his filial piety and strong
family life: he lives next door to his father and has remained with the same woman for
over twenty years (Gough 2004).
Another important difference between Chan and Lau is that Lau is primarily an
Asian star. For lack of a better term, I use ‘local’ as Lau appears almost exclusively on
Hong Kong and Mainland markets, and to a lesser extent, in other Asian markets. Lau
appears regularly on Hong Kong, Taiwanese and Chinese television and until the mid
2000s, he was a frequent recipient of Hong Kong music awards and other recognitions—
as of 2005, his concert ticket sales in Hong Kong outsold Chan’s (though this is not
entirely surprising—Lau’s persona is based on his singing career). Chan, as China’s
‘global' ambassador, is more visible internationally. In Forbes China’s list of the most
powerful celebrities in Mainland China, Lau is third to Jackie Chan’s first (Flannery and
Chen 2010, online). Chan’s global power trumps Lau’s local power in terms of name
recognition and net worth.
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& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
Yet like Chan, Lau also modulates his Chineseness to better target each market.
According to Erni,
In 1995, he ‘resurrected’ [the song] ‘Last Night on the Star Ferry’ in order to
rekindle an emotional sense of local belonging [in Hong Kong]….And in
1997 on the eve of the historical handover, he released ‘Chinese’ and used it
to heavy-drum his way into the affective spaces that crossed over new and old
patriotic feelings (2007, pp. 98).
Lau is thus able to appeal to Hong Kong audiences through nostalgic songs depicting the
local imagery of Hong Kong’s Star Ferry, while concurrently appealing to pan-
Chineseness through lyrics describing a vague sense of a shared ethnicity and past. The
lyrics to ‘Chinese’ (1997) focus on the ‘we’ as in ‘we Chinese’: “We will keep them in
our hears/The same blood, the same seed…There is no you or I/We step forward/Let the
world know that we are Chinese” (Erni 2007, pp. 103). In other words, a seemingly
political7 song like ‘Chinese’ stays on the affective side of national/ethnic identity,
whereas Jackie Chan more directly confronts the Hong Kong/China relationship in his
interviews.
Finally, Lau’s Mainland persona often deviates from his Hong Kong persona in
terms of iconic mediation. The Hong Kong audience’s preference for youthfulness8
means that Lau’s physical presentation there focuses more on projecting youth through
trendiness. He tends to wear casual street wear (tee-shirts, sneakers) on Hong Kong
television. On the other hand, Lau frequently appears on Mainland television in
expensive suits, perhaps tapping into rising consumer consciousness there.
Filmographies
The following section aims to track the stars’ shift to Mainland film markets. While
Cantonese films have long been dubbed into Mandarin, new Mandarin productions are
important as they suggest a concerted effort to more directly appeal to Mainland markets.
With the decline of the Hong Kong industry and the rise of the Mainland industry, it is
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
important to note the ways in which Hong Kong stars focus more specifically on the
Mainland market.
Beginning in the mid 1990s and fueled by his ‘conquering’ of the US market,
Jackie Chan began almost exclusively making transnational co-productions. 1999’s
Gorgeous was a Hong Kong/Taiwan co-production, while Jackie Chan’s First Strike
(1996) was a Hong Kong/Russia/US/Australia production. Surprisingly, Chan took a long
time to fully commit to the Mainland market both linguistically and financially. Chan’s
first fully Mandarin language production was The Myth (2005), while his first official
China co-production was the English-language The Forbidden Kingdom (2008), funded
partially by China Film Co-Production Company and Huayi Brothers. The film starred
Mainland stars Mainland actors Jet Li and Liu Yifei. Chan also had a very minor role in
the Chinese propaganda film The Founding of a Republic (2009), which was created to
commemorate the 60th anniversary of the CCP. Little Big Soldier (2010) was Chan’s
second Mainland film (also a Hong Kong co-production). His 100th film, 1911 (2011), is
a dramatic telling of Sun Yat-sen’s story. Notably, Chan chose the biography of a
Chinese figure beloved across the Chinese diaspora as his 100th film. The Mainland
branch of Chan’s Jackie and JJ productions funded the film, and the film largely stars
Taiwanese and Mainland stars.
Yet while Chan has only just of late (2005) begun transitioning to Mainland co-
productions and Mandarin-language film productions, this does not suggest earlier
disinterest in the Mainland market. Chan’s Chinese commercial work, concerts, and
appearances began soon after 1997. He frequently headlines massive star-studded
Mainland concerts such as ‘Jackie and Friends.’9 However, his recent and renewed
interest in Chinese film markets demonstrates increased emphasis on the Mainland. It is
clear that Chan has recently developed further interest in focusing and expanding his
popularity in China.
Meanwhile, Andy Lau moved tentatively into the Mainland market, beginning his
career in China with the film Fascination Amour (1999), a minor movie with little critical
or public acclaim. His next venture into Mainland productions was far more important:
the Mainland/Hong Kong co-production House of Flying Daggers (2004). This film was
directed by Zhang Yimou and starred pan-Asian star Takeshi Kaneshiro and Mainland
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& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
star Zhang Ziyi. Flying Daggers was a co-production with funding drawn from three
Mainland and two Hong Kong production companies. Lau’s second, and most influential
Mainland film to date, was Feng Xiaogang’s A World Without Thieves (2004). The film
was a box office smash, with a budget of 1.4 million RMB and a box office of 120
million RMB (A World 2010, online). Lau’s choice of Zhang Yimou and Feng Xiaogang-
directed films signaled a conscious move towards Mainland cinema. Zhang Yimou is the
Mainland’s most ‘global’ director, a filmmaker who commands immense international
visibility and domestic respect. Meanwhile, Feng Xiaogang is China’s most popular
director, a filmmaker who seemingly has his finger on the pulse of what Chinese
audiences want. By choosing to make high-profile Mandarin-language films with China’s
top artistic and commercial directors, Lau demonstrated a resolute move towards
Mainland audiences.
Lau’s following transnational productions were varied, but almost all were filmed
in Mandarin with Chinese co-funding. Battle of Wits (2006) had Japanese, Korean, Hong
Kong, and Chinese funding and was filmed in Mandarin. Brothers (2007) had Hong
Kong, Singapore, and Chinese funding and had scenes in a variety of languages,
including Mandarin. His next big Mainland production was Warlords (2007), funded by
China/Hong Kong, heavily promoted in the Mainland, and filmed in Mandarin. Three
Kingdoms (2008) was also recorded in Mandarin and funded by Hong Kong, Mainland
China, and South Korea. The Founding of a Republic (2009), a nationalistic 60th
anniversary film, featured Lau in a much larger role than Jackie Chan and was also
filmed in Mandarin with purely Chinese producers. Lau also appeared in the Mainland
film What Women Want (2011) directed by famous Chinese actor Chen Daming and co-
starring Gong Li. Thus, beginning in 2004, Lau made a clear shift to Mandarin language
Chinese co-productions.
Lau has also extended his hand into producing for the Mainland market. Through
‘Focus: First Cuts,’ Lau personally funded a series of digital films across Asia (Pang
2007, pp. 421). One of these films, Crazy Stone (2006), was immensely popular in
Mainland China and used Lau’s name heavily in promoting its early advertising. Pang
argues that Andy Lau helped ‘brand’ the project by overlapping his star image with the
film’s marketing (Pang 2007, pp. 418). Yet Lau also benefited from this branding—after
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
its success, Lau’s name was associated with the much-appreciated film. Thus, in
producing ‘local’ Chinese films like Crazy Stone (2006), Lau is an active participant and
supporter of the local Chinese film market.
Therefore, Lau’s Mainland film trajectory differs greatly from Chan’s. For the
past several years, Lau has focused on targeted local productions both at the acting level
(by working with China’s lead directors and recording solely in Mandarin), and at the
production level (by producing local Mainland productions like Crazy Stone (2006)).
Both men are producers, though Lau began investing in and strengthening ties between
his company and Mainland productions at a much earlier stage. Chan has only of late
begun to focus his attention more specifically on the Mainland market. This suggests in
part differing kinetic mediations—Lau appears in ‘local’ Chinese films, thereby
reinforcing his Chinese localness; Chan appears in both Chinese and international
productions, thus promoting a more ‘global’ persona.
Interviews
This section compares interviews by Lau and Chan from the TV program Artistic Life
and the men’s magazine China Esquire. Two dominant themes emerge in Chan’s
interviews: narratives of hard work paying off and support for Chinese nationalism. In his
January 19th, 2005 Artistic Life interview, Chan does not modestly reject the host’s
suggestion of his ‘legendary’ status. Surprising the audience, he agrees that he is a
‘legend,’ noting that his almost mythical rise from extreme poverty to international fame
occurred through painstaking effort.10 He discusses his troubled childhood, citing his
childhood of absolute poverty and harsh Peking Opera training. He notes that his only
source of fuel was his ambition, and that it took decades of work and diligence to succeed.
Chan also emphasises Chinese nationalism. In the same interview, he tells the
audience, “You look at all the films I have made, I have never ‘lost face’ for China.” At
this, the studio audience erupts in applause. He characterises his fame in the US as a one-
way relationship, with famous US stars bowing to him: “Some even, they even do this
when they see me [he motions kowtowing].” This narrative—of Americans bowing to a
Chinese national hero—in many ways evokes the desires of a rising Chinese global
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& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
power. His 2007 Esquire interview touches on similar themes. Chan downplays Hong
Kong local films and asserts the ascendancy of the Chinese market: “No matter how you
look at it, everyone is coming to the Mainland to develop. Now Hong Kong will only
film local flavour films.” He emphasises his Chinese citizenship: “When I got there, I
was in a second class situation. I had no self-confidence, no self-respect, no respect from
others…in China, at least I could be a first class citizen.” He criticises the US: “[A]ll of
China knows foreign things, but [Americans] only know one or two things…” He
laments foreign influence, lamenting, “I don’t know why foreigners are always invading
our markets.” As in his Artistic Life interview, Chan wears traditional Chinese clothing.
He also holds Chinese calligraphy brushes, and the graphic design of the magazine
emphasises traditional calligraphy-style text. Thus, the ‘iconic’ imagery of the interview
serves to emphasise the narrative of Chan as nationally and ethnically Chinese.
Both Chan’s Artistic Life and Esquire interviews focus attention on his hard work,
deserved success, and Chinese nationalism. In essence, the interviews posit Chan as a
metaphor for a newly emerging China. For Chan to navigate from global star to Chinese
national star, the West is a necessary Other—his Hollywood films were meaningless,
Westerners do not understand the ‘true meaning’ of Chinese culture, and Chan’s heart
belongs in China. By emphasizing that it is Americans/global society that look up to him,
Chan is inverting the original narrative (his early struggle in the US market), and
presenting himself as superior to the West. Chan’s tale represents a globalised China that,
after a period of struggle, is now commanding respect and even reverence from the world.
Three trends emerged in Lau’s Artistic Life and Esquire interviews. First of all,
humility is the defining component of his star image. Lau’s Artistic Life interview was
conducted with Tony Leung for the film Infernal Affairs 3 in December 2003. During the
interview, he comes to the aid of Tong Leung with self-deprecating humor—when the
host informs Leung that some audience members feel he cannot play a variety of
characters, Lau laughs, “Sounds like they are talking about me!” The audience erupts in
laughter, Leung smiles in relief, and a tense moment is resolved. Later in the interview,
Lau presents his talent as the result of hard work and not natural talent. He notes that he
worked for many years through criticism and negative feedback, and that through this
hard work he was able to improve. Further, Lau’s Esquire interview also emphasises his
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
humbleness. The first quote is: “I am a human. I am a man. I am an ordinary man.” The
interview highlights Lau’s ‘model worker’ nature, noting his arrival on time, his speed
and efficiency, and even the fact that he sends Christmas cards to friends and co-workers
without fail each year. Thus Lau’s hard worker image, unlike Chan’s, is characterised by
modesty. While both stars are clearly ‘hard workers,’ Lau changes the concept in an
important way. For Chan the focus is entirely on the self. He rarely, if ever,
acknowledges other stars as integral to his own success. His modesty is framed in terms
of his benevolent sharing of wealth, not in terms of his respect for other artists. Even
Chan’s Mainland concerts are called ‘Jackie Chan and Friends,’ with other artists
anonymous until they are paraded en masse for a short period of time onstage. In other
words, Chan’s hard work narrative is based on his uniqueness. Lau does not mind sharing
the stage, and it is this sharing that partially shapes his persona as a star compatible with
the larger entertainment family. Lau’s frequent statements about hard work as the key to
success, mixed with his modest downplaying of himself, align him more seamlessly with
‘model workers’ like Lei Feng.
Secondly, also unlike Chan, Lau attempts to sidestep provocative political
questions. In Artistic Life he is asked if he would prefer a Hong Kong award or an
international award. Lau pauses, laughs uncomfortably, then asks why the interviewer
would ask such a question. Finally, he diplomatically chooses the ‘local’ response: he
would prefer a Hong Kong award first. Afterwards he attempts to move the conversation
away from this topic. Lau’s quick rejection of political questions suggests that sensitive
political issues are not a part of his star image.
Thirdly, in terms of iconic mediation, Lau’s Mainland image is cosmopolitan. In
Esquire, Lau wears Western-style leather jackets and fitted suits, his poses similar to
young fashion models in high-end advertisements. He looks fashionable, slim, and
surprisingly boyish for a man of nearly 50 years. As in many other magazines, he is
filmed in classic black and white and in somewhat insouciant poses. His poses suggest
modernity and wealth.11 In stark contrast to Chan’s appeal to Chinese ethnic and national
identity, Lau’s physical representation is fairly unremarkable. There are three possible
explanations: Perhaps Lau, as a former idol, is associated with modern fashion. Or, as a
local Chinese star, he might not need to defend his Chineseness with Tang-dynasty
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
clothing. Finally, the magazine may be appealing to the burgeoning materialism of the
Chinese middle classes through Lau.
Olympic Videos
In the lead-up to the Beijing 2008 Olympics, Jackie Chan and Andy Lau both recorded
official Olympics theme songs. Chan’s theme song was the main theme song for the
Olympics, ‘Beijing Welcomes You.’ His video played repeatedly on the subways and
televisions to international audiences before, during and long after the Olympics. The
lyrics of the song are simple and apolitical, emphasizing the hospitality and beauty of
China. Chan sings the phrase, “Welcome to Beijing, we will show you a brand new
place.”
Chan is the first to sing, ‘Beijing welcomes you’ and also the last singer pictured.
His appearance is dramatic and striking—he emerges against a backdrop of mountains
and the Great Wall, his back to the camera. We can see the official logo of the Olympics
over his shoulder. Chan begins to sing, turning around slowly, holding his arms out in
welcome to the camera as the official ambassador to China. The several dozen other stars
from Greater China are all at ground level, usually in front of buildings. Thus Chan’s
presentation here evokes a mixture of his Chinese national hero and ‘big brother’
persona, as well as his benevolence as a kindly, welcoming ambassador in an elevated
position on the Great Wall. In addition to his height and central importance as the first to
sing, ‘Beijing welcomes you,’ he is also clearly acknowledged for his international fame
and status as the Big Brother of the Chinese entertainment industry.
As the main representative for the 2008 Paralympics, Andy Lau released his own
Olympics theme song, ‘Everyone is No. 1.’ He did not participate in Chan’s star-studded
epic ‘Beijing Welcomes You.’ While both Lau and Chan emphasise their Chineseness by
participating in China’s 2008 Olympic media, Lau’s presentation differs in many ways.
His music video is both more personable and less political, suggesting a general message
of goodwill outside of the nationalistic framework. The song relates a broad personal tale
of struggle and determination with no specific references to China. The main lyrics are:
“My road isn’t your road, my pain isn’t your pain, each person has hidden abilities…We
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
need to be calm and keep on running forward! Everyone is No. 1!” In the music video, a
car hits a postal worker (played by Lau), who loses his leg. The story relates the worker’s
struggle against the odds, commitment to hard work, and fight towards eventual success.
Lau’s character first reflects on the past, from working as a postal worker to being hit by
a car and losing his leg. This is a new image of a tragic Everyman Lau, who usually plays
glamorous gangsters. This is followed by a montage of his regret—past successes and
medals—which is followed by a montage of his eventual redemption. He slowly
improves his running, begins to mentor a paralysed boy, and finally succeeds in the race.
The video particularly stresses Lau’s emergence as a benevolent mentor whose struggle
inspires another paralysed boy to walk.
Since the song emphasises ‘everyone,’ it presents Lau as an apolitical Everyman.
Lau plays the main character—as such, he ‘becomes’ the injured character, an intimate
choice that emphasises his humanity and likability. The film opens with a shocking
image: Lau sits in a locker in athletic gear, one of his legs replaced by an artificial limb.
The camera lingers on his image. It is shocking to see the charismatic, handsome idol
injured and dejected. Lau plays a postal worker, a government worker who is one of the
‘people,’ further shortening the distance between Lau and the audience. By playing such
an ‘average’ person, Lau becomes a normal, accessible human being. In addition to
iconic mediation, this is also a form of kinetic mediation. Lau is not only suave and
debonair at galas and in fashion magazines, but he can also be a regular person
susceptible to injury.
Lau and Chan’s mediated personae in these two videos mainly demonstrate
differing approaches to Chineseness. Lau is a strictly Chinese hero: he works with
Mainland directors, he produces purely Chinese films, and he speaks Mandarin in his
films and interviews with a high level of fluency. In addition, Lau makes films with
Greater China funding, a choice that further demonstrates his commitment to the local
community. In his Olympic video he is not above the crowds, he is part of the crowd, and
the wounds of a simple Chinese postal worker are his wounds. Andy Lau is thus a pan-
Chinese star whose image enforces his Mainland Chinese persona by embedding him
further into the Chinese film industry and into the consciousness of Chinese fans. His
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
image manages this feat by emphasizing that he is one of them. As a result, unlike Jackie
Chan, Andy Lau does not need to define his persona politically.
Conclusion
Chan and Lau are both attempting to navigate increasing nationalism in China as the
country’s economic power expands. Chan, as a partially Westernised transnational star,
may need to reject his Western heritage and redefine his wealth/power as Confucian
benevolence to fit into the narrative of a rising China. Thus even though he is a ‘global’
star, his image must position him as a bastion of ‘Chineseness’ in an unfriendly
Hollywood (Western) system, a ‘big brother’ who will use his wealth to make ‘big
changes’ for the Chinese poor, who will represent Chinese culture to the international
masses. Yet there is limit to political machinations imposed by stardom: Chan’s more
explicit political overtures tend to inspire a rolling of the eyes. His declining popularity in
Hong Kong has been attributed to his paternalistic lecturing, which has intensified as he
ages/becomes more powerful. Chan tends to criticise Hong Kong citizens and admonish
them for what he considers to be poor behaviour, often expressing his dislike of
contemporary trends (such as hip hop) (Pang 2007, pp. 207). Further, his Mandarin
language interviews, previously unreleased in English, are now translated and uploaded
to Youtube and other sites. As his nationalistic Chinese persona bleeds into the American
market, Chan may find himself forced to reconcile his two personae—Western media has
already covered some of Chan’s recent scandals. On the other hand, perhaps he has
begun. Chan has recently begun to appear in Tang-inspired dress in Western broadcasts.
Meanwhile, as a primarily Chinese star, Andy Lau’s image does not need to
define or defend his Chineseness. Despite his Western dress, Lau’s persona is more ‘local
Chinese,’ with his narrative based on the ‘Chinese ideals’ of modesty and work ethic. His
roles also bring him closer to Mainland audiences. Lau can avoid political statements
because he has not made Western films (and is thus limited to his local markets), and also
because he inserts himself into the Mainland market aggressively. Further, Lau
approaches his own ‘Big Brother’ title differently. Rather than describing his wealth and
power as deserved, he plays the consummate professional and and grateful star. Stardom
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
is only bashfully acknowledged. Finally, Lau’s entry into the Mainland market may be
partially inspired by ageing. Hong Kong audiences are beginning to tire of the ageing Lau,
whereas Mainland audiences may see in him a classy model of the urbane Chinese male
and an aspiration for Mainland consumers.
Returning to Corner’s theory of mediated persona, this study of Chan and Lau
demonstrates the ways in which a theory meant to analyse the persona-building of
politicians applies to other public figures, in the case politicised actors. Celebrity is
framed by persona building, but in charged political situations like the handover of Hong
Kong to China, it becomes fraught with political meaning. The safest course of action for
Hong Kong stars appears to be to either politically support the Mainland government
(Chan), or remain silent/ambiguous on political issues (Lau). Chan’s course may have
repercussions: he has lately found himself alienating fans with his overt political
statements, such as the controversial “The Chinese need to be controlled” (zhongguoren
xuyao guanli) statement. Ultimately, for both of these stars, there is not only the issue of
pan-Asian stardom, but also transnational stardom. In an era where the internet spreads
information instantaneously and linguistic differences are translated, uploaded, broadcast
and re-broadcast, mediating persona to local markets will become increasingly
problematic.
1 In today’s Chinese society, famous stars are often rejected for even a hint of anti-Chinese national sentiment. Both actress Zhao Wei and actor/director Jiang Wen were criticised for lesser actions. 2 By ‘celebrity,’ I refer to a person in the public sphere who is widely recognised, though not necessarily for being an entertainer. A celebrity may be well known for a variety of reasons and can essentially be anyone who is famous—an actor, a reality television performer, a politician, etc. By ‘star,’ I refer to an entertainer in the public sphere whose extensive manufactured fame is usually integral to the marketing of their products (films, television shows, concerts, etc.) and whose fame has a certain amount of longevity and uniqueness associated with it. A ‘star’ is usually an actor, singer or other kind of performing artist. 3 Almost all Hong Kong/Japanese/Korean stars are actor/singers. Brian Hu (2006, pp. 410) argues that the actor star system is “linked symbiotically with the recording industry.” Bertha Chin also notes, “[M]ost stars in Asia are required to sing and act for both film and TV” (Chin 2007, pp. 216). 4 For example, in 1984, Hong Kong singer Zhang Mingmin extolled the virtues of Chineseness with ‘My Chinese Heart,’ a song that was broadcast repeatedly to resounding success in the Mainland. 5 Jackie Chan is an example. He is an actor/singer, he devotes time to numerous charitable causes, his fame is based on his ability to perform dangerous stunts, and he appeals to ‘Chineseness’ through Chinese clothes and Confucian benevolence. 6 Chan seldom does romantic films, with the exception of Gorgeous (1999). He is more readily accepted as a romantic/dramatic lead throughout the Chinese diaspora—though not necessarily popular.
This is an Author's Original Manuscript of an article submitted for consideration in Celebrity Studies [copyright Taylor
& Francis]; Celebrity Studies is available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/[10.1080/19392397.2013.791044].
7 By ‘being political,’ I refer to publically discussing the public affairs/current events of the Chinese nation. This concept of ‘political’ includes discussing government policies, territorial issues, national treasures, China’s relationship with other countries, , and the future of China as a nation. 8According to Yue and Cheung, “…it may be argued that the adolescent idol worship culture in Hong Kong is primarily a ‘‘three stars worship’’ culture (worshipping pop stars, movie stars, and sports stars), essential to which is a genuine admiration for the glamour, youthfulness, wealth, and unique- ness that the ‘‘three stars’’ typically represent in their private or public lives (Yue, 1999)” (pp. 99). Trendiness may be one way for Andy Lau to access youthfulness. 9 These are a series of concerts with Jackie Chan as the centrepiece and host. His famous Chinese guest singers comprise the ‘friends’ of the title. 10 Chan’s mediated persona is replete with tales of suffering and success: torturous training at a Chinese Opera school, family strife, initial failure in the US, and painstaking effort to make his dream of international success come true. Mary Farquhar (2010, pp.180) argues that the formation of Jackie Chan’s star image is framed by ‘pain and triumph, such as his childhood operatic training…[and] the high-risk on-screen stunts that he performs himself.” She also notes that Chan’s on and off-screen persona relies on the disparity between pain and comedy, humiliation and high-flying stunts (pp. 181). 11 As mentioned previously, this may be the result of both Lau’s idol persona and the Hong Kong market’s demand for youthful stars.
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