Post on 21-Jan-2023
The Adinkra: Re-reading a Discourse within a Discourse
A thesis presented to
the faculty of
the College of Fine Arts of Ohio University
In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Master of Fine Arts
Eunice N. M. Delaquis
August 2013
© 2013 Eunice N. M. Delaquis. All Rights Reserved.
2
This thesis titled
The Adinkra: Re-reading a Discourse within a Discourse
by
EUNICE N. M. DELAQUIS
has been approved for
the School of Art
and the College of Fine Arts by
Sherry Blankenship
Associate Professor of Art
Margaret Kennedy-Dygas
Dean, College of Fine Arts
3
ABSTRACT
DELAQUIS, EUNICE N. M., M.F.A., August 2013, Graphic Design
The Adinkra: Re-Reading a Discourse within a Discourse
Director of Thesis: Sherry Blankenship
The discourse of the Adinkra, which is a visual and spiritual “translation of
thoughts and ideas, expressing and symbolizing the values, beliefs, philosophy and
wisdom of the Ashanti”(Danzy 2009, 3), has indeed permeated through time and space.
Their complexities have unearthed quite a wide spectrum of concepts and theories;
deductions of one idea from the other; mixed amalgamations of facts and speculations; all
this harnessing the evolving discourse within a discourse. The intention therefore is to
create awareness about the existence and history of the Adinkra, to celebrate and sustain
the Adinkra as part of the Ghanaian culture, and solidify it as an ideographic writing
system. The issue of preserving a writing system is cross-cultural because writing has
played and still plays a significant role in defining, defending, and sustaining any culture.
Hence the discourse of the Adinkra as an ideographic writing system is extremely
relevant.
The goals of the research will be explored further through a mixed media
installation that comprises of illustration, sound and animation. This will serve as a visual
manifestation and reflection of the discourses deduced as well as the conclusions raised.
4
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Indeed, any scholarly research requires multiple recourses and contributions. This
thesis would not have had such a successful completion without the help, guidance and
support of certain able minds who stood by me through the entire process.
First and Foremost, I would like to thank God for spiritual strength and endurance
throughout this research process. My sincerest gratitude also goes to my committee
members Don Adleta for his academic guidance, mentorship and patience. Without the
kind words and academic coaching of Sherry Blankenship during moments when things
got quite tough, persevering through could have been a hard task. The theoretical and
scholarly insight of Andrea Frohne was an irreplaceable and commendable asset to my
research. She always made me look further and harder beyond what the eyes perceived.
I also want to express my gratitude to Nathaniel Berger from the Ohio University
Aesthetics Lab for his technical assistance with the lab facilities. It would have been very
difficult figuring out the functionalities of certain equipment without his vast technical
knowhow. Carlos Pacheco was indeed God sent, for without his expertise on gallery
installation matters, I could not have achieved the final output of my installation design.
Lastly, I want to thank my fellow peers and my entire family for their moral
support and words of advice during this entire research process.
May God bless you all.
5
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Abstract ............................................................................................................................... 3 Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................... 4
List of Figures ..................................................................................................................... 7 introduction ....................................................................................................................... 10
Chapter 1: Literature review ............................................................................................. 14 Adinkra in Brief ............................................................................................................ 14
Adinkra In Appropriation: The Utilitarian Value ......................................................... 20 Adinkra As Kasakoa (A Bended Language) ................................................................ 23
A Discourse of Derivation and Provenance ................................................................. 27 Adinkra as an Ideographic Writing .............................................................................. 32
Defrancis’ Version of True Writing ...................................................................... 34 Ong’s Version of True Writing ............................................................................. 36
Effects of Colonialsim on Adinkra ............................................................................... 39 Chapter 2: Methodology ................................................................................................... 46
Adinkra in Print: The Journey to Ntonso ..................................................................... 46 Visual Essays ................................................................................................................ 63
Visual Essay One: Ayamu Nsem (Story of the Fern) ........................................... 66 Visual Essay Two: Twitwi (Scrape) ...................................................................... 66
Visual Essay Three Nfraframu (Mixtures) and Visual Essay Four Nfraframu Ntoaso(Continuous Mixtures) ............................................................................... 68
Visual Essay Five Mene wana (Who am I?) ......................................................... 70 Essay Six Mankye (I did not burn) ........................................................................ 71
Essay Seven Nkwa Nkyiniho (The cycle of Life) .................................................. 72 Essay Eight Mpaninfoo Asedee (Leadership) ....................................................... 73
Essay nine Mesumasem (Secrets) ......................................................................... 75 Essay Ten Adaneadane (Turns and Tides) ........................................................... 76
Essay Eleven Nsiano (Balance) ............................................................................ 77 Adinkra in Sound and Motion ...................................................................................... 78
Marshaling Reference Points ........................................................................................ 81
6
The Vision: An Installation draft .................................................................................. 84 Chapter 3: Results and Discussions .................................................................................. 87
The Installation ............................................................................................................. 87 Chapter 4: Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 92
References ......................................................................................................................... 94 Appendix: Adinkra Symbols ............................................................................................. 96
7
LIST OF FIGURES
Page
Figure 1. Adinkrahene (Adinkra King) Symbol of Boldness, greatness, continuity and endurance. This symbol is said to have played an inspiring role in the designing of the other Adinkra symbols ....................................................................................................17 Figure 2. Gyenyame (Except God). One of the most popular Adinkra symbols. It signifies the supremacy of God .......................................................................................17 Figure 3. Logo of Winneba University bearing the Adinkra symbol Mate Masie (What I hear I keep). Symbol of wisdom and knowledge ............................................................18 Figure 4. Apa (Hand cuffs or chain link). Was a symbol of Law, Justice slavery and captivity. Now it is a symbol discouraging slavery ........................................................18 Figure 5. Sankofa (Return and get it). Symbol of learning from the past and using that as a beacon to move forward in the future ..........................................................................19 Figure 6. Sankofa (Return and get it). Another variation of the symbol ........................19 Figure 7. A carved stool embedded with the Adinkra symbol Gyenyame ......................20 Figure 8. Carved earrings embedded with the Adinkra symbol Duafe.(A symbol of beauty, cleanliness and desirable feminine qualities) .....................................................21 Figure 9. A linguist staff featuring the Adinkra symbol Sankofa ...................................26 Figure 10. Men wearing Adinkra cloth, Ghana, 1960s ...................................................26 Figure 11. A bowl of badie piecest .................................................................................50 Figure 12. Akoto pounding the badie .............................................................................51 Figure 13. Akoto explaining the badie dye making process ...........................................52 Figure 14. A dyed Adinkra cloth ....................................................................................52 Figure 15. Sieving mechanism for the badie dye ...........................................................54 Figure 16. Sample of a prepared badie dye ....................................................................54 Figure 17. Bundles of kuntunkuni roots ..........................................................................56
8
Figure 18. An area for the boiling processes ..................................................................57 Figure 19. Kuntunkuni dye ..............................................................................................57 Figure 20. Akoto demonstrating Adinkra printing on cloth ...........................................60 Figure 21. Akoto demonstrating Adinkra printing on cloth ...........................................60 Figure 22. Trying my hands on the Adinkra printing process ........................................61 Figure 23. Trying my hands on the Adinkra printing process ........................................61 Figure 24. Trying my hands on the loom ........................................................................62 Figure 25. Essay one .......................................................................................................67 Figure 26. Essay two .......................................................................................................68 Figure 27. Essay three .....................................................................................................69 Figure 28. Essay four ......................................................................................................70 Figure 29. Essay five .......................................................................................................72 Figure 30. Essay six ........................................................................................................72 Figure 31. Essay seven ....................................................................................................74 Figure 32. Essay eight .....................................................................................................74 Figure 33. Essay nine ......................................................................................................75 Figure 34. Essay ten ........................................................................................................76 Figure 35. Essay eleven ..................................................................................................77 Figure 36. Storyboard .....................................................................................................80 Figure 37. Installation draft .............................................................................................86 Figure 38. Final Installation ............................................................................................90 Figure 39. Final Installation ............................................................................................90
9
Figure 40. Final Installation ............................................................................................91 Figure 41. Final Installation ............................................................................................91
10
INTRODUCTION The profound knowledge, wisdom, values and beauty that the Adinkra embodies
and communicates has in many ways shaped the lives of the Akan people as well as all
those who hold its sacred norms in high esteem. In Akan modernity, these stylized
symbols, which are translations of thoughts and ideas expressing, symbolizing, and
communicating values, beliefs and wisdom, continue to convey the philosophy and the
endurance of the Ashanti. Chapter one of this thesis will expatiate the dense background
of the Adinkra in terms of their history (which will include their debated origins and the
negative effects inflicted during colonialism), how they are used and appropriated, an
ethnographic account of the traditional and modern techniques employed for its printing
and most importantly their credible attributes and inferences that make them a writing
system. The history of the Adinkra in this research is of immense importance because
history informs a people of who they are, where they have been, and where they must go.
The relationship of history to a people is equivalent to the relationship of a mother to her
child thus it creates a sense of anchoring to a determined source or imagined roots. The
discourse will further delve into the intricacies surrounding the Adinkra’s lack of
recognition as a writing system by leading linguists and how that has its root emanating
from certain ethnocentric constraints; which further expands into other issues pertaining
to orality and literacy. Indeed, it is not surprising for a casual observer to assume Ghana’s
Adinkra as mostly symbols associated with the Akan culture or any other culture for that
matter; however, it embodies more than just symbolism. Most of its attributes bear
profound similarities to other writing systems attesting to the fact that it is indeed a
11
writing system:-; an ideographic writing system to be exact. Scholars like Elizabeth Hill
Boone and Gary Urton have identified a categorization structure that bundles the different
writing systems into three broad fields. Namely, pictographs, ideographs and
phonographs (which will be discussed in detail in chapter one.) What is most revealing
about this structure is that these scholars do not recognize these fields as a channel to
rank the systems but rather to compare and contrast the similarities and differences that
make them unique from each other. However the consensus among certain scholars like
Walter Ong and John DeFrancis is inconclusive regarding the hypothesis of the writing
systems specifically, the category of ideographs, because according to their studies, the
ideographic system fails to measure up to their ideal version of ‘true scripts’ which is
phonetics.
The effects of colonialism with regards to certain techniques that were used to
successfully colonize Ghana and how the impact as a result contributed to the dwindling
down of the Adinkra in the current redefined post-colonial Ghanaian culture will also be
examined in chapter one. The discourse will continue to delve into how the dominance of
nation-states has affected not just the Adinkra, but also the culture to which it belongs. A
culture that is often branded as the ‘other’. The complex bondage of the psyche or
‘colonization of the mind’ which has become the ‘by product’ of colonization will be
discussed in detail; and how this ‘by product’ has resulted into somewhat of an inferiority
complex of the ‘other’ in a postcolonial era; an inbred ‘sickness’ that needs
convalescence, purging and a realization of the need to decolonize the mind and begin to
develop a stronger and more confident realization of self.
12 In Chapter two, the need to reclaim and reveal the Adinkra as part of the
Ghanaian culture will be explored through an installation that inculcates traditional
charcoal mark making with modern digital printing. These concepts will be rearticulated
in video and animation. They will all be harmoniously melded together with the musical
infusion of traditional drumbeats overlaid with sounds of modern guitar. This
juxtaposition of media will locate the Adinkra in past, present and future contexts; where
the new recognizes and is influenced by the old; and where the past and present both
confirm and contradict each other.
This chapter will also raise certain questions and concerns as well as a
formulation of a discourse within a discourse especially from a graphic designer’s
perspective because, the idea and concept of the whole communication process of design
can still be deduced as being highly Eurocentric, tightly stratified, strictly linear and
exclusively unilateral. Why does design have to be based on alphabetic and syllabic
constraints? Why are other possibilities fixed to a periphery? Why hasn’t the concept of
other writing agents been maximized from phonemes and syllabaries into the ideographic
paradigm? These issues and complex discourses will be tackled through the visual
communication process that is devoid of the fixed constraints presented by the graphic
design structure. In that regard, the style used in the execution of the array of designs will
be based on ideas and ideography rather than sounds of speech. This will create a mode
of communication that challenges the theory that “the tightest control of all is achieved
by the alphabet” (Orality and Literacy). It must be highlighted that this will not be a
‘proclamation’ denying the relevance of phonetic based forms but rather discarding the
13
idea of its comparison and dominance to other forms of writing and thereby embracing a
wider hybridity of versatility.
References from certain artists of both local and international acclaim who were
sources of motivation and inspiration for the project will also be briefly discussed in the
concluding sections of this chapter to help strengthen the visual output.
Chapter three will analyze the results of the research and the visual content and
discuss the problems faced, solutions raised and conclusions drawn. This will determine
whether or not the goals of the thesis where achieved and if there could be possible
extensions and improvements for the future outside the completion of the thesis.
Lastly, concluding statements will be made in chapter four to reflect on the entire
research process from beginning to end.
14
CHAPTER 1: LITERATURE REVIEW
Adinkra in Brief
Adinkra is quite famous in most parts of Ghana; however, it will not be surprising
to an outsider beyond the country’s peripheries that Adinkra is an unknown subject
matter. Simply put, they may neither have a savvy idea about what they are nor the
slightest idea of what they may mean. In such an unplanned happenstance from a curious
layman, there may be a need to clarify certain questions that may arise: What are Adinkra
symbols? What are their distinct look and features? Where and how did they originate
and what is their utilitarian value? Are they a spoken language? Can they be read like
text? Etc. According to Arthur, Adinkra are often defined as symbols (and ideographs,
which is considered a controversial term among certain linguists), which through stylized
pictures, convey the philosophy of the Ashanti of Ghana (which belongs to the Akan
ethnic group), and the culture to which they belong. He further expatiates this by saying
that stylistically, Adinkra symbols are “based on various observations of and associations
between humans and objects they use, flora and fauna scenes, the human body and its
parts, and elements of nature, [geometric] and abstract ideas” (Arthur 2001, 33). With
respects to this definition from Arthur, Adinkra can be viewed as an embodiment of
visual cues and pictorial designs of various kinds and from various sources such as
nature, beasts of the earth, from the leaping frogs to the souring birds of the sky, plants
ranging from the creeping vines to the robust and crude plants, ponds and rivers, parts of
the human body, and other man made objects, “all of which represent more than their
image and are understood within the context of the Asante culture”. (Arthur 2001, 34).
15 Another definition from Agbo asserts that they are also a “translation of thoughts
and ideas, expressing and symbolizing the values and beliefs of the people among whom
they occur” (Agbo 2006, ix); These translations where passed on from generation to
generation through oral traditions such as song (nwomto), announcements (dehuro) and
most importantly folktales (anansesem). They also instilled discipline by giving warning,
providing advice and teaching morals. Adinkra is also a language by virtue of its ability
to communicate “proverbs, parables and maxims” (Agbo 2006, v). One of the ways in
which any kind knowledge can be possessed is through the use of language. Language in
itself is a field too broad to bundle up into one simple term or definition. Every attempt to
definitively say what language is has been subject to limitations. Some scholars believe
that it makes more sense to live it as an open ended topic, flexible enough for people to
draw their own conclusions depending on the context they want to fit them (Abram 1996,
73). Linguistic scholars on the other hand, since the scientific revolution see language to
be a set of “arbitrary but conventionally agreed upon words or signs linked by a purely
formal system of syntactic and grammatical rules”(Abram 1996, 77). This definition is
indeed very restricted in the sense that it only caters for phonetics (writing system based
on sounds of speech) and hence does not embrace a wider perception of language. For the
purposes of the discourse of Adinkra, basing language on a cultural platform will help
ground the Adinkra as a language. A definition, which helps in creating a link between
language and culture, asserts that language is “a system of signs (indices, icons, symbols)
used to encode and decode information so that the pairing of a specific sign with an
intended meaning is established through certain social and cultural conventions.” Indeed
16
Adinkra is a language by virtue of the fact that it links a particular symbol to a unique
meaning in the culture of the Akan. And these meanings are recognized and understood
by members of this culture and hence used as a communication tool or medium in their
society.
The gradual descent and transcendence of time has indeed reshaped and caused
the Adinkra to adapt to certain social, cultural, religious, economic and historical changes
that have redefined Ghanaian modernity, thus causing an emergence of newer
appropriations and revisions of the symbols. A typical example is the Adinkra symbol
Apa (hand cuffs) or chain shackles. This symbol is believed to have existed before the
trans-Atlantic slave trade became a viable export venture. In the traditional judicial
system and the fixed scheme of crime sentencing in the old Akan community, being sold
into slavery was not an uncommon phenomenon. Depending on the crime or crimes
committed, they could be sold locally or to foreign merchants. Hence this symbol initially
stood for one of the penalties for vicious crimes. However the evolution of Ghanaian
modernity has reshaped the symbol to rather dispute and shun the concept of slavery and
“the uncompromising nature of such a law” (Arthur 2001, 42). The symbol Gye Nyame or
‘except for god’ is yet another example that has adapted to change through time. The
Akan traditional religion has always believed in the existence and supremacy of a greater
being Otweduampong Kwame(God). With the advent of the Christian religion, the
meaning still remains yet the application has included and embraced the Christian God as
well (Arthur 2001, 42). In that respect, it is imperative to note that that some of the
symbols have been altered in meaning but not necessarily in form so as to conform to
17
these changes. As Quarcoo confirms, “Adinkra has been adapted into all aspects of
Ghana’s developing society, and appears on churches, universities (Winneba University,
Ghana), banks and insurance houses” (Quarcoo 1994, ix) to help perpetuate their
existence and preservation.
Figure 1. Adinkrahene (Adinkra King) Symbol of Boldness, greatness, continuity and endurance.
Figure 2. Gyenyame (Except God). One of the most popular Adinkra symbols. It signifies the supremacy of God.
18
Figure 3. Logo of Winneba University bearing the Adinkra symbol Mate Masie (What I hear I keep). Symbol of wisdom and knowledge.
Figure 4. Apa (Handcuffs or chain link). Was a symbol of law, justice, slavery and captivity.
19
Figure 5. Sankofa (Return and get it). Symbol of learning from the past and using that as a beacon for the future.
Figure 6. Sankofa (Return and get it). Another variation of figure 5.
20
Adinkra In Appropriation: The Utilitarian Value
The unique designs of the Adinkra makes its aesthetic value important for the
observer. Their eloquent facades have enticed many foreigners as well as some locals to
purchase objects with Adinkra symbols embedded on them without necessarily knowing
or being interested in the hidden meaning behind its exterior grandeur. Though this has
caused a depreciation of its (Adinkra) true worth, it still shows how much it is valued as
an art form. In the Ashanti as well as many other parts of Ghana, the symbols can be seen
on diverse mediums such as “textiles, pottery, stools, umbrella tops, linguist staffs, gold
weights, jewelry, swords, architecture,” and much more (Quarcoo 1994, ix).
Figure 7. A carved stool embedded with the Adinkra symbol Gyenyame.
21
Figure 8. Wooden earrings carved in the Adinkra symbol Duafe. (A symbol of beauty, cleanliness and desirable feminine qualities).
Due to their appearance on objects of utility, the symbols as an art form fell into
the category of “art for life’s sake” as opposed to the Western ideal “art for art’s sake”,
the latter often being regarded as ‘true’ art (Quarcoo 1994, ix). Despite this fallacy, the
full meaning of the symbols have not been undermined, neither have they acted as just
mere distracting embellishments on the utilitarian objects they may are embedded on. On
the contrary, their presence on such items solidifies and heightens the value as well as the
appreciation of such objects by people who still appreciate and understand its coded
language because of the rich saturation of wisdom imbued in the Adinkra. (Quarcoo
1994, ix). This wisdom is popularly known as Kasakoa in the Ashanti/Akan native
language. Having the Adinkra symbols on objects of utility around the home provided
parents with visual cues in which lessons could be taught and references could be to the
children, thus the utilitarian objects became more than just utilitarian objects they also
22
became teaching aids and a visual embodiment of meaning that surrounded them. For this
reason, children grew up becoming more conversant with the symbols and knew how to
read meaning into them and how to use them in the right context.
Another popular way in which the Adinkra were used was in the telling of
folktales. Folktales, popularly known as anasesem were a fun way of using the Adinkra
to teach norms and morals. The tales were normally told by an elderly male or female
usually a grandmother or grandfather. Young children would camp around a bonfire in a
circular fashion with the elder sitting on a stool (that may be carved in an Adinkra
symbol) at one point of the circle. Some of these utilitarian objects such as jewelry, bowls
etc. with the Adinkra symbol on them were then used as reference points at the end of the
story to explain the moral of the tale.
In modern times, Adinkra has been adopted in t-shirt designs, lampshades, carpets
etc not to necessarily teach morals but more as decoration pieces that invoke the ‘culture’
of Ghana. Firms and industries also try to incorporate some of the symbols in their
corporate identity packages, again not to promote the meaning of the symbol, but
sometimes because their aesthetics are found appealing and also there are no copyright
laws governing the symbols. In actual fact, they are used because they look nice and are
free. Most of the time, the meaning of the symbol may not necessarily have anything to
do with the goals of the firm or company. If indeed the symbol was used to highlight the
ideals of the company, then it would be a more credible use and the Adinkra would serve
its purpose well. In addition, if the slogan of the firm or company sheds light on the
23
values of the Adinkra symbol being used, not only will it be an appropriate use of the
symbol but it will be in line with the old Akan art of articulated speech, Kasakoa.
Adinkra As Kasakoa (A Bended Language)
Kasa kasakoa your words are deep and steeped with weight. Concealed within the Adinkra frame When sight was gone you peered soo bright. Within Adinkra pride you took me back to days of old and brought me back with treasures untold. Not silver or gold but wisdom true and rare. From ancestral hands and the spirits of the land. Through torrents of cloudy veils you unwinded my brain. I now speak up for I know my name, my identity, my language, my Adinkra they are here to stay… in kasakoa I speak the language of the Adinkra. For in this I live and have my being…. (Eunice Delaquis)
Kasakoa is an articulated art of speaking that delivers the ideals and morals of the
Adinkra in the most sophisticated of ways. Kasakoa comes from two separate Akan
words ‘Kasa’ which means to speak and ‘Koa’ which means to bend. In totality, kasakoa
literally means ‘bent language’. In the old Akan tradition, wise sayings and proverbial
knowledge were never spoken in plain language but in a series of metaphoric and
complex amalgamations of words and idiomatic expressions. Hence they were spoken in
Kasakoa. A lot of this wisdom was embedded in these stylized ideographs (Adinkra)…A
true epiphany of knowledge and wisdom which conveyed the philosophy of the Ashanti.
(Interview, Agya Koo Nimo)
In the court of the old Ashanti palace (Mankyia palace which is still in existence
today), the Okyeame, (chief linguist and advisor to the king), was believed to be the
initiator of metaphorically articulated speech using the values of the Adinkra. Royal
24
oratory in most African cultures, including that of the Ashanti, was an infusion of the
words of the king and the verbal embellishments of the Okyeame. He was not only a
member of the “royal entourage through whom the chief spoke and through whom
others’ reached the chief” but also, he was considered as one of the respectable elite
elders, “the chief’s orator, diplomat, envoy, prosecutor, protocol officer, prayer
officiant…. and confidant counselor” (Yankah 1995, 84). By virtue of these important
official and royal duties, his verbal repertoire had to be utterly impeccable. Hence,
Adinkra symbolism and its metaphoric and wise underpinnings played a significant role
in all aspects of speech and communication of the Asante culture and were passed on by
elders particularly an elite class of elders such as the Okyeame to the people and the
people to their children. Hence a rich cycle of Adinkra values revolved throughout most
households. Customarily, the Okyeame carries a staff bearing an emblem of maxims or
an Adinkra symbol. The staff together with the symbol or emblem is usually made of
pure gold (Christain 1976, 77). Some of the popular Adinkra symbols seen on the staff
are Sankofa (Go back and get it), Nyamebiribi wosoro (There is a God in the heavens)
and Adinkrahene (Adinkra King). The Okyeame used and still uses these symbols to
communicate values to the king as well as the royal court.
Cloth makers in years past were known to be the pioneers of using the symbols to
pay homage to the dead during funeral rites. In this case, the Adinkra symbols were
carefully chosen so as to reflect and show the attributes of the deceased, and in so doing
bring honor and respect to them as well as their surviving relatives. The symbols were
also used to communicate to nananom nsamanfo (dead ancestors), who the Asante
25
believed acted as intermediates between the living and the Supreme Being
(Otweduampom Kwame, God).
Showing reverence to the king was a prestigious act and an honorable duty for
cloth makers. For that reason, aside from producing cloth for mourning and funeral
purposes, they also carefully made yards of cloth with special arrangements of Adinkra
motifs and patterns to highlight the king’s prowess and sovereignty for all to see. These
were done very creatively and distinct from those meant for commoners. The Kings wore
these as royal regalia to large durbars, festivals and special sacred ceremonies. Daniel
Mato attests to this by stating that “late nineteenth century photographs portray a number
of kings and members of royal courts who wear cloths with similar motifs stamped upon
them which can have royal references or be identified with royal attributes” (Mato 1986,
231). Through these imprints on fabric, the king is able to make statements without
opening his mouth to speak. His Adinkra adornments that were applied to the surface of
his garments professed his status in society as well as how he ruled his kingdom.
In modern times however, there is an ongoing dislocation of the values of the
Adinkra from the Adinkra symbols themselves. This has created a gap between the
Adinkra and their homeland; hence, the Adinkra in some instances end up becoming
random and anonymous symbols in distant lands separated from their individual meaning
and value. The emergence of Holland and especially China as competitors in the
production of Adinkra and kente fabrics (a valued textile art form) is an example of how
products of national heritage can be dislocated from their homeland hence perpetuating
the loss of wisdom and knowledge. These fabrics get sold to other areas of the world as
26
interesting looking ‘ethnic’ or ‘tribal inspired cloth’. Some of the symbols even get
distorted during the process thus causing their meanings to evaporate.
Figure 9. A linguist staff featuring the Adinkra symbol Sankofa.
Figure 10. Men wearing Adinkra cloth, Ghana, 1960s.
27
A Discourse of Derivation and Provenance
In the past, the ancestral spirits were believed to be the mediators between the
living and the dead and that there was always this cyclic transfer of messages back and
forth. According to oral history, the name Adinkra thus comes from the Akan word nkra
or nkara meaning message or messages. It is speculated that the dead were adorned with
these so as to have communication in the spirit world. And the living wore them to have
communication with both the living and the dead. It is by virtue of this that it has been
commonly assumed the name Adinkra came into existence. Also, Adi nkra together
means farewell, and Danquah proposed that perhaps the name could have arisen because
it was used to say farewell to the dead during funerals.
A popular story that also accounts for the inception of the name Adinkra comes
from an old folktale which denotes that an Asantehene (Ashanti king) called Nana
Prempeh I during the British colonization of the Gold-coast (now Ghana) refused to give
up the sacred golden stool of the Ashanti when the Colonial masters asked for it. For this
insubordinate act, he was exiled. It is said that Prempeh I was wearing the Adinkra cloth,
which was then referred to as Ntiamu Ntoma (stamped cloth). After the parting of the
King, the cloth was believed to have been re-named Adinkra to commemorate that event
of parting or having to say farewell (Arthur 2001, 25-26).
The potency and the ideals associated with the proverbial language of Adinkra has
very much been sustained and remembered in its unadulterated form. Unfortunately, the
vivid events surrounding its often-debated birth and origin have faded with the passing of
time. One theory held high by the Akan, places the birth of Adinkra in the seventeenth
28
century. The theory according to Ashanti history denotes that Adinkra came with the
Asantehene’s golden stool. In addition, this theory harnesses the rich belief that Okomfo
Anokye, the first high priest who was known to possess strong spiritual and magical
powers, called upon from the heavens the descent of a golden stool, a physical
manifestation of unity and strength, which in turn came to symbolize the power of the
first king of the Ashanti nation, Nana Osei Tutu. A power that was duly inherited by
every succeeding Asantehene (Asante King). It is believed that Adinkra cloth served as a
covering for the golden stool during its travel down to earth. (Willis 1998, 29-32).
There is yet another theory which also emanates from oral traditions that claim
that a war broke out between the Asante and the Gyaman now Côte d’Ivoire or Ivory
Coast in 1818, a war which is popularly known in history as the Asante-Gyaman war.
The war was believed to have erupted when King Adinkra Kofi of Gyaman made an
imitation of the golden stool of the Asante. This act was considered high treason, an
insult and an abomination to the throne of Asante. The Asantehene was very much
outraged and through the undefeated and noted strength of his empire, fearlessly defeated
the Gyaman and brought in Adinkra Kofi as a prisoner of war to the capital state,
Kumasi. It is also added that on his capture, Adinkra Kofi wore robes saturated in series
of motifs and symbols, which inspired the genesis of the Adinkra symbols. Oral accounts
also add that Adinkra Kofi’s son Adinkra Apaa who was believed to have technical
knowledge about the Adinkra was kept alive unlike his father so as to teach the
techniques of the craft to the Ashanti. The oral accounts explain that the craft was first
taught to a man named Kwaku Dwaku in a village near Kumasi (Willis 1998, 30).
29
Though this theory is quite popular in Ghana and is indeed a possibility, there is still no
trace, hard evidence or remnants of Adinkra Kofi’s robes to solidify and validate the truth
in this story (Arthur 2001, 23-25).
In 1819, Thomas E. Bowdich embarked on a journey to Ghana that was
commissioned by the English government and her royal highness the queen. From his
written accounts, the Bowdich theory has evolved. This theory, which highlights
loopholes in the Asante-Gyaman war theory, unearths concrete proof that the Asante had
Adinkra symbols before the war with King Adinkra Kofi. After his return to England, he
published a book called Mission from Cape Coast to Ashantee in 1819. “This is the first
European account of the Asante and includes a now famous drawing made in 1817 of an
Akan celebration called the Odwira Festival in Kumasi.” In the drawing there was clear
evidence of motifs in repetition identified as the Adinkra, which was worn by most of the
men. To heighten its validity, it has been verified that in that same year, Bowdich
collected samples of the cloth which is now preserved and displayed in a British museum.
With this solid evidence, it can be rightfully said that the Akan did not obtain Adinkra
cloth from the Gyaman because the war began a year after Bowdich recorded the Akan
wearing the stamped cloth (Willis 1998, 30).
The Ashanti (by virtue of their victories of many battles) had acquired acres of
conquered territories by the late fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. The Bron, a successful
neighboring town in the Dormaah Ahenkro kingdom was not only noted for its fertile
lands, natural resources and link to productive trading points but also its mastery of
various crafts. Upon the defeat of Dormaah Ahenkro, Bron was won and hence became
30
part of the Ashanti territory. By virtue of this, they (Ashanti) were able to have direct
access and luxuries that the Bron had to offer. This included the craftsmanship from the
guild designers and others with professions of their kind whose lives were spared so as to
teach the craft to the Ashanti. It is on this that yet another hypothesis was derived,
popularly known as the Bron hypothesis. Some theorist believe that through interactions
with different merchants and traders along the trade routes, the creativity and knowledge
was heightened to the degree that they formulated an invention of making Adinkra. This
theory suggests therefore that the Adinkra begun after the acquisition of Bron placing its
(Adinkra) commencement somewhere in the late 17th century (Arthur 2001, 21-24).
On a yet debatable arena, some scholars strongly believe that the Adinkra
symbols had their roots and bearings from Islamic symbology. Delving through the
history of the Ashanti, it is realized that the empire grew to such an extent that it
encompassed the whole of present day Ghana as well as some of its neighboring
countries. It had exposure to different cultures as well as diverse trade routes and centers
of which the northern and Muslim trade parties were no exception. It is believed that
through the constant interaction with the Muslims, the Adinkra were influenced by
Islamic writing, amulet symbols and Kufic scripts.(Mato 1986, 63-64). Bowdich attests to
the fact of this direct contact between the Ashanti and the Muslims in his written
accounts and states the appearance of “Islamic… symbols and Arabic script” in their
attire (Mato 1986, 65-68). With this, it can be assumed that the Ashanti could have been
inspired to adopt and re-appropriate versions of certain Islamic signs and symbols so as to
suit their cultural beliefs and practices. Willis highlights some of those translations which
31
include “eban ggg(a compound house), damedame (the checkerboard game), kramo
(bone), amma yeanhu kramo pa (the bad Muslim makes it difficult for a good one to be
recognized)”. (Danzy 2009, 11). Despite this influence, it must be stressed, that the
Adinkra was already a full working system hence the effect of the influence included just
a small portion of the Adinkra symbols. In addition to this, the search to find some form
of relationship or direct linkage between Adinkra and the Islamic scripts have proved
futile for most Muslim and Arabic scholars. Another point of access that buttresses the
claim that the Adinkra originated from the Islamic scripts are those made by Danquah
and Arthur which asserts that none of the Adinkra symbols bear any visual similarities to
the Islamic scripts. Also the mode of printing, and system of production, totally differs
from one another. The Islamic inscriptions are written with brush sticks while the
Adinkra are stamped with hand carved calabash stamps (a process that will be discussed
in a later chapter). In addition the Islamic scripts are syllabic (similar to alphabets) while
the Adinkra symbols are ideographic (characters that represent an idea or concept).
The deductions made from this Islamic theory permits an ethnocentric scheme of
discourse that questions this theory’s claim that the totality of the Adinkra originated
from the Islamic inscriptions. Now taking into account that syllabic and alphabetic
systems have much in common and that the global hierarchy which places western
nations-states at the top (a system that has developed for hundreds of years), views
phonetics as the ideal model of writing for a civilized society. A deduction can be made
that Africa which was seen as a the dark continent and the place of primitive cultures; and
also by virtue of the fact the Asante culture like that of other African cultures did not
32
qualify to that defined standard of civilization; these nation states believed that the
ingenuity of the Adinkra could not have been a creation of barbarians; it had to be a
borrowed system from a higher and more developed source. Thus making this a more
acceptable theory for the derivation of the Adinkra by West.
Adinkra as an Ideographic Writing
Adinkra as a writing system is a very crucial aspect of this study. Its symbolic
attributes and unique aesthetic features have in many ways buried Adinkra’s
inconspicuous wisdom beneath its ‘physical façade’. From its utility and various possible
origins, it can be deduced that there is always an aspect of communication, a somewhat
proverbial message, a warning or a heed, a description, an appellation, being imparted to
an audience. There is a profound ideographic mode of communication and a bonafide
language encompassing codified wisdom and knowledge embedded in its stylistic visual
form. In simple terms, it is an ideographic writing system.
It is important to know that Adinkra is not read from a book like text or written in
manuscripts. Instead, the ideas and concepts behind the symbols are spoken and are
mostly stamped unto cloth (most popular) or carved into objects which then become the
medium from which they are read. Many scholars have determined categories of writing.
Jasmine Danzy mentions in her research the most common system, which bundles most
of the different writing systems into three broad groups and are quite popular and
recognized by scholars such as David E. Hunter and Phillip Whitten as well as Elizabeth
Hill Boone and Gary Urton. These three systems are pictographs (pictorial signs or
pictograms), which represent things such as animals, people, nature, etc. Their meanings
33
can easily be recognized and interpreted because they are not bound to any language, thus
transcending and breaking all linguistic barriers. Next, there are ideographs (or
ideograms), which bear similarities to pictographs, however, they do not necessarily
communicate what they may portray visually, but may stand for abstract and complex or
plain and simple ideas. With ideographs, one can say there is always something more
than meets the eye. For example, an ideograph of a dove might not refer to or represent a
specie of birds but rather the concept or idea of piety, godliness, righteousness or a
symbol of the Holy Spirit. It is under this category that the Adinkra falls. Lastly, there is
phonographs (phonograms), which represent sounds of speech and include syllabic and
alphabetic writing systems. (Arthur 2001, 8-9). Unlike ideographs, phonetics such as
alphabets needs a combination of its symbols (letters) in order to establish meaning. Each
character represents a sound of speech however on its own has no basis unless it is joined
by another symbol or symbols. Ideographs like the Adinkra however do not need the
inclusion of another character to make meaning. It is able to stand on its own. It also has
the flexibility to be combined with other symbols in the Adinkra family to invoke an even
larger concept. A detailed table providing a clearer comprehension of how the Adinkra
writing system functions is illustrated in the appendix page.
On a debatable arena, though these three broad classifications may be considered
didactically ‘Western’, studies show that these categories, successfully set themselves
aside from the typical ‘Western’ stereotyping and marginalization, in that each writing
category is seen as being unique and different within their own right.
34 However, other leading historic scholars in the field of linguistics such as John
Defrancis and Walter Ong have already set a standard stratum to pick and choose what
can and cannot qualify to be a true script or writing; and in order to qualify, the writing
must in most ways be linked to phonetics. (Danzy 2009, 14).
Defrancis’ Version of True Writing The complex and abstruse discourse over the sustenance of the concept of
ideographs is pertinent as far as the discourses of the Adinkra are concerned, for without
the existence of this concept, the fate of this unique writing system as well as others of
this kind might fall to its peril. The contention surrounding ideographs has been an
ongoing debate, having its commencement from issues surrounding the old Chinese
characters, which also fall into the paradigm of ideographs according to Chinese
ideographic linguists. They view their writing as complex characters conveying ideas and
concepts, exclusively devoid of sounds of speech (similar to that of Adinkra). The
pronunciations of the name of the character might differ depending on the region (Hansen
1993, 374). Chad Hansen in his article Chinese Ideographs and Western ideas discusses
John DeFrancis’ and his contemporaries’ (who are labeled by Hansen as prohibitionists)
argument against the use of the term ideograph. John DeFrancis argues that the term
ideograph is an “oxymoron” and a “scientifically falsified theory” which treats Chinese
characters as well as those like it as undermining “the mundane truths applicable to the
West” (Defrancis 1984, 75) (Danzy 2009, 15). With this statement, Defrancis is
acknowledging the existence of some kind of structure which he deems as the ‘mundane
truths’. Systems (such as Chinese) that do not meet these requirements of ‘truth’ are
35
easily branded as ‘the other’. DeFrancis’s attempt to get rid of the ideographic concept
and fit Chinese writing into the Western definition of what writing is and should be,
causes an ostracization and marginalization of all ideographic writing systems like
Adinkra.
The ‘mundane truth’ that Defrancis is talking about refers to a strict and rigid
module used by western linguists that restricts their acceptance of ideographs; and
according to Henson, this is the pattern they so tightly adhere to as far as speech and
writing are concerned. “Writing represents speech, speech represents ideas, and ideas
represent things” (Hansen 1993, 380). Notice how skillfully this formula “allows writing
to only be linked to speech directly, while it is linked to ideas and things indirectly”.
Western linguists have stuck to this pattern rigidly and are adamant about regarding the
slightest possibility that writing systems that differ can also be ‘real’ writing within their
own rights. Therefore, systems such as Adinkra that are linked to ideas directly, and
speech indirectly are seen as misfits based of the definition that DeFrancis has
highlighted as ‘real’ writing.
According to Danzy, John DeFrancis’s full support for an old, and quite archaic
pronouncement made in writing by Peter S. DuPonceau’s in the 1700s which denounced
the use of the ‘ideographic myth’. DuPonceau says:
Such writing is an ocular method of communicating ideas, entirely independent of speech, and which, without the intervention of words, conveys ideas through the sense of vision directly to the mind. Hence it is called ideographic, in contradistinction from the phonographic or alphabetical system of writing. This is the idea which is entertained of it in China, and may justly be ascribed to the vanity of the Chinese literati and others like it. The Catholic at first, and afterwards the Protestant missionaries, have received it from them without much examination; and the love of wonder, natural to our species, has not a little
36 contributed to propagate that opinion, which has taken such possession of the public mind, that it has become one of those axioms which no one will venture to contradict. (Hansen 1993,143)
In this pronouncement, DuPonceau makes a mockery of the use of ideograms, and of
Chinese linguists’ claim that their characters are based on ideas rather than words.
DuPonceau criticizes the unwillingness of linguists and missionaries to present an
argument against the ideographic theory by saying that “it has become the equivalent of
an axiom which no one will venture to contradict” (Danzy 2009, 16). Defrancis is in full
agreement with this text because it highlights quite nicely his orientation concerning the
fate of ideographs as a baseless topic that should cease to exist. What he fails to consider
is that the world has undergone and is constantly going through various changes and
transformations; political, cultural, economic, etc. A scholar of his stature should
consider the various adaptations that might have occurred after this document was
written. The reason why DuPonceau saw the ideographic topic as baseless could have
changed during the course of time. And so using a text written in the 17th century as
grounds to dismiss the ideographic theory is quite questionable. The only reason that
could account for this is the strong ties of eurocentrism, which sees no value in anything
that does not go in accordance with the principles and statues of their dominant nation
state’s culture.
Ong’s Version of True Writing With regard to the contentious subject matter of ideographs, Ong has a rather
subtle approach to the countenance surrounding the discourse under scrutiny. He
acknowledges ideography as writing; not a true script, but still a writing system
37
nonetheless. However, similarly to Defrancis, he also places phonemes on the highest
pedestal therefore ranking it as the ‘truest’ and ‘most ideal’ writing system. Ong’s use of
the alphabet as the model for what true writing is, reflects the idea that all writing
systems are compared to the Western model. Ong’s stance on the definition of true script
also requires that it must have an impact and change the way people think thus affecting
their psychology irreversibly. He continues to disclose in his theories that when a true
writing system develops in a society, it changes it from an oral society into a literate
society. Ong describes this change when he says, “writing makes ‘words’ appear similar
to things because we think of words as the visible marks signaling words to decoders: we
can see and touch such inscribed ‘words’ in texts and books. Written words are residue.
Oral tradition has no such residue or deposit” (Hansen 1993, 11). In saying this, Ong is
inferring that oral cultures along with whatever form of writing they might own which of
course will clearly not be inductions from words or books, in sum have no substance or
residue and as such can neither be inculcated into the good books of ‘real’ script, nor can
they be deemed worthy enough to bear the mark of truth with respects to writing. The
Ashanti culture, including its writing system, the Adinkra, are insularly based and deeply
rooted on principles of orality, which requires the possession, practice and learning of
great wisdom through discipleship and apprenticeship; in which the apprentice or disciple
acquires a great deal of knowledge by listening, repeating what they hear, mastering
proverbs and most importantly by mastering the recombining of all these elements in
cohesion. A chief linguist does not sit down and study Adinkra the way writers in the
modern Western world study written passages in alphabet script. Instead, aspiring
38
linguists become apprentices and learn by listening. There are priests who teach using
Adinkra, for Adinkra cannot be learned through individual scholarship; discipleship is
necessary for the full understanding of their meaning (Warren 1982, 26).
Therefore, with regard to Ong’s theory, in conjunction with the fact that the
Ashanti culture embraces the concept of orality, it is not and cannot be a literate society.
For in Ong’s assertions, orality is heavily saturated in illiteracy and anything including
writing arising from an illiterate domain cannot have equal rights with the ideal model,
neither can it have an impact on society. From these assertions, the question arises, what
then is literacy? According to the Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, literacy
comes from the word ‘literate’ (derived from middle English and Greek Latin terms)
which means “marked with letters”. Two definitions are provided which are as follows:
1. “Able to read and write” 2. “Versed in literature or creative writing and literature”.
This is a generic understanding and definition of writing in most contexts and is adopted
by a lot of linguists. Walter Ong does not necessarily give a direct definition for literacy
however from his writings about it, he seems to be in agreement with the generic
definition when he makes the assertion that “high literacy fosters truly written
composition, in which the author composes a text which is precisely a text that puts his or
her words together on paper. This gives thought different contours from those of orally
sustained thought. ” (Ong 1984, 94). The Literacy Development Council of
Newfoundland and Labrador however embraces a broader notion of the term by stating
that "Literacy not only involves competency in reading and writing, but goes beyond this
to include the critical and effective use of these in peoples' lives, and the use of language
39
(oral and written) for all purposes." Likewise, Langer also makes a statement that
contradicts the generic meaning of literacy, which has been so well accepted by Scholars
like Walter Ong. He says,
It is the culturally appropriate way of thinking, not the act of reading or writing, that is most important in the development of literacy. Literacy thinking manifests itself in different ways in oral and written language in different societies, and educators need to understand these ways of thinking if they are to build bridges and facilitate transitions among ways of thinking. (Langer 1991, 9-27)
The definitions from these various scholars showed limitations in aspects of
Walter Ong’s studies. The oral culture, despite some limitations it might have can also be
deemed as a literate culture because it is a system that used thought, language,
knowledge, and precision to maintain a well organized livelihood. And contrary to Ong’s
statement, it had an effect on the way people thought. It enabled knowledge from the
Adinkra to transcend through time and space; and from one generation to the other.
Adinkra symbols like sankofa has permeated boundaries and had a tremendous effect on
the African-American Diaspora since it sparks flames of hope that they can always look
back and find that sense of belonging to their native homeland. Ong’s assertions therefore
have various inconsistencies about orality, literacy and writing that need more depth and
transparency.
Effects of Colonialism on Adinkra
Going down the lane of antiquity, the myth of Africa as the “dark continent”,
(made popular by the European explorer Henry Stanley) the abode of uncivilized cultures
did become inbred and imprinted in the minds of the so-called supreme and dominant
nation states. Due to the ‘barbarity’ of the African lifestyle, these nation states which
40
included many European countries like England, Germany, Portugal, France, Belguim
etc. took it upon themselves to bring ‘civilization’ to the people and “rescue the
benighted (“dark”) and stagnant continent” (Iweriebor 2003, 468). Between the late
nineteenth century to the 1960s, an era of acquiring territories formally known as
colonization begun. Colonization was basically a policy or practice of acquiring full or
partial political control and domination over another country, occupying it with settlers
and exploiting all available recourses “for the promotion of the economic development,
industrial advancement and social advancement of the capitalist West” (Iweriebor 2003,
467). The worst part of this system of domination was the psychology of colonization.
This was a vital aspect of the colonizing process in which the psyche of the mind of the
colonized society was broken so deeply and weakened to a point where they were
programmed to easily accept western superiority, thus causing them to subsequently
depend on their colonial masters.
Once claims had been made and territories definably drawn, Europeans had to put
in place a strategic plan to govern their newly acquired colonies. These strategic plans
allowed certain mechanisms to be enforced. During the colonization of Ghana by the
English, the processes that were used to enforce colonialism which in turn had a negative
impact on the Adinkra were colonial education, colonial fashion and modes of dressing,
colonial languages and linguistic disempowerment as well as European Christian
missionaries and religious imperialism.
The system of colonial education played a big role in the dwindling down of the
Adinkra symbols. The knowledge of the Adinkra through its use in Kasakoa was one of
41
the formal ways in which literacy was conveyed in the Ashanti kingdom. With the advent
of colonial schools (which was most of the time highly inadequate considering the
nations population), the implantation of European literature and other academic lessons
started to affect the minds of the younger generation. Iweriebor asserts that,
Students subjected to colonial education were taught to question the validity of their societies’ cultural institutions, conventions and practices… African students were also programmed to doubt the normalcy and validity of their cultural heritage, and sometimes to despise and denounce it.
They were taught that most of their native customs that included traditional music and
dance, traditional festivals, and even aspects of their language that embraced the Adinkra
symbology were all very primitive, backward and pagan. While these notions were
shunned, they were replaced with western ideologies, histories and other forms of
western literacy.
The importation of pants, shirts, dresses, fabrics and other European fashion items
gradually came to replace Adinkra printed cloths and attires. Due to the inferiority that
had been implanted in the minds of the colonized, they felt the need to reach that ideal
standard of the civilized and in so doing shunned their traditional attire and replaced them
with a more ‘modern’ Western style. Even in schools, it was made compulsory to wear
the prescribed uniform of the colonizers. One could not attend school with traditional
clothes for it was against the schools rules and regulations. The use of Adinkra cloths in
funerals slowly begun to dwindle down because their meaning was gradually being de-
valued. Even though the people continued to wear the traditional black cloth, the use of
the symbols slowly became of little significance. Till this day in Ghana, it is only in
certain parts of the Ashanti region that people still wear the Adinkra cloth to funerals.
42
During this colonized period also, other colonists like the Dutch found new markets for
their excess manufactured fabrics which highly resembled the Adinkra printed cloths and
also had a wide range of colors which really appealed to the taste of the people. The
English allowed these imports because not only could they gain revenue but also, they
(the imports) were made by fellow European colonists which all in all harnessed the
falsification of histories with respects to what Ghanaian or African printed cloths really
are. Even in this modern age, the so called “African wax print” seen in most parts of
Africa are not genuinely African but an adopted style that has become part and parcel of
the livelihood of the culture.
In every culture, language is a channel and a strong pillar of communication that
distinguishes, binds and defines a society to a definite source. If language is broken or
becomes a barrier, disorientation of sorts often seeps in. Knowing this, language was an
area that the colonizers channeled for successful domination. In Ghanaian colonial
schools, English was the prescribed language hence everything was taught in English. It
was against the school rules to be heard speaking in any Ghanaian language which was
and still are referred to as “dialects”, “vernaculars” and “native tongues” Students who
were caught speaking in the native tongues received harsh corporal punishments such as
being ‘caned’ (beaten with canes or sticks) on the buttock, hands or legs and kneeling
down in gravels under the harsh sun rays. Likewise, speaking poor English was a fault
that was subject to punishments. For fear of this, students spoke English all the time,
practiced whenever they could with both friends and family and in the process neglected
their cultural language. This affected the Adinkra greatly because; people were no longer
43
using the values of the Adinkra to communicate orally due to the fact that the language
had been replaced with the language of the colonial masters.
The English had a system of ruling in Ghana, which is known in history as
indirect rule. This was a system where they ruled the people through their kings and
chiefs, which in actual fact meant that the royals no longer had any power over the people
and all orders came from the colonial masters. In order to facilitate easy communication,
the chief linguists who were perpetuators of the Adinkra oratory, had to put aside the
Adinkra and learn the English language so as to be better mediators between the king and
the colonists. As a result, the rich ideals of Adinkra were less frequently used and made
to be viewed as highly inadequate for modern advancement. “Practically, since most
African languages (though not all) were not alphabetized and in particular since they
were not used in formal arenas of the colonial situation (education, administration and
economic activities), they were rendered irrelevant”(Iweriebor 2003, 197). Eventually the
colonized (Ghanaians) came to accept and believe that indeed their linguistic heritage
was very inferior and lacked the literacy, flare and finesse of the colonizers (English). For
that matter they even reached a point of despising their own language and as a result the
Adinkra was greatly affected and neglected.
European Christian missionaries were also key contributors to the decline of the
Adinkra. The successful institution of colonization allowed the influx of both government
contracted priests and non-governmental contracted religious bodies that came of their
own free will for the sole purpose of converting and winning new souls for Christ. Their
reason for missionary evangelism was to save and purify the Ghanaian’s ‘pagan savages’
44
soul from their ‘devil worship’, ‘witchcraft’, ‘juju’ or voodoo and other ungodly
practices that were not recognized as a type of religion. In their purging and exorcising
pursuits which had the full support of the colonial powers, the missionaries destroyed
indigenous African religious symbols (many that included Adinkra symbols), places of
worship and sacred objects which they demonized as ‘fetish objects’, ‘juju’ and so on
(Iweriebor 2003, 474). The destruction of these traditional elements allowed the loss of
several Adinkra symbols, some which have completely vanished. As a replacement,
rosaries, crosses and crucifix came to represent the new religious icons. The new
colonized converts hence destroyed personal Adinkra objects and other iconic items that
represented their old traditional religious values. This was a way of weaning and warding
themselves of the ‘evil’ they had lived with most of their lives. In addition, stories from
the Bible came to take the place of the folktales that taught valuable lessons; some which
had bearings on the Adinkra. The reason being that new converts had to discontinue the
‘fetish’ ritual of telling ‘pagan stories’ that corrupted their new found religious ideals.
This purging process went so far as triggering converts to denounce their Ghanaian given
names (Names that at times had certain prestigious virtues of the Adinkra) for Christian
names that represented holy figures in the Bible.
Indeed colonization was one if not the main cause of the decline of the values of
the Adinkra. And even though the nation struggled to get back what it had lost after
colonization ended, the psychological damage and the inferiority complex was too great.
It is still very much in play till this day, so much so that the value that was once placed on
Adinkra symbols is almost gone. Despite efforts to eradicate certain traditional symbols
45
such as Adinkra and all the knowledge that comes with it, the Adinkra managed to
survive and thrive in the small village of Ntonso.
Ntonso is acknowledged to be the only surviving village that still practices the old
technique of Adinkra printing. The effects of colonization and the advent of wax print
factories have lent the practice to machines thus the values that were attained during the
apprenticeship are now no longer acquired. So as to attain a clearer understanding of how
Adinkra was taught using the traditional printing technique and also to find some answers
to questions that had few answers available, there was the need to embark on a long
journey back to the homeland; to the only village that still practiced the old Adinkra
printing, so as to find a root or some kind of starting point.
46
CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY
Adinkra in Print: The Journey to Ntonso
This narrative is an account of my trip to Ntonso village in Ghana on June 17th,
2012 and it is narrated just as it happened.
As I walked along the dusty path through shabby grass and wild bushes I could
not help but fall in the love with nature’s solemn countenance. The skies were clear and
the large trees seemed to cave in and out as we made our way through the winding path.
Akoto, our guide, along with my mother, Araba Otua and sister, Efe had made our way
through the midday warmth of the savannah sun to the edge of a small clearing that
seemed a little desolate. “This place used to bask with evening bonfires and folktales of
Kwaku Ananse in my early childhood… now it is nothing but a frivolous weed harboring
spot” said Akoto.
Being a native of the village of Ntonso, a few miles from Kumasi, the capital of
Ashanti, popularly known for its Adinkra printing, Akoto was the perfect tour guide to
take us through this ancient village and all it had to offer as far as Adinkra was
concerned. The journey was long on foot. We could have easily used a car to get there
faster but I yearned to walk the footsteps of my forefathers; I hungered to tread where
they had trod; to look down and see the same earth they once used. I wanted to be one
with the spirits of the land and at par with the deities that watched over it. This walk
prepared me mentally and spiritually to receive the information and answers to questions
I had so desperately been seeking. As we were walking, Akoto engaged us in an informal
yet crucial banter. He said, “ When you see Adinkra artifacts along the streets of … mmm
47
say, Accra, Kumasi, Tema and what have you, what do you really see”? I thought to
myself, well I see beautiful symbols that foreigners and travellers will admire, perhaps a
good souvenir or decorated artifact. I translated my thoughts into words. He smiled and
reached into his pocket. He gave me a small Adinkra carving with three sticks glued at
the bottom and tied securely together to form a pyramid like handle. This is an Adinkra
stamp carved out of Calabash. He said, “Can you identify the symbol you see embedded
unto it”? Hmmmm it does look familiar and I am certain I have seen it before. “But do
you know what it means?” he said “No” I responded. This is called mpo anum, meaning
four rivers. It literally means four heads are better than one. Then he told me a story of
the four Kings of Denkyira, Assin, Sehwi and Akyem, and how their unity was able to
help them face harsh adversities. So you see a single symbol tells many tales. It is more
than a decorational piece, it is a way of life, gone with the wind; it was a tune we once
danced to, now is just a whispering echo. In a calm yet steady voice, he added “But it is
young ones like you so eager to learn that keep these aspects of our culture alive”.
In the distance, we began to hear the mindless laughter of children. Akoto gave us
the hint that we were just about 5mins from the village. As we emerged out of the bushes
my heart skipped a beat. Alas here we were…in Ntonso… It seemed so much larger than
the imaginary pictures I had seen in my mind’s eye. There was a road right in the middle,
dividing the village into two. On it, cars sped by to and fro while goats and sheep shared
the sidewalk with pedestrians. We crossed the road to the opposite side close to where a
small school was situated. He pointed to a small mud wall tinted with the daily dust lifted
off the loose earth. He said, “ That is the home of my father Agya Opanyin Yaw Boakye.
48
And that is where our lesson begins.” We were welcomed by his wife, Akoto’s mother,
Ama Nkansah and offered fresh water to drink as a sign of hospitality. She said, “Wei ye
ankora mu nsuo enfiri fridge mu…edwo akoma paa” (This is from the traditional cooling
pot not from the fridge… It is quite refreshing). And indeed it was. “ My father is out of
town” said Akoto “ but I will honorably stand in his place today and change my position
from a tour guide to a teacher. So, here we go. My father usually does the dying while
my mother does the printing.” Before we could go any further, he asked, “ Perhaps you
would want to take a rest before we commence. I know you must be tired from the walk.”
But I was too eager to start. My mother decided to take a rest under a large tree in the
compound with broad branches that bulged over to form a huge umbrella shape. Akoto
and I then walked over to a portion of the home where there were bundles of what looked
like dried barks laying against some thin layers of slates that bore resemblance to old
aluminum roofing sheets. As my eyes skid around the cluster of little houses coming
together to form a typical compound housing system, I could not help but reminisce
about my childhood days when I visited my grandmother in Sunyani, for she had lived in
a similar setting… “ We will start with the process of making the ink for printing,”
resounded Akoto as he brought me back to reality and my mission and purpose of being
there in the first place.
He uncovered a piece of bark from the bundles and said, “This bark is known as
badie. Badie comes from a particular tree that is grown and harvested in the Northern part
of Ghana. It bears profound similarities to the Mango tree, however it grows much taller
and bigger than the mango tree.” He continued, “My mother usually goes to the North
49
every fortnight to purchase the barks.” Re-counting from some of the studies I had read
about the Adinkra history, I was curious to know whether that had been the case even in
the olden days of people having to travel all the way to the northern sector in order to get
the barks. So I asked, “Why aren’t the trees grown locally? Have they ever been grown
locally or has it always been grown in the North? Akoto replied. “In the olden days,
during the pre-colonial era, oral accounts state that the Ashanti Empire was grand indeed
and it had access to traders from the north. They sometimes came down to the southern
sector to trade and vice versa and that is how the knowledge of this tree was found. The
tree however thrives better in the soils of the north than that of the south.” Akoto
continued, “ When the bark is brought, we take our time to peel off all the rough edges
with a cutlass like this.” He demonstrated with the cutlass. “ Now, the bark itself is very
hard and in order to soften it and make it easy to get the dye out, we break the stick into
pieces and soak it in a large basin full of water for approximately 24hours.” He brought
us close to a large plastic blue basin that had some of the badie in the soaking process. I
was curious by the use of plastic basins; so I asked, “In the olden days, were plastic
basins the only kind of containers used or were there other options. Akoto smiled and
answered, “That is a good question. In the olden days, there were large earthenware pots
that were normally used for the soaking, but the colonial rule over the country also
allowed for other materials to be experimented with including plastic basins like this one.
But that did not influence the actual Adinkra process in anyway. Does that answer your
question? ” “ Yes ”, I uttered with a nod. “ Good now lets continue. But feel free to
interrupt me when more questions arise along the way ” I smiled and nodded again. “So
50
now that the badie has softened, it is gathered and pounded into a finer form with a
mortar and a pestle, almost like you would pound fufu or palm nut. It is virtually the
same process.” I volunteered to try my hands on the pounding. I had not pounded fufu or
anything else for close to ten years but interestingly it all came to me. Akoto laughed and
said “Well, well, you seem like you’ve been doing this for years. Now, unlike pounding
fufu, the badie has to be pounded for about five hours in order for it to arrive at a
workable state.”
Fig 11: A bowl of badie pieces.
51
Fig 12: Akoto pounding the badie.
Akoto carried on. “ This next part is quite complex so listen attentively. The
pounded bark is collected and spread in about 5-6 heavy metal pots (depending on the
amount of bark you are working with pots can be more or less) known as gyaesu or
dadesen. These were made in the past by master blacksmiths and were so durable they
lasted for many years. These that you see here have been in the family for about four
generations…yes they have a lot of history. The pots bearing the pounded badie are now
filled with fresh water not the water that was used for soaking. They are then covered
with thin metal sheets and boiled for 24hrs. Notice these baskets? Women of this village
52
have used their weaving techniques for many years. The canes used for this type of
basketry are very firm, durable and strong thus last for along time.”
Figure 13. Akoto explaining the badie dye making process.
Figure 14. A dyed Adinkra cloth.
53 You see this net too? It was passed on to my mother by her mother and to her by
her mother, in all, this net has seen three generations. The net is placed on top of the
basket so that it covers the entire top completely. A clean pot is placed beneath the
basket. This mechanism is used as a filter to sieve off the liquid from the badie that had
been boiling for 24 hours. You have to be very careful when pouring the boiling liquid
over the net because it is very hot.” Akoto then made a demonstration of this process and
this made the understanding of the process easier. “You see how this system leaves the
residue of the badie on the net? Yes! This residue does not go to waste at all. They are all
gathered and laid in a clear area around the compound. What happens is that about two
months into the rainy season, a kind of nutritious mushroom begins to grow out of the
residue. And my mother makes the tastiest palm-nut soup with them. Ha ha ha really
tasty.” He laughed and rubbed his belly. “ So now…” he continued “ the next step is to
clean all the metal pots that were used for boiling so it is free from any residue. Notice
how the color of sieved liquid changes to black, all that along with its thickness will also
change.
54
Figure 15. Sieving mechanism for the badie dye.
Figure 16. Sample of a prepared badie dye.
The liquid is then poured back into the pots for another 24-hour boiling process. After
this you will begin to notice that the level of the liquid will be decreasing. While this is
happening the color begins to change to black and the constituency gets thicker and more
55
concentrated. Do you follow?” I smiled with anticipation and said, “ I’m following quite
well thank you”. In my mind, I was rejoicing because through my research I was yet to
come across any written document that had this much detail and depth. And I found my
journey worthwhile thus far. Akoto then brought back a sample of the thickened liquid,
which was now worthy to be called Adinkra dye or Adinkra nnuro. “At this stage, the dye
is ready for printing and once it gets into contact with the fabric, it is stuck, no amount of
washing will make the stain disappear. “ Here,” … he invited and ushered me, “ Dip your
hand into the dye and see how tacky it feels but be careful you don’t get it in your
clothes.” “Ooooooh feels like goo,” I replied. It did feel cool and quite sticky on my
fingers and the smell was not as bad as I had thought it would be. It was all very
interesting. “ So now”, Akoto continued, “The process of Adinkra dye making which is
used specifically for stamping the motif unto the fabric is complete.” All this that you are
seeing and learning was taught a little differently in the olden days, you would actually
come and live in this household for a number of weeks or months depending on how fast
you learn. And you would study the processes through listening and imitating. There was
nothing like reading from a book, everything had to be committed into memory.
Okay, so now we will move onto the dying of Adinkra cloth. You see over there?
” Akoto pointed to another part of the compound that had bundles of reddish colored
sticks that resembled that of cassava sticks. As we got closer he said. This is called
kuntunkuni and it is the root of the same tree where the badie is obtained. So in simple
terms, the badie is the bark of the tree while the kuntunkuni is the root of the tree. The
kuntunkuni is a little pricier as compared to the badie. The process for making the
56
kuntunkuni dye is quite different and less tedious than the badie process. We take about a
hundred pieces of the kuntunkuni sticks and boil them in water for about 24-hours.
Unlike the badie, the water level on this process will not shrink but rather it will boil over
because the juices from the roots will transfer into the water thus preventing shrinkage.
The color also gradually changes to red. The roots are then taken out of the boiling water
and beaten with a rod till they are become tattered.
Figure 17. Bundles of kuntunkuni roots.
57
Figure 18. An area for the boiling processes.
They are then transferred back into the same boiling water. The boiling process continues
again for another 24 hours after which its red color deepens. However, it does not
thicken. Basically, once you take out the roots, the kuntunkuni dye-making process is
finished. You realize this one does not require as much work.
Figure 19. Kuntunkuni dye.
58 So in short the badie dye is used for stamping/Adinkra printing and the
kuntunkuni dye is for dying the entire fabric to be stamped. In a little bit, I will show you
how the fabrics are woven and made into cloth. The fabric to be dyed is usually white or
off white in color and if you wanted a richer and darker color, you immerse and dry about
four times a day until you get the desired results.
So now we move on to a very vital part of the process, the stamping of the
symbols.” Akoto led us outside the walls of the compound house and in front of the
entrance was a table that had a bunch of Adinkra symbol stamps. Many I recognized from
my research, and some seemed new. Akoto said, “In the olden days before the white man
came, there was hardly ever a time people would speak without incorporating some ideals
from the Adinkra. It was part of the art of speaking and communication process. For
instance from the Adinkra symbol gyenayme (Except God), one could say, “gye nyame
boa me nyesa, afe yi ebe ye den. (Except God helps me, this year things will be hard).
Another example is the Adinkra symbol denkyem (crocodile, symbol of adaptability). In
speaking one could infuse its meaning by saying “Wuduro kuro foforo so a ma eho ne wo
hoho ngye”. (When you visit a new place, learn to adapt to the changes around you). This
utterance uses the ideals of the Adinkra symbol of adaptability. So basically the ideals of
the Adinkra are being used as a language within a language. Hope you are following. A
lot of the symbols were lost during colonization. However, most of them were recovered,
brought together and documented by Prof, Ablade Glover (a contemporary Ghanaian
artist) and in all, we now have 60 symbols. Initially, the symbols were carved in yam or
cassava tubers. The fault with those was that after one use, it had to be discarded. But
59
with the invention of the calabash stamp by Agya Kofi in the late 19th century, stamps
could be reused without them deteriorating. And in this village, Paul, who is walking
towards us now… Paul! Come over here. Yes, Paul is one of the few people who make
these carved stamps in this village. If you see any of these stamps anywhere, in cultural
centers and museums, it is from the village of Ntonso and nowhere else. So now, lets
move unto the next phase, which is the stamping. In that corner we have the traditional
loom that is used to weave the cloth. The cloth meant for Adinkra printing can either be
single wefted, which is lighter, or it could be double wefted which is heavier. This is a
strip for you to try your hands on as far as the printing goes and you can keep it as a
souvenir after you are done. I will demonstrate so you know the correct way to do it”.
Akoto then brought a small pot with some of the badie dye. First, take the stamp and dip
it in the dye, making sure that the entire surface of the stamp is covered with dye.
However, make sure it is not soaking wet. Make sure not to immerse the stamp deeper
than the surface of the symbol. You then shake off the excess ink into the pot and stamp
gently in a light circular motion to ensure that an even impression is made. When lifting
the stamp from the fabric, lift it straight up so the edges don’t get crooked.” My eyes
were glued to the fabric, processing what he had just said and was doing. “So now,”
Akoto said, “ Its your turn. Here is the symbol mate mesie, symbol of wisdom and
knowledge. Just do as I did. The more you stamp, the more you become conversant with
each symbol. Also know that by doing this, you are inscribing meaning unto the fabric, it
is a different kind of writing quite different from writing a b c.” As I stamped the symbols
unto the fabric, I became more conversant with the process and how to do it properly.
60
Figure 20. Akoto demonstrating Adinkra printing on cloth.
Figure 21. Akoto demonstrating Adinkra printing on cloth.
61 After stamping, we lay the fabric down for it to dry in the sun. Akoto said, “So
this is basically it. Do you have any questions?” I was curious about the colors that I saw
around me of the stamped cloths.
Figure 22. Trying my hands on the Adinkra printing process.
Figure 23. Trying my hands on the Adinkra printing process.
62
I asked, “ So how are they able to get different colors of fabric for the Adinkra printing?
Since we only discussed the kuntunkuni dye which is red. ” Akoto replied, “ Well, the
cotton yarns for weaving are dyed with other local colors to achieve a wider range of
colors which are then woven to the different colors of cloth. It is these same yarns that are
used for the kente (A traditional fabric woven with colorful yarns and intricate, luxurious
designs). However, that is another process that is not part of the work of my family. Here,
come try out your hand on the loom”. So I did, and it was quite confusing at first but I
seemed to slowly get the hang of it.
Figure 24. Trying my hands on the loom.
At the end of it all I offered to pay Akoto for his services but he refused to take
the money. He said, “It is imperative for my family and I to know that the transfer of
wisdom such as this is taken in with much pride and protection. For this reason we are
unable to place a price on these lessons. The most important thing is spreading the
63
knowledge of this writing that has long being part of our heritage to others so that it is
never forgotten. That is my only price”. I was indeed humbled and very grateful by his
humility and generosity and gave him many thanks. As we were escorted to meet my
father who caught up with us later, (he drove) I thanked him again. As I sat in the car and
we drove away, I could not help but reminisce of all the valuable lessons that I had just
learned. I felt like this whole journey was becoming a personal discovery of the self and a
decolonization process in itself for me. It gave me a sense of renewal and provided me
with a fresh perspective and a rejuvenated connection to my research. I could write a
whole book about this journey. It was indeed one of the most crucial moments in my life
and I felt that I had received wisdom through these oral lessons. Ntonso is therefore a
space and location of groundbreaking truth for my research and has really heightened my
urge to seek ways of reclaiming the culture of the Adinkra. With this I felt ready to
visually express my findings into a collective whole.
Visual Essays
Several weeks after my trip to Ntonso, I continued to ponder over my trip to
Ghana and all the exciting and insightful experiences I had with Akoto. Digesting all the
data collected not only paved way for further enlightenment towards my vision for my
visual output but it caused a re -evaluation of the self; myself; a side of me that I had not
yet tapped into. The trip to Ntonso helped shed light on who I wanted to be as an artist
and where I was going with the research on Adinkra. For that matter, I have learnt to
fully edify my being with the values of the Adinkra. Hence, I now see my self as a living
metaphor; a metaphoric artist I think. Most of the artistic output done for this research is
64
enriched and drenched in symbolic, coded and indeed metaphoric connotations. Some
might find it too complex to deduce, but I find keen interest in this realm of the "not so
easy to understand" It excites me very much. I haven't actually sat down to comprehend
why, but I think the process of problem solving is almost like finding cues, codes and
mapping out mind boggling jigsaw puzzles. It does set my senses ablaze so much so that
sometimes, I literally feel my pulse palpating and skipping in between beats. Ironically, I
never liked math even though I wasn't so bad at it. I guess that kind of problem solving
was a bit too rigid and robust for my taste. I preferred a more flamboyant yet self-
nourishing type of challenge like my research on Adinkra.
Artistic metaphor is like that of kasakoa; an erotic dance; a 15th century adowa (a
popular Ashanti dance) ensemble intricate yet sensual; an old scary folktale that seems
excitingly frightening, you hate it but you love it, it drives you crazy but you cannot do
without it. It nourishes the soul yet leaves it hungry and thirsty for more.
I find my research on Adinkra to be that artistic metaphoric journey of the ‘not so
easy to understand’ and a continuous discovery of the self. The most apparent theme that
keeps replaying in my mind is the idea of decolonizing the mind. For it is through this
that a path can be paved for the celebration of the Adinkra; as a language, as writing, as
an art form and as life itself. Of course one cannot literally wipe out a portion of
someone’s brain and say they are decolonizing/purging it, No! The discourse here is more
of a spiritual theme. Re-creating and re-inventing the Ghanaian’s state of mind, a mind
that sees and still feels that its culture is redundant, inadequate and lacking fulfillment
thus inferior to the western culture. It is by virtue of this that the metaphor decolonizing
65
the mind was created (by Ngugi Wa Thiong’o) so that an avenue could be created where
self-confidence, self-renewal and self-strength reigned. The days of colonialism are long
gone, the days when we had to recite Henry, Henry, Richard, Henry, Victoria etc ...
knowing the names of all the royal lineage of the English Monarchs by heart while
forsaking that of my own (Ghanaian) royalty; Otumfoo Prempreh, Osei Tutu, Otumfoo
Opoku Ware.... I don't even know all of them… pathetic...That era is long gone with the
wind. Yet still the mind is in a different dimension of its own. There is a nationwide
sickness that needs purging, healing, we have the power to change...after all, our brains
are within our own skulls not in someone else’s. We have the power to steer it towards a
more confident path, a path where the past informs the present in order to make way for a
better future.
For such a loaded metaphor, my visuals are heavy and at time make me weary,
weary in a good way for they continue to create and recreate more and more discourses.
They keep me alert and put me on a spiritual quest and at times when I sleep, my mind
unwinds with dreams, visions and veils of dis-clarity complicating the theme even more.
So with paper and charcoal, I pour my thoughts... they manifest themselves in lines,
scratches mixed with idioms of the Adinkra which also end up as vignettes of metaphors
within their own right and an addition to the "not soo easy to understand". The following
are visual essays that are based on values from the Adinkra and express the discourses of
my findings on the Adinkra.
66
Visual Essay One: Ayamu Nsem (Story of the Fern) It must be noted that even though the Adinkra was considerably diminished
during colonization, it did not fully disappear off the face of the earth. Essay one is a
piece that was inspired and created using the Adinkra symbol Aya (fern) which is a
symbol that stands for the ability to withstand hardship. The symbol was basically
dissected and manipulated to create a representation of a woman, strangling herself
though she is not dying. She has spikes going and coming in and out of her, yet she still
lives. The woman is a metaphor for the nation of Ghana and draws upon the hardships
and pain of her colonial past and how that caused her to cripple her own culture.
However, despite everything, she did not die. She was strong enough to withstand the
domination, and hence fought back. This piece in sum communicates the message that
there is still a chance to gather the pieces of what is left of the culture and keep them
alive.
Visual Essay Two: Twitwi (Scrape) Twitwi is a process of weaning the Ghanaian self of the inferiority complex, and
the generic stigma that has become a disease and a plaque weakening the cultural heritage
which includes the Adinkra. The drawing illustrates that the recovery process of a
convalescent is never easy, be it a disease of the body or of the mind. But once that phase
is gone, there is always relief. Like the recovery process of someone suffering from
posttraumatic stress disorder, one has to face the memories that made him or her ill so as
to move forward and find a remedy. In the same way twitwi ushers the Ghanaian to dig
deep and face the past not as way to dwell on the bad memories but to take the good out
67
of it and celebrate the rich and unique aspects of the culture. The drawing was inspired by
the Adinkra symbols, nyame nnuwu na me wu (God never dies so I shall not die),
hyewonhye (that which does not burn), Ese ne tekerema (symbol of interdependance),
Bese saka (symbol of power and affluence), and aya (ability to withstand hardship).
(Refer to the Adinkra chart in fig for images of the Adinkra symbols named above.)
Figure 25. Essay one.
68
Figure 26. Essay two.
Visual Essay Three Nfraframu (Mixtures) and Visual Essay Four Nfraframu
Ntoaso(Continuous Mixtures)
Colonization of Ghana by the British has had a huge impact on Ghanaian
modernity. Things will never go back to what they used to be. The impact is so great that
each generation that surfaces is affected and will continue to be affected. It has almost
become like transfer of genes through blood. Oral traditions are not practiced as much
anymore because about 80% of the Ghanaian populations attend school at least to a point
where they can read and write the English language. English etiquette and mannerisms
are now part of the culture. I can testify to that as far as my own upbringing at home by
69
my parents is concerned and most especially my convent/catholic schooling, which was
and still is considered very prestigious because there is still that notion that every young
girl with convent schooling comes out to be a true and virtuous 'English' lady. This
borrowed culture is part of the Ghanaian identity now. In addition, English is the
language spoken in school institutions, official environments, market places et ce tera.
English is everywhere. Even uneducated people speak English. It is here to stay forever.
It has re-constructed the Ghanaian identity. Therefore, nfraframu and nfraframu ntoaso
communicate the idea that within these confines, the Adinkra along with the borrowed
language can create a richer, stronger hybrid of cultures.
Figure 27. Essay three.
70
Figure 28. Essay four.
Visual Essay Five Mene wana (Who am I?)
In many parts of the world, especially in the West, the exoticism and generic
branding of Africa as one large country is very common. They fail to see the various
differences, complexities and rich cultural diversity that each country and each ethnic
group has to offer. The essence of mene wana seeks to reveal from the ‘dark continent’
other aspects of our ‘generic culture’, which in this context includes mostly the Adinkra
symbols. In the drawing in fig 5, one is able to see, appearing from the darkness (which
stands for the “blackness”) the Adinkra; an aspect of our culture that make us unique
rather than generic. It communicates the fact that the Ghanaian is more than the branded
masks that are so often associated with “Africanness”. The mask shown in this drawing
71
has similarities to different masks from Africa, however, it is not affixed to any country
or ethnic group, it is its own self. Mene wana seeks to question the generic identity
branded on the Ghanaian culture. The Adinkra symbols seen on the drawing shines light
on some of the attributes that define our identity which include mate mesie, symbolizing
our wisdom and knowledge; Aya, symbolizing our strength through advertisies;
pempamsie, symbolizing our hardiness and steadfastness; sankofa, representing our
ability to retrace our roots and draw from our past; Nkyimu, our skillfulness and precision
in workmanship; and mpuanun, symbol of our loyalty.
Essay Six Mankye (I did not burn) Essay six continues to illustrate the Ghanaian identity and the fact that despite
colonial efforts to ‘burn’ (used here as a metaphor for destroy) the culture, along with its
language, which included the Adinkra, our identity survived the fire and rose from the
ashes. The Adinkra symbol embedded on the image is hye won hye, (Refer to fig for
corresponding image of this Adinkra symbol) which signifies that which does not burn.
So in turn, our culture is that which does not burn.
73
Essay Seven Nkwa Nkyiniho (The cycle of Life) Nkwa Nkyiniho basically deals with continuity of the knowledge of Adinkra. It
echoes the need of not breaking the cycle of passing down what we have learnt from our
ancestors to the next generation. It communicates the need to maintain and continue that
cycle because no matter what shape, form or status that we are or which geographical
location that we find ourselves, the Adinkra are part of that aspect of our cultural heritage
that binds us together as one people and one nation. The symbols that inspired this essay
are the Adinkra hene, symbol of continuity, dame dame, symbol of intelligence and
ingenuity, nyame nwwu na mewu, symbolizing the fact that God does not die so we must
not let our culture die and Nsaa, symbol of genuineness. All of these coming together to
make a statement that with intelligence and genuineness, we should continue the cycle of
passing down the knowledge of Adinkra to future generations and in doing so, insure the
immortality of our heritage.
Essay Eight Mpaninfoo Asedee (Leadership) This is a piece that speaks of authority; of those who have leadership roles, who
also have the responsibility of carrying the nation foreward. They are advised to be
strong, exemplary figures by bearing, living and ruling the nation with the values of the
Adinkra. The concept of this piece was inspired by the Adinkra symbols okodee mmoree
(talons of an eagle) symbolizing strength, bravery and power; akofena, symbol of courage
and valor and Adinkrahene, symbol of continuity as well as leadership roles. (Refer to fig
for corresponding images of the Adinkra symbols mentioned).
75
Essay nine Mesumasem (Secrets) Mesumasem is a narrative of the fear of Ghanaians to fully grasp certain cultural
values including that of Adinkra, for fear of being branded as fetish. The infiltration of
other religions, which includes, Christianity, Islam has created a standing block between
the new religious ideals and certain cultural norms such as the Adinkra. People do not
know where to draw a line. One thing that is certain is that the Adinkra values permeate
the boundaries of religion. The symbols are not bound to a particular God, hence it can be
adapted and infused in the Ghanaian’s new way of life no matter what religion or
denomination.
Figure 33. Essay nine.
76
Essay Ten Adaneadane (Turns and Tides) Adaneadane focuses on the construction of the brain and how we have the power
to meander and tune it into whichever direction that we want. This is a visualization of
how we can decolonize our minds by redirecting it in a more positive direction. This will
help restore balance for our future with respects to the Adinkra and our adopted phonetic
language, English. This essay also translates a concept that invites you to immerse
yourself into an unknown phenomenon where you are asked to envision an abstract idea
of the process of decolonizing the mind.
Figure 34. Essay Ten.
77
Essay Eleven Nsiano (Balance) This last essay establishes the need for symmetry and balance in the different
writing systems especially phonetics and ideographs. They differ and dwell in their own
category or space. The goddess of balance Adjoa Nsiano (fictional character) is seen
placing both of the categories on opposite sides, one on the left, and the other on the
right. However, neither of them is above the other. They are all on the same plane and
that is how the order should be.
Figure 35. Essay eleven.
When a mother, father, grandparents or anyone at all for that matter tells a story,
usually pictures are drawn in the mind to visualize those stories so as to create a reality.
Such is the power of the imagination. In the same way, the discourses deduced from this
78
research, combine imagery, lines, shapes and Adinkra to a visualization that
communicates messages and tell a stories.
Adinkra in Sound and Motion The theme of orality was used by the Akan people in passing down wisdom,
creative knowledge and skill. Traditional printing, weaving, pottery, arts of the talking
drum etc, could not be learnt alone through solo discipleship; or from a textbook any
reading material of any kind, for among the Akan, literacy was orality. For that matter, I
see orality in itself as art; the use of vocal sounds to transfer an audible message. I see the
use of music as modern techniques to channel the theme of orality. Hence I chose the
song Serwaah Akoto as my theme music in my animation to channel that idea of orality
through story telling. This specific song tells the story of a woman called Serwaah Akoto
who has immeasurable beauty both inwardly and outwardly. She knows her name, who
she is, where she comes from and where she is going. Yet still she is humble in her ways
and knows her cultural duties. Appellations are showered on her for her faithful ties to
her ancestral land and roots. I re-represented the song as an artistic metaphor for my
animation narrative. Serwaah Akoto in this context stands as a metaphor for the nation of
Ghana, which is seen as beautiful because she knows herself and what makes her unique
and distinct from other cultures.
But where would orality be without memory. From the book The complicated
nature of collective memory, I drew my own concepts and connotation to collective
memory and memory in general. Without memory, there is no humanity hence identities
can be lost. On the plight to build new memories and reconstruct identities, one must
79
confront different ways of keeping memory, building memory, and losing memory. To
build a (new) identity, one does not only have to remember, but also has to forget...forget
those things from the past that disrupt one’s history. In other words the very things that
disrupt an original history and identity becomes part and parcel of that past.... it becomes
part of the history. Hence I revise my earlier statement of forgetting. In the formation of
memory, every thing counts big or small, painful and torturous, happy and gay... it all
counts I am stressing on this issue of memory because this discourse seeps deeply and
heavily into my animation; that idea of recovering and remembering a history, a past, an
identity. That whole theme and idea of recovering dislocated memory is simplified so
well in the Adinkra symbol sankofa..., which communicates that it is not wrong to go
back and fetch what you have lost. It highlights the need to see the past as a beacon to
reaching forward into the future.
By converting the visual essays into moving images, the story of reaching into the
past to bring back that lost memory of the Adinkra was visualized. Through the use of
videos that were filmed using both strong and subtle movements of my still visuals to
create motion, I communicated the disclarity of visions from the past and how hazy the
process of remembering can be. Those acted as scene transitions in certain areas of the
animation. Below is a storyboard that illustrates the sequence of each scene in the
animation.
81
Marshaling Reference Points
Every artist needs some point of reference; it could be nature, family, a lover, or
another fellow artist. Marshaling reference points is a topic that deals with my inspiration
from mentors, spiritual and artistic guides. They provide avenues of influences that have
come to be part of the strength backing my work. My greatest point of reference and
greatest source of inspiration is my cultural background. The rawness of these
inspirations are further refined by the works of certain individuals who may or may not
share a common goal with my artistic intentions. I look at an artist like Agya Koo Nimo,
a fellow Ghanaian, an elder of his clan, a retired professor of African studies and a
prolific artist. I had the pleasure of meeting him during my trip to Ghana, which was also
a great learning experience for me. Agya Koo Nimo composes and plays songs on his
acoustic guitar; songs that speak about the facets of values that continue to diminish as
Ghanaian modernity continues to evolve. The songs also echo on the sacred values of the
Adinkra as well as other proverbial sayings because he believes that songs have the
ability and flexibility of keeping culture alive. He combines both indigenous and modern
musical instruments and trends not only to make interactive performance arts but to also
invoke the idea of orality as an art medium. Agya Koo Nimo expressed his pleasure about
young ones like myself who were interested in learning about the old ways. For this
reason, he did me the honor of playing one of his compositions that transfers some of the
wisdom of the Adinkra through song. The song was about the Adinkra symbol owuo
atwedee baako nfo. From the music, he said, “The ladder of death is one all will climb. It
is inevitable and part of the cycle of life. I, Agya Kuro counted bags of gold dust to give
82
to the spirit of death so he can pass me by, but he refused to take it for he works not with
gold but with the timeline each human has on this earth. So death, said to Agya Kuro go
and tell the living to appreciate the life they have and the culture that has been given to
them by their forefathers. For when I, death, comes there is no escape. And one will have
to make that climb on the ladder of death.
The South African born artist William Kentridge has majority of his work deeply
seeped in political rivalry and the chaos from the longsuffering of the apartheid era of
South Africa. Though his aims for his creations differ from mine, his technique of using
charcoal drawings to establish metaphoric interpretations of imprints of events, old and
new memories, love and loss deeply resonate with my visual goals. His use of stop
motion is phenomenal and falls in line with the way I want to convey my artistic
message.
There is yet another artist whom I have never met before, but by virtue of his
Akan lineage, I believe we are connected in spirit and kinship. Owusu Ankomah is an
artist who also uses symbols in his work. He utilizes the Adinkra as a retrospect, a
journey into days gone by and visions that are fixated on the 'now' and 'tomorrow'. He
shares my beliefs about maintaining balance between the then, now and tomorrow or in
other words, the past, present and future. His work permeates all forms of boundaries,
race and culture. Similarly as myself, he is far way from his homeland, however he has
still held on to the norms and values that molded his upbringing and guided his walk in
various locations. Wherever he goes, he picks up bits and pieces of places he has been,
things he has seen and learnt, and channels them all into a complex hybrids of sorts. Yet
83
by inculcating his affluence of pre-colonial Ghanaian art he invents a new language that
addresses vital issues of transnationalism and globalization. He also confronts issues of
healing which is a vital discourse in my work. He shard this quote in his book future
track, that I intentionally memorized because of the positive in filling it provides for the
self. " I believe my paintings have healing powers.... they have a meditative and yet
energy-giving effect"; a kind of effect I want my work to have; that healing quality and
power that yearns for nourishment, oneness and strength. He also shares my idea of
weaving spiritual invisible threads that connect us from generation to generation... a cord
so strong that no man can break... that stands uncoiled for all time.
He also addresses the issues and challenges of interpretation and how sometimes
our message can be distorted. But even in that distortion, there are at times minute links
to the truth...links that open the heart and mind of viewers and present a re written
message for them to take home.
This prolific artist has so many inspirations that range from renaissance art to
stone cave paintings and even modern day graffiti. He does not condone to the idea of his
"Africanness" as a standing block to prevent him from admiring works from other eras
and cultures. After all culture in it self is beautiful and worth beholding and
understanding. I wish that all other Africans not only Ghanaians would rebuild ways of
solidifying the total frame work and make up of their identity.... so that they accept what
they are and want to be and not what others expect them to be. Owusu Ankomah has
shown me that art permeates through boundaries, space and time and no matter where I
84
find myself, I am never lost or weak but rather getting stronger because I am constantly
being pushed out of my comfort zone.
Wosene Worke Kosrof is another well-known contemporary artist who has been a
source of influence on my work. The fact that his work makes use of a writing system
specifically the Amharic writings from his home country Ethiopia makes him a viable
source and an indispensable inspiration. Wosene reveals the various possibilities of re
appropriating language and using its characters as a powerful visual element that
permeates through cultures and transcends through time and space. His choice of colors
adds value to the reinvented characters, which further reinstate the power and versatility
of language as a powerful artistic tool. I am also particularly intrigued by the way he
“elongates, distorts, dissects and reassembles Amharic characters– not as literal words –
but as images that speak for themselves in a visual language accessible to international
audiences.” In comparison to my work, I find some similarities and connections because
his work also deal with emotion and culture as well as decoding messages from writings
and making those messages accessible to a wider audience.
The Vision: An Installation draft There is a popular Akan proverb that says praye woho yi wo yi baako a ebu o wo
kabom a embu ( a single broom stick breaks when bent but when bunch of broomsticks
are brought together, hardly can they be bent, they are strong and unbreakable.) I had a
vision in mind. A vision that was not only aesthetically pleasing but through strength and
harmony united my drawings, animation and sound into a meaningful whole.
85 The sketch in figure 36 became the final rough sketch which was chosen because
not only was it a close representation of what I envisioned my installation to be but also,
it best embodied everything I had researched. This sketch entailed large fabric print outs
of my charcoal drawings. As far as choice of fabric goes, I ended up choosing a light
transparent cotton voile fabric. This fabric presented a sense of freedom and
weightlessness; that aspect of a state of being of where everything is light and free from
unnecessary baggage and unafraid to be transparent. The fabric was to be in three sets.
Each set consisting of two panels of fabric, which comes together to form a single pattern
or image. So in all there were to be six panels and they were to hang from ceiling to floor
on a lightweight circular tent rod. These three sets all together represents what was, what
is and what is to come. The idea of the circle is not just a mere after thought or for the
purpose of aesthetics but it is rooted in ancient Akan traditions. The circle appears simple
in form but not in function and it is a representation of the unending path of life,
endurance and continuity. Among the Akan, both the sun and the moon have eccentric
and spherical forms because they control day and night, months and years, decades and
centuries. They ensure the continuity of time. For this matter, the sun and moon deities
are highly revered because they have been given the power to control time by
Otwediampon Kwame (The Supreme being) himself. So by incorporating the circle into
the installation, I am erasing the imprint of superstition and idolatry that crippled the
continuity of this aspect (Adinkra) of the Akan beliefs and allowing for its continuity
through time.
86 The next layer of the installation was finding a viable location and placement for
the animation to run. The same sketch chosen, allowed for the animation to be projected
from the ceiling unto the floor in such a way that it was evenly centered inside the panels.
To echo the eccentric theme, a lightly textured wallpaper that has been neatly cut in a
circular shape was to serve as the backdrop for the animation projection.
Figure 37. Installation draft.
The mechanism for sound was the last layer. In order to produce a clean audible sound, a
portable amplifier along with two small speakers was used. It was considered wise to
hang these close to the location of the projector so as to facilitate the complex electronic
arrangements as well as help keep the sound within that confined space.
87
CHAPTER 3: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
The Installation
As I stood from afar and fixed my eyes on this creation made by human hands
shortly after its opening, I sighed pleasantly in awe at the immaculate installation,
basking in all its glory amidst the gentle ambience of the spot and flood lights; that
seemed to make everything gleam in sheer magnificence. It was beautiful! Passersby
could not help but stop and glance and wonder what it was. I smiled with satisfaction as I
went round the installation observing it from each angle. Everything seemed to be just in
the right place. Two nights before, during the installation process, I had encountered a
few hitches, which got me to the brink of breaking down. The wires that were holding the
tent rods and the panels to the ceiling looked somewhat tacky and unacceptable, but
following the suggestion of my advisor and mentor Don Adleta, I took everything down
and replaced the wires with black cords. This, in the long run, turned out to be one of the
best decisions I had ever made through out the entire installation process. This is because,
the black cord appeared invisible against the black ceiling hence everything looked like it
was floating in mid air with fluidity and dainty grace.
As I observed the intricacies within the drawings on the panels, I saw a lot of
chaos and order, but in a somewhat interesting way. The way I had interpreted a logical
idea seemed to be filled with loads of disclarity and semi-abstraction. However, that was
the most orderly way I could inscribe meaning. I took my mind back to my sketching
process, with charcoal on paper, the rather organized ideas always poured out quite
randomly on the page during that sketching phase. Yet in the end, they added up to make
88
a meaningful impression, which I found rather fascinating, because one felt the tension of
opposing forces of certain elements of design such as lines, shapes and solids. As far as
my drawings are concerned, I believe that opposites do attract a great deal and they live
quite harmoniously together. After all even if they did not have much in common, they
still needed each other’s differences to make each one stand out. The installation in its
entirety leaves sufficient room for much debate and discussions and provides both the
artist and the viewer something exiting to lament on.
In the animation, chaos and order also become one and at times at a glance their
differences cannot be immediately configured. But with close observation and attention
to detail, one is able to realize the opposing forces that make the work. The white
projection disc emanated from the ground like that of a live portal or some kind of time
machine that opened up from the ground and took us back to the land and realm of my
forefathers.
I strongly believe that this installation was successful and it satisfied the goals that
were set before its commencement. A lot of the audiences who encountered it felt it had a
hypnotizing effect and they got that sense of remembrance and retracing of lost
memories. Some felt it was a celebration of some kind because of the music and how the
rhythm echoed the movement of the elements in the animation. A student came up to it
and said “This reminds me of like some kind of ancient writing of some sort that is being
brought into the 21st century” I loved what she said so much that I asked her permission
to write it down. The reaction I got from the children was quite interesting too. They
seemed to be so fascinated by the projection on the ground, they stepped unto the circle
89
and spun around following the rhythm of the music. At first I was rather upset because
they were leaving footprints unto the white projection disc. But I realized that they were
participating in the celebration of a writing system and the way the projection fell on their
body was like body art in motion. I realized that the foot prints they left behind was even
informing the theme of passing down the values of Adinkra to younger generations and
took it further to younger generations from another location as well.
As I looked upon the installation one last time, and observed the projected
animation on the round white background on the floor within the confines of the
translucent veils, I admired the beauty made by the lights which seemed to cast dewy and
laid-back undertones of illumination for the translucent hangings. The monotone
presence presented a re-discovery of a new discourse of the black and white color
scheme. For in this sense, it highlighted issues of race, domination, segregation and
equality. In my installation, black and white all co exist in unity and harmony; there are
no issues of master and slave; they rely on each other’s differences to be strong. By so
doing, a new history was being written using the Adinkra writing system, which radiated
from an artistic portal in the earth. The earth of my ancestors.
92
CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION
In re-reading the discourse of the Adinkra, there is a realization that renders the
Adinkra as a grounded multi-lateral narrative that seeps beyond the physical and houses a
huge portion of the Akan history and culture; a culture that has withstood the plight of
prolonged domination by nation states and their (nation states) attempt to re write a new
history and institute a new order to their colonies. The totality of this in-depth research
has revealed the Adinkra to be a strong and powerful tool that does not only invite a new
perspective on the study of an ideographic writing system (Adinkra), but also housing an
even broader concept; the concept of redefining a culture. The discourse of Adinkra has
become a structure that invents new ways of maintaining the Ghanaian culture and its
evolving modernity. This allows the expansion of the Adinkra beyond the borders of its
homeland. And through art and design, invite a wider audience to appreciate not only the
Adinkra as writing symbols but as part of a unique culture that is worth investigating.
With respects to globalization, transnationalism and the constant interaction and
exchange of different cultures across the globe, the presentation of Adinkra to other
cultures other than its own should be accompanied by some sort of ‘adaptation features’;
meaning that the introduction and presentation of the symbols to a foreign environment
should conform and adapt to the modern way of life without forsaking or dislocating their
(Adinkra) roots and identity. Creating an artistic multi media structure that combined the
old with the new was a perfect way to bring familiarity to a subject matter that was
otherwise foreign to the viewing audience. In addition, lining up the Adinkra to Ghanaian
modernity and modernity in general creates a place and space of timelessness.
93 The artistic presentation of the Adinkra will ambitiously reach newer heights in
future scenarios through the exploration of both large and small outdoor spaces, which
will include live performances of singing, drumming and dancing. The Adinkra symbols
may also be temporarily tattooed unto the bodies of the performers as a form of body art
while they articulate the messages of the symbols in their ensemble. The essence of this
kind of artistic presentation will allow a unique interaction with nature as well as reveal
and share the Adinkra as part of a unique culture with an even larger audience.
The discourse of the Adinkra has highlighted the possibility of further exploration
of the Ghanaian history and culture. Through visual arts and technology, the avenues for
celebrating and reinvigorating the Adinkra are limitless. Adinkra is culture and culture is
life. As long as the Adinkra is preserved, we sustain a culture; hence we sustain life; and
through life, we move and have our being. In the months and years that lie ahead, the
discourse of the Adinkra should be perceived as a strong undying, untarnished, evolving
course that still has much room for further investigation, exploration and reinterpretation.
94
REFERENCES
Agbo, Adolph Hilary. Values of Adinkra and Agama Symbols. Kumasi: Bigshy Designs and Publications, 2006.
Abram, David. The Spell of the Sensuous: Perception and Language in a More-Than-
Human World. New York: Vintage Books, 1996. Arthur, George F. Kojo. Cloth as a Metaphor: (Re)reading the Adinkra Cloth Symbols of
the Akan of Ghana. Legon: Centre for Indigenous Knowledge Systems, 2001.
Boon, Elizabeth Hill, Urton, Gary. Their Way of Writing: Scripts, Signs, and Pictographies in Pre-Columbian America: Harvard University Press, 2011.
Christian, Angela. Adinkra Oration. Accra: Catholic Book Centre, 1976.
Danzy, Jasmine (2009). Adinkra Symbols: An Ideographic Writing system (Master’s Thesis, Stony Brook University). Retrieved from http://dspace.sunyconnect.suny.edu/bitstream/handle/1951/48176/000000570.sbu.pdf?sequence=2
DeFrancis, John. The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy. Honolulu: University
of Hawaii Press, 1984. Hansen, Chad. Chinese Ideographs and Western Ideas. The Journal of Asian
Studies.52.2May1993.373-399.Web.25Apr2009. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/2059652>.
Iweriebor, E. G. "The Psychology of Colonialism." In The End of Colonial Rule: Nationalism and Decolonization, vol. 4 of Africa, ed. Toyin Falola. Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2002.
Langer, J. A. Literacy and schooling: A sociocognitive perspective. New York: Teachers
College Press, 1991.
Mato, Daniel (1986) Clothed in Symbol: The Art of Adinkra Among the Akan of Ghana. Phd Dissertation, Indiana University, 1986.
Mudimbe, V.Y. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order of Knowledge. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1998.
Mullen Kreamer, Chistine. Inscribing Meaning: Writing and Graphic Systems in African Art. Smithsonian National Museum of African Art. Milan: 5 Continents, 2007.
95
Ong, Walter J. Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word. New York: Methuen, 1982.
Quarcoo, Alfred Kofi. The Language of Adinkra Patterns. 2. Legon: University of Ghana, 1994. Stanley, Henry M. Through the Dark Continent. Toronto: William Briggs, 1885.
Stanley, Henry M. Through the Dark Continent: Volume 2. New York: Harper and
Brothers Publishers, 1878. Wa Thiong'o, Ngũgĩ. Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African
Literature. London: James Currey, Nairobi: Heinemann Kenya, New Hampshire: Heinemann, 1986.
Willis, W. Bruce. The Adinkra Dictionary: A Visual Primer on the Language of
Adinkra. Washington, D.C: Pyramid Complex, 1998. Yankah, Kwesi. Speaking for the Chief: Okyeame and the Politics of Akan Royal
Oratory. Indiana: Indiana University Press , 1995 .
96
APPENDIX: ADINKRA SYMBOLS
!"#$%&!'($() *+,-./)0/)12-3451)67890:6*)
;5.1<3.66=)+,15-681=):.12.56,->)
!%?@($ *A15),053*) B-;-:13+.=A15-3.66
!%?C($! *6A052)0/)A15* +0D51;.=)B1:05
!%?%?$!$ *<,.):.;)0/)1),.3*) 8.5+7=)3D5<D5-3;)
!%?E!) *<,.),.15<*) >1<-.3+.)F)<0:.513+.)
!%?E!)$G?H?) *:-34.2),.15<6*) D32.56<132-3;=1;5..8.3<)
!$!$H()$G?$G!$)) *6>-2.5I6 A.9* A-6208=)+5.1<-B-<7)
!H!H()J()"K&K) *<,.)(15<,),16)A.-;,<*) 2-B-3-<7)0/)E0<,.5)(15<,
!J! */.53* .32D513+.=5.60D5+./D:3.66))
@(H()H!%!) *61+4)0/)+0:1)3D<6*) 1//:D.3+.=19D3213+.=)D3-<7)
@#)$%!)@#) *30)03.)6,0D:2)9-<.)<,.)0<,.5*) >.1+.=),158037)
@?!)E()$!E()EE?!)L?)
*,.:>)8.)132):.<)8.),.:>)70D*
+00>.51<-03=-3<.52.>.32.3+.)
97
!"#$%&!'($() *+,-./)0/)12-3451)67890:6*)
;5.1<3.66=)+,15-681=):.12.56,->)
!%?@($ *A15),053*) B-;-:13+.=A15-3.66
!%?C($! *6A052)0/)A15* +0D51;.=)B1:05
!%?%?$!$ *<,.):.;)0/)1),.3*) 8.5+7=)3D5<D5-3;)
!%?E!) *<,.),.15<*) >1<-.3+.)F)<0:.513+.)
!%?E!)$G?H?) *:-34.2),.15<6*) D32.56<132-3;=1;5..8.3<)
!$!$H()$G?$G!$)) *6>-2.5I6 A.9* A-6208=)+5.1<-B-<7)
!H!H()J()"K&K) *<,.)(15<,),16)A.-;,<*) 2-B-3-<7)0/)E0<,.5)(15<,
!J! */.53* .32D513+.=5.60D5+./D:3.66))
@(H()H!%!) *61+4)0/)+0:1)3D<6*) 1//:D.3+.=19D3213+.=)D3-<7)
@#)$%!)@#) *30)03.)6,0D:2)9-<.)<,.)0<,.5*) >.1+.=),158037)
@?!)E()$!E()EE?!)L?)
*,.:>)8.)132):.<)8.),.:>)70D*
+00>.51<-03=-3<.52.>.32.3+.)
98
!"#$%&!'($() *+,-./)0/)12-3451)67890:6*)
;5.1<3.66=)+,15-681=):.12.56,->)
!%?@($ *A15),053*) B-;-:13+.=A15-3.66
!%?C($! *6A052)0/)A15* +0D51;.=)B1:05
!%?%?$!$ *<,.):.;)0/)1),.3*) 8.5+7=)3D5<D5-3;)
!%?E!) *<,.),.15<*) >1<-.3+.)F)<0:.513+.)
!%?E!)$G?H?) *:-34.2),.15<6*) D32.56<132-3;=1;5..8.3<)
!$!$H()$G?$G!$)) *6>-2.5I6 A.9* A-6208=)+5.1<-B-<7)
!H!H()J()"K&K) *<,.)(15<,),16)A.-;,<*) 2-B-3-<7)0/)E0<,.5)(15<,
!J! */.53* .32D513+.=5.60D5+./D:3.66))
@(H()H!%!) *61+4)0/)+0:1)3D<6*) 1//:D.3+.=19D3213+.=)D3-<7)
@#)$%!)@#) *30)03.)6,0D:2)9-<.)<,.)0<,.5*) >.1+.=),158037)
@?!)E()$!E()EE?!)L?)
*,.:>)8.)132):.<)8.),.:>)70D*
+00>.51<-03=-3<.52.>.32.3+.)
99
!"#$%&!'($() *+,-./)0/)12-3451)67890:6*)
;5.1<3.66=)+,15-681=):.12.56,->)
!%?@($ *A15),053*) B-;-:13+.=A15-3.66
!%?C($! *6A052)0/)A15* +0D51;.=)B1:05
!%?%?$!$ *<,.):.;)0/)1),.3*) 8.5+7=)3D5<D5-3;)
!%?E!) *<,.),.15<*) >1<-.3+.)F)<0:.513+.)
!%?E!)$G?H?) *:-34.2),.15<6*) D32.56<132-3;=1;5..8.3<)
!$!$H()$G?$G!$)) *6>-2.5I6 A.9* A-6208=)+5.1<-B-<7)
!H!H()J()"K&K) *<,.)(15<,),16)A.-;,<*) 2-B-3-<7)0/)E0<,.5)(15<,
!J! */.53* .32D513+.=5.60D5+./D:3.66))
@(H()H!%!) *61+4)0/)+0:1)3D<6*) 1//:D.3+.=19D3213+.=)D3-<7)
@#)$%!)@#) *30)03.)6,0D:2)9-<.)<,.)0<,.5*) >.1+.=),158037)
@?!)E()$!E()EE?!)L?)
*,.:>)8.)132):.<)8.),.:>)70D*
+00>.51<-03=-3<.52.>.32.3+.)
100
!"#$%&!'($() *+,-./)0/)12-3451)67890:6*)
;5.1<3.66=)+,15-681=):.12.56,->)
!%?@($ *A15),053*) B-;-:13+.=A15-3.66
!%?C($! *6A052)0/)A15* +0D51;.=)B1:05
!%?%?$!$ *<,.):.;)0/)1),.3*) 8.5+7=)3D5<D5-3;)
!%?E!) *<,.),.15<*) >1<-.3+.)F)<0:.513+.)
!%?E!)$G?H?) *:-34.2),.15<6*) D32.56<132-3;=1;5..8.3<)
!$!$H()$G?$G!$)) *6>-2.5I6 A.9* A-6208=)+5.1<-B-<7)
!H!H()J()"K&K) *<,.)(15<,),16)A.-;,<*) 2-B-3-<7)0/)E0<,.5)(15<,
!J! */.53* .32D513+.=5.60D5+./D:3.66))
@(H()H!%!) *61+4)0/)+0:1)3D<6*) 1//:D.3+.=19D3213+.=)D3-<7)
@#)$%!)@#) *30)03.)6,0D:2)9-<.)<,.)0<,.5*) >.1+.=),158037)
@?!)E()$!E()EE?!)L?)
*,.:>)8.)132):.<)8.),.:>)70D*
+00>.51<-03=-3<.52.>.32.3+.)