The Adinkra: Re-reading a Discourse within a Discourse

A thesis presented to

the faculty of

the College of Fine Arts of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Master of Fine Arts

Eunice N. M. Delaquis

August 2013

© 2013 Eunice N. M. Delaquis. All Rights Reserved.

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This thesis titled

The Adinkra: Re-reading a Discourse within a Discourse

by

EUNICE N. M. DELAQUIS

has been approved for

the School of Art

and the College of Fine Arts by

Sherry Blankenship

Associate Professor of Art

Margaret Kennedy-Dygas

Dean, College of Fine Arts

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ABSTRACT

DELAQUIS, EUNICE N. M., M.F.A., August 2013, Graphic Design

The Adinkra: Re-Reading a Discourse within a Discourse

Director of Thesis: Sherry Blankenship

The discourse of the Adinkra, which is a visual and spiritual “translation of

thoughts and ideas, expressing and symbolizing the values, beliefs, philosophy and

wisdom of the Ashanti”(Danzy 2009, 3), has indeed permeated through time and space.

Their complexities have unearthed quite a wide spectrum of concepts and theories;

deductions of one idea from the other; mixed amalgamations of facts and speculations; all

this harnessing the evolving discourse within a discourse. The intention therefore is to

create awareness about the existence and history of the Adinkra, to celebrate and sustain

the Adinkra as part of the Ghanaian culture, and solidify it as an ideographic writing

system. The issue of preserving a writing system is cross-cultural because writing has

played and still plays a significant role in defining, defending, and sustaining any culture.

Hence the discourse of the Adinkra as an ideographic writing system is extremely

relevant.

The goals of the research will be explored further through a mixed media

installation that comprises of illustration, sound and animation. This will serve as a visual

manifestation and reflection of the discourses deduced as well as the conclusions raised.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Indeed, any scholarly research requires multiple recourses and contributions. This

thesis would not have had such a successful completion without the help, guidance and

support of certain able minds who stood by me through the entire process.

First and Foremost, I would like to thank God for spiritual strength and endurance

throughout this research process. My sincerest gratitude also goes to my committee

members Don Adleta for his academic guidance, mentorship and patience. Without the

kind words and academic coaching of Sherry Blankenship during moments when things

got quite tough, persevering through could have been a hard task. The theoretical and

scholarly insight of Andrea Frohne was an irreplaceable and commendable asset to my

research. She always made me look further and harder beyond what the eyes perceived.

I also want to express my gratitude to Nathaniel Berger from the Ohio University

Aesthetics Lab for his technical assistance with the lab facilities. It would have been very

difficult figuring out the functionalities of certain equipment without his vast technical

knowhow. Carlos Pacheco was indeed God sent, for without his expertise on gallery

installation matters, I could not have achieved the final output of my installation design.

Lastly, I want to thank my fellow peers and my entire family for their moral

support and words of advice during this entire research process.

May God bless you all.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract ............................................................................................................................... 3  Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................... 4  

List of Figures ..................................................................................................................... 7  introduction ....................................................................................................................... 10  

Chapter 1: Literature review ............................................................................................. 14  Adinkra in Brief ............................................................................................................ 14  

Adinkra In Appropriation: The Utilitarian Value ......................................................... 20  Adinkra As Kasakoa (A Bended Language) ................................................................ 23  

A Discourse of Derivation and Provenance ................................................................. 27  Adinkra as an Ideographic Writing .............................................................................. 32  

Defrancis’ Version of True Writing ...................................................................... 34  Ong’s Version of True Writing ............................................................................. 36  

Effects of Colonialsim on Adinkra ............................................................................... 39  Chapter 2: Methodology ................................................................................................... 46  

Adinkra in Print: The Journey to Ntonso ..................................................................... 46  Visual Essays ................................................................................................................ 63  

Visual Essay One: Ayamu Nsem (Story of the Fern) ........................................... 66  Visual Essay Two: Twitwi (Scrape) ...................................................................... 66  

Visual Essay Three Nfraframu (Mixtures) and Visual Essay Four Nfraframu Ntoaso(Continuous Mixtures) ............................................................................... 68  

Visual Essay Five Mene wana (Who am I?) ......................................................... 70  Essay Six Mankye (I did not burn) ........................................................................ 71  

Essay Seven Nkwa Nkyiniho (The cycle of Life) .................................................. 72  Essay Eight Mpaninfoo Asedee (Leadership) ....................................................... 73  

Essay nine Mesumasem (Secrets) ......................................................................... 75  Essay Ten Adaneadane (Turns and Tides) ........................................................... 76  

Essay Eleven Nsiano (Balance) ............................................................................ 77  Adinkra in Sound and Motion ...................................................................................... 78  

Marshaling Reference Points ........................................................................................ 81  

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The Vision: An Installation draft .................................................................................. 84  Chapter 3: Results and Discussions .................................................................................. 87  

The Installation ............................................................................................................. 87  Chapter 4: Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 92  

References ......................................................................................................................... 94  Appendix: Adinkra Symbols ............................................................................................. 96  

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LIST OF FIGURES

Page

Figure 1. Adinkrahene (Adinkra King) Symbol of Boldness, greatness, continuity and endurance. This symbol is said to have played an inspiring role in the designing of the other Adinkra symbols ....................................................................................................17 Figure 2. Gyenyame (Except God). One of the most popular Adinkra symbols. It signifies the supremacy of God .......................................................................................17 Figure 3. Logo of Winneba University bearing the Adinkra symbol Mate Masie (What I hear I keep). Symbol of wisdom and knowledge ............................................................18 Figure 4. Apa (Hand cuffs or chain link). Was a symbol of Law, Justice slavery and captivity. Now it is a symbol discouraging slavery ........................................................18 Figure 5. Sankofa (Return and get it). Symbol of learning from the past and using that as a beacon to move forward in the future ..........................................................................19 Figure 6. Sankofa (Return and get it). Another variation of the symbol ........................19 Figure 7. A carved stool embedded with the Adinkra symbol Gyenyame ......................20 Figure 8. Carved earrings embedded with the Adinkra symbol Duafe.(A symbol of beauty, cleanliness and desirable feminine qualities) .....................................................21 Figure 9. A linguist staff featuring the Adinkra symbol Sankofa ...................................26 Figure 10. Men wearing Adinkra cloth, Ghana, 1960s ...................................................26 Figure 11. A bowl of badie piecest .................................................................................50 Figure 12. Akoto pounding the badie .............................................................................51 Figure 13. Akoto explaining the badie dye making process ...........................................52 Figure 14. A dyed Adinkra cloth ....................................................................................52 Figure 15. Sieving mechanism for the badie dye ...........................................................54 Figure 16. Sample of a prepared badie dye ....................................................................54 Figure 17. Bundles of kuntunkuni roots ..........................................................................56

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Figure 18. An area for the boiling processes ..................................................................57 Figure 19. Kuntunkuni dye ..............................................................................................57 Figure 20. Akoto demonstrating Adinkra printing on cloth ...........................................60 Figure 21. Akoto demonstrating Adinkra printing on cloth ...........................................60 Figure 22. Trying my hands on the Adinkra printing process ........................................61 Figure 23. Trying my hands on the Adinkra printing process ........................................61 Figure 24. Trying my hands on the loom ........................................................................62 Figure 25. Essay one .......................................................................................................67 Figure 26. Essay two .......................................................................................................68 Figure 27. Essay three .....................................................................................................69 Figure 28. Essay four ......................................................................................................70 Figure 29. Essay five .......................................................................................................72 Figure 30. Essay six ........................................................................................................72 Figure 31. Essay seven ....................................................................................................74 Figure 32. Essay eight .....................................................................................................74 Figure 33. Essay nine ......................................................................................................75 Figure 34. Essay ten ........................................................................................................76 Figure 35. Essay eleven ..................................................................................................77 Figure 36. Storyboard .....................................................................................................80 Figure 37. Installation draft .............................................................................................86 Figure 38. Final Installation ............................................................................................90 Figure 39. Final Installation ............................................................................................90

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Figure 40. Final Installation ............................................................................................91 Figure 41. Final Installation ............................................................................................91

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INTRODUCTION The profound knowledge, wisdom, values and beauty that the Adinkra embodies

and communicates has in many ways shaped the lives of the Akan people as well as all

those who hold its sacred norms in high esteem. In Akan modernity, these stylized

symbols, which are translations of thoughts and ideas expressing, symbolizing, and

communicating values, beliefs and wisdom, continue to convey the philosophy and the

endurance of the Ashanti. Chapter one of this thesis will expatiate the dense background

of the Adinkra in terms of their history (which will include their debated origins and the

negative effects inflicted during colonialism), how they are used and appropriated, an

ethnographic account of the traditional and modern techniques employed for its printing

and most importantly their credible attributes and inferences that make them a writing

system. The history of the Adinkra in this research is of immense importance because

history informs a people of who they are, where they have been, and where they must go.

The relationship of history to a people is equivalent to the relationship of a mother to her

child thus it creates a sense of anchoring to a determined source or imagined roots. The

discourse will further delve into the intricacies surrounding the Adinkra’s lack of

recognition as a writing system by leading linguists and how that has its root emanating

from certain ethnocentric constraints; which further expands into other issues pertaining

to orality and literacy. Indeed, it is not surprising for a casual observer to assume Ghana’s

Adinkra as mostly symbols associated with the Akan culture or any other culture for that

matter; however, it embodies more than just symbolism. Most of its attributes bear

profound similarities to other writing systems attesting to the fact that it is indeed a

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writing system:-; an ideographic writing system to be exact. Scholars like Elizabeth Hill

Boone and Gary Urton have identified a categorization structure that bundles the different

writing systems into three broad fields. Namely, pictographs, ideographs and

phonographs (which will be discussed in detail in chapter one.) What is most revealing

about this structure is that these scholars do not recognize these fields as a channel to

rank the systems but rather to compare and contrast the similarities and differences that

make them unique from each other. However the consensus among certain scholars like

Walter Ong and John DeFrancis is inconclusive regarding the hypothesis of the writing

systems specifically, the category of ideographs, because according to their studies, the

ideographic system fails to measure up to their ideal version of ‘true scripts’ which is

phonetics.

The effects of colonialism with regards to certain techniques that were used to

successfully colonize Ghana and how the impact as a result contributed to the dwindling

down of the Adinkra in the current redefined post-colonial Ghanaian culture will also be

examined in chapter one. The discourse will continue to delve into how the dominance of

nation-states has affected not just the Adinkra, but also the culture to which it belongs. A

culture that is often branded as the ‘other’. The complex bondage of the psyche or

‘colonization of the mind’ which has become the ‘by product’ of colonization will be

discussed in detail; and how this ‘by product’ has resulted into somewhat of an inferiority

complex of the ‘other’ in a postcolonial era; an inbred ‘sickness’ that needs

convalescence, purging and a realization of the need to decolonize the mind and begin to

develop a stronger and more confident realization of self.

12 In Chapter two, the need to reclaim and reveal the Adinkra as part of the

Ghanaian culture will be explored through an installation that inculcates traditional

charcoal mark making with modern digital printing. These concepts will be rearticulated

in video and animation. They will all be harmoniously melded together with the musical

infusion of traditional drumbeats overlaid with sounds of modern guitar. This

juxtaposition of media will locate the Adinkra in past, present and future contexts; where

the new recognizes and is influenced by the old; and where the past and present both

confirm and contradict each other.

This chapter will also raise certain questions and concerns as well as a

formulation of a discourse within a discourse especially from a graphic designer’s

perspective because, the idea and concept of the whole communication process of design

can still be deduced as being highly Eurocentric, tightly stratified, strictly linear and

exclusively unilateral. Why does design have to be based on alphabetic and syllabic

constraints? Why are other possibilities fixed to a periphery? Why hasn’t the concept of

other writing agents been maximized from phonemes and syllabaries into the ideographic

paradigm? These issues and complex discourses will be tackled through the visual

communication process that is devoid of the fixed constraints presented by the graphic

design structure. In that regard, the style used in the execution of the array of designs will

be based on ideas and ideography rather than sounds of speech. This will create a mode

of communication that challenges the theory that “the tightest control of all is achieved

by the alphabet” (Orality and Literacy). It must be highlighted that this will not be a

‘proclamation’ denying the relevance of phonetic based forms but rather discarding the

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idea of its comparison and dominance to other forms of writing and thereby embracing a

wider hybridity of versatility.

References from certain artists of both local and international acclaim who were

sources of motivation and inspiration for the project will also be briefly discussed in the

concluding sections of this chapter to help strengthen the visual output.

Chapter three will analyze the results of the research and the visual content and

discuss the problems faced, solutions raised and conclusions drawn. This will determine

whether or not the goals of the thesis where achieved and if there could be possible

extensions and improvements for the future outside the completion of the thesis.

Lastly, concluding statements will be made in chapter four to reflect on the entire

research process from beginning to end.

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CHAPTER 1: LITERATURE REVIEW

Adinkra in Brief

Adinkra is quite famous in most parts of Ghana; however, it will not be surprising

to an outsider beyond the country’s peripheries that Adinkra is an unknown subject

matter. Simply put, they may neither have a savvy idea about what they are nor the

slightest idea of what they may mean. In such an unplanned happenstance from a curious

layman, there may be a need to clarify certain questions that may arise: What are Adinkra

symbols? What are their distinct look and features? Where and how did they originate

and what is their utilitarian value? Are they a spoken language? Can they be read like

text? Etc. According to Arthur, Adinkra are often defined as symbols (and ideographs,

which is considered a controversial term among certain linguists), which through stylized

pictures, convey the philosophy of the Ashanti of Ghana (which belongs to the Akan

ethnic group), and the culture to which they belong. He further expatiates this by saying

that stylistically, Adinkra symbols are “based on various observations of and associations

between humans and objects they use, flora and fauna scenes, the human body and its

parts, and elements of nature, [geometric] and abstract ideas” (Arthur 2001, 33). With

respects to this definition from Arthur, Adinkra can be viewed as an embodiment of

visual cues and pictorial designs of various kinds and from various sources such as

nature, beasts of the earth, from the leaping frogs to the souring birds of the sky, plants

ranging from the creeping vines to the robust and crude plants, ponds and rivers, parts of

the human body, and other man made objects, “all of which represent more than their

image and are understood within the context of the Asante culture”. (Arthur 2001, 34).

15 Another definition from Agbo asserts that they are also a “translation of thoughts

and ideas, expressing and symbolizing the values and beliefs of the people among whom

they occur” (Agbo 2006, ix); These translations where passed on from generation to

generation through oral traditions such as song (nwomto), announcements (dehuro) and

most importantly folktales (anansesem). They also instilled discipline by giving warning,

providing advice and teaching morals. Adinkra is also a language by virtue of its ability

to communicate “proverbs, parables and maxims” (Agbo 2006, v). One of the ways in

which any kind knowledge can be possessed is through the use of language. Language in

itself is a field too broad to bundle up into one simple term or definition. Every attempt to

definitively say what language is has been subject to limitations. Some scholars believe

that it makes more sense to live it as an open ended topic, flexible enough for people to

draw their own conclusions depending on the context they want to fit them (Abram 1996,

73). Linguistic scholars on the other hand, since the scientific revolution see language to

be a set of “arbitrary but conventionally agreed upon words or signs linked by a purely

formal system of syntactic and grammatical rules”(Abram 1996, 77). This definition is

indeed very restricted in the sense that it only caters for phonetics (writing system based

on sounds of speech) and hence does not embrace a wider perception of language. For the

purposes of the discourse of Adinkra, basing language on a cultural platform will help

ground the Adinkra as a language. A definition, which helps in creating a link between

language and culture, asserts that language is “a system of signs (indices, icons, symbols)

used to encode and decode information so that the pairing of a specific sign with an

intended meaning is established through certain social and cultural conventions.” Indeed

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Adinkra is a language by virtue of the fact that it links a particular symbol to a unique

meaning in the culture of the Akan. And these meanings are recognized and understood

by members of this culture and hence used as a communication tool or medium in their

society.

The gradual descent and transcendence of time has indeed reshaped and caused

the Adinkra to adapt to certain social, cultural, religious, economic and historical changes

that have redefined Ghanaian modernity, thus causing an emergence of newer

appropriations and revisions of the symbols. A typical example is the Adinkra symbol

Apa (hand cuffs) or chain shackles. This symbol is believed to have existed before the

trans-Atlantic slave trade became a viable export venture. In the traditional judicial

system and the fixed scheme of crime sentencing in the old Akan community, being sold

into slavery was not an uncommon phenomenon. Depending on the crime or crimes

committed, they could be sold locally or to foreign merchants. Hence this symbol initially

stood for one of the penalties for vicious crimes. However the evolution of Ghanaian

modernity has reshaped the symbol to rather dispute and shun the concept of slavery and

“the uncompromising nature of such a law” (Arthur 2001, 42). The symbol Gye Nyame or

‘except for god’ is yet another example that has adapted to change through time. The

Akan traditional religion has always believed in the existence and supremacy of a greater

being Otweduampong Kwame(God). With the advent of the Christian religion, the

meaning still remains yet the application has included and embraced the Christian God as

well (Arthur 2001, 42). In that respect, it is imperative to note that that some of the

symbols have been altered in meaning but not necessarily in form so as to conform to

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these changes. As Quarcoo confirms, “Adinkra has been adapted into all aspects of

Ghana’s developing society, and appears on churches, universities (Winneba University,

Ghana), banks and insurance houses” (Quarcoo 1994, ix) to help perpetuate their

existence and preservation.

Figure 1. Adinkrahene (Adinkra King) Symbol of Boldness, greatness, continuity and endurance.

Figure 2. Gyenyame (Except God). One of the most popular Adinkra symbols. It signifies the supremacy of God.

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Figure 3. Logo of Winneba University bearing the Adinkra symbol Mate Masie (What I hear I keep). Symbol of wisdom and knowledge.

Figure 4. Apa (Handcuffs or chain link). Was a symbol of law, justice, slavery and captivity.

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Figure 5. Sankofa (Return and get it). Symbol of learning from the past and using that as a beacon for the future.

Figure 6. Sankofa (Return and get it). Another variation of figure 5.

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Adinkra In Appropriation: The Utilitarian Value

The unique designs of the Adinkra makes its aesthetic value important for the

observer. Their eloquent facades have enticed many foreigners as well as some locals to

purchase objects with Adinkra symbols embedded on them without necessarily knowing

or being interested in the hidden meaning behind its exterior grandeur. Though this has

caused a depreciation of its (Adinkra) true worth, it still shows how much it is valued as

an art form. In the Ashanti as well as many other parts of Ghana, the symbols can be seen

on diverse mediums such as “textiles, pottery, stools, umbrella tops, linguist staffs, gold

weights, jewelry, swords, architecture,” and much more (Quarcoo 1994, ix).

Figure 7. A carved stool embedded with the Adinkra symbol Gyenyame.

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Figure 8. Wooden earrings carved in the Adinkra symbol Duafe. (A symbol of beauty, cleanliness and desirable feminine qualities).

Due to their appearance on objects of utility, the symbols as an art form fell into

the category of “art for life’s sake” as opposed to the Western ideal “art for art’s sake”,

the latter often being regarded as ‘true’ art (Quarcoo 1994, ix). Despite this fallacy, the

full meaning of the symbols have not been undermined, neither have they acted as just

mere distracting embellishments on the utilitarian objects they may are embedded on. On

the contrary, their presence on such items solidifies and heightens the value as well as the

appreciation of such objects by people who still appreciate and understand its coded

language because of the rich saturation of wisdom imbued in the Adinkra. (Quarcoo

1994, ix). This wisdom is popularly known as Kasakoa in the Ashanti/Akan native

language. Having the Adinkra symbols on objects of utility around the home provided

parents with visual cues in which lessons could be taught and references could be to the

children, thus the utilitarian objects became more than just utilitarian objects they also

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became teaching aids and a visual embodiment of meaning that surrounded them. For this

reason, children grew up becoming more conversant with the symbols and knew how to

read meaning into them and how to use them in the right context.

Another popular way in which the Adinkra were used was in the telling of

folktales. Folktales, popularly known as anasesem were a fun way of using the Adinkra

to teach norms and morals. The tales were normally told by an elderly male or female

usually a grandmother or grandfather. Young children would camp around a bonfire in a

circular fashion with the elder sitting on a stool (that may be carved in an Adinkra

symbol) at one point of the circle. Some of these utilitarian objects such as jewelry, bowls

etc. with the Adinkra symbol on them were then used as reference points at the end of the

story to explain the moral of the tale.

In modern times, Adinkra has been adopted in t-shirt designs, lampshades, carpets

etc not to necessarily teach morals but more as decoration pieces that invoke the ‘culture’

of Ghana. Firms and industries also try to incorporate some of the symbols in their

corporate identity packages, again not to promote the meaning of the symbol, but

sometimes because their aesthetics are found appealing and also there are no copyright

laws governing the symbols. In actual fact, they are used because they look nice and are

free. Most of the time, the meaning of the symbol may not necessarily have anything to

do with the goals of the firm or company. If indeed the symbol was used to highlight the

ideals of the company, then it would be a more credible use and the Adinkra would serve

its purpose well. In addition, if the slogan of the firm or company sheds light on the

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values of the Adinkra symbol being used, not only will it be an appropriate use of the

symbol but it will be in line with the old Akan art of articulated speech, Kasakoa.

Adinkra As Kasakoa (A Bended Language)

Kasa kasakoa your words are deep and steeped with weight. Concealed within the Adinkra frame When sight was gone you peered soo bright. Within Adinkra pride you took me back to days of old and brought me back with treasures untold. Not silver or gold but wisdom true and rare. From ancestral hands and the spirits of the land. Through torrents of cloudy veils you unwinded my brain. I now speak up for I know my name, my identity, my language, my Adinkra they are here to stay… in kasakoa I speak the language of the Adinkra. For in this I live and have my being…. (Eunice Delaquis)

Kasakoa is an articulated art of speaking that delivers the ideals and morals of the

Adinkra in the most sophisticated of ways. Kasakoa comes from two separate Akan

words ‘Kasa’ which means to speak and ‘Koa’ which means to bend. In totality, kasakoa

literally means ‘bent language’. In the old Akan tradition, wise sayings and proverbial

knowledge were never spoken in plain language but in a series of metaphoric and

complex amalgamations of words and idiomatic expressions. Hence they were spoken in

Kasakoa. A lot of this wisdom was embedded in these stylized ideographs (Adinkra)…A

true epiphany of knowledge and wisdom which conveyed the philosophy of the Ashanti.

(Interview, Agya Koo Nimo)

In the court of the old Ashanti palace (Mankyia palace which is still in existence

today), the Okyeame, (chief linguist and advisor to the king), was believed to be the

initiator of metaphorically articulated speech using the values of the Adinkra. Royal

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oratory in most African cultures, including that of the Ashanti, was an infusion of the

words of the king and the verbal embellishments of the Okyeame. He was not only a

member of the “royal entourage through whom the chief spoke and through whom

others’ reached the chief” but also, he was considered as one of the respectable elite

elders, “the chief’s orator, diplomat, envoy, prosecutor, protocol officer, prayer

officiant…. and confidant counselor” (Yankah 1995, 84). By virtue of these important

official and royal duties, his verbal repertoire had to be utterly impeccable. Hence,

Adinkra symbolism and its metaphoric and wise underpinnings played a significant role

in all aspects of speech and communication of the Asante culture and were passed on by

elders particularly an elite class of elders such as the Okyeame to the people and the

people to their children. Hence a rich cycle of Adinkra values revolved throughout most

households. Customarily, the Okyeame carries a staff bearing an emblem of maxims or

an Adinkra symbol. The staff together with the symbol or emblem is usually made of

pure gold (Christain 1976, 77). Some of the popular Adinkra symbols seen on the staff

are Sankofa (Go back and get it), Nyamebiribi wosoro (There is a God in the heavens)

and Adinkrahene (Adinkra King). The Okyeame used and still uses these symbols to

communicate values to the king as well as the royal court.

Cloth makers in years past were known to be the pioneers of using the symbols to

pay homage to the dead during funeral rites. In this case, the Adinkra symbols were

carefully chosen so as to reflect and show the attributes of the deceased, and in so doing

bring honor and respect to them as well as their surviving relatives. The symbols were

also used to communicate to nananom nsamanfo (dead ancestors), who the Asante

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believed acted as intermediates between the living and the Supreme Being

(Otweduampom Kwame, God).

Showing reverence to the king was a prestigious act and an honorable duty for

cloth makers. For that reason, aside from producing cloth for mourning and funeral

purposes, they also carefully made yards of cloth with special arrangements of Adinkra

motifs and patterns to highlight the king’s prowess and sovereignty for all to see. These

were done very creatively and distinct from those meant for commoners. The Kings wore

these as royal regalia to large durbars, festivals and special sacred ceremonies. Daniel

Mato attests to this by stating that “late nineteenth century photographs portray a number

of kings and members of royal courts who wear cloths with similar motifs stamped upon

them which can have royal references or be identified with royal attributes” (Mato 1986,

231). Through these imprints on fabric, the king is able to make statements without

opening his mouth to speak. His Adinkra adornments that were applied to the surface of

his garments professed his status in society as well as how he ruled his kingdom.

In modern times however, there is an ongoing dislocation of the values of the

Adinkra from the Adinkra symbols themselves. This has created a gap between the

Adinkra and their homeland; hence, the Adinkra in some instances end up becoming

random and anonymous symbols in distant lands separated from their individual meaning

and value. The emergence of Holland and especially China as competitors in the

production of Adinkra and kente fabrics (a valued textile art form) is an example of how

products of national heritage can be dislocated from their homeland hence perpetuating

the loss of wisdom and knowledge. These fabrics get sold to other areas of the world as

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interesting looking ‘ethnic’ or ‘tribal inspired cloth’. Some of the symbols even get

distorted during the process thus causing their meanings to evaporate.

Figure 9. A linguist staff featuring the Adinkra symbol Sankofa.

Figure 10. Men wearing Adinkra cloth, Ghana, 1960s.

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A Discourse of Derivation and Provenance

In the past, the ancestral spirits were believed to be the mediators between the

living and the dead and that there was always this cyclic transfer of messages back and

forth. According to oral history, the name Adinkra thus comes from the Akan word nkra

or nkara meaning message or messages. It is speculated that the dead were adorned with

these so as to have communication in the spirit world. And the living wore them to have

communication with both the living and the dead. It is by virtue of this that it has been

commonly assumed the name Adinkra came into existence. Also, Adi nkra together

means farewell, and Danquah proposed that perhaps the name could have arisen because

it was used to say farewell to the dead during funerals.

A popular story that also accounts for the inception of the name Adinkra comes

from an old folktale which denotes that an Asantehene (Ashanti king) called Nana

Prempeh I during the British colonization of the Gold-coast (now Ghana) refused to give

up the sacred golden stool of the Ashanti when the Colonial masters asked for it. For this

insubordinate act, he was exiled. It is said that Prempeh I was wearing the Adinkra cloth,

which was then referred to as Ntiamu Ntoma (stamped cloth). After the parting of the

King, the cloth was believed to have been re-named Adinkra to commemorate that event

of parting or having to say farewell (Arthur 2001, 25-26).

The potency and the ideals associated with the proverbial language of Adinkra has

very much been sustained and remembered in its unadulterated form. Unfortunately, the

vivid events surrounding its often-debated birth and origin have faded with the passing of

time. One theory held high by the Akan, places the birth of Adinkra in the seventeenth

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century. The theory according to Ashanti history denotes that Adinkra came with the

Asantehene’s golden stool. In addition, this theory harnesses the rich belief that Okomfo

Anokye, the first high priest who was known to possess strong spiritual and magical

powers, called upon from the heavens the descent of a golden stool, a physical

manifestation of unity and strength, which in turn came to symbolize the power of the

first king of the Ashanti nation, Nana Osei Tutu. A power that was duly inherited by

every succeeding Asantehene (Asante King). It is believed that Adinkra cloth served as a

covering for the golden stool during its travel down to earth. (Willis 1998, 29-32).

There is yet another theory which also emanates from oral traditions that claim

that a war broke out between the Asante and the Gyaman now Côte d’Ivoire or Ivory

Coast in 1818, a war which is popularly known in history as the Asante-Gyaman war.

The war was believed to have erupted when King Adinkra Kofi of Gyaman made an

imitation of the golden stool of the Asante. This act was considered high treason, an

insult and an abomination to the throne of Asante. The Asantehene was very much

outraged and through the undefeated and noted strength of his empire, fearlessly defeated

the Gyaman and brought in Adinkra Kofi as a prisoner of war to the capital state,

Kumasi. It is also added that on his capture, Adinkra Kofi wore robes saturated in series

of motifs and symbols, which inspired the genesis of the Adinkra symbols. Oral accounts

also add that Adinkra Kofi’s son Adinkra Apaa who was believed to have technical

knowledge about the Adinkra was kept alive unlike his father so as to teach the

techniques of the craft to the Ashanti. The oral accounts explain that the craft was first

taught to a man named Kwaku Dwaku in a village near Kumasi (Willis 1998, 30).

29

Though this theory is quite popular in Ghana and is indeed a possibility, there is still no

trace, hard evidence or remnants of Adinkra Kofi’s robes to solidify and validate the truth

in this story (Arthur 2001, 23-25).

In 1819, Thomas E. Bowdich embarked on a journey to Ghana that was

commissioned by the English government and her royal highness the queen. From his

written accounts, the Bowdich theory has evolved. This theory, which highlights

loopholes in the Asante-Gyaman war theory, unearths concrete proof that the Asante had

Adinkra symbols before the war with King Adinkra Kofi. After his return to England, he

published a book called Mission from Cape Coast to Ashantee in 1819. “This is the first

European account of the Asante and includes a now famous drawing made in 1817 of an

Akan celebration called the Odwira Festival in Kumasi.” In the drawing there was clear

evidence of motifs in repetition identified as the Adinkra, which was worn by most of the

men. To heighten its validity, it has been verified that in that same year, Bowdich

collected samples of the cloth which is now preserved and displayed in a British museum.

With this solid evidence, it can be rightfully said that the Akan did not obtain Adinkra

cloth from the Gyaman because the war began a year after Bowdich recorded the Akan

wearing the stamped cloth (Willis 1998, 30).

The Ashanti (by virtue of their victories of many battles) had acquired acres of

conquered territories by the late fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. The Bron, a successful

neighboring town in the Dormaah Ahenkro kingdom was not only noted for its fertile

lands, natural resources and link to productive trading points but also its mastery of

various crafts. Upon the defeat of Dormaah Ahenkro, Bron was won and hence became

30

part of the Ashanti territory. By virtue of this, they (Ashanti) were able to have direct

access and luxuries that the Bron had to offer. This included the craftsmanship from the

guild designers and others with professions of their kind whose lives were spared so as to

teach the craft to the Ashanti. It is on this that yet another hypothesis was derived,

popularly known as the Bron hypothesis. Some theorist believe that through interactions

with different merchants and traders along the trade routes, the creativity and knowledge

was heightened to the degree that they formulated an invention of making Adinkra. This

theory suggests therefore that the Adinkra begun after the acquisition of Bron placing its

(Adinkra) commencement somewhere in the late 17th century (Arthur 2001, 21-24).

On a yet debatable arena, some scholars strongly believe that the Adinkra

symbols had their roots and bearings from Islamic symbology. Delving through the

history of the Ashanti, it is realized that the empire grew to such an extent that it

encompassed the whole of present day Ghana as well as some of its neighboring

countries. It had exposure to different cultures as well as diverse trade routes and centers

of which the northern and Muslim trade parties were no exception. It is believed that

through the constant interaction with the Muslims, the Adinkra were influenced by

Islamic writing, amulet symbols and Kufic scripts.(Mato 1986, 63-64). Bowdich attests to

the fact of this direct contact between the Ashanti and the Muslims in his written

accounts and states the appearance of “Islamic… symbols and Arabic script” in their

attire (Mato 1986, 65-68). With this, it can be assumed that the Ashanti could have been

inspired to adopt and re-appropriate versions of certain Islamic signs and symbols so as to

suit their cultural beliefs and practices. Willis highlights some of those translations which

31

include “eban ggg(a compound house), damedame (the checkerboard game), kramo

(bone), amma yeanhu kramo pa (the bad Muslim makes it difficult for a good one to be

recognized)”. (Danzy 2009, 11). Despite this influence, it must be stressed, that the

Adinkra was already a full working system hence the effect of the influence included just

a small portion of the Adinkra symbols. In addition to this, the search to find some form

of relationship or direct linkage between Adinkra and the Islamic scripts have proved

futile for most Muslim and Arabic scholars. Another point of access that buttresses the

claim that the Adinkra originated from the Islamic scripts are those made by Danquah

and Arthur which asserts that none of the Adinkra symbols bear any visual similarities to

the Islamic scripts. Also the mode of printing, and system of production, totally differs

from one another. The Islamic inscriptions are written with brush sticks while the

Adinkra are stamped with hand carved calabash stamps (a process that will be discussed

in a later chapter). In addition the Islamic scripts are syllabic (similar to alphabets) while

the Adinkra symbols are ideographic (characters that represent an idea or concept).

The deductions made from this Islamic theory permits an ethnocentric scheme of

discourse that questions this theory’s claim that the totality of the Adinkra originated

from the Islamic inscriptions. Now taking into account that syllabic and alphabetic

systems have much in common and that the global hierarchy which places western

nations-states at the top (a system that has developed for hundreds of years), views

phonetics as the ideal model of writing for a civilized society. A deduction can be made

that Africa which was seen as a the dark continent and the place of primitive cultures; and

also by virtue of the fact the Asante culture like that of other African cultures did not

32

qualify to that defined standard of civilization; these nation states believed that the

ingenuity of the Adinkra could not have been a creation of barbarians; it had to be a

borrowed system from a higher and more developed source. Thus making this a more

acceptable theory for the derivation of the Adinkra by West.

Adinkra as an Ideographic Writing

Adinkra as a writing system is a very crucial aspect of this study. Its symbolic

attributes and unique aesthetic features have in many ways buried Adinkra’s

inconspicuous wisdom beneath its ‘physical façade’. From its utility and various possible

origins, it can be deduced that there is always an aspect of communication, a somewhat

proverbial message, a warning or a heed, a description, an appellation, being imparted to

an audience. There is a profound ideographic mode of communication and a bonafide

language encompassing codified wisdom and knowledge embedded in its stylistic visual

form. In simple terms, it is an ideographic writing system.

It is important to know that Adinkra is not read from a book like text or written in

manuscripts. Instead, the ideas and concepts behind the symbols are spoken and are

mostly stamped unto cloth (most popular) or carved into objects which then become the

medium from which they are read. Many scholars have determined categories of writing.

Jasmine Danzy mentions in her research the most common system, which bundles most

of the different writing systems into three broad groups and are quite popular and

recognized by scholars such as David E. Hunter and Phillip Whitten as well as Elizabeth

Hill Boone and Gary Urton. These three systems are pictographs (pictorial signs or

pictograms), which represent things such as animals, people, nature, etc. Their meanings

33

can easily be recognized and interpreted because they are not bound to any language, thus

transcending and breaking all linguistic barriers. Next, there are ideographs (or

ideograms), which bear similarities to pictographs, however, they do not necessarily

communicate what they may portray visually, but may stand for abstract and complex or

plain and simple ideas. With ideographs, one can say there is always something more

than meets the eye. For example, an ideograph of a dove might not refer to or represent a

specie of birds but rather the concept or idea of piety, godliness, righteousness or a

symbol of the Holy Spirit. It is under this category that the Adinkra falls. Lastly, there is

phonographs (phonograms), which represent sounds of speech and include syllabic and

alphabetic writing systems. (Arthur 2001, 8-9). Unlike ideographs, phonetics such as

alphabets needs a combination of its symbols (letters) in order to establish meaning. Each

character represents a sound of speech however on its own has no basis unless it is joined

by another symbol or symbols. Ideographs like the Adinkra however do not need the

inclusion of another character to make meaning. It is able to stand on its own. It also has

the flexibility to be combined with other symbols in the Adinkra family to invoke an even

larger concept. A detailed table providing a clearer comprehension of how the Adinkra

writing system functions is illustrated in the appendix page.

On a debatable arena, though these three broad classifications may be considered

didactically ‘Western’, studies show that these categories, successfully set themselves

aside from the typical ‘Western’ stereotyping and marginalization, in that each writing

category is seen as being unique and different within their own right.

34 However, other leading historic scholars in the field of linguistics such as John

Defrancis and Walter Ong have already set a standard stratum to pick and choose what

can and cannot qualify to be a true script or writing; and in order to qualify, the writing

must in most ways be linked to phonetics. (Danzy 2009, 14).

Defrancis’ Version of True Writing The complex and abstruse discourse over the sustenance of the concept of

ideographs is pertinent as far as the discourses of the Adinkra are concerned, for without

the existence of this concept, the fate of this unique writing system as well as others of

this kind might fall to its peril. The contention surrounding ideographs has been an

ongoing debate, having its commencement from issues surrounding the old Chinese

characters, which also fall into the paradigm of ideographs according to Chinese

ideographic linguists. They view their writing as complex characters conveying ideas and

concepts, exclusively devoid of sounds of speech (similar to that of Adinkra). The

pronunciations of the name of the character might differ depending on the region (Hansen

1993, 374). Chad Hansen in his article Chinese Ideographs and Western ideas discusses

John DeFrancis’ and his contemporaries’ (who are labeled by Hansen as prohibitionists)

argument against the use of the term ideograph. John DeFrancis argues that the term

ideograph is an “oxymoron” and a “scientifically falsified theory” which treats Chinese

characters as well as those like it as undermining “the mundane truths applicable to the

West” (Defrancis 1984, 75) (Danzy 2009, 15). With this statement, Defrancis is

acknowledging the existence of some kind of structure which he deems as the ‘mundane

truths’. Systems (such as Chinese) that do not meet these requirements of ‘truth’ are

35

easily branded as ‘the other’. DeFrancis’s attempt to get rid of the ideographic concept

and fit Chinese writing into the Western definition of what writing is and should be,

causes an ostracization and marginalization of all ideographic writing systems like

Adinkra.

The ‘mundane truth’ that Defrancis is talking about refers to a strict and rigid

module used by western linguists that restricts their acceptance of ideographs; and

according to Henson, this is the pattern they so tightly adhere to as far as speech and

writing are concerned. “Writing represents speech, speech represents ideas, and ideas

represent things” (Hansen 1993, 380). Notice how skillfully this formula “allows writing

to only be linked to speech directly, while it is linked to ideas and things indirectly”.

Western linguists have stuck to this pattern rigidly and are adamant about regarding the

slightest possibility that writing systems that differ can also be ‘real’ writing within their

own rights. Therefore, systems such as Adinkra that are linked to ideas directly, and

speech indirectly are seen as misfits based of the definition that DeFrancis has

highlighted as ‘real’ writing.

According to Danzy, John DeFrancis’s full support for an old, and quite archaic

pronouncement made in writing by Peter S. DuPonceau’s in the 1700s which denounced

the use of the ‘ideographic myth’. DuPonceau says:

Such writing is an ocular method of communicating ideas, entirely independent of speech, and which, without the intervention of words, conveys ideas through the sense of vision directly to the mind. Hence it is called ideographic, in contradistinction from the phonographic or alphabetical system of writing. This is the idea which is entertained of it in China, and may justly be ascribed to the vanity of the Chinese literati and others like it. The Catholic at first, and afterwards the Protestant missionaries, have received it from them without much examination; and the love of wonder, natural to our species, has not a little

36 contributed to propagate that opinion, which has taken such possession of the public mind, that it has become one of those axioms which no one will venture to contradict. (Hansen 1993,143)

In this pronouncement, DuPonceau makes a mockery of the use of ideograms, and of

Chinese linguists’ claim that their characters are based on ideas rather than words.

DuPonceau criticizes the unwillingness of linguists and missionaries to present an

argument against the ideographic theory by saying that “it has become the equivalent of

an axiom which no one will venture to contradict” (Danzy 2009, 16). Defrancis is in full

agreement with this text because it highlights quite nicely his orientation concerning the

fate of ideographs as a baseless topic that should cease to exist. What he fails to consider

is that the world has undergone and is constantly going through various changes and

transformations; political, cultural, economic, etc. A scholar of his stature should

consider the various adaptations that might have occurred after this document was

written. The reason why DuPonceau saw the ideographic topic as baseless could have

changed during the course of time. And so using a text written in the 17th century as

grounds to dismiss the ideographic theory is quite questionable. The only reason that

could account for this is the strong ties of eurocentrism, which sees no value in anything

that does not go in accordance with the principles and statues of their dominant nation

state’s culture.

Ong’s Version of True Writing With regard to the contentious subject matter of ideographs, Ong has a rather

subtle approach to the countenance surrounding the discourse under scrutiny. He

acknowledges ideography as writing; not a true script, but still a writing system

37

nonetheless. However, similarly to Defrancis, he also places phonemes on the highest

pedestal therefore ranking it as the ‘truest’ and ‘most ideal’ writing system. Ong’s use of

the alphabet as the model for what true writing is, reflects the idea that all writing

systems are compared to the Western model. Ong’s stance on the definition of true script

also requires that it must have an impact and change the way people think thus affecting

their psychology irreversibly. He continues to disclose in his theories that when a true

writing system develops in a society, it changes it from an oral society into a literate

society. Ong describes this change when he says, “writing makes ‘words’ appear similar

to things because we think of words as the visible marks signaling words to decoders: we

can see and touch such inscribed ‘words’ in texts and books. Written words are residue.

Oral tradition has no such residue or deposit” (Hansen 1993, 11). In saying this, Ong is

inferring that oral cultures along with whatever form of writing they might own which of

course will clearly not be inductions from words or books, in sum have no substance or

residue and as such can neither be inculcated into the good books of ‘real’ script, nor can

they be deemed worthy enough to bear the mark of truth with respects to writing. The

Ashanti culture, including its writing system, the Adinkra, are insularly based and deeply

rooted on principles of orality, which requires the possession, practice and learning of

great wisdom through discipleship and apprenticeship; in which the apprentice or disciple

acquires a great deal of knowledge by listening, repeating what they hear, mastering

proverbs and most importantly by mastering the recombining of all these elements in

cohesion. A chief linguist does not sit down and study Adinkra the way writers in the

modern Western world study written passages in alphabet script. Instead, aspiring

38

linguists become apprentices and learn by listening. There are priests who teach using

Adinkra, for Adinkra cannot be learned through individual scholarship; discipleship is

necessary for the full understanding of their meaning (Warren 1982, 26).

Therefore, with regard to Ong’s theory, in conjunction with the fact that the

Ashanti culture embraces the concept of orality, it is not and cannot be a literate society.

For in Ong’s assertions, orality is heavily saturated in illiteracy and anything including

writing arising from an illiterate domain cannot have equal rights with the ideal model,

neither can it have an impact on society. From these assertions, the question arises, what

then is literacy? According to the Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, literacy

comes from the word ‘literate’ (derived from middle English and Greek Latin terms)

which means “marked with letters”. Two definitions are provided which are as follows:

1. “Able to read and write” 2. “Versed in literature or creative writing and literature”.

This is a generic understanding and definition of writing in most contexts and is adopted

by a lot of linguists. Walter Ong does not necessarily give a direct definition for literacy

however from his writings about it, he seems to be in agreement with the generic

definition when he makes the assertion that “high literacy fosters truly written

composition, in which the author composes a text which is precisely a text that puts his or

her words together on paper. This gives thought different contours from those of orally

sustained thought. ” (Ong 1984, 94). The Literacy Development Council of

Newfoundland and Labrador however embraces a broader notion of the term by stating

that "Literacy not only involves competency in reading and writing, but goes beyond this

to include the critical and effective use of these in peoples' lives, and the use of language

39

(oral and written) for all purposes." Likewise, Langer also makes a statement that

contradicts the generic meaning of literacy, which has been so well accepted by Scholars

like Walter Ong. He says,

It is the culturally appropriate way of thinking, not the act of reading or writing, that is most important in the development of literacy. Literacy thinking manifests itself in different ways in oral and written language in different societies, and educators need to understand these ways of thinking if they are to build bridges and facilitate transitions among ways of thinking. (Langer 1991, 9-27)

The definitions from these various scholars showed limitations in aspects of

Walter Ong’s studies. The oral culture, despite some limitations it might have can also be

deemed as a literate culture because it is a system that used thought, language,

knowledge, and precision to maintain a well organized livelihood. And contrary to Ong’s

statement, it had an effect on the way people thought. It enabled knowledge from the

Adinkra to transcend through time and space; and from one generation to the other.

Adinkra symbols like sankofa has permeated boundaries and had a tremendous effect on

the African-American Diaspora since it sparks flames of hope that they can always look

back and find that sense of belonging to their native homeland. Ong’s assertions therefore

have various inconsistencies about orality, literacy and writing that need more depth and

transparency.

Effects of Colonialism on Adinkra

Going down the lane of antiquity, the myth of Africa as the “dark continent”,

(made popular by the European explorer Henry Stanley) the abode of uncivilized cultures

did become inbred and imprinted in the minds of the so-called supreme and dominant

nation states. Due to the ‘barbarity’ of the African lifestyle, these nation states which

40

included many European countries like England, Germany, Portugal, France, Belguim

etc. took it upon themselves to bring ‘civilization’ to the people and “rescue the

benighted (“dark”) and stagnant continent” (Iweriebor 2003, 468). Between the late

nineteenth century to the 1960s, an era of acquiring territories formally known as

colonization begun. Colonization was basically a policy or practice of acquiring full or

partial political control and domination over another country, occupying it with settlers

and exploiting all available recourses “for the promotion of the economic development,

industrial advancement and social advancement of the capitalist West” (Iweriebor 2003,

467). The worst part of this system of domination was the psychology of colonization.

This was a vital aspect of the colonizing process in which the psyche of the mind of the

colonized society was broken so deeply and weakened to a point where they were

programmed to easily accept western superiority, thus causing them to subsequently

depend on their colonial masters.

Once claims had been made and territories definably drawn, Europeans had to put

in place a strategic plan to govern their newly acquired colonies. These strategic plans

allowed certain mechanisms to be enforced. During the colonization of Ghana by the

English, the processes that were used to enforce colonialism which in turn had a negative

impact on the Adinkra were colonial education, colonial fashion and modes of dressing,

colonial languages and linguistic disempowerment as well as European Christian

missionaries and religious imperialism.

The system of colonial education played a big role in the dwindling down of the

Adinkra symbols. The knowledge of the Adinkra through its use in Kasakoa was one of

41

the formal ways in which literacy was conveyed in the Ashanti kingdom. With the advent

of colonial schools (which was most of the time highly inadequate considering the

nations population), the implantation of European literature and other academic lessons

started to affect the minds of the younger generation. Iweriebor asserts that,

Students subjected to colonial education were taught to question the validity of their societies’ cultural institutions, conventions and practices… African students were also programmed to doubt the normalcy and validity of their cultural heritage, and sometimes to despise and denounce it.

They were taught that most of their native customs that included traditional music and

dance, traditional festivals, and even aspects of their language that embraced the Adinkra

symbology were all very primitive, backward and pagan. While these notions were

shunned, they were replaced with western ideologies, histories and other forms of

western literacy.

The importation of pants, shirts, dresses, fabrics and other European fashion items

gradually came to replace Adinkra printed cloths and attires. Due to the inferiority that

had been implanted in the minds of the colonized, they felt the need to reach that ideal

standard of the civilized and in so doing shunned their traditional attire and replaced them

with a more ‘modern’ Western style. Even in schools, it was made compulsory to wear

the prescribed uniform of the colonizers. One could not attend school with traditional

clothes for it was against the schools rules and regulations. The use of Adinkra cloths in

funerals slowly begun to dwindle down because their meaning was gradually being de-

valued. Even though the people continued to wear the traditional black cloth, the use of

the symbols slowly became of little significance. Till this day in Ghana, it is only in

certain parts of the Ashanti region that people still wear the Adinkra cloth to funerals.

42

During this colonized period also, other colonists like the Dutch found new markets for

their excess manufactured fabrics which highly resembled the Adinkra printed cloths and

also had a wide range of colors which really appealed to the taste of the people. The

English allowed these imports because not only could they gain revenue but also, they

(the imports) were made by fellow European colonists which all in all harnessed the

falsification of histories with respects to what Ghanaian or African printed cloths really

are. Even in this modern age, the so called “African wax print” seen in most parts of

Africa are not genuinely African but an adopted style that has become part and parcel of

the livelihood of the culture.

In every culture, language is a channel and a strong pillar of communication that

distinguishes, binds and defines a society to a definite source. If language is broken or

becomes a barrier, disorientation of sorts often seeps in. Knowing this, language was an

area that the colonizers channeled for successful domination. In Ghanaian colonial

schools, English was the prescribed language hence everything was taught in English. It

was against the school rules to be heard speaking in any Ghanaian language which was

and still are referred to as “dialects”, “vernaculars” and “native tongues” Students who

were caught speaking in the native tongues received harsh corporal punishments such as

being ‘caned’ (beaten with canes or sticks) on the buttock, hands or legs and kneeling

down in gravels under the harsh sun rays. Likewise, speaking poor English was a fault

that was subject to punishments. For fear of this, students spoke English all the time,

practiced whenever they could with both friends and family and in the process neglected

their cultural language. This affected the Adinkra greatly because; people were no longer

43

using the values of the Adinkra to communicate orally due to the fact that the language

had been replaced with the language of the colonial masters.

The English had a system of ruling in Ghana, which is known in history as

indirect rule. This was a system where they ruled the people through their kings and

chiefs, which in actual fact meant that the royals no longer had any power over the people

and all orders came from the colonial masters. In order to facilitate easy communication,

the chief linguists who were perpetuators of the Adinkra oratory, had to put aside the

Adinkra and learn the English language so as to be better mediators between the king and

the colonists. As a result, the rich ideals of Adinkra were less frequently used and made

to be viewed as highly inadequate for modern advancement. “Practically, since most

African languages (though not all) were not alphabetized and in particular since they

were not used in formal arenas of the colonial situation (education, administration and

economic activities), they were rendered irrelevant”(Iweriebor 2003, 197). Eventually the

colonized (Ghanaians) came to accept and believe that indeed their linguistic heritage

was very inferior and lacked the literacy, flare and finesse of the colonizers (English). For

that matter they even reached a point of despising their own language and as a result the

Adinkra was greatly affected and neglected.

European Christian missionaries were also key contributors to the decline of the

Adinkra. The successful institution of colonization allowed the influx of both government

contracted priests and non-governmental contracted religious bodies that came of their

own free will for the sole purpose of converting and winning new souls for Christ. Their

reason for missionary evangelism was to save and purify the Ghanaian’s ‘pagan savages’

44

soul from their ‘devil worship’, ‘witchcraft’, ‘juju’ or voodoo and other ungodly

practices that were not recognized as a type of religion. In their purging and exorcising

pursuits which had the full support of the colonial powers, the missionaries destroyed

indigenous African religious symbols (many that included Adinkra symbols), places of

worship and sacred objects which they demonized as ‘fetish objects’, ‘juju’ and so on

(Iweriebor 2003, 474). The destruction of these traditional elements allowed the loss of

several Adinkra symbols, some which have completely vanished. As a replacement,

rosaries, crosses and crucifix came to represent the new religious icons. The new

colonized converts hence destroyed personal Adinkra objects and other iconic items that

represented their old traditional religious values. This was a way of weaning and warding

themselves of the ‘evil’ they had lived with most of their lives. In addition, stories from

the Bible came to take the place of the folktales that taught valuable lessons; some which

had bearings on the Adinkra. The reason being that new converts had to discontinue the

‘fetish’ ritual of telling ‘pagan stories’ that corrupted their new found religious ideals.

This purging process went so far as triggering converts to denounce their Ghanaian given

names (Names that at times had certain prestigious virtues of the Adinkra) for Christian

names that represented holy figures in the Bible.

Indeed colonization was one if not the main cause of the decline of the values of

the Adinkra. And even though the nation struggled to get back what it had lost after

colonization ended, the psychological damage and the inferiority complex was too great.

It is still very much in play till this day, so much so that the value that was once placed on

Adinkra symbols is almost gone. Despite efforts to eradicate certain traditional symbols

45

such as Adinkra and all the knowledge that comes with it, the Adinkra managed to

survive and thrive in the small village of Ntonso.

Ntonso is acknowledged to be the only surviving village that still practices the old

technique of Adinkra printing. The effects of colonization and the advent of wax print

factories have lent the practice to machines thus the values that were attained during the

apprenticeship are now no longer acquired. So as to attain a clearer understanding of how

Adinkra was taught using the traditional printing technique and also to find some answers

to questions that had few answers available, there was the need to embark on a long

journey back to the homeland; to the only village that still practiced the old Adinkra

printing, so as to find a root or some kind of starting point.

46

CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY

Adinkra in Print: The Journey to Ntonso

This narrative is an account of my trip to Ntonso village in Ghana on June 17th,

2012 and it is narrated just as it happened.

As I walked along the dusty path through shabby grass and wild bushes I could

not help but fall in the love with nature’s solemn countenance. The skies were clear and

the large trees seemed to cave in and out as we made our way through the winding path.

Akoto, our guide, along with my mother, Araba Otua and sister, Efe had made our way

through the midday warmth of the savannah sun to the edge of a small clearing that

seemed a little desolate. “This place used to bask with evening bonfires and folktales of

Kwaku Ananse in my early childhood… now it is nothing but a frivolous weed harboring

spot” said Akoto.

Being a native of the village of Ntonso, a few miles from Kumasi, the capital of

Ashanti, popularly known for its Adinkra printing, Akoto was the perfect tour guide to

take us through this ancient village and all it had to offer as far as Adinkra was

concerned. The journey was long on foot. We could have easily used a car to get there

faster but I yearned to walk the footsteps of my forefathers; I hungered to tread where

they had trod; to look down and see the same earth they once used. I wanted to be one

with the spirits of the land and at par with the deities that watched over it. This walk

prepared me mentally and spiritually to receive the information and answers to questions

I had so desperately been seeking. As we were walking, Akoto engaged us in an informal

yet crucial banter. He said, “ When you see Adinkra artifacts along the streets of … mmm

47

say, Accra, Kumasi, Tema and what have you, what do you really see”? I thought to

myself, well I see beautiful symbols that foreigners and travellers will admire, perhaps a

good souvenir or decorated artifact. I translated my thoughts into words. He smiled and

reached into his pocket. He gave me a small Adinkra carving with three sticks glued at

the bottom and tied securely together to form a pyramid like handle. This is an Adinkra

stamp carved out of Calabash. He said, “Can you identify the symbol you see embedded

unto it”? Hmmmm it does look familiar and I am certain I have seen it before. “But do

you know what it means?” he said “No” I responded. This is called mpo anum, meaning

four rivers. It literally means four heads are better than one. Then he told me a story of

the four Kings of Denkyira, Assin, Sehwi and Akyem, and how their unity was able to

help them face harsh adversities. So you see a single symbol tells many tales. It is more

than a decorational piece, it is a way of life, gone with the wind; it was a tune we once

danced to, now is just a whispering echo. In a calm yet steady voice, he added “But it is

young ones like you so eager to learn that keep these aspects of our culture alive”.

In the distance, we began to hear the mindless laughter of children. Akoto gave us

the hint that we were just about 5mins from the village. As we emerged out of the bushes

my heart skipped a beat. Alas here we were…in Ntonso… It seemed so much larger than

the imaginary pictures I had seen in my mind’s eye. There was a road right in the middle,

dividing the village into two. On it, cars sped by to and fro while goats and sheep shared

the sidewalk with pedestrians. We crossed the road to the opposite side close to where a

small school was situated. He pointed to a small mud wall tinted with the daily dust lifted

off the loose earth. He said, “ That is the home of my father Agya Opanyin Yaw Boakye.

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And that is where our lesson begins.” We were welcomed by his wife, Akoto’s mother,

Ama Nkansah and offered fresh water to drink as a sign of hospitality. She said, “Wei ye

ankora mu nsuo enfiri fridge mu…edwo akoma paa” (This is from the traditional cooling

pot not from the fridge… It is quite refreshing). And indeed it was. “ My father is out of

town” said Akoto “ but I will honorably stand in his place today and change my position

from a tour guide to a teacher. So, here we go. My father usually does the dying while

my mother does the printing.” Before we could go any further, he asked, “ Perhaps you

would want to take a rest before we commence. I know you must be tired from the walk.”

But I was too eager to start. My mother decided to take a rest under a large tree in the

compound with broad branches that bulged over to form a huge umbrella shape. Akoto

and I then walked over to a portion of the home where there were bundles of what looked

like dried barks laying against some thin layers of slates that bore resemblance to old

aluminum roofing sheets. As my eyes skid around the cluster of little houses coming

together to form a typical compound housing system, I could not help but reminisce

about my childhood days when I visited my grandmother in Sunyani, for she had lived in

a similar setting… “ We will start with the process of making the ink for printing,”

resounded Akoto as he brought me back to reality and my mission and purpose of being

there in the first place.

He uncovered a piece of bark from the bundles and said, “This bark is known as

badie. Badie comes from a particular tree that is grown and harvested in the Northern part

of Ghana. It bears profound similarities to the Mango tree, however it grows much taller

and bigger than the mango tree.” He continued, “My mother usually goes to the North

49

every fortnight to purchase the barks.” Re-counting from some of the studies I had read

about the Adinkra history, I was curious to know whether that had been the case even in

the olden days of people having to travel all the way to the northern sector in order to get

the barks. So I asked, “Why aren’t the trees grown locally? Have they ever been grown

locally or has it always been grown in the North? Akoto replied. “In the olden days,

during the pre-colonial era, oral accounts state that the Ashanti Empire was grand indeed

and it had access to traders from the north. They sometimes came down to the southern

sector to trade and vice versa and that is how the knowledge of this tree was found. The

tree however thrives better in the soils of the north than that of the south.” Akoto

continued, “ When the bark is brought, we take our time to peel off all the rough edges

with a cutlass like this.” He demonstrated with the cutlass. “ Now, the bark itself is very

hard and in order to soften it and make it easy to get the dye out, we break the stick into

pieces and soak it in a large basin full of water for approximately 24hours.” He brought

us close to a large plastic blue basin that had some of the badie in the soaking process. I

was curious by the use of plastic basins; so I asked, “In the olden days, were plastic

basins the only kind of containers used or were there other options. Akoto smiled and

answered, “That is a good question. In the olden days, there were large earthenware pots

that were normally used for the soaking, but the colonial rule over the country also

allowed for other materials to be experimented with including plastic basins like this one.

But that did not influence the actual Adinkra process in anyway. Does that answer your

question? ” “ Yes ”, I uttered with a nod. “ Good now lets continue. But feel free to

interrupt me when more questions arise along the way ” I smiled and nodded again. “So

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now that the badie has softened, it is gathered and pounded into a finer form with a

mortar and a pestle, almost like you would pound fufu or palm nut. It is virtually the

same process.” I volunteered to try my hands on the pounding. I had not pounded fufu or

anything else for close to ten years but interestingly it all came to me. Akoto laughed and

said “Well, well, you seem like you’ve been doing this for years. Now, unlike pounding

fufu, the badie has to be pounded for about five hours in order for it to arrive at a

workable state.”

Fig 11: A bowl of badie pieces.

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Fig 12: Akoto pounding the badie.

Akoto carried on. “ This next part is quite complex so listen attentively. The

pounded bark is collected and spread in about 5-6 heavy metal pots (depending on the

amount of bark you are working with pots can be more or less) known as gyaesu or

dadesen. These were made in the past by master blacksmiths and were so durable they

lasted for many years. These that you see here have been in the family for about four

generations…yes they have a lot of history. The pots bearing the pounded badie are now

filled with fresh water not the water that was used for soaking. They are then covered

with thin metal sheets and boiled for 24hrs. Notice these baskets? Women of this village

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have used their weaving techniques for many years. The canes used for this type of

basketry are very firm, durable and strong thus last for along time.”

Figure 13. Akoto explaining the badie dye making process.

Figure 14. A dyed Adinkra cloth.

53 You see this net too? It was passed on to my mother by her mother and to her by

her mother, in all, this net has seen three generations. The net is placed on top of the

basket so that it covers the entire top completely. A clean pot is placed beneath the

basket. This mechanism is used as a filter to sieve off the liquid from the badie that had

been boiling for 24 hours. You have to be very careful when pouring the boiling liquid

over the net because it is very hot.” Akoto then made a demonstration of this process and

this made the understanding of the process easier. “You see how this system leaves the

residue of the badie on the net? Yes! This residue does not go to waste at all. They are all

gathered and laid in a clear area around the compound. What happens is that about two

months into the rainy season, a kind of nutritious mushroom begins to grow out of the

residue. And my mother makes the tastiest palm-nut soup with them. Ha ha ha really

tasty.” He laughed and rubbed his belly. “ So now…” he continued “ the next step is to

clean all the metal pots that were used for boiling so it is free from any residue. Notice

how the color of sieved liquid changes to black, all that along with its thickness will also

change.

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Figure 15. Sieving mechanism for the badie dye.

Figure 16. Sample of a prepared badie dye.

The liquid is then poured back into the pots for another 24-hour boiling process. After

this you will begin to notice that the level of the liquid will be decreasing. While this is

happening the color begins to change to black and the constituency gets thicker and more

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concentrated. Do you follow?” I smiled with anticipation and said, “ I’m following quite

well thank you”. In my mind, I was rejoicing because through my research I was yet to

come across any written document that had this much detail and depth. And I found my

journey worthwhile thus far. Akoto then brought back a sample of the thickened liquid,

which was now worthy to be called Adinkra dye or Adinkra nnuro. “At this stage, the dye

is ready for printing and once it gets into contact with the fabric, it is stuck, no amount of

washing will make the stain disappear. “ Here,” … he invited and ushered me, “ Dip your

hand into the dye and see how tacky it feels but be careful you don’t get it in your

clothes.” “Ooooooh feels like goo,” I replied. It did feel cool and quite sticky on my

fingers and the smell was not as bad as I had thought it would be. It was all very

interesting. “ So now”, Akoto continued, “The process of Adinkra dye making which is

used specifically for stamping the motif unto the fabric is complete.” All this that you are

seeing and learning was taught a little differently in the olden days, you would actually

come and live in this household for a number of weeks or months depending on how fast

you learn. And you would study the processes through listening and imitating. There was

nothing like reading from a book, everything had to be committed into memory.

Okay, so now we will move onto the dying of Adinkra cloth. You see over there?

” Akoto pointed to another part of the compound that had bundles of reddish colored

sticks that resembled that of cassava sticks. As we got closer he said. This is called

kuntunkuni and it is the root of the same tree where the badie is obtained. So in simple

terms, the badie is the bark of the tree while the kuntunkuni is the root of the tree. The

kuntunkuni is a little pricier as compared to the badie. The process for making the

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kuntunkuni dye is quite different and less tedious than the badie process. We take about a

hundred pieces of the kuntunkuni sticks and boil them in water for about 24-hours.

Unlike the badie, the water level on this process will not shrink but rather it will boil over

because the juices from the roots will transfer into the water thus preventing shrinkage.

The color also gradually changes to red. The roots are then taken out of the boiling water

and beaten with a rod till they are become tattered.

Figure 17. Bundles of kuntunkuni roots.

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Figure 18. An area for the boiling processes.

They are then transferred back into the same boiling water. The boiling process continues

again for another 24 hours after which its red color deepens. However, it does not

thicken. Basically, once you take out the roots, the kuntunkuni dye-making process is

finished. You realize this one does not require as much work.

Figure 19. Kuntunkuni dye.

58 So in short the badie dye is used for stamping/Adinkra printing and the

kuntunkuni dye is for dying the entire fabric to be stamped. In a little bit, I will show you

how the fabrics are woven and made into cloth. The fabric to be dyed is usually white or

off white in color and if you wanted a richer and darker color, you immerse and dry about

four times a day until you get the desired results.

So now we move on to a very vital part of the process, the stamping of the

symbols.” Akoto led us outside the walls of the compound house and in front of the

entrance was a table that had a bunch of Adinkra symbol stamps. Many I recognized from

my research, and some seemed new. Akoto said, “In the olden days before the white man

came, there was hardly ever a time people would speak without incorporating some ideals

from the Adinkra. It was part of the art of speaking and communication process. For

instance from the Adinkra symbol gyenayme (Except God), one could say, “gye nyame

boa me nyesa, afe yi ebe ye den. (Except God helps me, this year things will be hard).

Another example is the Adinkra symbol denkyem (crocodile, symbol of adaptability). In

speaking one could infuse its meaning by saying “Wuduro kuro foforo so a ma eho ne wo

hoho ngye”. (When you visit a new place, learn to adapt to the changes around you). This

utterance uses the ideals of the Adinkra symbol of adaptability. So basically the ideals of

the Adinkra are being used as a language within a language. Hope you are following. A

lot of the symbols were lost during colonization. However, most of them were recovered,

brought together and documented by Prof, Ablade Glover (a contemporary Ghanaian

artist) and in all, we now have 60 symbols. Initially, the symbols were carved in yam or

cassava tubers. The fault with those was that after one use, it had to be discarded. But

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with the invention of the calabash stamp by Agya Kofi in the late 19th century, stamps

could be reused without them deteriorating. And in this village, Paul, who is walking

towards us now… Paul! Come over here. Yes, Paul is one of the few people who make

these carved stamps in this village. If you see any of these stamps anywhere, in cultural

centers and museums, it is from the village of Ntonso and nowhere else. So now, lets

move unto the next phase, which is the stamping. In that corner we have the traditional

loom that is used to weave the cloth. The cloth meant for Adinkra printing can either be

single wefted, which is lighter, or it could be double wefted which is heavier. This is a

strip for you to try your hands on as far as the printing goes and you can keep it as a

souvenir after you are done. I will demonstrate so you know the correct way to do it”.

Akoto then brought a small pot with some of the badie dye. First, take the stamp and dip

it in the dye, making sure that the entire surface of the stamp is covered with dye.

However, make sure it is not soaking wet. Make sure not to immerse the stamp deeper

than the surface of the symbol. You then shake off the excess ink into the pot and stamp

gently in a light circular motion to ensure that an even impression is made. When lifting

the stamp from the fabric, lift it straight up so the edges don’t get crooked.” My eyes

were glued to the fabric, processing what he had just said and was doing. “So now,”

Akoto said, “ Its your turn. Here is the symbol mate mesie, symbol of wisdom and

knowledge. Just do as I did. The more you stamp, the more you become conversant with

each symbol. Also know that by doing this, you are inscribing meaning unto the fabric, it

is a different kind of writing quite different from writing a b c.” As I stamped the symbols

unto the fabric, I became more conversant with the process and how to do it properly.

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Figure 20. Akoto demonstrating Adinkra printing on cloth.

Figure 21. Akoto demonstrating Adinkra printing on cloth.

61 After stamping, we lay the fabric down for it to dry in the sun. Akoto said, “So

this is basically it. Do you have any questions?” I was curious about the colors that I saw

around me of the stamped cloths.

Figure 22. Trying my hands on the Adinkra printing process.

Figure 23. Trying my hands on the Adinkra printing process.

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I asked, “ So how are they able to get different colors of fabric for the Adinkra printing?

Since we only discussed the kuntunkuni dye which is red. ” Akoto replied, “ Well, the

cotton yarns for weaving are dyed with other local colors to achieve a wider range of

colors which are then woven to the different colors of cloth. It is these same yarns that are

used for the kente (A traditional fabric woven with colorful yarns and intricate, luxurious

designs). However, that is another process that is not part of the work of my family. Here,

come try out your hand on the loom”. So I did, and it was quite confusing at first but I

seemed to slowly get the hang of it.

Figure 24. Trying my hands on the loom.

At the end of it all I offered to pay Akoto for his services but he refused to take

the money. He said, “It is imperative for my family and I to know that the transfer of

wisdom such as this is taken in with much pride and protection. For this reason we are

unable to place a price on these lessons. The most important thing is spreading the

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knowledge of this writing that has long being part of our heritage to others so that it is

never forgotten. That is my only price”. I was indeed humbled and very grateful by his

humility and generosity and gave him many thanks. As we were escorted to meet my

father who caught up with us later, (he drove) I thanked him again. As I sat in the car and

we drove away, I could not help but reminisce of all the valuable lessons that I had just

learned. I felt like this whole journey was becoming a personal discovery of the self and a

decolonization process in itself for me. It gave me a sense of renewal and provided me

with a fresh perspective and a rejuvenated connection to my research. I could write a

whole book about this journey. It was indeed one of the most crucial moments in my life

and I felt that I had received wisdom through these oral lessons. Ntonso is therefore a

space and location of groundbreaking truth for my research and has really heightened my

urge to seek ways of reclaiming the culture of the Adinkra. With this I felt ready to

visually express my findings into a collective whole.

Visual Essays

Several weeks after my trip to Ntonso, I continued to ponder over my trip to

Ghana and all the exciting and insightful experiences I had with Akoto. Digesting all the

data collected not only paved way for further enlightenment towards my vision for my

visual output but it caused a re -evaluation of the self; myself; a side of me that I had not

yet tapped into. The trip to Ntonso helped shed light on who I wanted to be as an artist

and where I was going with the research on Adinkra. For that matter, I have learnt to

fully edify my being with the values of the Adinkra. Hence, I now see my self as a living

metaphor; a metaphoric artist I think. Most of the artistic output done for this research is

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enriched and drenched in symbolic, coded and indeed metaphoric connotations. Some

might find it too complex to deduce, but I find keen interest in this realm of the "not so

easy to understand" It excites me very much. I haven't actually sat down to comprehend

why, but I think the process of problem solving is almost like finding cues, codes and

mapping out mind boggling jigsaw puzzles. It does set my senses ablaze so much so that

sometimes, I literally feel my pulse palpating and skipping in between beats. Ironically, I

never liked math even though I wasn't so bad at it. I guess that kind of problem solving

was a bit too rigid and robust for my taste. I preferred a more flamboyant yet self-

nourishing type of challenge like my research on Adinkra.

Artistic metaphor is like that of kasakoa; an erotic dance; a 15th century adowa (a

popular Ashanti dance) ensemble intricate yet sensual; an old scary folktale that seems

excitingly frightening, you hate it but you love it, it drives you crazy but you cannot do

without it. It nourishes the soul yet leaves it hungry and thirsty for more.

I find my research on Adinkra to be that artistic metaphoric journey of the ‘not so

easy to understand’ and a continuous discovery of the self. The most apparent theme that

keeps replaying in my mind is the idea of decolonizing the mind. For it is through this

that a path can be paved for the celebration of the Adinkra; as a language, as writing, as

an art form and as life itself. Of course one cannot literally wipe out a portion of

someone’s brain and say they are decolonizing/purging it, No! The discourse here is more

of a spiritual theme. Re-creating and re-inventing the Ghanaian’s state of mind, a mind

that sees and still feels that its culture is redundant, inadequate and lacking fulfillment

thus inferior to the western culture. It is by virtue of this that the metaphor decolonizing

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the mind was created (by Ngugi Wa Thiong’o) so that an avenue could be created where

self-confidence, self-renewal and self-strength reigned. The days of colonialism are long

gone, the days when we had to recite Henry, Henry, Richard, Henry, Victoria etc ...

knowing the names of all the royal lineage of the English Monarchs by heart while

forsaking that of my own (Ghanaian) royalty; Otumfoo Prempreh, Osei Tutu, Otumfoo

Opoku Ware.... I don't even know all of them… pathetic...That era is long gone with the

wind. Yet still the mind is in a different dimension of its own. There is a nationwide

sickness that needs purging, healing, we have the power to change...after all, our brains

are within our own skulls not in someone else’s. We have the power to steer it towards a

more confident path, a path where the past informs the present in order to make way for a

better future.

For such a loaded metaphor, my visuals are heavy and at time make me weary,

weary in a good way for they continue to create and recreate more and more discourses.

They keep me alert and put me on a spiritual quest and at times when I sleep, my mind

unwinds with dreams, visions and veils of dis-clarity complicating the theme even more.

So with paper and charcoal, I pour my thoughts... they manifest themselves in lines,

scratches mixed with idioms of the Adinkra which also end up as vignettes of metaphors

within their own right and an addition to the "not soo easy to understand". The following

are visual essays that are based on values from the Adinkra and express the discourses of

my findings on the Adinkra.

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Visual Essay One: Ayamu Nsem (Story of the Fern) It must be noted that even though the Adinkra was considerably diminished

during colonization, it did not fully disappear off the face of the earth. Essay one is a

piece that was inspired and created using the Adinkra symbol Aya (fern) which is a

symbol that stands for the ability to withstand hardship. The symbol was basically

dissected and manipulated to create a representation of a woman, strangling herself

though she is not dying. She has spikes going and coming in and out of her, yet she still

lives. The woman is a metaphor for the nation of Ghana and draws upon the hardships

and pain of her colonial past and how that caused her to cripple her own culture.

However, despite everything, she did not die. She was strong enough to withstand the

domination, and hence fought back. This piece in sum communicates the message that

there is still a chance to gather the pieces of what is left of the culture and keep them

alive.

Visual Essay Two: Twitwi (Scrape) Twitwi is a process of weaning the Ghanaian self of the inferiority complex, and

the generic stigma that has become a disease and a plaque weakening the cultural heritage

which includes the Adinkra. The drawing illustrates that the recovery process of a

convalescent is never easy, be it a disease of the body or of the mind. But once that phase

is gone, there is always relief. Like the recovery process of someone suffering from

posttraumatic stress disorder, one has to face the memories that made him or her ill so as

to move forward and find a remedy. In the same way twitwi ushers the Ghanaian to dig

deep and face the past not as way to dwell on the bad memories but to take the good out

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of it and celebrate the rich and unique aspects of the culture. The drawing was inspired by

the Adinkra symbols, nyame nnuwu na me wu (God never dies so I shall not die),

hyewonhye (that which does not burn), Ese ne tekerema (symbol of interdependance),

Bese saka (symbol of power and affluence), and aya (ability to withstand hardship).

(Refer to the Adinkra chart in fig for images of the Adinkra symbols named above.)

Figure 25. Essay one.

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Figure 26. Essay two.

Visual Essay Three Nfraframu (Mixtures) and Visual Essay Four Nfraframu

Ntoaso(Continuous Mixtures)

Colonization of Ghana by the British has had a huge impact on Ghanaian

modernity. Things will never go back to what they used to be. The impact is so great that

each generation that surfaces is affected and will continue to be affected. It has almost

become like transfer of genes through blood. Oral traditions are not practiced as much

anymore because about 80% of the Ghanaian populations attend school at least to a point

where they can read and write the English language. English etiquette and mannerisms

are now part of the culture. I can testify to that as far as my own upbringing at home by

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my parents is concerned and most especially my convent/catholic schooling, which was

and still is considered very prestigious because there is still that notion that every young

girl with convent schooling comes out to be a true and virtuous 'English' lady. This

borrowed culture is part of the Ghanaian identity now. In addition, English is the

language spoken in school institutions, official environments, market places et ce tera.

English is everywhere. Even uneducated people speak English. It is here to stay forever.

It has re-constructed the Ghanaian identity. Therefore, nfraframu and nfraframu ntoaso

communicate the idea that within these confines, the Adinkra along with the borrowed

language can create a richer, stronger hybrid of cultures.

Figure 27. Essay three.

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Figure 28. Essay four.

Visual Essay Five Mene wana (Who am I?)

In many parts of the world, especially in the West, the exoticism and generic

branding of Africa as one large country is very common. They fail to see the various

differences, complexities and rich cultural diversity that each country and each ethnic

group has to offer. The essence of mene wana seeks to reveal from the ‘dark continent’

other aspects of our ‘generic culture’, which in this context includes mostly the Adinkra

symbols. In the drawing in fig 5, one is able to see, appearing from the darkness (which

stands for the “blackness”) the Adinkra; an aspect of our culture that make us unique

rather than generic. It communicates the fact that the Ghanaian is more than the branded

masks that are so often associated with “Africanness”. The mask shown in this drawing

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has similarities to different masks from Africa, however, it is not affixed to any country

or ethnic group, it is its own self. Mene wana seeks to question the generic identity

branded on the Ghanaian culture. The Adinkra symbols seen on the drawing shines light

on some of the attributes that define our identity which include mate mesie, symbolizing

our wisdom and knowledge; Aya, symbolizing our strength through advertisies;

pempamsie, symbolizing our hardiness and steadfastness; sankofa, representing our

ability to retrace our roots and draw from our past; Nkyimu, our skillfulness and precision

in workmanship; and mpuanun, symbol of our loyalty.

Essay Six Mankye (I did not burn) Essay six continues to illustrate the Ghanaian identity and the fact that despite

colonial efforts to ‘burn’ (used here as a metaphor for destroy) the culture, along with its

language, which included the Adinkra, our identity survived the fire and rose from the

ashes. The Adinkra symbol embedded on the image is hye won hye, (Refer to fig for

corresponding image of this Adinkra symbol) which signifies that which does not burn.

So in turn, our culture is that which does not burn.

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Figure 29. Essay five.

Figure 30. Essay six.

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Essay Seven Nkwa Nkyiniho (The cycle of Life) Nkwa Nkyiniho basically deals with continuity of the knowledge of Adinkra. It

echoes the need of not breaking the cycle of passing down what we have learnt from our

ancestors to the next generation. It communicates the need to maintain and continue that

cycle because no matter what shape, form or status that we are or which geographical

location that we find ourselves, the Adinkra are part of that aspect of our cultural heritage

that binds us together as one people and one nation. The symbols that inspired this essay

are the Adinkra hene, symbol of continuity, dame dame, symbol of intelligence and

ingenuity, nyame nwwu na mewu, symbolizing the fact that God does not die so we must

not let our culture die and Nsaa, symbol of genuineness. All of these coming together to

make a statement that with intelligence and genuineness, we should continue the cycle of

passing down the knowledge of Adinkra to future generations and in doing so, insure the

immortality of our heritage.

Essay Eight Mpaninfoo Asedee (Leadership) This is a piece that speaks of authority; of those who have leadership roles, who

also have the responsibility of carrying the nation foreward. They are advised to be

strong, exemplary figures by bearing, living and ruling the nation with the values of the

Adinkra. The concept of this piece was inspired by the Adinkra symbols okodee mmoree

(talons of an eagle) symbolizing strength, bravery and power; akofena, symbol of courage

and valor and Adinkrahene, symbol of continuity as well as leadership roles. (Refer to fig

for corresponding images of the Adinkra symbols mentioned).

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Figure 31. Essay seven.

Figure 32. Essay eight.

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Essay nine Mesumasem (Secrets) Mesumasem is a narrative of the fear of Ghanaians to fully grasp certain cultural

values including that of Adinkra, for fear of being branded as fetish. The infiltration of

other religions, which includes, Christianity, Islam has created a standing block between

the new religious ideals and certain cultural norms such as the Adinkra. People do not

know where to draw a line. One thing that is certain is that the Adinkra values permeate

the boundaries of religion. The symbols are not bound to a particular God, hence it can be

adapted and infused in the Ghanaian’s new way of life no matter what religion or

denomination.

Figure 33. Essay nine.

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Essay Ten Adaneadane (Turns and Tides) Adaneadane focuses on the construction of the brain and how we have the power

to meander and tune it into whichever direction that we want. This is a visualization of

how we can decolonize our minds by redirecting it in a more positive direction. This will

help restore balance for our future with respects to the Adinkra and our adopted phonetic

language, English. This essay also translates a concept that invites you to immerse

yourself into an unknown phenomenon where you are asked to envision an abstract idea

of the process of decolonizing the mind.

Figure 34. Essay Ten.

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Essay Eleven Nsiano (Balance) This last essay establishes the need for symmetry and balance in the different

writing systems especially phonetics and ideographs. They differ and dwell in their own

category or space. The goddess of balance Adjoa Nsiano (fictional character) is seen

placing both of the categories on opposite sides, one on the left, and the other on the

right. However, neither of them is above the other. They are all on the same plane and

that is how the order should be.

Figure 35. Essay eleven.

When a mother, father, grandparents or anyone at all for that matter tells a story,

usually pictures are drawn in the mind to visualize those stories so as to create a reality.

Such is the power of the imagination. In the same way, the discourses deduced from this

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research, combine imagery, lines, shapes and Adinkra to a visualization that

communicates messages and tell a stories.

Adinkra in Sound and Motion The theme of orality was used by the Akan people in passing down wisdom,

creative knowledge and skill. Traditional printing, weaving, pottery, arts of the talking

drum etc, could not be learnt alone through solo discipleship; or from a textbook any

reading material of any kind, for among the Akan, literacy was orality. For that matter, I

see orality in itself as art; the use of vocal sounds to transfer an audible message. I see the

use of music as modern techniques to channel the theme of orality. Hence I chose the

song Serwaah Akoto as my theme music in my animation to channel that idea of orality

through story telling. This specific song tells the story of a woman called Serwaah Akoto

who has immeasurable beauty both inwardly and outwardly. She knows her name, who

she is, where she comes from and where she is going. Yet still she is humble in her ways

and knows her cultural duties. Appellations are showered on her for her faithful ties to

her ancestral land and roots. I re-represented the song as an artistic metaphor for my

animation narrative. Serwaah Akoto in this context stands as a metaphor for the nation of

Ghana, which is seen as beautiful because she knows herself and what makes her unique

and distinct from other cultures.

But where would orality be without memory. From the book The complicated

nature of collective memory, I drew my own concepts and connotation to collective

memory and memory in general. Without memory, there is no humanity hence identities

can be lost. On the plight to build new memories and reconstruct identities, one must

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confront different ways of keeping memory, building memory, and losing memory. To

build a (new) identity, one does not only have to remember, but also has to forget...forget

those things from the past that disrupt one’s history. In other words the very things that

disrupt an original history and identity becomes part and parcel of that past.... it becomes

part of the history. Hence I revise my earlier statement of forgetting. In the formation of

memory, every thing counts big or small, painful and torturous, happy and gay... it all

counts I am stressing on this issue of memory because this discourse seeps deeply and

heavily into my animation; that idea of recovering and remembering a history, a past, an

identity. That whole theme and idea of recovering dislocated memory is simplified so

well in the Adinkra symbol sankofa..., which communicates that it is not wrong to go

back and fetch what you have lost. It highlights the need to see the past as a beacon to

reaching forward into the future.

By converting the visual essays into moving images, the story of reaching into the

past to bring back that lost memory of the Adinkra was visualized. Through the use of

videos that were filmed using both strong and subtle movements of my still visuals to

create motion, I communicated the disclarity of visions from the past and how hazy the

process of remembering can be. Those acted as scene transitions in certain areas of the

animation. Below is a storyboard that illustrates the sequence of each scene in the

animation.

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Figure 36. Storyboard.

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Marshaling Reference Points

Every artist needs some point of reference; it could be nature, family, a lover, or

another fellow artist. Marshaling reference points is a topic that deals with my inspiration

from mentors, spiritual and artistic guides. They provide avenues of influences that have

come to be part of the strength backing my work. My greatest point of reference and

greatest source of inspiration is my cultural background. The rawness of these

inspirations are further refined by the works of certain individuals who may or may not

share a common goal with my artistic intentions. I look at an artist like Agya Koo Nimo,

a fellow Ghanaian, an elder of his clan, a retired professor of African studies and a

prolific artist. I had the pleasure of meeting him during my trip to Ghana, which was also

a great learning experience for me. Agya Koo Nimo composes and plays songs on his

acoustic guitar; songs that speak about the facets of values that continue to diminish as

Ghanaian modernity continues to evolve. The songs also echo on the sacred values of the

Adinkra as well as other proverbial sayings because he believes that songs have the

ability and flexibility of keeping culture alive. He combines both indigenous and modern

musical instruments and trends not only to make interactive performance arts but to also

invoke the idea of orality as an art medium. Agya Koo Nimo expressed his pleasure about

young ones like myself who were interested in learning about the old ways. For this

reason, he did me the honor of playing one of his compositions that transfers some of the

wisdom of the Adinkra through song. The song was about the Adinkra symbol owuo

atwedee baako nfo. From the music, he said, “The ladder of death is one all will climb. It

is inevitable and part of the cycle of life. I, Agya Kuro counted bags of gold dust to give

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to the spirit of death so he can pass me by, but he refused to take it for he works not with

gold but with the timeline each human has on this earth. So death, said to Agya Kuro go

and tell the living to appreciate the life they have and the culture that has been given to

them by their forefathers. For when I, death, comes there is no escape. And one will have

to make that climb on the ladder of death.

The South African born artist William Kentridge has majority of his work deeply

seeped in political rivalry and the chaos from the longsuffering of the apartheid era of

South Africa. Though his aims for his creations differ from mine, his technique of using

charcoal drawings to establish metaphoric interpretations of imprints of events, old and

new memories, love and loss deeply resonate with my visual goals. His use of stop

motion is phenomenal and falls in line with the way I want to convey my artistic

message.

There is yet another artist whom I have never met before, but by virtue of his

Akan lineage, I believe we are connected in spirit and kinship. Owusu Ankomah is an

artist who also uses symbols in his work. He utilizes the Adinkra as a retrospect, a

journey into days gone by and visions that are fixated on the 'now' and 'tomorrow'. He

shares my beliefs about maintaining balance between the then, now and tomorrow or in

other words, the past, present and future. His work permeates all forms of boundaries,

race and culture. Similarly as myself, he is far way from his homeland, however he has

still held on to the norms and values that molded his upbringing and guided his walk in

various locations. Wherever he goes, he picks up bits and pieces of places he has been,

things he has seen and learnt, and channels them all into a complex hybrids of sorts. Yet

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by inculcating his affluence of pre-colonial Ghanaian art he invents a new language that

addresses vital issues of transnationalism and globalization. He also confronts issues of

healing which is a vital discourse in my work. He shard this quote in his book future

track, that I intentionally memorized because of the positive in filling it provides for the

self. " I believe my paintings have healing powers.... they have a meditative and yet

energy-giving effect"; a kind of effect I want my work to have; that healing quality and

power that yearns for nourishment, oneness and strength. He also shares my idea of

weaving spiritual invisible threads that connect us from generation to generation... a cord

so strong that no man can break... that stands uncoiled for all time.

He also addresses the issues and challenges of interpretation and how sometimes

our message can be distorted. But even in that distortion, there are at times minute links

to the truth...links that open the heart and mind of viewers and present a re written

message for them to take home.

This prolific artist has so many inspirations that range from renaissance art to

stone cave paintings and even modern day graffiti. He does not condone to the idea of his

"Africanness" as a standing block to prevent him from admiring works from other eras

and cultures. After all culture in it self is beautiful and worth beholding and

understanding. I wish that all other Africans not only Ghanaians would rebuild ways of

solidifying the total frame work and make up of their identity.... so that they accept what

they are and want to be and not what others expect them to be. Owusu Ankomah has

shown me that art permeates through boundaries, space and time and no matter where I

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find myself, I am never lost or weak but rather getting stronger because I am constantly

being pushed out of my comfort zone.

Wosene Worke Kosrof is another well-known contemporary artist who has been a

source of influence on my work. The fact that his work makes use of a writing system

specifically the Amharic writings from his home country Ethiopia makes him a viable

source and an indispensable inspiration. Wosene reveals the various possibilities of re

appropriating language and using its characters as a powerful visual element that

permeates through cultures and transcends through time and space. His choice of colors

adds value to the reinvented characters, which further reinstate the power and versatility

of language as a powerful artistic tool. I am also particularly intrigued by the way he

“elongates, distorts, dissects and reassembles Amharic characters– not as literal words –

but as images that speak for themselves in a visual language accessible to international

audiences.” In comparison to my work, I find some similarities and connections because

his work also deal with emotion and culture as well as decoding messages from writings

and making those messages accessible to a wider audience.

The Vision: An Installation draft There is a popular Akan proverb that says praye woho yi wo yi baako a ebu o wo

kabom a embu ( a single broom stick breaks when bent but when bunch of broomsticks

are brought together, hardly can they be bent, they are strong and unbreakable.) I had a

vision in mind. A vision that was not only aesthetically pleasing but through strength and

harmony united my drawings, animation and sound into a meaningful whole.

85 The sketch in figure 36 became the final rough sketch which was chosen because

not only was it a close representation of what I envisioned my installation to be but also,

it best embodied everything I had researched. This sketch entailed large fabric print outs

of my charcoal drawings. As far as choice of fabric goes, I ended up choosing a light

transparent cotton voile fabric. This fabric presented a sense of freedom and

weightlessness; that aspect of a state of being of where everything is light and free from

unnecessary baggage and unafraid to be transparent. The fabric was to be in three sets.

Each set consisting of two panels of fabric, which comes together to form a single pattern

or image. So in all there were to be six panels and they were to hang from ceiling to floor

on a lightweight circular tent rod. These three sets all together represents what was, what

is and what is to come. The idea of the circle is not just a mere after thought or for the

purpose of aesthetics but it is rooted in ancient Akan traditions. The circle appears simple

in form but not in function and it is a representation of the unending path of life,

endurance and continuity. Among the Akan, both the sun and the moon have eccentric

and spherical forms because they control day and night, months and years, decades and

centuries. They ensure the continuity of time. For this matter, the sun and moon deities

are highly revered because they have been given the power to control time by

Otwediampon Kwame (The Supreme being) himself. So by incorporating the circle into

the installation, I am erasing the imprint of superstition and idolatry that crippled the

continuity of this aspect (Adinkra) of the Akan beliefs and allowing for its continuity

through time.

86 The next layer of the installation was finding a viable location and placement for

the animation to run. The same sketch chosen, allowed for the animation to be projected

from the ceiling unto the floor in such a way that it was evenly centered inside the panels.

To echo the eccentric theme, a lightly textured wallpaper that has been neatly cut in a

circular shape was to serve as the backdrop for the animation projection.

Figure 37. Installation draft.

The mechanism for sound was the last layer. In order to produce a clean audible sound, a

portable amplifier along with two small speakers was used. It was considered wise to

hang these close to the location of the projector so as to facilitate the complex electronic

arrangements as well as help keep the sound within that confined space.

87

CHAPTER 3: RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

The Installation

As I stood from afar and fixed my eyes on this creation made by human hands

shortly after its opening, I sighed pleasantly in awe at the immaculate installation,

basking in all its glory amidst the gentle ambience of the spot and flood lights; that

seemed to make everything gleam in sheer magnificence. It was beautiful! Passersby

could not help but stop and glance and wonder what it was. I smiled with satisfaction as I

went round the installation observing it from each angle. Everything seemed to be just in

the right place. Two nights before, during the installation process, I had encountered a

few hitches, which got me to the brink of breaking down. The wires that were holding the

tent rods and the panels to the ceiling looked somewhat tacky and unacceptable, but

following the suggestion of my advisor and mentor Don Adleta, I took everything down

and replaced the wires with black cords. This, in the long run, turned out to be one of the

best decisions I had ever made through out the entire installation process. This is because,

the black cord appeared invisible against the black ceiling hence everything looked like it

was floating in mid air with fluidity and dainty grace.

As I observed the intricacies within the drawings on the panels, I saw a lot of

chaos and order, but in a somewhat interesting way. The way I had interpreted a logical

idea seemed to be filled with loads of disclarity and semi-abstraction. However, that was

the most orderly way I could inscribe meaning. I took my mind back to my sketching

process, with charcoal on paper, the rather organized ideas always poured out quite

randomly on the page during that sketching phase. Yet in the end, they added up to make

88

a meaningful impression, which I found rather fascinating, because one felt the tension of

opposing forces of certain elements of design such as lines, shapes and solids. As far as

my drawings are concerned, I believe that opposites do attract a great deal and they live

quite harmoniously together. After all even if they did not have much in common, they

still needed each other’s differences to make each one stand out. The installation in its

entirety leaves sufficient room for much debate and discussions and provides both the

artist and the viewer something exiting to lament on.

In the animation, chaos and order also become one and at times at a glance their

differences cannot be immediately configured. But with close observation and attention

to detail, one is able to realize the opposing forces that make the work. The white

projection disc emanated from the ground like that of a live portal or some kind of time

machine that opened up from the ground and took us back to the land and realm of my

forefathers.

I strongly believe that this installation was successful and it satisfied the goals that

were set before its commencement. A lot of the audiences who encountered it felt it had a

hypnotizing effect and they got that sense of remembrance and retracing of lost

memories. Some felt it was a celebration of some kind because of the music and how the

rhythm echoed the movement of the elements in the animation. A student came up to it

and said “This reminds me of like some kind of ancient writing of some sort that is being

brought into the 21st century” I loved what she said so much that I asked her permission

to write it down. The reaction I got from the children was quite interesting too. They

seemed to be so fascinated by the projection on the ground, they stepped unto the circle

89

and spun around following the rhythm of the music. At first I was rather upset because

they were leaving footprints unto the white projection disc. But I realized that they were

participating in the celebration of a writing system and the way the projection fell on their

body was like body art in motion. I realized that the foot prints they left behind was even

informing the theme of passing down the values of Adinkra to younger generations and

took it further to younger generations from another location as well.

As I looked upon the installation one last time, and observed the projected

animation on the round white background on the floor within the confines of the

translucent veils, I admired the beauty made by the lights which seemed to cast dewy and

laid-back undertones of illumination for the translucent hangings. The monotone

presence presented a re-discovery of a new discourse of the black and white color

scheme. For in this sense, it highlighted issues of race, domination, segregation and

equality. In my installation, black and white all co exist in unity and harmony; there are

no issues of master and slave; they rely on each other’s differences to be strong. By so

doing, a new history was being written using the Adinkra writing system, which radiated

from an artistic portal in the earth. The earth of my ancestors.

90

Figure 38. Final Installation.

Figure 39. Final Installation.

91

Figure 40. Final Installation.

Figure 41. Final Installation.

92

CHAPTER 4: CONCLUSION

In re-reading the discourse of the Adinkra, there is a realization that renders the

Adinkra as a grounded multi-lateral narrative that seeps beyond the physical and houses a

huge portion of the Akan history and culture; a culture that has withstood the plight of

prolonged domination by nation states and their (nation states) attempt to re write a new

history and institute a new order to their colonies. The totality of this in-depth research

has revealed the Adinkra to be a strong and powerful tool that does not only invite a new

perspective on the study of an ideographic writing system (Adinkra), but also housing an

even broader concept; the concept of redefining a culture. The discourse of Adinkra has

become a structure that invents new ways of maintaining the Ghanaian culture and its

evolving modernity. This allows the expansion of the Adinkra beyond the borders of its

homeland. And through art and design, invite a wider audience to appreciate not only the

Adinkra as writing symbols but as part of a unique culture that is worth investigating.

With respects to globalization, transnationalism and the constant interaction and

exchange of different cultures across the globe, the presentation of Adinkra to other

cultures other than its own should be accompanied by some sort of ‘adaptation features’;

meaning that the introduction and presentation of the symbols to a foreign environment

should conform and adapt to the modern way of life without forsaking or dislocating their

(Adinkra) roots and identity. Creating an artistic multi media structure that combined the

old with the new was a perfect way to bring familiarity to a subject matter that was

otherwise foreign to the viewing audience. In addition, lining up the Adinkra to Ghanaian

modernity and modernity in general creates a place and space of timelessness.

93 The artistic presentation of the Adinkra will ambitiously reach newer heights in

future scenarios through the exploration of both large and small outdoor spaces, which

will include live performances of singing, drumming and dancing. The Adinkra symbols

may also be temporarily tattooed unto the bodies of the performers as a form of body art

while they articulate the messages of the symbols in their ensemble. The essence of this

kind of artistic presentation will allow a unique interaction with nature as well as reveal

and share the Adinkra as part of a unique culture with an even larger audience.

The discourse of the Adinkra has highlighted the possibility of further exploration

of the Ghanaian history and culture. Through visual arts and technology, the avenues for

celebrating and reinvigorating the Adinkra are limitless. Adinkra is culture and culture is

life. As long as the Adinkra is preserved, we sustain a culture; hence we sustain life; and

through life, we move and have our being. In the months and years that lie ahead, the

discourse of the Adinkra should be perceived as a strong undying, untarnished, evolving

course that still has much room for further investigation, exploration and reinterpretation.

94

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the Akan of Ghana. Legon: Centre for Indigenous Knowledge Systems, 2001.

Boon, Elizabeth Hill, Urton, Gary. Their Way of Writing: Scripts, Signs, and Pictographies in Pre-Columbian America: Harvard University Press, 2011.

Christian, Angela. Adinkra Oration. Accra: Catholic Book Centre, 1976.

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Iweriebor, E. G. "The Psychology of Colonialism." In The End of Colonial Rule: Nationalism and Decolonization, vol. 4 of Africa, ed. Toyin Falola. Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2002.

Langer, J. A. Literacy and schooling: A sociocognitive perspective. New York: Teachers

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Mato, Daniel (1986) Clothed in Symbol: The Art of Adinkra Among the Akan of Ghana. Phd Dissertation, Indiana University, 1986.

Mudimbe, V.Y. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy, and the Order of Knowledge. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1998.

Mullen Kreamer, Chistine. Inscribing Meaning: Writing and Graphic Systems in African Art. Smithsonian National Museum of African Art. Milan: 5 Continents, 2007.

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Ong, Walter J. Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word. New York: Methuen, 1982.

Quarcoo, Alfred Kofi. The Language of Adinkra Patterns. 2. Legon: University of Ghana, 1994. Stanley, Henry M. Through the Dark Continent. Toronto: William Briggs, 1885.

Stanley, Henry M. Through the Dark Continent: Volume 2. New York: Harper and

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Literature. London: James Currey, Nairobi: Heinemann Kenya, New Hampshire: Heinemann, 1986.

Willis, W. Bruce. The Adinkra Dictionary: A Visual Primer on the Language of

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Oratory. Indiana: Indiana University Press , 1995 .

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APPENDIX: ADINKRA SYMBOLS

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