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Globalization and politics of identity inSouthern Thailand, Betong DistrictChantana Banpasirichote Wungaeoa
a Department of Government, Faculty of Political Science,Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, ThailandPublished online: 29 May 2014.
To cite this article: Chantana Banpasirichote Wungaeo (2014) Globalization and politics of identityin Southern Thailand, Betong District, Philippine Political Science Journal, 35:1, 37-58, DOI:10.1080/01154451.2014.915106
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2014.915106
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Globalization and politics of identity in Southern Thailand, BetongDistrict
Chantana Banpasirichote Wungaeo*
Department of Government, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok,Thailand
(Received 1 May 2012; accepted 6 April 2014)
The study explores a changing community at the periphery of Thailand as the countrymoves toward globalization with the focus on local identity. This project examines thecharacteristics of globalization as it manifests in a local community; the changingperception of ethnic identity under the emerging globalization context; and, the responsesof the local government to the challenges of globalization. Data were gathered frominterviews with three different family generations and key informants, and from focusgroup discussions. The clearer driving force of change may be attributed to the expansionof media and telecommunication and the floating idea of internationalization. Theinfluence of transnational social and culturalmovements is from the promotion ofChineselanguage and culture, and the vibrant Islamic revivalist movement. The study finds thatreligion remains a strong factor of identity in comparison to traditions and languages. Thechoice of languages has changed meaning from keeping the mother tongue to gaining amore competitive advantage. As people connecting to cultural and religious roots insideand outside the community, social distances within local ethnic groups becomewidening.Finally, the local government aims to be part of a greater international community topromote economic development by using the cultural capital of Betong. The localgovernment has constructed the Betong identity which serves as a new social cohesionand, at the same time, a mechanism to stand tall in a globalizing world.
Keywords: globalization; identity; cultural politics; southern Thailand; Betong
The study of globalization, particularly in Thailand, has been mostly influenced by the
political-economic analysis of neo-liberalist policy which is predominantly an issue
and an industry base. Also, it is found that most analyses rely on a conflict approach,
i.e., contested positive and negative aspects of globalization. Resistance to globalization has
been amajor assumption of people’s responses to the rapid changes around international trade
competition.
This study raises the following question: do people in the periphery change the way
they think of themselves and relate to others in the globalizing world? The question
concerning people’s sense of belonging in the changing world deserves certain attention
when studying identity and globalization, particularly at the community level. It is
recognized that in the past two decades, the idea of politics has changed from interest,
reform and ideology to group identity-based (Kenny 2004, vii; Bielsa 2009, 3).
The politics of identity is said to have given individual . . . a connection to politicalprojects based on elements that are very basic to their self-conceptions.Members of these groupssee themselves as having in common certain important characteristics that set them apart fromthe larger population – a commonality that is based on difference. (Hoover 2001, 201)
q 2014 Philippine Political Science Association (PPSA)
*Email: cwungaeo@yahoo.com
Philippine Political Science Journal, 2014
Vol. 35, No. 1, 37–58, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2014.915106
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The rise of identity consciousness is believed to be associated with a number of factors
from the spreading of diaspora communities, the sense of loose territory and borders, to the
fear of excessive external cultural influences. Appadurai (2006, 7) explains that “ . . . . where
the lines between us and them may have always, in human history, been blurred at the
boundaries and unclear across larger spaces and big numbers, globalization exacerbates
these uncertainties and produces new incentives for cultural purification as more nations lose
the illusion of national economic sovereignty of well-being.” The feature of globalization,
that is, mobility, might create insecurity and fear in certain sectors of the population.
(Bielsa 2009, 4)
Pieterse (2004, 59–81), in contrast, provides a convincing trajectory of globalization
and culture. Indeed, an increasing mobility, perhaps unconsciously, turns us all into
migrants in one way or another. There is more than one trend of cultural interactions in the
age of globalization, among others, hybridization is going unnoticed.
Along this line, Thai scholars have identified a personality in the age of globalization as
“Thai character, cosmopolitan mind” [ตวไทย ใจสากล], or a paradox when facing globalizationas “big world, narrow mind” [โลกกวาง จตแคบ] (Wungaeo 2002). The paradox has somewhat
been resolved as Thai society should open to possible shared global values while retaining
Thai unique identity. It has not been discussed further what constitutes Thainess in this new
age1; and, the relationship of the highly globalized national center and local community in
reconciling national identity is still not debated. The question of national identity is a
concern here because it overrides the visibility and recognition of other ethnic groups in the
community in an increasingly globalized world. The issue of identity is provoked only when
the national interest is in question. In the age of globalization, local and national interests can
be divergent.
Santasombat (2008, 37–8) reaffirm that the issue of identity, including local, national,
ethnic and diasporas, is very much alive. There is a tendency that the society, particularly
at the borderline, will become more culturally pluralized. At the periphery, the state cannot
exercise authority efficiently so the imposition of national culture by the state is being
challenged or bypassed. Identity in this new age is more dynamic and not necessarily
associated with territory, but is becoming more attached to new rationality, notably the
market, capital and interest.
Studies on northern Thailand advanced by local scholars have raised a fundamental
question on the relationship between the central government and the local communities
regarding responses to the forces of globalization. The introduction of special economic
zones in the border communities intended to invite foreign investment as well as growing
tourism, provide a good ground for the rise of local identity consciousness. The latest
development of political mobilization from a northern province like Chiang Mai was
branded as “the provincial self-management” [จงหวดจดการตนเอง]. In this regard, local
communities in the new age are seeking for their own identity, that is something out of the
central administrative blueprint. They are negotiating for a greater “ownership of local
government (Tan-uyd 2010).”
The impact of globalization on identity cannot be easily gauged. This article will
not attempt to draw a definite causal relation between globalization and politics of
identity. It only describes the presence of globalization in the community, physically and
psychologically, at the same time, assesses the position of the community and individuals
in dealing with increasing cultural homogeneity and diversity. While there are conflicts,
domination and exploitation in the asymmetrical relationship between major globalizing
forces and the community, this study does not rule out a possibility in which the
community is an important agent.
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This study covers two levels of analysis, the community and the individual. At the
community level, investigation includes basically the physical/material appeals of
globalization, ideas of community development, and the management of delicate issues
of identity. At the individual level, inquiries cover the perceptions and behavior around
identity of members in selected local families.
To studymanifestation of globalization in a communitywithout a neo-liberalist project as
an indicator can be complicated. Appadurai’s concept of disjuncture provides a useful
indicator to recognize dimensions of globalization in separate spheres of (1) technoscapes, (2)
mediascapes, (3) ethnoscapes, (4) financescapes, and (5) ideoscapes (Appadurai 2003, 252).
The investigation into the socio-economic and political context of the communities will take
into account changes on those dimensions. As the feature of globalization is about the
shrinking of time and space with the help of telecommunication technology, the study of
Betong assume the presence of new technology as a concrete indicator. The shrinking of time
and space made possible many social, economic and cultural activities to be transnational.
This study traces back to major development events in Betong, with the emphasis on
communication, media, transnational activities, and expression of culture and identity
through time.
Since it is not possible to draw a causal relation between globalization and changes
around identity, this study will only raise important observations of social and cultural
activities since the presence of a certain indicator of globalization. This study looks
particularly from 19922 when the country felt the effect of globalization prevalence
through the incident of “mobile phone mob” in the mass demonstration against the coup
d’etat dictator. When the national TV channels were in control of the government, people
got organized with the help of mobile phones and faxes. As for Betong, it was not until
2002 when the first internet and mobile phone shop was opened (see Table 1). Practically,
the study investigates identity issues and local government responses in the period when
there is a trace of globalization traits.
The changing perceptions of self and group identity in this study are assessed by tracing
back to the characteristics of three generations in one family, namely, grandparents,
parents and children. Ten families were selected for in-depth interviews covering Thai
(Thai-speaking Buddhist or Buddhist Thai), Chinese (ethnic Chinese origin), and Malayu
Muslim (Malay-speaking Muslim)3 in both rural and urban areas. Selected members of
these three generations within a family were interviewed to capture how each generation
makes references to ethnicity. Generations here are defined simply by age hierarchy
within the family. It is assumed that the generation cohorts share more or less common
experiences in Betong’s social and economic history. Most selected households were
concentrated in the Than Namtip community for being convenient. In summary, the
interview covered 5 members of three Thai Families, 12 members of four Malayu Muslim
families, and 9 members of three Chinese ethnic families; and it was conducted during
30 September and 6 October 2008 with additional key informant interviews and focus
group discussions carried out later in April 2009.4 The elements of identity are simple
distinctive characteristics of religion, language, family tradition, and social networks.
Interview guides included origin of family, religion and language, education and
socialization, group affiliation and social networks, ritual and traditional practices, and
perception of other ethnic and religious group.5
Betong District of Yala Province in Southern Thailand was selected as an average
community located in a region where ethnic and religious identity greatly matters in
comparison to other places. By average community measures, it is not marked as directly
driven by dominant globalizing forces like international trade and transactions. Betong is
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Table 1. Important landmarks in Betong’s local development history: development and ethnicitycompiled from documents and interviews.
Time/Year Events
1st Generation (Grandparents)1917 Building of Buddhathiwas temple1923 Founding of a private Chinese Elementary School (Intraniwas and
Siriyotai 2009)1924 Biggest mail box in the world1939 Betong district upgraded to municipality1943 Betong Clock Tower (Liangpansakul, pers. comm., April 23, 2009)1949 Jongfa Chinese School (former elementary school) approved by
the Ministry of Education (Intraniwas and Siriyotai 2009)
2nd Generation (Parents)1951 Building of Betong Mosque with Arab name for Al Yamiulmahdi
(Fah-arun 2004)1953 Hakka Association founded in Betong (Sirithanawat, pers. comm.,
April 23, 2009)1962 Setting up office building of Betong Foundation (an umbrella
organization of all Chinese associations)
3rd Generation (Children)1983 Yala designated as a tourist destination, amendment of service
enterprises for closing time extension until 2 AM1987–89 End of Malaya Communist Party, beginning of tourism promotion1992 Dawah movement by the Center of Markas, Betong office
(Piyanonpong, pers. comm., April 22, 2009) -(Dawah arrived in1982 but never set up an office until 1992.)
1992 Building of the largest Buddha statue in Thailand, PhraBudhatammakai-mongkol-payurakesanon-suppitan (BetongMunicipality 2006)
1993 Promotion of new tourist sites, e.g., the former communistinsurgent tunnel, hot spring with the Tourism Authority ofThailand’s support
1995 Foundation of Muslim Thai established (Buena, pers. comm., July12, 2009)
Since 1997 Seven-Eleven convenience stores appeared in Betong, emergingMuslim grocery store, adjustment of old Chinese stores(Ratanasathien, pers. comm., July 10, 2009)
Since 1997 Traditional Pondok Islamic school fading out, being replaced withprivate Islamic school teaching religion in formal education(Buena, pers. comm., July 12, 2009)
2002 Entertainment zoning implemented by the municipality2002 First appearance of internet cafe and mobile phone shop
(Liangpansakul, pers. comm., April 23, 2009)2004 Bilateral Agreement between Betong and Rajabhat Yala
University and Sichuan University for academic cooperation andexchange of both language and culture (Intraniwas and Siriyotai2009)
2005 Cable TV connection from Yala province (Betong Cable TV)(Buena, pers. comm., July 12, 2009)
2006 Opening of Confucius Institute of Betong Municipality (ASEAN-China Center 2010)
2006 † Agreement between Betong Municipality and CommunityCollege on the diploma program for local government andelementary education
(Continued)
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also a place that puzzles a number of people, in that, the community appears to sustain
multi-cultural coexistence (Nararatwong 2009, 171), ultimately, making it a place to
inquire about identity politics in the changing world.
Globalization at the periphery: Betong’s aspiration
The District of Betong covers an area of 1,328 square kilometers. Part of Yala Province,
and bordering Malaysia, it is situated some 140 kilometers away from the provincial seat.
Betong District is sandwiched betweenMalaysia’s Kedah State to the west and Perak State
to its east. Surrounded by mountains and with only 10% of plateau in its entire territory,
Betong is geographically isolated from the rest of three southern border provinces.
Tracing back through its development history, Betong is doing relatively well. It
was predominantly a rubber plantation area. Only after the reconciliation with the
Malayan Communist Party insurgent in 1989, tourism became an important source of
income. For a number of years, the community has attracted people from the nearby
provinces and further away. Unfortunately, tourism developed as a result of
entertainment business catering to Malaysian guests crossing the border to find
comfort in Betong. This has been a controversial issue between the Malayu Muslims
and the municipality’s tourism policy.
Lately, Betong has seen migrants from further afield, such as migrant workers from the
Northeast arriving in Betong to work in the rubber plantations. Betong also experiences
problems of women from Yunnan coming to work in the sex service sector. Labor
migration to Betong has been a long-standing phenomenon due to its frontier location, and
its demand for farm work. Migrant workers tend to form their own communities, such as
Baan Wangmai community in Aiyerweng Sub-District (Buena, pers. comm., April 21,
2009). However, the diaspora community is not so visible and so far has not been very
active in social activities.6
Betong aspires to evolve into an international hub, i.e., international university for
Chinese language (Malay and English as well). Judging from the municipality’s plans,
Betong is becoming more internationalized and modernized with infrastructure
development and regional linkages. Yet, Betong attempts to be distinctive by presenting
Table 1 – continued
Time/Year Events
† Bilateral Agreement with Chonging University in China toestablish Confucius Institute of Chinese cultural studies, andofficial opening of Confucius Institute (Intraniwas andSiriyotai 2009)
2008 † Opening of Betong Museum† Opening of the new bigger mail box (Ratanasathien, pers.
comm., July 10, 2009)2008 † First major direct election according to a local government law
amendment (Mr. Khunnawut Mongkolparjak first elected)(Chantramongkhol, pers. com., September 30, 2008)
2008 † Agreement between Betong Municipality with ThaksinUniversity for a diploma programme in education, and theMaster Degree Programme in Education Management
† Agreement with Burapa University for the Master DegreeProgramme in Public Administration and the set-up of IndochinaStudies (Malaya Studies) (Intraniwas and Siriyotai 2009)
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cultural Betong images, including Chinese shrines, Buddha statues, and international
multilingual universities.
In Betong, people connect to the world through cable TV and their favorite channels
broadcasted from China, Malaysia and Singapore. Needless to say, the prevalence of new
media and telecommunication technologies has a certain psychological effect on how a
community like Betong positions itself in relation to other players in the region.
The local government’s outward-looking policies can be observed, that is, through
steps to advance internationalization of higher education through regional centers for
Chinese language study. Regional networking is a policy initiative in Betong today.
Establishing social networking is not new. Several examples include, for instance, Chinese
clan associations, provincial groupings, and Islamic education movements (e.g., Tadika
school/Madrassa school club and Dawah movements) – all of which are intrinsic to Betong
and are considered social capital. Extending these existing networks, their geographical
and substantive dimensions are quite recent. The promising link with the outside world is
between local colleges with the Chinese universities coupled with the initiative from the
municipality (see Table 1). The change is built upon the cultural features of Betong.
The community is also looking for a grand project such as new urban zoning, by-pass
highway and road connection with the growth triangle from Songkhla to Penang (IMT-GT
flagship). A few new hotels and building complexes have been built by investors from
Malaysia with local joint ventures. This is developing together with Betong’s grand
symbolic structures like the huge Buddha statue (39 meters tall), the huge Chinese goddess,
and the biggest mail box.
It is interesting to find that changes in Betong are not evolved from cultural
Westernization, as normally seen in globalized tourist destinations at this point in time.
In other words, the consumption pattern has not changed much, except for media and
communication, while changes in major structures of urbanization like roads and building
complexes remain more primary. The only modern trade appears in the spring up of
convenience stores like 7-Eleven.
What has happened in Betong since the presence of globalization in Thailand in the
early 1990s is, in fact, the continuation of a modernization process coupled with
internationalization. Table 1 indicates local perceptions of development which reflect
upon urban-based development with multi-cultural highlights. Betong has been evolving
efforts to develop infrastructure coupled with social capability improvements like
education, networking linkages while promoting cultural diversity. Tourism is considered
an important trigger of economic development linking Betong to the outside world.
However, it is not the only choice; a small community like Betong has boosted its own
development agenda and sought to be more proactive about its future as an international
education hub in the sub-region.
Dynamics of ethnic groups in Betong
Multi-ethnic community
The population of Betong, 31,843 in 2008 (Ministry of Interior 2008) consists of an array
of ethnic groups. The major ethnic group is the Malayu Muslim, which constitutes 51% of
the entire population. The remaining 47% are from Thai of Chinese ancestry and Buddhist
Thais.7 In addition, 2% of the residents are Christians and Hindus (Yala Provincial
Administrative Organization, n.d.). Betong remains firmly a part of the Malayu culture,
which is a distinct feature of the southern border region. At the same time, Betong stands
out because Chinese cultural images outshine the Malayu culture.
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Social and political space within and among the ethnically diverse groups may not
be linear. Settlements are not clearly delineated by ethnicity. However, while there are
mixes of ethnic groups in each community, a concentration of the same group can be found
(Khotae, pers comm. October 2, 2008).
Apart from Thai as the official language, people of Betong speak more than one
language. Practically, people stick to their mother tongue, such as southern Thai dialect,
local Malay and Chinese dialects and Mandarin. However, they mostly go by the local
Malayu dialect, which is slightly different from Malay spoken elsewhere in the three
southern border provinces Central Thai language is used more among Thai, Chinese and
Malayu but with different degree of fluency.
Religious and linguistic heritages lie at the heart of different ethnic groups. In Betong,
one can find private schools teaching Islamic studies for the Muslims, and schools teaching
Chinese language. Chinese schools have undergone some serious transformations, now
that the Chinese language has become more popular and is now attracting more and more
students even among the Malayu Muslims. In any case, new generation ethnic Chinese
now tend to communicate in the central Thai dialect. Betong is setting its sight on
developing international education using English as a medium of teaching and learning.
This development should accelerate dynamic cultural exchanges.
The issue of inter-ethnic conflict in Betong is somewhat murky, even against the
backdrop of increasing tensions that have arisen from the increase of insurgency attacks in
the region since 2003. What is more apparent is mutual cooperation, notably in the local
political arena. Betong has been governed by senior officials who are either MalayuMuslims
or ethnic Chinese. The ethnic Chinese administrators in the past tended to bring Muslims on
board the municipal administrative team. Development directions to date seem to be heavily
influenced by the Chinese culture, to the extent that Betong’s Chineseness stands out (See
Thareelapraksa 2008).
Identity and social networks
Buddhist Thais
The majority of Buddhist Thais in Betong migrated from other provinces mostly in
the upper south. Most of them came in search of employment, while a portion moved
to work in government offices. Thais tend to hang out with fellow migrants from the
same provinces. As settlers from other provinces, Thai Buddhists in Betong cluster
around fellow settlers originating from the same provinces in the form of associations
and clubs. They simply band together to organize group activities to observe local
tradition and cultural practices derived from their place of origin (Wattanachaopisut,
pers. comm., April 20, 2009). There are provincial clubs such as the Nakhon Si
Thammarat Club and the Songkhla Club in which people of different religions
become members as this is simply a get together group (Liangpansakul, pers. comm.,
April 23, 2009).
On the other hand, other groups of Betong residents who are not from the south and
who come to work in Betong are drawn together on the basis of the region where they are
from, such as the Northern Club, the Northeastern Club. Lately, activities originally
organized within these groups have attracted attention of Betong residents, resulting in
some activities being held beyond the groups’ confines, thereby, increasing cultural
exchanges. A case in point is the “Hae Pha Khuen That Festival [แหผาขนธาต],” a Buddhistrite observed by people from Nakhon Si Thammarat, but which has recently become an
event celebrated widely in Betong.
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Malayu Muslims
Like the ethnic Chinese, Malayu Muslims stick together as a family. They practice “family
cooperative,” sharing work and living, particularly in the case of rubber plantation.
An example of an ethnic-based grouping of Malayu Muslims indigenous to Betong is the
Foundation of Muslim Thais in Betong, whose goal is to promote education for Muslim
youth. The Foundation works alongside the Betong municipality, which provides
budgetary support for the Foundation to conduct its activities (Buena, pers. comm., April
21, 2009). Another type of grouping on the basis of shared religion is the Markas Center
whose role is to promote Islam in Betong. The Center is a branch of the Markas Center in
Yala. Headquartered in India, the Center’s key activities are to visit communities to
educate on religious knowledge known as Dawah. The Center stresses networking and
community-based work.8
Ethnic Chinese
The grouping of ethnic Chinese has by far the clearest pattern and structure. This ranges
from grouping among people sharing the same clan names and dialects, all under the
largest umbrella network of the association of all ethnic Chinese residents in Betong.
There are five dialect-based associations of ethnic Chinese Thais in Betong: the Kwong
Xiu, the Hakka, the Hokkian, the Tae-chiu’s Bamrungras, and the Krongsri Samphan
Association. These five associations conduct activities in-line with their respective
cultures, and provide assistance to members in the form of scholarships for their children
(Wattanachaopisut, pers. comm., April 20, 2009). These associations also have links with
other ethnic Chinese associations in Thailand and abroad, especially China and Malaysia,
at the level of jointly organizing certain activities (Sirithanawat, pers. Comm., April 23,
2009). All these point to the fact that ethnic Chinese in Betong associate with the main
objective of preserving the Chinese culture. Membership in these associations is most
often limited to the older generation aged 60 and over. A sizeable group of ethnic Chinese
in Betong still closely follows current affairs in the People’s Republic of China via
Chinese cable TV and by reading Chinese newspapers (Chantramongkhol, pers. comm.,
September 30, 2008).
Social networks in different forms based on religion, place of origin and language are
important references of people with similar identity and background. To conclude, what
appears to be a culturally vibrant Betong over the past decade actually is the reinvigoration
of ethnic and religious identity through existing social groupings. Apart from the growing
social capital of social networks of ethnic groups, outside players are also instrumental,
namely the Confucius Institute network and Dawah movement. The leadership of the local
government has also been instrumental in extending social networks beyond the Betong
community. This setting, in a way, explains the cultural dimensions of globalization in a
small community.
Families’ identity references: persistence and changes
It is well understood that ethnic identity is not necessary static, meaning it can change or
the meaning and references of one’s identity might be adapted to the changing context.
At times, there can be different multiple sources to which people can identify themselves
with, called double or multiple identities. This section explores changes of ethnic identity
of the people in Betong by describing perspectives of the three generations in one family
on identity references.
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Buddhist Thai families
Various accounts and Betong’s history indicate that Buddhist Thais are not a part of the
indigenous population. Rather, they settled in Betong from 1957 onwards. The majority of
them arrived in Betong for work and employment reasons – as civil servants, wage earners
in rubber and fruit plantations, and traders (Nualla-ong, pers. comm., October 1, 2008;
Kongka, pers. comm., October 6, 2008). Religiously, of course, almost all consider
themselves Buddhists, though some have converted to Islam after settling in Betong and
marrying Muslim spouses.
When the medium of communication is concerned, it all depends on local dialects of
where they are from, such as the upper South of Thailand, and from other regions. As for
families whose members come from disparate parts of Thailand, they then communicate in
central Thai (Nualla-ong, pers. comm., October 1, 2008). Recently, there is the increasing
inclination for the Buddhist Thai family members to use central Thai, particularly those of
the third generation who are in their 20s and who tend to use central Thai both at home and
outside.
The family case studies identify Thainess as conducting merit-making rituals in
temples, speak Thai, or observing Thai traditions like Wai for greetings (assembling two
hands at the chest). An interesting aspect has to do with how they define Betong identity.
They consider settlers from other localities as not genuinely Betong-ians, because being
Betong natives means being born in Betong (Nualla-ong, pers. comm., October 1, 2008).
On the basis of this criteria and looking at fellow ethnic Thais, people who belong to the
second generation of a family and henceforth are deemed bona fide Betong natives
(Saratsamitra, pers. comm., October 4, 2008).
Ethnic Chinese families
According to evidences and accounts of ethnic Chinese in the locality, the first wave of
Chinese settlers landed in Betong around mid-1857, mostly from Guangxi Province in the
South of China. Their arrival had quite an impact on the consciousness of the indigenous
group. Before the Chinese arrived, the Malayu Muslims, who constituted the main
indigenous ethnic group, hardly ever established any sort of formal land ownership
arrangement (Liangpansakul, pers. comm., April 23, 2009, Wattanachaopisut, pers. comm.,
April 20, 2008).
Ethnic Chinese Thais of the older generation tend to speak Chinese, both the dialect of
where they are from and Mandarin Chinese. The majority of ethnic Chinese follow
Buddhism. There are a few Christians among the Chinese, who would go to church every
Sunday. However, ancestor worship is something all Chinese have in common and a
tradition they equally uphold in earnest. In most Chinese households, one will find
ancestors’ shrines. Rites relating to ancestor worship are rigorously observed. They
believe that, in addition to paying respect to ancestors, such occasion presents
opportunities for family members and relatives to get-together and bond (Bua-niam, pers.
comm., October 5, 2008).
Income-wise, among the ethnic Chinese households, it is found that business provides
the bulk of income for most families – chiefly in the line of commerce and rubber
plantations. Another interesting point is how they manage family assets. The most
common approach is the “family council” whereby legal asset holders are members of the
first generation, and the second generation work around and mange the collective estate
(Trirattanaprakong, pers. comm., October 4, 2008).
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Malayu Muslim families
Malayu Muslim is a double identity for those living in the Malay Peninsula, the territory
that covers most of Malaysia and four southern border provinces of Thailand. The Malay
or Malayu people follow the Islamic faith. Speaking Malay and being Muslim have
emerged as combined features. Calling themselves Malayu signifies distinction from
“si-yae” or people who speak Thai and are Buddhist. Malayu Muslims are therefore
different from Muslims from other parts of Thailand.9
Malayu Muslims represent the very first group of settlers. From the distant past, they
have very close ties to the Malayu Muslims in Malaysia (Serang, pers. comm., April 21,
2008). Although Betong is located within the Malay cultural zone that spans three southern
border provinces, Malayu Muslims in Betong are different from those in the rest of the
three southern border provinces, in terms of their dialect and the degree of their religious
orthodoxy (Serang, pers. comm. April 21, 2008; Kari, pers. comm., April 20, 2009).
However, this changed after the advent of new settlers from the three southern border
provinces to Betong town via marriage or for business reasons (Buena, pers. comm.,
April 21, 2008).
Malayu Muslims in Betong often choose to make their living in agriculture, primarily
rubber plantations that many of them inherited from their ancestors. However, their
livelihood opportunities are typically smaller scale compared to those owned by the
Chinese. The approach of managing family estates among the Malayu Muslims is quite
similar to that of the Chinese’s way through “family cooperative” [kong si system – for
Chinese]. The elder in the family reigns supreme and owns the family estate, while other
members work for the estate and get paid proportionate to their tasks, plus welfare as
needed (Serang, pers. comm., July 29, 2009).
The identity of Malayu Muslims is tightly connected with religion. Malayu Muslims,
like other ethnic groups in Betong, share common experiences through local tradition not
necessarily linked to religion, such as the Kuan Asuroh Tradition10 or through folk culture,
such as Likay Hulu (folk drama).
Asking more people about Malayu, the answers indicate varying degrees of awareness of
an own identity. The first group gives importance to identity in connection to Islam – seeing
Malayu as narrow and this being the cause of isolation. “Malayu must be with Islam, cannot
be with any other religion; and . . . . must pray, those who do not pray cannot be Malayu”
(Serang, pers. comm., October 2, 2008). The first generation is confident in what they mean
by Malayu. The distinction from the Thai is that “to be a Thai is to bare our duty, that is, to
follow official orders if they do not go against our religion” (Maseh, pers. comm., October 2,
2008). The second line of thought sees themselves as Malayu, but unable to assert clearly
what makes-upMalayu identity. Some claim their Malay identity is akin to that in Malaysia.
Others claim their Malayu identity is close to that of the southern border provinces or those
who speak the same language (Khotae, Khodiyoh. pers. comm. October 2, 2008; Baso, pers.
Comm. October 3, 2008; Jehleh, pers. comm., October 3, 2008). More interestingly, people
of a younger age in various case studies interpret Malayu identity as covering the ethnic
Chinese and Thai Buddhists living in the southern border region, and further to Malaysia
(Khotae, Thani, pers. comm., October 2, 2008).
Table 2 provides an overview of perceptions of different generations and ethnic
origins on identity references. The three different generations have experienced
changes brought about by new media, communication technologies and the floating
idea of internationalization to a greater and lesser extent; and their perspectives about
ethnicity, religion and traditions are not necessary the same.
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Table2.
CharacteristicsofthreegenerationsinthefamiliesofBuddhistThai,ethnicChineseandMalayuMuslim
(Databased
fromInterviewsoffivemem
bersof
threeThaiFam
ilies,12mem
bersoffourMalayuMuslim
families,and9mem
bersofthethreeChineseethnicfamilies,during30September–6October
2008,and
20–24April2009,Betong,YalaProvince).
References
Malay-M
uslim
Chinese
Thai
Place
ofbirth
1stgeneration(born
1917–46)
Betong
China,Betong
CityofYala,
ChiangKan
(northeast),
Songkhla
(lower
south)
2ndgeneration(born
1951–73)
Betong
Betong,Pattalung(upper
south)
Betong
3rd
generation(born
1973–94)
Betong
Betong
Betong
Languages
1st
†LocalMalay
only
†LocalMalay
withChinesecom-
municationskills
†Chinese/Chinesedialect
only
†ChinesewithsomeThai
andMalay
communicationskills
†Central
Thai,NortheastThai
(Isan),
SouthernThai
dialect
only,or
†Central
Thai
withsomeunderstand-
ingoflocalMalay
andChinese
2nd
†LocalMalay
only
†LocalMalay
withcentralThaias
the
secondlanguage(notfluent)
†SpeakCentral
Thai
tochildrenand
Chineseto
parents,teachChineseto
childrenforfuture
business,
†Central
Thai,southernThai
dialect
†Central
Thai
withlittle
localMalay
†SpeakCentral
Thai
andlearn
Chinese
3rd
localMalay
withcentral
Thai
asthesecondlanguage(fluentThai
ifattendingform
alschool)
†Central
Thai
†Central
Thai
andChineseonly
toparents
†Central
Thai
†Central
Thai
andchoices
ofMalayu
andChineselesson
Education
1st
Noeducation,orinform
alreligious
lessons
NoThai
education
Form
aleducation
2nd
Pondokreligiousschoolor/andform
aleducation
Form
aleducationin
Thai
andsomein
Chineseschool,University
inBangkok
Form
aleducationat
differentlevels
3rd
Privatereligiousschools*(combined
religiousin
form
aleducation)
Form
aleducation,additional
Chinese
lesson,University
inBangkok
Form
aleducationat
differentlevels
(Continued
)
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Table
2–continued
References
Malay-M
uslim
Chinese
Thai
Marriage
1st
Married
toMuslim
Married
toChinesein/from
China
Married
toChinesedescendents,
Chinese,
andalso
toThai
inBetong
2nd
Married
toMuslim
†Married
toChinesedescendentin
Betong
3casesmarried
toMuslim
s
†Married
toThai
from
other
province
(pattalung)
3rd
Notyet
married
Notyet
married
Notyet
married
ReligiousPractices
1st
Daily
prayer,Ram
adan
FollowingBuddhistThairegularrituals
RegularBuddhistrituals,temple
visits
Alm
soffering
2nd
Daily
prayer,Ram
adan,women
dress
code(hijab)
VegetarianpracticeforGoddess
worship
Tem
ple
visit,Alm
soffering
3rd
Daily
prayer
(lessstrict),Ram
adan,
women
dress
code(hijab)
Notmentioned
Notmentioned
Traditions
1st,2nd,3rd
†HariRayaAidilfriti
†Ancestorworship,
†BuddhistHolidays,
†Islamic
Fam
ilylaw
(landand
inheritance)
†Deity
worship
(????????)Fam
ily
Pooloffamilyproperty
(GongSee),
†The10th
month
meritmaking(boon
duen
sip)
†ChineseNew
Year
†Buddhistfolk
ritual,Chak
Phra
†VegetarianFestival
†Thai
New
Year
PerceptionofSelf-ethnicity
1st
Malay
mustbeMuslim
SpeakChinese,
Chineseancestors
and
traditions
speakThai,livein
Thailand
2nd
†MalayumustbeMuslim
†Muslim
isalso
Thai
†MalayuislikeMalaysia
†Chineselanguageisalso
forbusiness
†Thai
citizen
†Chinesetradition,Thai
citizen
speakThai,livein
ThailandThai
manner
(greetings)
Thai
canbemulti-ethnic
3rd
†Malay
mustbeMuslim
SpeakThai,livein
Thailand,making
merit,choices
ofadditional
languages
†Malay
islikeMalaysia
†Malay
canbemulti-ethnic
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Ethnic
relations
1st
†Close
Muslim
community
†Mem
ber
ofaChineseassociation
†Thai
groupingbytheprovince
of
origin
†ChineseandMalay-M
uslim
contact
inthecommunity,Chinesefriends
dependonthecommunity
†Chinesefriendsandcontact
from
rubber
tree
plantationandtradingin
thecommunity
†Malay-M
uslim
friendsandcontact
from
rubber
tree
plantationand
tradingin
thecommunity
†Thai
contact
from
thetownand
social
activities
2nd
ChineseandThai
friendsandcontacts
from
school
Thai
andMuslim
friendsfrom
school
ChineseandMalay-M
uslim
friends
from
school
3rd
Lessfriendfrom
other
ethnic
groups
dueto
separateschool
LessMuslim
friendsdueto
less
Muslim
innorm
alschool
More
compatible
withChinese,
less
Muslim
friendsdueto
less
Muslim
innorm
alschool
Sources:Interviewsofmem
bersofthreeThaifamilies(Law
anKongka,KingkaewTasi,andSwangNuanla-ong);threeChinesefamilies(K
okhengSaejeng,SermsookLiangpansakul,
andYakyiew
Saelao);andfourMalay-M
uslim
families(M
eenohMaseh,YapaKordeah,Laham
aeBasor,andMudorUooma).
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In the first generation (1917–46), ethnic identity appears to be very distinctive among
Thai, Chinese, and Malay, by their birth, mother tongue, traditional dress and family
rituals. Among Buddhist Thais, place of origin is another referent group when most of
them were not originally from Betong. This generation, at one point in time, lived in an
atmosphere of a strong state nationalism of General Pibool Songkram’s government
(1938–57). The Chinese, in particular, had to hide their Chinese identity and the majority
of them held alien status. However, this has been an important reason why the older
generations of the selected Chinese families insisted on keeping and passing on Chinese
language and respect for the elderly in the Chinese family tradition. This was also
under the influence of the Malayan Communist Party. In an interview, Liangpansakul
(October 4, 2008) explains that during the presence of the Malayan Communist Party,
there was competition to win over the masses, and that Chinese culture was promoted to
draw attention from the Chinese in the area. “The fear of cultural assimilation was real”
and continued to the Sarit Government, said Yingchutrakul (July 28, 2009).
The second generation (1951–73) experienced more diverse groups of population
from in-migration. This brought in new traditions and rituals to Betong. Inter-marriage has
become more common among Thai and Chinese ethnicities, while it remained limited
in the Malayu Muslim community. The end of the cold war and anti-communism led to
economic development for Betong. The state nationalism subsided, resulting in Chinese
language schools becoming more prominent and even more popular today. Yet, people
still use their mother tongue even with better command of Thai as required by formal
education. Traditions brought into Betong by immigrants from other provincial towns
were shared and have become internalized as local traditions.
The third generation (1973–94) of families is more interesting with new variations
from the former generations. The references of ethnic identity now remain distinctive
only in the mother tongue and religion for Malayu Muslims. Chinese descendents do
not necessarily speak Chinese at home, and the true Chinese blood is becoming more
marginalized. This is also true for the younger Malayu Muslims who speak local Malay at
home and central Thai outside home. Younger generations might choose to learn Chinese
orMalay languages because of their increasing popularity in the wider world. The language
issue captured the municipality of Betong’s attention and so different courses in
Malay, English and Chinese were offered for the public on weekends (Chantramongkhol,
pers. comm., September 30, 2008). Tebjit (pers. comm., October 1, 2008), a member of
the third generation for example, shared that the city of Betong promoted Malay lessons
for communication as well, but the majority of students chose Chinese. Other ethnic
appearance such as clothing remains only among the Malayu Muslims who have to follow
their dress code. The change in religious education in Islam is observed resulting in
the Pondok (traditional religious school) gradually disappearing in Betong. Buena
(pers. comm., July 12, 2009) mentioned that Muslims in Betong are closer to theMalaysian
side than Pattani and so their traditional school system follows the Malaysian’s style.
In this generation, Betong’s common identity has become vitalized by the fact that this
generation is from Batong (by birth) regardless of their religion and ethnicity; and the
local government has created the Betong spirit as a common local identity for economic
development purpose such as tourism promotion.
Generational gaps in the Malayu Muslim and the ethnic Chinese families are
noteworthy. For the ethnic Chinese, keeping Chinese tradition is the main concern of the
older generations and that also leads to the support of Chinese language and cultural
preservation. Trirattanaprakong (pers. comm., October 4, 2008), the second generation of
an ethnic Chinese family, expressed his concern that “Chinese tradition was created by
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parents and the younger generation should uphold it, but now all grand children have
abandoned it. There is a saying that “parents built, children uphold, and grand children
abandon.” Trirattanaprakong also thought that the situation was all alike with the Malayu
Muslim and the Buddhist Thai families. Interestingly enough, the younger generation does
not think of taking Chinese language lesson as a cultural preservation; for them, Chinese
language is considered good for labor market and business. They are not taking an active
part in those Chinese associations either. The expectation for the younger generation is to
keep the family tradition especially the respect for the elderly and ancestor worship. This
only indicates a changing rationale behind certain identity references like language and
social networking.
The situation in Malayu families is rather opposite. There is a shared perception
that Muslims today are stricter than before. Headscarf (hijab), separate religious schools,
and separation of girls and boys, for instance, are new developments in the past 10 years.
Kalayani Jehleh (pers. comm., October 3, 2008), the second generation of a Malayu
Muslim family, explained that
Today, Islamic principles and practices are being revived among Muslims. It is partly due tothe fact that there are more knowledgeable people mostly graduated from Islamic Universityin the Middle East. Previously, some could read Quran but could not translate. Now, they canunderstand the meaning of the text. People have gained greater knowledge on Islam . . . .Although this might not totally due to “globalization,” the fact that local people here canwatch Hajj ceremony broadcasted directly from Mecca does matter; not to mention they alsohave access to information from internet.
The revival of Islam seems like a coming trend in the most recent decade. Kalayani
Jehleh (pers. comm., October 3, 2008) talked about her religious life.
Those [Muslims] who are not very strict will take an easy religious life, for example notfollowing 5 times daily prayer. At the early age, I did not follow strictly too, but my parentsmanage to control. My father taught me Quran, and I also studied further in the secondaryschool.
However, Kalayani’s experience of a disciplined religious life might be exceptional.
TN (2008), another member of the Third generation of a Malayu Muslim family, was
sent to Thammavitaya School in Yala province, a school considered strong in religious
education, but he had to return to Betong after the incidence of violence in the southern
border provinces. TN used to experiment with smoking grasses, but was never attracted
to it. He thinks that youth’s life today is not like before. Now, youth carry guns in their
fight. He also finds that holding hand with a girlfriend is natural and does not violate Islam.
Yet, his family does not know about his thinking and behavior.
The transnational religious movement like Dawah was mentioned that it has brought
religious consciousness back to Muslims in the community (Saratsamitra, pers. comm.,
October 4, 2008). However, there are different opinions on the role of Dawah Movement.
Kalayani Jeleh (pers. Comm., Obtober 3, 2008) offered an opinion that Muslims in the
community have gained religious knowledge. Therefore, the Dawah which came to the
villages did not make much difference to people’s lives; the good thing that might have
come from Dawah is the exchange of ideas. Dawah can be more useful in the area where
people have not gained much religious knowledge.
The change in inter-ethnic relations is also observed from the interview. The 52-year-old
Malayu Muslim, Jehleh (pers. comm., October 3, 2008), can still remember that both the
ethnic Chinese and the Malayu people were in the rubber plantation together while the
Buddhist Thais were mostly from other provinces. He describes that he used to “ . . . study
with the Chinese in the same school of which half of the students were Chinese. Children of
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Chinese families could communicate in local Malayu.” From the middle of 1980s, parents in
Malayu families started sending their children to private schools teaching religion in primary
and secondary education.11 Therefore, children of the ethnic Chinese and Buddhist Thais
have not shared school experience with the Malayu. In the second and the third generations,
the three ethnic families have less contact among themselves and often not follow their
classmate tradition like the older generation. Liangpansakul (pers. comm., October 4, 2008),
the third generation in a Thai family, made an observation that “from 2004 on, relations
among different groups are slightly changing such as the separation among groups, less
communication. People in Betong are not as closed as before.”
Normally, people are not so concerned about ethnic and religious differences.
A member of the third generation in a Chinese family shares the perception that Muslim
friends are different but they can get by without having to take part in activities that are
not compatible with Islam. Yet, the in-migration of the Muslims from the three border
provinces creates some concern for the non-Muslim groups that Muslim from outside
Betong might bring radicalization of religion to the community (WH, per. comm., April
21, 2009). In addition, from the Malayu Muslim side, the municipality boosted tourism
with the concomitant effect of sexual services which affects the Muslim’s sentiment.
There has been a practice of tolerance which reflects upon informal negotiation and the
adjustment of local policy to contain such “sinful” activity within a certain location.
An impression on the entertainment zoning policy evaluation was not positive for being
ineffective, but the zoning idea was a good gesture to accommodate the Muslims’ concern.
A better meaningful policy is tourism for the whole family and religious festivals which is
marked as the new feature of Betong.
Globalization and politics of identity
Studying family members’ self-perceptions and Betong’s contemporary development
reveals that the identity tension formerly driven by the nationalist state has been resolved by
the members of the community themselves in accommodating one another and
reinvigorating cultural roots. The tension and accommodation are more true for ethnic
minorities, like the Chinese and Malayu Muslims than the Buddhist Thais. The Chinese’s
fear of losing one’s family traditions and the religion revival of the Malayu Muslims are
sorted out by the influence of social networking beyond physical and virtual Betong’s
borders. Interestingly enough, the uniqueness of Betong in the age of globalization andwith
ethnic identity tensions is in fact that the role of the local government is to handle the future
of the community. The study raises two relevant issues: the role of the state and market in
shaping Betong-ians’ identity, and self-government capacity in politics of accommodation.
State, market and identity
If globalization will affect anything at the local community level, the idea of linkages and
connectivity to the larger world is mostly receptive. The features of Betong’s social
change are the cultural politics in the market economy, turning culture into commodity –
cultural assets for tourism promotion. “Branding Betong,” e.g., Betong chicken, Betong
noodle, Betong multicultural heritage, etc. has been used by the local government to
maneuver development and Betong’s common identity. Having or sharing something in
common that also links to livelihood, justifies why cultural accommodation is possible
among diverse ethnic groups in the community despite a strong religious tradition of Islam
in the southern sub-region of Thailand.
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At the individual Betong resident level, the perceptions of self identity from the
case studies have changed from one generation to the next. In this period, as Thailand
globalizes, language is a choice rather than merely inheritance and can be cultural
asmuch asmarket driven. Religion remains a dividing characteristic among groups. Ability
to access communication technologies and networks creates a new social space particularly
for the new generations that are independent from their families and religious traditions.
The new social spaces and networks seem to be an important determinant to cultural hybrid
for Betong youth; loosening up certain traditional customs and religious practices allows
them to become different from the older generations. This is happening in parallel with the
older generations’ idea of cultural reinvigoration like the Chinese and the Malayu Muslim
families. Both trends link with the increasing connectivity to the larger world.
A certain trait of ethnic identity has changed the meaning, i.e., the language. Over the
past 10–15 years, the greater command of language has gone beyond the meaning of a
mother tongue; it is part of being cosmopolitan. In Betong, there are Chinese-speaking
Malay and Malay now learning Chinese. Chinese language has become popular, while the
local Malay language in the region still has the connotation of a local mother tongue. The
comparative popularity of Chinese and local Malay can be explained by market-driven
factors rather than ethno-nationalism. The future recognition of the local Malay language
may depend on the promotion of the Growth Triangle in the sub-region, which will evolve
the good command of Malay into an asset.
In conclusion, the stories of ethnic families in Betong tell us that people have reacted
and responded to different forces in order to maintain or change what is important to the
meaning of their identities. First, the prominent force in the past dominated by the state
nationalism which imposed assimilation on the minorities. Living in the community at the
periphery, the ethnic Chinese have by-passed the command and kept on cultural activities
quietly. Second, today, the market force plays an important role in changing the rationale of
identity references particularly the language and local community identity. What
comes with globalization, in this case the increasing connectivity with the world, are
threats and opportunities. The study has revealed the fear of the older generation of
neglecting traditions and aspiration of the younger one to make own choices. The anxiety
from external intervention particularly on religious radicalization and the search for
international connection on cultural roots are two different trends under the same
atmosphere of globalization. Third, the force from within the community, i.e., local
government and social networks are a decisive factor as agents of development especially
at the periphery. Although Betong has been presented as a peaceful multi-cultural
community and a tradition of coexistence, a sign of social distances among ethnic and
religious groups is increasing. At this point, it is important to note that while the community
become closer connected with the world, social cohesion within the community can be
affected. What seems relevant is the capacity to manage the contrasting trends coming with
the increasing connectivity. The municipality of Betong has demonstrated as instrumental
to the accommodation of different forces of globalization as well as among different ethnic
identities. The local community finds its stance amidst the disjuncture of different
globalizing forces by its own ability to enhance social capital within itself.
Local self-government and politics of accommodation
The border community of Betong has not been under state patrol as normally assumed.
After the post Cold War era and the settlement of communist insurgents, the community
enjoys relative autonomy to manage its own cultural diversity creatively. Thai nationalism
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is embedded in the culture of public sector bureaucracy and not from a direct policy
imposed on the Betong community. Betong has enjoyed relative freedom of policy
initiatives. It is quite remarkable, in a highly centralized government system, for a local
municipality to sign a memorandum with organizations in another country, like China.
This is a relatively new experience for the Thai local government. What the Betong local
government has advanced, that reflects upon their relative autonomy, is the management
of ethnic differences and the opening up to internationalization of education.
The people of Betong have invented a tradition of political coalition with ethnic
composition in the local administration for the past 15 years. Since 1972, Betong’s
mayors, between 1972 to the present, have stressed the significance of having a mixed
ethnicity in the municipality’s administrative team. As a result, it has become a tradition of
certain ethnic Chinese families, Malayu Muslims and Thais to represent their ethnic
identity in municipal politics. The dominant Chinese political groups might have realized
how indispensable the Malayu Muslim majority is. In a similar vein, the Malayu Muslims,
so far, appreciate the arrangement to have a seat as deputy to the Mayor. This serves for
ethnic political groups as reciprocal relationship. Compared to most communities in the
southern border provinces, except for Yala municipality, Betong has turned policy rhetoric
of cultural diversity into practice. This can only be done if the local government feels more
accountable to the people than the higher authority.12 The politics of accommodation that
the people experimented with has become a political necessity for Betong, passing on the
tradition from the previous to the present generation.
The law allows local government in Thailand to exercise their authority on local
issues. However, more often than not, the legacy of high levels of centralization has
created a psychological stumbling block for the hierarchical relationships between
the provincial and the local governments; a local government does not negotiate with the
higher authority. For instance, urban zoning to restrict entertainment enterprises within a
“red light” area surprisingly has not been done in other Muslim-dominated communities in
the three border provinces. Although this might still need continuous monitoring, the
attempt has prompted the debate into the policy community. Liangpansakul (pers. comm.,
October 4, 2009), a member of a Chinese family, made his analysis,
Betong relies on sex tourism from the early period of urban development. If there were noentertainment enterprises, Betong would have not survived. It might be difficult to change theimage of Betong as a sex tour destination after it has become a trademark already. But, it isimportant for Betong not to be known for sex tourism. There has been an effort to makeBetong an education hub based on its diverse culture. It is also imperative to boost up localculture with a project to trace back the historical roots of Betong people.
Because of Betong’s geographical seclusion, there have been arrangements for Betong to
have special authority in certain functions, such as for transportation and postal offices. For
instance, car registration can be issued in Betongwithout going to the Yala provincial office.
So, the registration plate of a car bought in Betongwill have the Betong name on it instead of
that of Yala province as generally done. This is not a big thing in self-administration, but it
has a tremendous psychological effect on Betong’s identity. People constantly state how
proud they are with the Betong name on their car registration plate.
Solving simple administrative problems with the central government has turned out to
be an important step toward the realization of a greater degree of local self-government.
In the Betong Annual Report, the municipality has a plan to become a “special city” where
greater authority is granted. It says, “In the future when Betong is granted a special city
status, it will yield greater benefit to the local people . . .There will be more staff to serve,
less administrative hierarchy, . . .more budget, . . . generate their own income, and more
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financial support” (2009, 33). The report describes, further, what the new government with
higher authority will look like, for instance with a new advisory board, council of local
government officials, local municipality assembly spreading into five subdivisions, more
local political positions, and so on (2009, 32.).
Of course, the Betong community in the age of globalization is not without a problem.
The study only sheds light on cultural politics of which the community has shown some
initiatives. The challenge is how to maintain co-existence while social distance among
ethnic differences is widening with the effect of cultural and identity reinvigoration
and the policy on social quality like education that separate the Muslims from the rest.
The strategy of building Betong’s common identity is quite positive, using social capital of
the community for economic gain, and should satisfy the livelihood of different groups.
However, Betong’s common image carried on from the recent past as the hub of sex
tourism does undermine the Muslims’ way of life in the area. The municipality is in fact
caught in a development paradox of contrasting image between cultural heritage with
international education hub and sex tourism; and it might lead to a more difficult task of
common identity conflict to be resolved in the near future.
What has happened in Betong somehow leads to an understanding that when it comes
to culture and identity, globalization leaves it to different imaginations. While Betong
attempts to be more imaginative, it also calls for more authority. Betong’s initiatives are
certainly different from many other communities in the southern region, which to a large
extent is attributed to their ability to exercise authority with the leadership of political
accommodation among different ethnic groups.
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to Chalit Tavornukitkul for his assistance in the fieldwork; the Municipality ofBetong and the administration team for information and hospitality; Ngamsuk Ratanasatian and allkey informants for sharing their perspectives; Supapohn Kanveerayothin and Marine K. Miller forEnglish translation and correction, respectively; reviewers of the research project and for this article;Eduardo Tadem, Vira Somboon andWillemWolters for their constructive reviews and comments onearly drafts; two anonymous reviewers; and Maria Ela L. Atienza for her advice on the preparation ofthe manuscript. The author assumes full responsibility for the final paper.
FundingThis is one of the case studies in the project “Examining the Impact of and Responses toGlobalization of Selected Local Communities in the Philippines and Thailand,” funded by theSoutheast Asian Studies Research and Exchange Programme (SEASREP) Foundation
Notes
1. The most recent work can be found, for example, จนตนาการ ความเปนไทย [Imagining Thainess]edited by Krtitaya Achavanichkul (2008) published by the Institute for Population and SocialStudies and the Center for the Promotion of Peace, Mahidol University.
2. Ericsson was the first telecommunication company in Thailand in the mid 1980s, but themarket was still limited. It did not take long for the market to grow afterward. http://www.scottmurray.com/ericsson.htm accessed February 27, 2014.
3. Malayu is the term used in Betong and the three border provinces. Some local Muslims mightalso use Nayu.
4. Interviewees were supposed to be from the same nuclear family. However, tracing all membersof three generations from 10 households at the same time was not always possible. In that case,any member of the same extended family was sought to replace the missing respondent of thatgeneration.
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5. This study cannot claim that it is a full ethnographic study; the qualitative methods usedare in-depth interview, focus group discussion, and observations. Data was collected fromOctober 2008 to April 2009 with several visits.
6. The situation of diasporas in Betong is not the same as in Ranong and Mae Sod located on theborder with Myanmar, where more than several hundred thousands of Burmese workers havedominated the town. Diasporas are best studied in these places rather than in Betong.In addition, my initial survey of Betong did not convince me of a high level of interactionbetween diasporas and the local ethnicity issues.
7. The three groups are called, in the Thai language, Thai Put (Buddhist Thai), Kon Jean (Chinesedescendants/origin) and Thai Muslim (Malayu Muslim). Malayu and Muslim in the southernborder provinces is used interchangeably or combined.
8. Thailand’s headquarter of theMarkasCenter is inNongjok, Bangkok. The center, while educatingthe community about Islam, does not identify good and bad, leaving it to an individual’s judgment.Their approach is, therefore, compatible with local Muslim communities so they have notpresented a major problem with their interventions. The center is strictly non-political andoperateswith donations frommembers and networks (Piyanonpong, pers. comm.,April 22, 2009).
9. Studies on Muslim identity in the three border provinces can be found, for instance, inการปฏสมพนธระหวางศาสนกทปรากฏในจงหวดปตตาน ยะลา และนราธวาส [Interaction among religiousbelievers in Pattani, Yala and Narathiwas ] by Salae (2001, 13); สงคมและวฒนธรรมมลาย [Malaysociety and culture] by Prachuabmoh (2007, 56–83) in มลายศกษา ความรพนฐานเกยวกบมลายมสลมในภาคใต [Malayu Study: Background of Malayu Muslim in southern Thailand] edited byNithi Eaosiwong; and “National Identity, the ‘Sam-Sams’ of Satun, and the Thai MalayMuslims” by Suwannathat-Pian (2008, 155–72) in Thai South and Malay North: EthnicInteractions on a Plural Peninsular edited by Michael J. Montesano and Patrick Jory.
10. Asuroh is a kind of pudding; literally in Arabic, it means to mix or to put together. It is carriedout annually in November or on the 10th of the month of Muharram, the first month of Hijra erain Islam. The ceremony calls for the participation and cooperation of Muslim communities(Trinnara 2007).
11. Private religious schools were provided by Private School Act 1989 because the normalschools (formal education) have not provided enough Islamic education. Since then, more andmore Muslim parents send their children to these private religious schools instead of normalschool. There was an understanding that the new generation of Islamic teachers advocated aseparate school for Muslims, while the older generation did not (Nualla-ong, pers. comm.,October 1, 2008).
12. The author’s other study on multi-ethnic democracy and local government models for thesouthern border provinces found that there have been prejudices within the bureaucracy againstMalayu Muslim as not being trustworthy. Policy to advocate cultural diversity often becomesrhetorical, unless the local government is relatively independent and able to break through theprejudice.
Notes on contributor
Chantana Banpasirichote Wungaeo is associate professor at the Faculty of Political Science,Chulalongkorn University. Thailand. She teaches politics of development, peace and conflictresolutions. Recent research interests cover current political crises, nonviolent conflicts, state-civilsociety relations in Thailand and developing countries.
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Interviews and Personal Communications
Baso, Lahamae. 2008. Interview by author, October 3, Betong, Yala.Bua-niam, Pimpis. 2008. Interview by author, October 5. Betong, Yala.Buena, Wanghama. 2009. Interview by author, July 12. Betong, Yala.Buena, Wanghama. 2009. Interview by author, April 21. Betong, Yala.
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Chantramongkhol, Nuchanart. 2008. Interview by author, September 30. Betong, Yala.Jehleh, Kalayani. 2008. Interview by author, October 3. Betong, Yala.Jehleh, Wahamah. 2008. Interview by author, October 3. Betong, Yala.Kari, Azan. 2009. Interview by author, April 20. Betong, Yala.Kongka, Lawan. 2008. Interview by author, October 6. Betong, Yala.Khotae, Khodiyoh. 2008. Interview by author, October 2, 2008. Betong, Yala.Khotae, Thani. 2008. Interview by author, October 2. Betong, Yala.Liangpansakul, Klaahaan. 2008. Interview by author, October 4. Betong, Yala.Maseh, Minoh. 2008. Interview by author, October 2. Betong, Yala.Nualla-ong, Sawang. 2008. Interview by author, October 1. Betong, Yala.Piyanonpong, Suden. 2009. Interview by author, April 22. Betong, Yala.Ratanasathien, Ngamsuk. 2009. Interview by author, July 10. Betong, Yala.Saratsamitra, Pornpimol. 2008. Interview by author, October 4. Betong, Yala.Serang, Abdullah. 2008. Interview by author, October 2. Betong, Yala.Serang, Abdullah. 2008. Interview by author, April 21. Betong, Yala.Serang, Abdullah. 2009. Interview by author, July 29. Betong, Yala.Sirithanawat, Kaj. 2009. Interview by author, April 23. Betong, Yala.Tebjit, Manlika. 2008. Interview by author, October 1. Betong, Yala.TN [pseudo]. 2008. Interview by author, October 2. Betong, Yala.Trirattanaprakong, Lersak. 2008. Interview by author, October 4. Betong, Yala.Wattanachaopisut, Chaolert. 2009. Interview by author, April 20. Betong, Yala.WH [pseudo]. 2009. Interview by author, April 21. Betong, Yala.
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