Post on 21-Feb-2023
RIDDLES AND RIDDLE DISCOURSE IN LUSOGA LANGUAGE AND CULTURE:
A PERFORMANCE-CENTRED APPROACH
BY
CORNELIUS WAMBI GULERE
Dip. (Secondary Educ.), Kyambogo University, 1989
B.A. Arts (Literature) Makerere University, 1996
M.A (Literature) Makerere University, 2000
Master (Management of Development), University of Turin, 2002
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULLFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF DOCTOR OF
PHILOSOPHY OF MAKERERE UNIVERSITY
September 2014
9
Chapter One
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
1.1. Introduction
Although the last half century (1960 – 2010) has seen substantial growth in African Oral
literature research, especially, in the areas of folklore narratives, oral poetry, riddles and
proverbs; not much has been done in the areas of riddling, in particular, riddling in Lusoga.
Studies on the riddle have continued to advance the narrow perspective of the 1960s and
1970s that looked at African riddles through Western lenses which ignored the aesthetic
texture in the performance of the riddle. For instance, Okot p‘Bitek (1963:324) says that,
riddles are ―morally neutral‖ and ―they contain no social instructions or wisdom of any kind;‖
while Ian Hamnett (1967:379) says they are ―a relatively minor area of social behaviour.‖
These voices are carried on by Ruth Finnegan (1970:426) that a riddle is a ―short fixed form
intended for play and not for any significant use‖ then Isidore Okpewho (1992:7) says he
would not devote much space to the riddle, while Okumba Miruka (1994:2) argues that
riddles ―are of no significant impact to the text.‖ These misunderstandings have shaped
African riddle scholarship causing many scholars to regard riddles as insignificant literature.
As a result, studies of the riddle in Africa have largely focused on extracting parts of the
riddle act, that is, the riddle precedent and the riddle resolution and erroneously calling it ‗the
riddle‘. Documenting a riddle performance text without including its contextual information
and interactive audience distorts the purpose of riddling as art and knowledge base. Such
mutilated forms of the riddle texts that give no clue of the event; context and audience that
produced or inspired their creation are inaccurate and misleading.
10
Therefore, this study focuses on riddling as an important form in oral literature and it
interrogates the assumption that the riddle is a short fixed form. It pays particular attention to
riddle form and nature of its performance arguing that audience and context are central to
riddling; something that has not been strongly argued for and demonstrated for in most
scholarship on riddles. It engages critical analysis of the riddles and the riddling process to
―investigate social inequality as it is expressed, signalled, constituted, legitimized‖ in riddle
discourse (Wodak and Meyer 2001:2). The nature of riddle performances needs to be taken
into serious account that is why it categorically defines the seven moves of the riddle act to
make known the power in riddling and riddle as power.
What is riddling?
Riddling is a distinct form of social communication that uses metaphor and indirection to
address issues of interest in the lives of people and communities. As language a typical act
of riddling has power and social action involving ―wits and cleverness‖ (Richard Bauman,
1975), ―witty appropriation of space‖ (Aik and Edmonds, 1976:56), ―enhanced aesthetic
appeal‖ (Maranda, 1971a; Pepicello, 1980), and ―style and semantic fit‖ (Ian Hamnett, 1967;
Lyndon Harries, 1976). Such a riddle that combines these qualities is by Sibylline Oracles, A
Riddle on the Name of God (Theo Dorgan, 2008:84):
I am the one who is, but you consider in your heart.
I am robed with heaven, draped around with sea,
The earth is the support of my feet, around my body is poured
The air, the entire chorus of stars revolve around me.
I have nine letters, I am four syllables. Consider.
The first three have two letters each.
The last has the rest, and five are consonants.
11
The entire number is twice eight
Plus three hundred, three tens and seven. If you know who I am
You will not be uninitiated in my wisdom.
In this riddle, the ten poetic lines describe God using numbers and words, like in Line 1: ―I
am the one who is, but you consider in your heart‖ and Line 5: ―I have nine letters, I am four
syllables. Consider me.‖ They invite the audience to think specifically and broadly within the
given context suggested in the title. Dorgan also notes that, ―Riddles, when used in prayer,
have the dual function of testing what the believer is supposed to know and prompting him or
her to seek out deeper meanings.‖ The meaning of the riddle is left to the imagination of the
reader. The riddle given here also highlights a common feature of riddles which is the use of
enigmatic descriptions in an actively interrogative form which does not always have to be in
question and answer mode. This kind of riddle encompasses a secret that must be teased out
through associations and connections.
Another example is by the Ugandan poet Timothy Wangusa (2006:17-19), in his poem:
‗Riddle Woman‘ and ‗Tears for Kandida Lakony‘ where he draws on his knowledge of the
idea of riddle in portraying Kandida Lakony, the victim of the ―ogres of tropical bush-land.‖
The fact that the courts of law could not bring justice to the victim who eventually dies in jail
is the essence of this riddle and character Lakony. Wangusa appropriately uses the term
riddle to describe Lakony as a ―dramatic metaphor of our country‘s conscience.‖ Her name,
‗Lakony,‘ echoes two notorious war mongers in Uganda‘s history, namely Lakwena whose
‗Holy Spirit Movement‘ paved way for Kony‘s ‗Lord‘s Resistance Army‘. Both groups
terrorised their own people in the name of supernatural justice.
12
Wangusa surrounds the riddle image of Lakony with multiple layers of meaning, which
enhances the poem‘s durability and sensitivity. At various levels in these two poems, the poet
taunts his readers with image and message. He presents the suggestion of a torture victim as a
concrete representation of the suffering of the African continent and a testimony of a nation‘s
problems. The way Wangusa plays with the idea of riddle seems to imply that the riddle
draws on numerous sources and may not offer all the answers. There is the inference of
lingering mystery particularly because the poems ‗Riddle woman and Tears for Kandida
Lakony‘ are strongly allusive. In fact part of the riddle lies in the allusion to the political
history of Uganda and Africa.
Similarly, performances of the legendary Spiderman in the place of Ananse the Spider, as
well as the Hare and other tricksters in African Oral Literature engage in riddling by
subjecting their more powerful and superior counterparts to duplicity. Persons with riddle
characteristics are indispensable assets in say, the profession of espionage, as observed in the
Western Fox (detective films), Bat-man and the African trickster stories; like Wakayima and
the Hare or Rabbit stories in Uganda, as well as Tortoise and Spider in West African folklore.
The example, ‗The Riddle-me-ree‘ by Allison Uttley (Barbara Ireson, 2013: 183-189) is a
riddle that originates from Old Jonathan Little Tim Rabbit‘s teacher and is re-performed by
Tim Rabbit in search of an answer, first to his mother Mrs Rabbit then his father, who fail
after much speculation and analysis of the riddle text. Tim Rabbit soon goes out in search of
the answer because the next morning he has to give it to his teacher to win a reward.
During his search, Tim keeps repeating the riddle to whoever he finds; and he allows them to
reason it out their answers:
In marble walls as white as milk,
Lined with a skin as soft as silk,
13
Within a fountain crystal clear,
A golden apple doth appear,
No doors there to this strong-hold,
Yet thieves break in and steal the gold.
Tim repeats the riddle many times to different audiences including his mother and father, as
well as Old Man Hedgehog who fail and call it ―nonsense, rubbish‖ (186), a fox, bumble bee,
butterflies and frogs, and the chicken. Among all these, it is the chicken shout out the correct
answer: ―the egg‖ (198). Then Tim Rabbit throws corn in their midst to thank them for the
answer and in turn a ‗hen laid an egg at his feet‘. So Tim runs back home with the egg and
tells his parents that he had got the answer – it is verbal and tangible. And when the next
morning he tells Old Jonathan the answer, he in turn gives Tim a wooden egg and inside it
there is a ―curved hen with golden feathers.‖ In this example, the riddle offers the
participants an opportunity to exercise ingenuity in trying to come up with the correct answer.
The riddle also sets up a balance between concealing the revealing. It presents interpretative
challenges that must be ultimately solved. The riddle also forces the participant into an initial
position of ignorance until certain connections fall into place. The examples so far presented
show riddles as word-games that play on ambiguity and ambivalence. That is how Lusoga
riddle acts are manifested in the everyday socialisation. Riddles are vital experiences in
search of knowledge and answers and riddling itself is so involving, extensive and intensive.
According to Claude Summer, riddling is highly metaphorical and it exhibits a wider and
deeper scope of meaning, operation and interpretation (1995:38-59). Proverb can be
performed as riddles and riddles which have lost their riddleness may present as proverbs. A
case in point is agya t’ayagha -- one who goes while picking, performed during the NSS
riddling event, is a proverbial riddle performed to signify that the participants needed a rest
14
because they were tired. This riddle is commonly performed as a proverb but it is a
degenerative form of the riddle type ‗Ndini mukazi wange; ...’ – ‗I have my wife; ...‘
In riddling, creativity, puzzlement, challenge, competition, and pomp are systematically
exercised. The performance thrives through keenness of observation, appropriation of the
social and physical ecologies or spaces of the performing community and it may index
tradition and global changes in the society. Riddling allows reasonable interaction between
the participants who are also active audiences. That is why there is a continuous switch of
roles between the riddle performers as happens in social discourse. The dialogic style of
riddling has deep social influence on the life of the people involved, especially the proficient
performers who are usually acclaimed and held in high esteem and rewarded with leadership
roles hypothetically and in real life.
The verbal phrase, ―okugera” which is used in Lusoga to refer to ―performing‖ riddles and
stories is suggestive of precise measurement, deep imagination, critical thinking and high
intuition, meaning that riddling involves much of the human intellect. And like most
traditional forms of art, riddling is expected to be an act of an intellectual, guru or lead
personality in the audience; one who has accumulated extensive knowledge and skills about
society and the environment.
Apparently, mere guessing and recalling from memory falls short of the expectations of
riddling in Lusoga. It is expected that in riddling new knowledge is communicated and well
adapted to the prevailing social situations of the performance event. Riddling that conforms
to the immediate performance context by drawing from its rich heritage is quickly adopted
and popularised by the riddling communities. Such performances are easily sustained even
when their known traditional answer is revealed, meaning that it surpasses the fixed form.
15
Although riddling is widely believed to be a game for children, it is mostly performed by
those who have the most social experience and mastery of observation. Naturally, these
include the parents and older persons performing in community with the children. People
who appreciate riddling and engage with it as a way of life are mostly those who have grown
up riddling in their daily interaction through conversations, games, songs and stories with
elders. It is usually through these social interactions that new words and witty expressions are
coined and extended in use beyond the immediate local contexts and sites of creation to
become the statements of performances otherwise known as riddles.
Traditionally, riddling is targeted at nurturing people in the art of communication, debate
and leadership. While this may be the case for all age-groups, riddling as life time events
also introduce cultural beliefs to both young and new entrants in the community; and act
to spot check individual‘s temperaments. For that reason, riddles constitute a significant
part of the everyday speech, behaviour, initiation, learning and socialisation.
In the advent of widespread schooling and modernized entertainment by means of television
and computer games, traditional riddling styles in family and social settings has lost its place.
It however, continues to influence social guidance and leadership practices in schools and
communities as a part of the education curriculum and entertainment programmes.
Unfortunately, there are no specific attempts being made to involve the riddling audiences in
documenting their riddle performances.
It is therefore plausible to assume that just like tales, sayings and proverbs, riddles are
usually performed in everyday conversations to among other things, enhance quality of
the speech acts and for socialisation. Most often than not, the riddle is concentrated in the
informal forms of social behaviour such as costumes, gestures, anecdotes, elegances and tact.
This tends to make the riddle popular and commonplace among ordinary people.
16
1.1.2 How is riddling done in Lusoga?
A typical example of a riddle act in Lusoga language and culture of the Basoga peoples of
Eastern Uganda starts with building rapport. This particular riddle was performed at Nsinze
Sub-County headquarters during an annual book week event in 2009 where over two hundred
children and thirty teachers were participating. Person [A] proposes and the audience [B]
answer in a chorus to welcome the idea, as shown in lines 1 and 2 below. This is a standard
and dynamic way of initiating riddles in Lusoga.
Omuntu ni ki?
1. Kikoiko. [A]
2. Kiidhe. [B]
What is a person?
1. It is what it is. [A]
2. Let it come. [B]
This frame is commonly used to indicate to an audience that a riddle discourse is being
initiated. The riddle precedent comes in line 3 and attempts to reveal the hidden meaning then
follow. Person [A] is empowered by the frame of riddling to either refuse or accept the
answers being offered by C and D. Person [A] indirectly asks to be crowned chief every time
he rejects a proposed answer. The crown is the price that Person [A] anticipates in exchange
for the coveted answer he or she has in mind.
3. Omuntu ni ki? [A]
4. Omuntu muntu. [C]
5. Mbe. [A]
6. Omuntu musaadha na mukazi. [D]
7. Mbe. [A]
3. What is a person? [A]
4. A person is a human being. [C]
5. No. [A]
6. A person is a man and woman. [D]
7. No. [A]
The audience offers possible answers to the riddles until such a time when the protagonist
asks for a reward before giving his or her answer. There is no limit to the length of time
taken during the second stage. The next stage may also have some negotiations but it is not as
free as the previous one.
17
8. Mumpe omwami. [A]
9. <Pointing at D> Hm. [C]
10. Bakughaire D. [C]
11. Timwenda. [A]
12. Tukughaire Museveni. [C]
13. Hm! Mumpaire Museveni oyo
yenayeena. Naamukuba enume
eyekigwo atenga timusobola. [A]
8. Give me a chief. [Ja]
9. <pointing at D> Hmm. [C]
10. They have given you D. [C]
11. I don‘t like him. [A]
12. We have given you Museveni [C]
13. Hm! You‘ve given me Museveni,
the whole of him. I throw him
down in a manly fight. [A]
The answer sometimes triggers fresh discussions of the validity of the preferred answer
compared to the answers given by others. The protagonist may be required to explain and
convince the audience that his or her answer is the best.
14. Omuntu mugere. [A]
15. Kitya? [B]
16. Bigere nebitambula. [A]
17. Hahahaha! [B]
14. A person is measures / feet. [A]
15. How? [B]
16. It is feet that move. [A]
17. <Laughter>. [B]
18
The riddle concludes with a light moment of laughter especially if the audience agree and in
other cases it may end in an argumentative discourse. The way of riddling in Lusoga language is
greatly influenced by the physical, historical and cultural background of Busoga.
Background to Busoga
Busoga sub-region in Eastern Uganda comprises ten districts: Bugiri, Buyende, Iganga, Jinja,
Kaliro, Kamuli, Luuka, Mayuge, Namayingo, and Namutumba. Physically, Busoga occupies the
land between Lake Victoria (locally known as Nyanza Lwitamakoli) to the south, Lake Kyoga to
the north, River Nile to the west (locally known as Mwiga Kiyira) and River Mpologoma to the
east. The majority of the people in Busoga are subsistence farmers rearing a few animals and
growing crops on small scale. The soils are mostly described as fertile loams with ever green
vegetation (UBOS, 2004).
Linguistically, the natives of Busoga known as the Basoga speak a Bantu language called Lusoga
which has two main dialects: Lutenga and Lupakoyo. According to the most recent surveys, the
population that speaks Lusoga and lives in Busoga is approximately three million people (UBOS,
2010); however, there is no information on how many people speak each dialect. Kajolya, (1991)
says the Lupakoyo dialect is the original Lusoga and it is spoken mainly in the northern parts of
Busoga and the highest concentration is still found in Bulamoogi, Busiki, Ivukula and Bukono
chieftaincies. My research is based in the areas dominated by the Lutenga dialect that I speak and
understand more fluently.
Busoga‘s historical background sets a precedent for the performance of specific kinds of folklore
and in particular, riddling. There is no doubt that the Basoga originated from Abyssinia, Ethiopia
19
over 700 years ago in about 1300 AD meaning they have diverse culture. This is attested by
history of migration into the inter-lacustrine region (Lubogo 1960:1-2). They then secured the
areas around the great lakes Kiyoga, Lemwa, Lukuha, and Lwitamakoli and the rivers Kiyira,
Lumbuye, Kiko, Kibimba, Mpologoma and Naigombwa.
According to David William Cohen, the Basoga in the northern part are associated with ―an
Adamic figure, Mukama; while those in the southerly areas were associated with the migrations
of a different Adamic figure, Kintu‖ (1988:61). In his analysis, there were five major original
epicentres which he calls ―zones of settlement‖ that gave rise to the present days Basoga. These
were, Ikanda that gave rise to Bugweri and Bunyoro groups in the north and Kakolo that gave
rise to the Bulamoogi Ngambani group and Bukono Nkono group in the north east that were
predominantly Lupakoyo speaking communities. Kisiro gave rise to Igaga lineage in Busiki
while Budoola and Banda gave rise to Bukooli, Busamia, and Nyanza groups (62). His study
reveals that immigrant communities mostly from the northern parts continued to dominate the
area leading to land and territorial struggles (Cohen, 1988:67). This part of Busoga history
explains why Lusoga riddling uses various dialect and references to notables like Igulu in their
performances.
It is also believed that Mukama of the greater Bunyoro – Kitara Dynasty is the grandfather of
most areas of present day Busoga, Ankore, Karagwe, Rwanda and Buganda; and that one of his
sons known as Kiiza (Dunbar, 1965:34) the young brother of Isingoma Mpuga Rukidi and Kato
Kimera inherited the northern parts of present day Busoga. Ruhanga (Guhanga of Rwanda),
Kintu, Kakama, Baba, Isaza and Bukuku are some of the notable Batembuzi who reigned with
20
Godly powers (Dunbar, 1965:15). Kintu is said to have first settled in the southern parts of
Busoga around Lake Victoria before crossing over the river Nile to Buganda. This also explains
why the Basoga refer to Baganda as their brothers and find code switching quite natural.
According to Lubogo (1960:136), Mukama had eight sons namely: Wunhi Nkono of Bukono,
Ngambani Zibondo of Bulamoogi, Kakaire Menya of Bugweri, Okali Mwonja Wakooli of
Bukooli, Muzaaya of Buzaaya, Kitimbo Gabula of Bugabula, Nyiro Ngobi of Kigulu, Ibanda
Tabingwa of Luwuka. The Mukama groups moved west to establish dominance in Budoola
which is present day ―Kigulu- Buzimba, Luwuka, Buzaaya and Bugabula‖ (Cohen, 66). The
Budoola groups ―utilized marriage arrangements to strengthen their authority‖ (66) a practice
that was resisted by the Owiny groups from Bunyoro who believed that being Mukama figures
meant that they could not intermarry with non-Luo. This gave chance to the Omolo groups to
dominate the largest north-eastern parts of Busoga. They also took up the bushbuck which was
the totem of the dominant kuruoth or Luo immigrants namely the Jo-Owiny, Jo-Ramogi, Jo-
Omolo, Jo-Koch, and Banyara as a symbol of prestige (Cohen, 1988:66).
Between the 16th
and the 18th
centuries, the architecture of social life in the region
between the Nile and Mpologoma rivers (eastern Uganda) was dramatically transformed.
The superordinate and subordinate statuses of mulangira and mukopi had, by the 18th
century, enveloped the daily lives of all the peoples of the area. Several political centers
capable both of extending their domains and of reproducing themselves over time had
emerged from among a far larger number of competing local foci of authority (Cohen,
1982:465).
21
The children of Wakooli (Cohen, 1988:68) are the only natives who became dominant in Busoga
because they moved quite a lot and intermarried with the Luo speakers. Little wonder that in
Busoga‘s folklore, in particular, in the riddles, wife taking and possession is also dominant and
children are considered the future of the state. Taking up a wife, especially from another ethnic
group demonstrated authority, a practice that is reflected in Busoga‘s lore. For example, whoever
performs a riddle that cannot be solved is ―given‖ a chief or chiefdom. In essence, this giving
means that this person has overrun the chief and taken over the chief‘s crown. This implies that
the valiant one can even take up as many wives as they want from the chiefdom they have won.
In this way, diligence and intelligence is nurtured as a means for sharing one‘s authority with the
weaker associates.
Authority through intelligent observation of natural phenomena in society is an acclaimed virtue,
for example, as expressed in the riddle, ―amagezi tigawaayo – wisdom is never exhausted‖; as
opposed to merely showing off power. As proof, it is said that, although Isingoma Mpuga Rukidi
had become heir upon Mukama‘s death, he let his brothers to freely established independent
territories. Isingoma sent his twin brother Kato Kimera as ambassador (Omubaka) to the counties
of Mawokota, Busiiro, Kyadondo and Kyagwe and he formed Muhwahwa (present day
Buganda) hence the title Kabaka for the King of Buganda. He also gave Karokalungi (present
day Ankore) to Ruhinda, who was a royal guard to Wamala, so that he could raise cattle. It is
also said that,
The commoners who abandoned their settlements searched for new settlements in
northern and north-west Busoga, where there were opportunities for commoners. The
22
migration trends of the nineteenth century, and possibly part of the eighteenth, altered the
demographics of commoners and princes in the political communities of northern and
eastern Busoga (Cohen, 1988: 69).
These diverse connections partly explain why the Basoga speak a Bantu language, Lusoga,
similar to languages in Bunyoro, Buganda, Bugwere, Budama, Bugishu, Ankole, Rwanda and
Tooro and are quick to learn these languages too.
Politically, Busoga ―cannot be seen as one entity‖ (Cohen, 1988:68) as it had as many as fifty
three well known, independent and well organized territories (see appendix III). These
principalities were established on the principle of patrilineal governance since the 15th
century.
The sixty eight territories were fully functional before Speke and the British colonialists came
into Busoga.
Between 1893 and 1894, the British colonial government effectively dismantled the ethos of
Busoga when they sought to govern this vast land and its people‘s from the colonial headquarters
at Bukaleeba in Bunya. The vast and fertile land in Bunya had at least fifteen principalities
strategically located in the Lake Victoria basin. The British protectorate office Headquarters
were set up in this area, most of the land was annexed up to this day and according to oral
tradition, sleeping sickness was introduced by the British to punish the locals for killing Bishop
Hannington. Once the people had died or fled, the area was turned into forests. The on-going
struggle between the locals and the government over the settlement in Bunya stems from this
colonial legacy.
23
Buganda chiefs, notably Semei Kakungulu (1908), were the first to be used to contain Busoga‘s
estate. Then later, a presidium known as ―Obwakyabazinga‖ or the Kingdom of Busoga within
the boundaries of the great rivers and lakes in central Uganda was established. The word
―kyabazinga‖ literary means ―it surrounded them.‖ Up to this day, the title Kyabazinga is not as
popular as the traditional titles of the chiefs. Even in the orature of the Basoga, the title
―Kyabazinga‖ is used with detachment as opposed to the supposed grandeur of the independent
states enjoyed. For example, during riddle performances, a performer could be given the
Kyabazinga as their crown, and that riddle performer will not hesitate to decimate the
Kyabazinga as they would any other object or thing; and yet, very rarely do they use the names
and titles of their chief in this playful and demeaning manner.
This is reaction is linked to their struggles for independence and self-determination (Lubogo
1960, Cohen 1972, Fallers 1965) to restore Busoga‘s boundaries that were altered by the British
protectorate government to the present day big rivers. With the exception of Bukooli in
Buluguyi, all borders were altered without seeking the consent of the people and their leaders.
For example, the three counties (Ofala/Obala, Igaga and Nyago) that were taken from Busoga
and joined to Budama district in 1918; Zobondo‘s areas of Budama, Buseta, Palisa Gogonyo and
Wakooli‘s areas of Bunyali were transferred to Bugwere between 1896 and 1900 together with
some islands in Lake Victoria. Cohen says that, ―all the 'participants' - 'strangers' and 'hosts,‘
dominant and dominated, oppressors and oppressed, them and us - shared a common culture and
a common Bantu speech‖ (1988: 72).
24
As a result, Busoga is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural heterogeneous society with
decentralized political cohesion. The associations among members of different speech
communities appear to be marked, and given force, by exchange relations and routine patterns of
regional trade (Cohen, 1988:71). Between the 15th
and 17th
centuries, there were about forty
indigenous clan groupings in the five zones. These were the children of (Abaise) Menha, Mbupi,
Mwase, Mugaya, Mukuve, Mudope, Isanga, Musuubo, Kyewe together with the Baluli, Banyala
and Bakenhe in Ikanda zone. These groups have experienced much influence from Bunyoro
because of their proximity to Lake Kyoga. In the Kakolo zone were the children of Mumbya,
Iruba, Mabiro, Mukose, Mbeya, Mulyanda, Mukubembe, Igaga, Banyama and Bakenhe.
Other groupings included the Lamogi, Kalijoko and Winyi. In Kisiro zone were the children of
Mukubembe, Kyewe, Mulumba, nangwe, Balwa, Muhingwa, Mukose, Mulenga, Irubi. Earlier
groupings included Kisiki, Igaga and Nemwe. In the Budoola zone were the children of
Mulumba, Nangwe, Bakenhe, Mulamba, Muluwe, kaliro and mbeya. Earlier groupings included
the children of mudoola, kimumwe, Kigenyu (Kigenyi), Ngobi and Ibanda. In the Banda zone
were the children of Mufumba, Mutamba, Kidoido. They co-existed with the children of
Muhuma, Molo, Bandha, Kangoro and Wakooli (Cohen 76).
With the ―emergence of occupation patterns‖ (Cohen 77), new sites of settlements were
established in Kaseedhere, Nabuyandha, Ikonero, Bunhalwenyi, Bubbala, Lughalambago, and
Bukohe in the Ikanda zone. In Kakolo zone, they went to Kikalu, Lubulo, Nankodo, Kakoola
and Gadumire; while in Kisiro they went to Bugulu, Buyanga and Namagera. Budoola zone had
Kitumba, Isegero, Nhenda, Kigulu, Luwuka, Banda, Buwongo and Nawandyo; while Banda
25
zone had only Kisaho and Namago. These patterns are often the source of inspiration for story-
telling, singing and riddling. In returns, the stories, songs and riddles serve as repositories and
purveyors of the culture and history of the people. These names are more likely to come up
during riddling among elders who would wish to propagate their cultural history through
riddling.
The knowledge of these people and place names is very important in the understanding of the
cultural context and nomenclature in Busoga‘s orature. For example, the riddle, ―Nibwolikola
otya toli komya ngira Ndyope – however much you go you will not come to the end of a road in
Budyope‖ requires knowledge of where Budyope is found and basic understanding of the kinds
of roads in that place. Similarly, the genesis of riddles about the Europeans is illuminated by this
historical background. Emphasis is put on the European ―forgetting‖ something back at his home
in Europe meaning the European is so powerful but not smart enough. This is where power and
might is dwarfed by authority that the Basoga in their folklore and history claim to possess.
Organized in about two hundred clans, contemporary Busoga has great potential for democratic
governance and social cohesion because of this background of tolerance. The constitution that
gives powers to only a few people; moreover children of immigrants is however not likely to
resolve the riddle of the Kyabazingaship. Like the colonial governments, the majority of the
people were not been consulted in the making of the ―new constitution‖ (interviews with locals
in my research areas). The present crisis is no longer a conflict between the majority Protestants
who have been blocking the Catholics and Moslems (Mudoola, 1978:34) out of the ―Bugembe
26
establishment,‖ but cry from the ―commoners‖ (Nayenga, 1981:497, 489, 490, 492) that enough
is enough.
Dan Mudoola writes:
We have gone into the missionary education of the young chiefs to show that the men
who were destined to play a critical role in the politico-administrative affairs of Busoga
were predominantly Protestant in religious affiliation. By 1915 all the young men had
returned and been appointed Saza chiefs. They were Ezekieri Wako (Bulamogi), Daudi
Mutekanga (Bugabula), Gideoni Wambuzi (Luuka), Gideone Obodha (Kigulu), Nuwa
Mwanga (Bugweri), Samwiri Mugoya (Bukooli), and Yusufu Baliita (Bunya). Yosia
Nadiope died in 1913 and the British appointed Daudi Mutekanga, his deputy
(Katuukiro), to act as Saza chief. Kadhumbula Nadyope, son of Yosia Nadyope, returned
in 1930 to assume the chieftainship of Bugabula. The Saza chiefs were pre-dominantly
Protestant. The only exceptions were Yusufu Baliita, a Muslim and Salim Isiko who had
in 1922 replaced Gidioni Wambuzi. With the creation of the presidency of the Busoga
chiefly council (Lukiiko) in 1918 (and, later the Kyabazingaship too), the local
administration was well set for becoming a Protestant establishment (Mudoola 1978: 25).
Separation of the cultural decentralized patrilineal system from the political centralized
arrangement seems to be desirable but very difficult to implement because of ―greater resistance
to the secondary processes of expansion of domination by the filial descendants of the
immigrants‖ (Cohen 1988:72), religion, education, and economic wellbeing of the people in
general. Meaning that, the traditional chieftaincies are still struggling to regain their authority to
27
self-governance and self-determination. The efficacy of re-centralization of power under the
Kyabazinga versus decentralization of Local governance as policy in Uganda raises more
questions than answers.
The events of 18 January 1934 are important for this study, Ezekyeri Waako, President of the
―Busoga District Council‖ (Obwakyabazinga bwa Busoga) presented 41 salient points related to
land tenure, leadership and trade, among others, on the occasion of the visit of the colonial
secretary to Uganda and Busoga. ―Most of the points he raised were never attended to and have
remained unresolved up to this day‖ and that the result was the ―sixty-eight‖ states (Nayenga
1981:499) in Busoga being reduced to ―eleven chiefs‖ with only five being eligible to be elected
in the office of Kyabazinga. Moreover, the eleven chiefs elect the Kyabazinga without the
involvement of the people to be governed hence, the ―if‖ riddle.
Nayenga, (1981:486-487) says ―no one ruler in Busoga was strong enough to conquer others and
bring all parts of Busoga under one ruler.‖ Meaning that, unravelling Busoga‘s ‗political riddles‘
must of necessity be lengthy and all-inclusive not just involving a few centres of power. At the
same time, the ‗crowning and declamation‘ has to prepare the participants in the Kingdom‘s
affairs to swallow individual pride and accept the decisions of the majority. Like in riddling,
there are many possibilities, but one answer is taken as truthful at every critical point in time.
The important process of affirmation and agreement as part of consensus building that has for
long been muzzled (Cohen 1988:72, 1989:14; Mudoola 1978) needs to be given time and
opportunity to bear fruit.
28
The cultural and political context of Busoga has been that of give and take. The princes‘ sharing
power and space with commoners and foreigners is still the norm. ―Such a policy encouraged
rebellious princes to secede from the central authority‖ (Nayenga 1981:488-489) and it also
allowed ‗commoners‘ and ‗foreigners‘ to fully participate in leadership. This was a strategy for
both security reasons and pacification of the region. Marriage was used as an instrument of
politics, peace and trade. Inter-marriages were popular in forging lasting solutions during
external and internal political tensions (Ibid 497).
With one of the highest birth-rates, highest infant mortality rates and highest poverty levels in
Uganda (Emwanu 2004), Busoga, like most pre-literate societies, depends on orature for the
production, storage and dissemination of information, knowledge and ideology. Therefore, the
people had to find ways of communicating with each other especially in the face of their cruel
master. Subsequently, riddling has become a tool for liberation and self-actualisation. It is used
both at work and at home amongst members of the family and peer groups. With riddling, it is
possible to talk openly while the adversary is within earshot without risk of being found out. In
this way, riddling is used as strategy for survival. It is adapted to serve social roles beyond the
traditionally known contexts of child play and entertainment.
Knowledge among the Basoga is equated more to experience than age and as stated in the
proverb below authority is a personal attribute and not a birth right.
emyaka ti bumanhi; omuto akuba engoma omukulu ya kina
age is not wisdom; the young plays on the drum and the older one dances
29
In this regard, a child who is proficient at performing riddles is considered mature compared to
an adult who does not. The status of a skilled riddle performer is elevated because of the
cleverness and liveliness such a person brings into society. What counts most is how the
individual manipulates their immediate surroundings to convey meaning using communal images
in new contexts. It is interesting to note that in riddling, the idea of chieftaincy, crowning and
killing the chief is subtly performed in the riddle declamations, showing how the riddle has been
embedded in the political life of the Basoga and has in effect taken political shape. Nsinze is a
village founded by Chief Mutakubwa in the early 19th
century after a fierce battle that led to the
loss of many lives. The name Nsinze means I have won. Similarly, Iganga town was named after
a certain Goan trader who called himself a son of Igaga (Mwise Igaga‖ but could not pronounce
―Igaga‖ very well so he said that he was ―Mwise Iganga‖ and the name sticked.
From time immemorial riddles in Busoga have served to communicate ‗classified‘ information.
This is shown in the riddle expression, ―ekili okumpi osonkesa munhwa -- what is near you point
it out with the mouth.‖ The gesture of pointing out with the mouth rather than words is used so
that the person or subject of the conversation is involved while at the same time excluded.
Riddling occasions are safe spaces for parent-child, master-subordinate and male-female
discourse on topics considered delicate or taboo. By analysing how riddling is used to facilitate
such cross-generational discourse, this study explores how people circumvent social barriers to
talk intimately on matters considered delicate and intricate.
Popular forms of the riddle in Lusoga
30
Generally, ‗the riddle‘ in Lusoga is known as ―e-ki-ko-i-ko‖ loosely translated into English as ―it-
is-what-[it] is‖ and performing of a riddle is denoted by the statement, ―kikoiko‖ (it is what is)
which suggests that a riddle is ascertained by the proposer. I have used the term ―riddle‖ in my
analysis and ―it is what [it] is‖ in the performance record to mean the same thing. Riddles are
usually performed as connecting, observable, acoustic, spectacle and realistic activities, infused
in the everyday social interactions. The commonest types of riddle precedents in Lusoga begin
with the articles: I, You, She/He, It, or a proper noun. Others use sounds, gestures and costumes
to relay their messages.
The first type of the riddle precedent uses the first person singular ―I‖ [N --] or the clause ―Ndini
– I have,‖ which is sometimes followed by the possessive pronoun ―my‖ [-nge] to emphasise the
relationship between the riddle performer and the riddle. For example, ―Ndini mukazi wange,
atambula akina -- I have my wife, she walks while dancing describes a caterpillar,‖ ―Ndini
bulangiti yange aye bwe ngyoza tekala -- I have my blanket but when I wash it does not get dry
describes the tongue,‖ Ngya kili kubona, ndira kili kubona -- I go when it is looking, I return
when it is looking describes the entrance of a house,‖ ―Ntambula mpodoire -- I walk with an
open bottom – a long drum,‖ ―Naliyo naabona empaata ya baaba -- I was there and I saw a bald
head of my father‖ describes the roof of a house with iron sheets, ―Nagya na buutusi naira na
buutusi – I went by the boots I returned by the boots describes banana suckers,‖ ―Nsamba
kulakita -- I kick a tractor describes a sewing machine.‖
The second type uses the second person singular ―You‖ like in ―Olini‖ [You have], which
usually refers to a metaphorical object within the audience and community context. For example,
31
―Oyandhaire obwala, oyenda ki? -- You have spread out your fingers, what do you want?‖ This
riddle precedent is drawn from the local setting by comparing the people‘s palms with the
palmate leaves of the cassava plant. Reference to ―you‖ in the interrogative, provokes the
audience to re-think what they are doing at that moment in time and space.
The third type uses the third person [Ana …] ―He or She,‖ for example, ―anambonera ensonda
ya Dina ndi mugha ente -- S/he who sees Dinah‘s corner for me I will give them a cow‖
describes the sky; because it has no corner. In these sight riddles, the performer challenges the
audience to observe what is visible in their physical and social surroundings.
The fourth type uses diminutive article ka, ki and kya -- ―it‖ to refer to people and things, for
example, ―kibone -- see it‖ referring to a pumpkin on an anthill and an older person climbing a
hill, ―Kali mu nsonda -- It is in a corner‖ referring to a corpse in grave, ―Kasuntumaire
tikaakulye – it is squatting it will not eat you,‖ referring to a banana stool. ―Kyakyewuunio! – It is
of wonder!‖ describe people‘s attitudes towards the grandiose. Riddles in this category tend to
belittle the subjects in question by relating people to mean objects.
The fifth type uses proper nouns, notably, Madiina, Musitaafa, Sarah, Dinah, Shaban, Daudi, and
Nabirye. The use of mostly first or foreign names and generic names like Nabirye which do not
belong to a particular clan of people suggests avoidance of direct references to specific persons.
Unlike the references made to plants and inanimate objects such as sugarcane, which are direct,
reference to humans is indirect. Generics like Mother, father, Buganda and God are also used in
a number of riddles. For example, ―Maama ankuba yantwala ku poliisi -- Mother beats me and
takes me to police‖ unravelled as ―bicycle throws me down and takes me to hospital‖, ―Ekilevu
32
kya baaba kili kuluya -- Father‘s beard is outside describing maize tussles,‖ ―Mu Buganda
eidoodo tiliwayo -- In Buganda the amaranth never gets finished‖ describing hair that is never
finished in the head even after one shaving and ―Katonda mu kikebe -- God in a tin‖ describing a
jigger in a foot.
The sixth type uses onomatopoeic words like ―kampinimpini,‖ ―wo wo wo,‖ ―kwikirikiiki,‖
―bogolibogo bo,‖ ―pampalampalapampa,‖ ―kapinini‖ to express natural phenomena. These
sounds are used as clues to the imagined sounds or structures of riddle objects. In unravelling
such a riddle, the audience-participants are guided by the way the performer initiates, gestures
and pronounces the words. Often, sound riddles are performed in songs and stories.
The seventh type uses the ‗W‘ and ‗H‘ questions: what, when, why, who and how. What?—Kiki?
The example of ―what‖ riddle is ―kiki kyosinga butayenda ku mubiri gwo? -- What do you hate
most on your body?‖ This is said to be the head for the reason that it is involved in anything
good and bad. ―When – Bwe” like in, ―Abalenzi bwe balwala abaghala baja baabaluutaku aye
aabaghala bwe balwala abalenzi tibaja kubaluutaku -- When the boys fall sick the girls go and
check on them but when the girls fall sick the boys don‘t go to check on them.‖ It expresses
nature of time, place and character. ―Why? -- Lwaki?” is typical of most story telling or the
narrative riddles like, ―Lwaki Waikoli ayiiga Wankoko – Why does Kite hunt for Cock?‖ This is
a popular narrative riddle in Busoga about friendship and being honest. The story indulges in
riddling that sees the kite and cock emerging as perpetual enemies. Kite finds cock standing on
one leg and cock lies to kite that his leg had been cut off in exchange for some goodies.
33
The riddle is an attempt to give the reason why these two look-alike birds are enemies. The types
Who? – Ani? – like in, ―Ani yasomesa omuzungu okukola eiganduula? -- Who taught Europeans
to make kingly coats?‖ attempt to find positives in look-alike personalities and objects. The
most popular answer in the example above is the bat because of its flamboyant wings. How --
otya? For example, ―Niwakatambula tolikomya ngira Ndyope -- However much you travel you
cannot end a road in Budyope.‖ This is a statement of fact that is usually associated with
inconveniences in life‘s journeys. The ‗what,‘ ‗when,‘ ‗who,‘ and ‗how‘ riddles, the types closest
to the Western riddle types, are quite rare in Lusoga while the ‗why‘ and ‗where‘ riddles were
not even performed. The western riddle, ―what is black and read all over?‖ hides the answer –
newspaper – The newspaper has words in black ink the word ―read‖ is in the past tense which is
pronounced as ―red.‖ The correct answer ―newspaper‖ is hidden behind the wrong clue ―red‖
which gives the false impression that the riddle refers to the colours ‗black‘ and ‗red‘.
The eighth type is the narrative proverbial riddle where by the first part is completed by the
second and illustrated or continued in a third and fourth part. It is mostly realised among highly
experienced riddle performers. Francis Biryaho (2004:124) argues that, ―some proverbs are
riddles which hide meaning from outsider but vividly portray it to insiders.‖ The example in this
category include, ―amagezi amangi, gaalemeza embwa okuyiga -- Too much wisdom, made it
difficult for dogs to hunt;‖ and ―Omukazi owempisa embi, yafumitibwa eiwa milundi ebiri -- A
badly behaved woman, was pierced by the same thorn twice.‖
In this same category we find statements of fact, for example, ―abafu abagenza abalamu -- The
dead who tend the living‖ describing ―omuti omukalu ogusigika ekigogo -- The dry pole that
34
supports a banana plant.‖ These riddles are similar to those that rely on word-play and
parallelism for their message, for example, ―toola pinini ote ku pinini ofune pinini -- take pinini
put on pinini get pinini‖ which is unravelled at NSS riddling event as ―toola makaba ote mu
kisinka ofune embooli -- take leaves put in a mound get potatoes.‖ Is it because potatoes are a
staple food of Busoga?
Riddles and Riddling in Africa
William Bascom (1964) writes that, ―Far fewer riddles than proverbs have been published,
perhaps because of their erotic double entente, as Berry has pointed out or perhaps because they
are taken less seriously by folklorists and by Africans.‖ Whether it is because of their erotic
undertones or not; it is true that riddles permeate the different forms of literature yet the situation
mentioned above has not significantly changed today. Nonetheless, not being taken seriously has
not robbed the riddle and the riddle performer of the power they wield in creating and re-creating
meanings in society. The riddle in itself is a metaphor of power played between those who know
and those who don‘t know.
Charles Okumu (2000) says of Acoli riddles which also applies to riddles in Lusoga that, riddles
are ―eaten‖ as food to the brain and the soul, and are ―crushed‖ in a way that obscures the ideas
to mock and influence the audience. In this way, the riddle entertains as it informs, educates,
socializes, mentors, and musters the audience towards a common problem or goal.
Likewise, Lyndon Harries (1971:377) rightly observed that, ―the riddle is one of the most
important forms of oral literature in Africa; yet it remains undefined and for the most part
undescribed.‖ He attributes this to the tendency for Africans to toe the line of Western folklorists
35
who themselves have not come to real terms with defining the riddle in their own languages.
Fifteen years after Harries, Haring (1985:163) expresses a similar concern that, ―folklore journals
are full of collected, edited, and translated materials that have failed to inspire their collectors –
let alone later folklorists – to analysis or interpretation.‖ This, he says, ―is partly because reading
lists of riddles is tedious‖ to which I also agree, especially lists without a sense of the story
surrounding the riddle.
Part of the problem though is that the riddle cannot be analysed in isolation from its performance
context. Equally so, Kwesi Yankah (1985:134) correctly raises the problem that, ―despite the
centrality of the notion of audience, the audience constituent does not seem to be consistently
woven into the fabric of current theories of performance in folklore.‖ He argues that every
performance comes with its own uniqueness and the manner of performing a particular riddle
always makes the audience accountable. Unfortunately, this problem remains unresolved
because the audiences that bring riddles to life are usually ignored when it comes to
documentation of the riddle acts they perform. I consider that eliminating the dialogues that the
audiences produce eliminates the audience altogether thereby reducing the riddle to an
inconsequential non-performativity genre.
Likewise, riddle categorisation as ―short fixed form‖ (Finnegan 1970:426), ―brief genre‖
(Okpewho 1992), and ―short saying‖ (Miruka 1994: 2) needs interrogation since riddle
performances vary considerably in form and length. Whereas in the European tradition, riddle
acts are usually brief, fixed and short with one correct answer often hidden behind the wrong
answer, in Kisoga tradition, it is not always the case.
36
1.2 Statement of the problem
The problem is that riddles in Africa have been misrepresented and misinterpreted because of the
erroneous representation and presentation of the riddle as genre and riddling as performance
which has occasioned mis-documentation and diminished studies of riddle performance.
Correspondingly, classifying the precedent of the riddle and the preferred answer together as ―the
riddle‖ undermines the aesthetic qualities of the riddle as genre and as performance. The
situation is made worse when the foundations of performance such as audience, context and
event are totally removed from the riddle performance record giving the wrong impression that
the riddle act is a short question and answer.
This study focuses on riddle as an important form in oral literature and it interrogates the
assumption that the riddle is a short fixed form thereby paying particular attention to its form and
nature of performance. It is guided by the thinking that a record that excludes the foundations of
riddling in which the riddle precedent is performed misses the point of making a realistic
representation of the riddle act. The texts and analyses produced out of such mutilated and
mismanaged records are superficial, impressionistic and lacking in the essential qualities that
define the riddle.
Aim and objectives of the study
The aim of the study is to analyse the form and structure of riddle performance and seeks to
demonstrate how audience and context interact to create meaning during a riddling event.
Specifically, the objectives of the study are to:
1. Examine the performance structure of the Lusoga riddle act;
37
2. Analyse interface between audience and context in Lusoga riddle acts;
3. Analyse the patterns of riddling in NSS riddling event; and
4. Examine the meanings and meaning-making processes in NSS riddling event.
1.3 Significance of this study
This study emerges as a shift from gathering and cataloguing riddles to recognizing how
interactions between individual riddle performer and the audience react and interact, and how
riddle art communicates within the locality. It looks at the dynamic relationships between the
communally as a traditional entity, and the creative individual as an artistic resources by
focusing on the balance between the traditional and emergent, social and creative potentials in
riddle acts. This results in a better appreciation of the richness of the individuals, groups, and the
linguistic spaces where the riddle happens. This study is the first to demonstrate how audience,
context, and event features, hitherto least emphasised; contribute to the appreciation of riddling
in Lusoga.
Firstly, the study clarifies that the riddle as text and as quality of language is both embedded and
embodied within a people‘s being, thoughts, words and deeds through continued activities and
performance. And riddling permeates people‘s everyday socialization so much so that
pinpointing the riddle is quite difficult in many life situations.
Secondly, it analyses the role of the non-verbal performance features, like costume, gestures,
silences, laughter and physical environment, aspects previously less emphasised in riddle
scholarship. This is an area with much controversy and the study helps to shed more light on how
para-linguistic features carry the force of language among oppressed communities.
38
Thirdly, it demonstrates how ordinary people as audience-participants during specific events
become the true authors of the riddles performed and fully acknowledges their roles without any
excuse that the riddles performed are from the commons. Along with audience, there is context
and event both as inherent and temporal features in riddle performance. By including the
performance texts with named audience-participants in the riddle performance records, it asserts
authorship and reinforces the authority that riddles enact in specific contexts of their
performance. This is a radical departure from the usual practice of pulling riddle precedents out
of context and listing them as authorless texts.
Fourthly, it analyses the performance structure of Lusoga riddle acts and riddle patterns in a
riddle event thereby suggesting seven popular moves through which a riddle may be acted and
fourteen patterns that riddle acts could take. It contributes to re-defining of the structure of the
riddle act by developing an elaborate riddle performance structure. It interprets aesthetic quality
that defines the riddle act retained in the written form by articulating the the spoken and
unspoken word alongside context, audience and event.
Fifthly, the study proposes sixteen thematic domains in NSS riddling event that also apply to
other events; with evidence that riddle performance events derive their meanings from the
audience and context of the event. It provides proof of limited acclaim for riddles performed
from memory or history without re-contextualisation.
Sixthly, as part of quality assurance of CDA research, the study produces riddle performance
records both in Lusoga and English translation for use and research across cultures. The audio-
visual and written material generated include records of: (1) Diikuula‘s riddling event (2) Nsinze
39
Seed School riddling event (3) Edhikolyoka riddling event; and (4) three articles: (i) ―Riddling
and Taboos: Exploring Boundaries in Discussing Reproductive Health‖
(ii) ―Riddle Performance: The Evasive, the Popular and the Enigmatic in the Written Form.‖
(iii) ―The Popular Form and Structure of Riddle Discourse in Lusoga.‖
This study also reveals that in societies where health, peace, harmony and self-understanding are
in question, the riddles performed are intensely dominated by these matters and the people
continuously use language to address these issues. This enforces the knowledge and
understanding of the problems at hand so that the people can take action.
Lastly, it brings to the fore, a rich yet neglected Oral Literature resource that is particularly
relevant to Busoga communities at this time in history when the Government of Uganda seeks to
revitalise its education curriculum. The new education policy that puts emphasis on local
language and culture as means of production and effective communication is likely to benefit
from this research. Above all, the study introduces a novel referencing of riddle acts that shows
audiences as co-authors and research communities as the centers of knowledge creation.
1.4 Definition of key terms
Actones
By actones I refer to the lines of action or the performance features whether words, sounds,
silences or gestures.
Audience-participant
40
The term audience-participant refers to the audience present during a performance event. During
riddling audiences are also participants in the sense that the riddle performer may often draw
riddle ideas from their presence. The term audience-participant will therefore be used
interchangeably with audience to refer to the interactive role of audience as participant and
participant as audience during riddling.
Context of riddle performance
The term context of riddle performance is used to refer to the overall environment whether
geographical, physical, temporal, sociological, historical and linguistic where riddles take place
in the real life of the people; stating when, where and why a riddle is performed.
Riddle Discourse
The term riddle discourse refers to real language used in the context of riddling, either spoken or
paralinguistic e.g. gestures, and any other aspects of linguistic behaviour such as patterns of
pronunciation, word choice, sentence structure, and semantic representations, and how these
speech encounters are organised during riddling in the entire event.
Riddle Performance
By riddle performance I mean the realisation of a riddle act during an event. The quality of such
a realisation is mostly based on the interplay between audience, context and event.
Riddle act
Riddle act refers to a complete discourse unit of a riddle performance during an event.
Riddling event
41
This refers to an occasion where riddles are performed; for example, Nsinze Seed School
Riddling Event performed on August 21 2009. An event does not necessarily begin as a riddle
event but may become one when riddles are used in the emergent communications.
Riddling
By riddling I mean a creative process of using metaphor and indirection to communicate matters
of common concern and interests as an individual and as groups.
1.5 Limitations of the study
Although I encountered a variety of riddle performance events, for purposes of this study, my
analysis will focus on three events with much emphasis put on one major event and one
linguistic community. This is line with CDA that calls for the handling of one nature of problem
in one community at a time. I could not draw from more than one linguistic community because
of this limitation. Nonetheless, it suffices because I am not stopped from drawing examples from
other events and cultures to inform the study. This limitation rather than compromising the
results and this study strengthens it.
1.6 Fieldwork challenges
Fieldwork and documentation are very important tools for ethnographic research under CDA.
However, in these communities where electronic gadgets are rarely used, recording on the
cheaper cassette tapes remains cumbersome and disruptive to the normal progress of some
performances. Whenever the cassette stopped, the performers were distracted and their
concentration was turned to the gadget. This is not news but a good reminder for me and others
42
who may be planning fieldwork events like these. I tried using the mode that could record for
longer hours, but this too had serious implications. One of them being that I could not replay the
data on any other player apart from the one used for recording. In the end, I had to buy a more
expensive Sony MP3 IC Recorder which was smaller, less disruptive and convenient because I
could transfer my data directly to the computer as MP3 files.
Likewise, the task of transcribing was challenged by the many choruses that made it difficult for
me to identify certain voices in order to correctly attribute actones to individuals. In this way, I
missed some vital riddle elements due to my own inability to identify some voices and also
because of the inadequacy of technology I was using. As a result, the performance record has
some gaps in terms of the names of performers of certain actions.
Transferring multidimensional performance of this nature onto paper is formidable and I cannot
pretend that I have done it perfectly even to my satisfaction. Such an undertaking to convey an
accurate lore in its fullness and dynamism and at the same time maintain the clarity of the record
requires much time to listen to the people and the texts, and an ample space to represent it in the
required media. I have nonetheless done what many have not done for Lusoga riddles. In spite of
all these challenges, I submit that this work is foundational to a better appreciation of riddles and
riddling in Lusoga and other languages.
1.2 Ethical considerations
I safeguard the integrity of my consultants by using actual names only where we agreed with
them that their names would be used. I also compensated deserving performances with
43
honorarium, acknowledging sources of information, and seeking consent from people before
recording anything considered private.
1.7 Chapter outlines
Chapter One defines riddling and how it happens in Busoga. It also explains the social-historical
context of Busoga, as well as the practical and scholarly texts and contexts of the case study. It
delineates the problem as being the misunderstanding of riddle and its performance hence the
mismatch between the riddles in actual performance and the research reports. It then states the
objectives as the examining of riddle performance structure, analysis of the interplay between
context, audience and event; and analysis of the riddling patterns and meaning-making processes.
Chapter Two foregrounds the purpose of the study with a literature review that isolates the
problem and endeavours to locate the research in existing scholarship. It focuses on the premise
that riddles are embedded and embodied performances in the everyday social discourse.
Although some scholars have called riddle forms insignificant, the study emphasises their
prominence in Lusoga language and culture as qualitative and intellectual features of
communication.
Chapter Three analyses the concept of riddle context and audience with particular reference to
NSS riddling event. This discussion posits that riddles are performed in context by audiences
who author the texts. It is also argued that change in context signifies a change in the riddle and
an entire performance emerges as new.
44
Chapter Four analyses the seven moves of the popular riddle act in Lusoga explaining how these
moves are realised in typical performances. It refers to NSS riddling event held on 21 August
2009 at Mpolyabigere Community Library Nsinze as main case study.
Chapter Five analyses 14 popular riddle performance patterns of in Lusoga with specific
reference to the NSS riddling event. It also demonstrates how the context and audience are
embodied and embedded within the riddle performance event.
Chapter Six is a textual and contextual analysis of NSS riddling event highlighting the main
thematic domains. The analysis is intended to show how the meanings are arrived at and how the
meaning-making processes in the riddle performance acts create holistic events. This is done
with the understanding that riddles are always there and waiting to be performed; and what
matters most is how they are performed and with what effect and by whom.
Chapter Seven presents the main findings that riddling is an important form of social and artistic
expression among the Basoga invigorated by power of observation, appreciative enquiry,
socialisation, and interpersonal communication. The complete form of the riddle act has seven
moves and altogether, fourteen performance patterns and sixteen thematic domains identified. It
therefore concludes that riddles have both qualitative and intellectual features. Further research is
recommended in the area of the dramatic impact of voice, tone and gestures, (wind, motives,
pace, and body), to the riddle text on the page. The study also suggests a follow up research on
developing and using computer software for documenting and analysing performance features.