What came before Wari: Late Nasca Inter-Regional Interaction and Community Politics
Verity H. Whalen, Luis Manuel González La Rosa, and Corina M. Kellner1
The end of the Early Intermediate Period (ca. A.D. 450-750) on the south coast of Peru was
a time of social change, exacerbated by a prolonged drought, which resulted in a balkanized
political landscape. Previously dispersed people aggregated into communities of unprecedented
size (Reindel and Isla 1998; Schreiber 1998; Silverman 2002), forming small valley polities
throughout the Nasca drainage (Schreiber 1999). While likely not a time of warfare, Late Nasca
society was characterized by a degree of sociopolitical competition and regional differentiation
accompanied by at least some violence (Kellner 2002: 82-83; Tomasto Cagigao 2009: 153). At
the same time, the remnants of an enduring ceramic style, itself the materialization of a powerful
religious ideology, remained a connective tissue on the south coast. The end of the Early
Intermediate Period was also characterized by intense inter-regional interaction of an
unprecedented nature. Evidence from ceramic form, iconography, and technology suggests that
Nasca people engaged in meaningful and mutually influential encounters with Moche groups
from the north coast (Proulx 1994), Estrella people from the south-central coastal valleys
(Menzel 1971: 128; Silverman 1997), and most significantly, groups from Ayacucho (Benavides
1971; Knobloch 1983: 289-316; Leoni 2006: fig. 11.10; Paulsen 1983; Silverman and Proulx
2002: 93-94). The subsequent Middle Horizon was marked by the expansion of the Wari empire
and the colonization of the south coast (Conlee and Schreiber 2006; Schreiber 1998, 1999, 2005;
Schreiber and Lancho Rojas 2003), making this period a crucial case study in the emergence of
empires. In this paper, we consider the history of contact and interaction between the people
who would become the ‘colonizers’ and the ‘colonized’ by examining the material traces of
1 Presented at the 78th Annual Society for American Archaeology Meeting, Honolulu, Hawaii, April 6th, 2013. Please do not cite without permission
societal interaction at Cocahuischo, a Late Nasca settlement in the upper Tierras Blancas Valley,
Peru (FIG. 1).
Material Expressions of Societal Interaction
Societal interaction is an abstract term with a basic meaning: the interaction of people -
who formed networks, alliances, and friendships, and exchanged material goods, knowledge,
traditions, and often marriage partners (Cusick 1998). Tracing such interaction in the
archaeological record has traditionally involved the identification of foreign objects (such as
pottery, adornments, textiles, and lithics) or people, in houses, tombs, and public spaces
(Goldstein 2000; Helms 1979; Lentz et al. 2005; Thomas 1991). Since societal interaction often
represents a complex amalgamation of beliefs, traditions, and material culture, mutually
influenced by all participants, the archaeological evidence may be less obvious. The intersection
of people and practices can create opportunities for actors within borderland communities (such
as Cocahuischo) and stimulate cultural creativity - generating the need for new objects and
cultural production (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Naum 2010; Parker 2006; Rice 1998). As
such, societal interaction may also be visible in the archaeological record through objects, such
as pottery, that illustrate new developments or the selective appropriation of foreign elements of
technology and style (van Dommeln 2005; Wells 1998). As products of cultural experimentation
and production, these objects often do not conform to indigenous, foreign, or hybridized
categories (Silliman 2009).
We believe that understanding the emerging Wari colonial encounter on the south coast
requires first examining the nature of societal interaction during the end of the Early Intermediate
Period and the role that such interaction played in local community politics. The indigenous
sociopolitical situation that Wari colonizers encountered during the Middle Horizon was no
doubt largely shaped by the differing inter-regional ties that powerful Nasca kin groups or intra-
community alliances had cultivated. Understanding the nature of societal interaction and the role
it played in local community politics necessitates developing a reconstruction of Late Nasca
society and the internal politics of Late Nasca settlements. To investigate whether certain
Cocahuischo leaders or kin groups were engaged in long distance relationships with other
societies, we employed a household archaeology approach. Nasca settlements such as
2 Whalen, González La Rosa, and Kellner
Cocahuischo lack clear civic-ceremonial space, making it highly likely that prestigious objects
(such as foreign, foreign influenced, or culturally experimental fineware pottery) would have
been kept at home. Household archaeology also opens a window into aspects of quotidian (and
largely unconscious) practice, such as cooking, the maintenance and division of domestic space,
and craft production. Non-local marriage partners bring with them distinct and deeply embedded
cultural practices, which can be visible through the material remains of domestic spaces and
quotidian activities. Additionally, an important element of this research is examining not just
whether Cocahuischo residents forged non-local ties, but how these relationships were used to
negotiate local community politics. A household based approach was useful because it allowed
us to explore variation in relative status and influence within the community, and compare these
patterns with evidence for non-local ties.
Fieldwork at Cocahuischo
During the summer of 2012, we carried out three months of fieldwork at Cocahuischo
and 8 weeks of laboratory analysis in Nasca, Peru. At 10 hectares, Cocahuischo is the largest
settlement in the valley and is located less than 2 kilometers from Pataraya, the Wari outpost in
the region. The 450+ habitations, patios, and terraces occupy a steep hillside, defined on the
northern edge by a cliff that descends steeply approximately 20 meters to the Tierras Blancas
floor (FIG. 2). While certainly defensible, the site does not exhibit any clearly defensive
architectural features and the surface is virtually void of sling stones. Cocahuischo is divided by
the natural topography (in particular, two deep quebradas) into two main residential zones
(Sectors I-III and Sector V) and an isolated cemetery (Sector IV). Architectural data was
collected for all habitations at Cocahuischo based on a series of characteristics relating to size
and layout of structures and patio groups, size and quality of construction materials, construction
techniques, and features such as doorways, niches, and storage pits. We then selected 10
habitations for excavation (in part based on the results of this analysis) to produce a data set that
reflected Cocahuischo residents of assumed varying status and influence within the community.
Surface remains and intact walls indicated that these structures were circular or ovoid in shape;
each was bisected and one half of the building was excavated in levels following the natural
stratigraphy of the deposits (a locus system and Harris matrices were used to record contexts and
3 Whalen, González La Rosa, and Kellner
their interrelationships). Since the socially meaningful unit of measure in this study was the
archaeological house, this excavation technique produced a comparable dataset for each
habitation.
During the 8 weeks of laboratory analysis, all ceramic sherds diagnostic of style and/or
form were analyzed based on a series of traits characterizing vessel form, firing atmosphere,
paste recipe, surface finish and decoration, and decorative attributes. These stylistic and
technological elements were then compared to a series of defining traits for other contemporary
Andean ceramic styles, to explore the selective appropriation of foreign elements and the
presence of cultural creativity and experimentation. All lithic artifacts were analyzed based on
material, size, form and function. Preliminary analysis of faunal remains and comestibles
recorded weight and count for each locus, and noted basic taxa diversity. Four carbon samples
collected from contexts directly associated with occupation levels were submitted for 14C dating
at the Arizona AMS Laboratory. Raw 14C dates were calibrated using the OxCal 4.1.7 calibration
program (Bronk Ramsey 2010) and the IntCal09 curve (Reimer et al. 2009). Finally,
bioarchaeological data (including samples for strontium isotope analysis) from 10 individuals
recovered from the site was collected by Kellner between 2010-2012. Assuming an individual
had limited mobility during their life, strontium isotopes can serve as a geochemical signature,
since strontium (absorbed into the skeleton through soils and the food chain) from eroding
geologic materials replaces calcium in skeletal tissue (Bentley 2006: 136). We tested the teeth of
8 individuals and the bone of 1 individual for strontium isotopes. Strontium signatures of the
Nasca and Ayacucho regions are different, albeit overlapping (based on established faunal
baselines), and thus can be used to infer migration and the origins of migrants.
Late Nasca House Variability
Excavations and artifact analysis (along with 14C dates) suggest that Cocahuischo was a
Late Nasca community occupied largely contemporaneously. Carbon samples recovered from
occupation surfaces and ash pits indicate that structures from all sectors of the site date to around
A.D. 500 (with the exception of one structure, whose sample may be a situation of ‘old wood’ or
may represent the earliest moments of activity at the site; FIG. 3). The primary occupation of
Cocahuischo was likely between A.D. 450-550. This inference is also supported by the fact that
4 Whalen, González La Rosa, and Kellner
excavated habitations showed no evidence of re-occupation. Each structure contained a single
occupation surface or floor (although in some cases one could not be identified), with refuse pits,
middens, and sterile soil below (FIG. 4).
These data generate a cohesive picture of domestic life at Cocahuischo. They also point
to variability within the community, in terms of relative status and influence, access to resources,
and cultural affiliations and foreign ties. Architectural analysis provided evidence for households
that were clearly of higher status and influence within the Cocahuischo community than others,
which was largely confirmed by excavations. The artifact assemblages of each habitation
reflected the size and relative status of the habitation based on the architectural analysis. Larger,
more well made habitations contained higher quantities of fineware pottery, obsidian, and objects
of personal adornment (such as pendants, beads, and copper tupu pins; TABLE 1, FIGS. 5-6).
Two higher status houses also contained prepared mud-clay floors. In Sectors I-III, many of these
large, higher status patio groups contain one or more large (1 m in diameter or greater) batanes
(used for processing raw foods), suggesting household based food production. Little evidence,
however, was recovered for household based textile production, which contrasts with the
findings at other Nasca settlements and at Pataraya, the Wari way station just up valley from
Cocahuischo (e.g. Conlee 2000; Edwards 2010; Vaughn 2000). What evidence was recovered
came predominantly from three houses, and consisted of scattered ceramic spindle whorls and
bone or shell tools (FIG. 7). Some of the houses excavated contained subterranean burials looted
in prehistory and interred with pottery (FIG. 8). Finally, one structure proved to not be a
habitation at all, but rather a communal facility for supra-household food and craft production,
which likely played a role in Late Nasca commensal politics (FIGS. 9-10). Activities in this
building included food preparation, chicha beer brewing, and likely low-output copper
metallurgy.
Inter-Regional Interaction and Community Politics
Although all households at Cocahuischo appear to have had access to the finely made
Nasca polychrome pottery, there was considerable variability, both in terms of volume of
ceramics present and in style. Fineware polychrome pottery recovered from excavations illustrate
a number of stylistic trends. Much of the pottery recovered from Cocahuischo can be
5 Whalen, González La Rosa, and Kellner
characterized as what we call Classic Late Nasca (FIG. 11). This includes pottery of the Nasca
phase 6 and 7a styles, which demonstrate a clear continuity, in both iconography and form, with
prior Nasca phases. Some pottery, however, illustrates the type of cultural creativity and
experimentation that is often associated with intense societal interaction. We refer to this pottery
as Transitional because it is characterized by stylistic elements of both the Nasca phase 7b/c and
8 styles (FIGS. 12-13). Nasca phase 8 pottery is commonly referred to as Loro, and is considered
by most to be the local south coast pottery style during the Middle Horizon. Another stylistic
group is characterized by a set of motifs seemingly localized to the Tierras Blancas Valley (FIG.
14). Although ante-dating the site by 250 years, this pottery bears strong resemblance in both
form and iconography to some of the non-Wari or Loro pottery recovered from Pataraya, the
Wari outpost just up valley from Cocahuischo (Edwards and Chirinos Ogata, personal
communication, 2012). Such pottery also points to cultural creativity and experimentation, and
its presence at Pataraya suggests to an enduring local importance.
Some of the pottery recovered from Cocahuischo provides strong evidence for societal
interaction between residents of Cocahuischo and Estrella affiliated groups in the northern Pisco
and Chincha valleys. These data provide evidence for both the literal adoption of foreign style
(FIG. 15), as well as the selective appropriation of stylistic elements, which were combined by
local Nasca potters with indigenous designs and forms (FIG. 16). The presence of obsidian,
likely deriving from the Quispisisa source in the southern highlands, also suggests foreign ties
(or at least preferential access to trading caravans). Strontium isotope analysis of a sample of 9
individuals, however, provides no evidence for foreign individuals (FIG. 17). Based on all the
extant Nasca drainage strontium isotope values (mapped by Kellner), the Cocahuischo
individuals are scattered within the majority of other Nasca individuals from the various valleys
in the Nasca drainage. Importantly, none of the Cocahuischo individuals fall within the
Conchopata faunal baseline, which would indicate migration from the Ayacucho area. In fact, no
Cocahuischo individuals fall outside the Nasca faunal baseline, indicating that they are locals. In
the later MH, we do see that some individuals buried at Pataraya, the Wari outpost just up valley
from Cocahuischo, may have been migrants from Ayacucho (while others were locals). MH
individuals from the Nasca, Taruga, and Palpa Valleys were also likely migrants, but their
strontium isotope values are too high for the Ayacucho region. Undated Nasca “trophy” head
6 Whalen, González La Rosa, and Kellner
individuals buried at Cahuachi and Cantayo were also migrants to the Nasca region and not from
Ayacucho (see FIG. 17).
Cultural affiliations and status
The different stylistic groups of pottery that we identified at Cocahuischo were found
throughout the site and most importantly, largely intermixed within undisturbed stratigraphic
contexts. The distribution of these wares throughout Cocahuischo, however, does illustrate some
variability in access and/or preference. These patterns were confirmed by test excavations and
the systematic surface collection of the site conducted by Whalen in 2010. Classic Late Nasca
pottery, the most prevalent ware at Cocahuischo, was encountered in every residential sector and
in each structure excavated during the 2012 field season. Local Tierras Blancas style pottery was
likewise found throughout all the residential sectors, and was encountered in eight of the ten
structures excavated. In contrast, Estrella derived and/or Estrella style pottery was absent from
both Sector I and Sector V, and was restricted to three of the ten structures excavated.
Transitional pottery was also absent from Sector V, and was only encountered in five of the ten
structures excavated.
Only two houses, both of architecturally defined ‘higher status,’ contained pottery from
all of the above mentioned styles. Others, such as Structures 32 and 17, contained predominantly
Transitional style pottery, or exclusively Classic Late Nasca style pottery, such Structures 203
and 293. While Structure 203 was characterized as a ‘lower status’ house, Structure 293 was part
of a unusual series of large patio groups in Sector V. In that sector of Cocahuischo, nearly all the
large batanes (which would have been used for processing raw foods, such as maize) are
centralized in one area of the site, associated with this architectural complex. Rather than typical
domestic residences, the structures associated with these patio groups may have been specialized
households or workshops, which processed raw food materials en masse for the communal food
and craft production facility, and perhaps the sector as a whole. Of note, the supra-household
production facility also contained almost exclusively Classic Late Nasca pottery, with a few
Local Tierras Blancas sherds, suggesting that perhaps the cultural identities materialized in these
pottery styles played a role in commensal politics as well.
7 Whalen, González La Rosa, and Kellner
What came before Wari
These data suggest that while certain factions of Late Nasca society may have cultivated
strong ties with people from the emerging Wari state, Cocahuischo was not among them. While
some of the pottery recovered from Cocahuischo illustrates experimentation and an increasing
interest with elements of highland style (which fully came into fashion throughout the Andes at
the height of Wari colonialism), the data suggest that leaders and lineages at Cocahuischo chose
instead to cultivate ties with Estrella groups in the northern coastal valleys. The presence of
pottery which is not just derivative, but a literal adaptation, suggests a complex exchange of
traditions, ideas, and perhaps even people. Potting traditions are often carried through familial
lines, and the presence of such pottery at Cocahuischo may point to intermarriage between
Cocahuischo community members and people from the northern Pisco and Chincha valleys.
While there is no evidence from strontium isotope data for foreigners, we have only tested 9
individuals from Cocahuischo, which is a small fraction of the burial population there.
From an internal dynamics perspective, the distribution of these pottery styles throughout
the Cocahuischo houses speaks to a community in flux – defending conservative cultural
practices (represented by Classic Late Nasca pottery) while simultaneously embracing and
defining new traditions (represented by Estrella, Estrella derived, Transitional, and local Tierras
Blancas style pottery). These changes likely occurred along generational divides, as young
community members challenged old traditions in an increasingly cosmopolitan world. Long
thought to have been a period of warfare, we believe that Late Nasca society was characterized
by a degree of sociopolitical competition and regional differentiation that manifested itself in the
cultivation of inter-regional ties. The end of the Early Intermediate Period was marked by
colonization by the Wari empire, making the Late Nasca phase and this interaction a key
historical context in the emerging colonial encounter. While Cocahuischo residents may not have
forged strong ties with Huarpa people and the emerging Wari state, other Late Nasca factions
might have, and likely used such influence to cultivate preferential positions in the subsequent
colonial establishment. In this instance, the colonial encounter became an arena of negotiation
not just between ‘colonizer’ and ‘colonized’, but between factions of the ‘colonized’ themselves.
8 Whalen, González La Rosa, and Kellner
Table 1. Artifact assemblages from structures excavated at Cocahuischo
Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)
Material Weight (g) Count Density (g/l) % of site total (g) % of site total (#)pottery 18265 2748 7.31 17.34 26.92lithics 983 101 0.39 15.40 22.75obsidian 111 15 0.044 59.04 40.54metal 7 2 0.0028 70.00 66.67spindle whorls/discs 10 6 0.004 1.11 21.43worked bone/shell 18 5 0.0072 41.86 45.45pendants 15 5 0.006 44.12 38.46shell 188 175 0.08 22.54 19.75animal bone 758 1529 0.3 25.58 30.82botanical/organic 18 37 0.007 36.73 58.73
Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)
Material Weight (g) Count Density (g/l) % of site total (g) % of site total (#)pottery 4734 707 3.31 4.49 6.93lithics 283 70 0.2 4.43 15.77obsidian 12 4 0.0084 6.38 10.81metal 0 0 0 0.00 0.00spindle whorls/disks 18 4 0.013 2.00 14.29worked bone/shell 12 3 0.0084 27.91 27.27pendants 0 0 0 0.00 0.00shell 73 77 0.05 8.75 8.69animal bone 311 605 0.22 10.50 12.20botanical/organic 0 0 0 0.00 0.00
Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)
Material Weight (g) Count Density (g/l) % of site total (g) % of site total (#)pottery 51062 2370 7.43 48.48 23.22lithics 1920 22 0.28 30.08 4.95obsidian 0 0 0 0.00 0.00metal 0 0 0 0.00 0.00spindle whorls/disks 150 2 0.022 16.70 7.14worked bone/shell 0 0 0 0.00 0.00pendants 2 1 0.00029 5.88 7.69shell 169 353 0.025 20.26 39.84animal bone 995 1356 0.31 33.58 27.33botanical/organic 10 4 0.0015 20.41 6.35
1 Table and Figures
3 Table and Figures
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4 Table and Figures
Figure 3. Calibrated AMS 14C dates from Cocahuischo. Calibrations were performed using the OxCal 4.1.7 calibration program (Bronk Ramsey 2010) and the IntCal09 curve (Reimer et al. 2009).
Figure 4. Example cross-section illustrating stratigraphic contexts typically encountered during excavations in Cocahuischo habitations.
5 Table and Figures
Figure 5. High status artifacts of personal adornment (including pendants, beads, and copper tupu pins), recovered during excavations.
Figure 6. High status obsidian artifacts recovered during excavations.
Figure 7. Bone, ceramic, and shell tools used for textile production, which were recovered during excavations.
6 Table and Figures
Figure 8. Late Nasca (7a) collared jar recovered from an intrusive subterranean tomb that was looted in prehistory and interred with the jar.
7 Table and Figures
Figure 9. Planview drawing of the communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255) at Cocahuischo, illustrating unit of excavation and features encountered during excavations (a), and unit profile of Structure 255 (b).
8 Table and Figures
Figure 10. Ground stone mano (a), hammer stones (b), unfired clay molds (c), large earthenware fragment (d), and highly burned porous material (e) recovered from the occupation levels of Structure 255 at Cocahuischo.
Figure 11. Classic Late Nasca (phase 6-7a) style pottery recovered during excavations.
Figure 12. Transitional (phase 7b/c) style pottery recovered during excavations.
9 Table and Figures
Figure 13. Transitional (phase 7/8) style pottery recovered during excavations.
Figure 14. Local Tierras Blancas style pottery recovered during excavations.
Figure 15. Estrella style pottery recovered during excavations.
Figure 16. Estrella derived Classic Late Nasca (phase 7a) style pottery recovered during excavations.
10 Table and Figures
Figure 17. Nasca strontium isotope values, including data from individuals buried at Cocahuischo, Pataraya, Pajonal Alto and La Tiza, Cahuachi and Cantayo, cemeteries in the Nasca and Las Trancas Valleys, and other sites in the Nasca drainage. The Nasca faunal baseline is highlighted in red, and the Conchopata faunal baseline is highlighted in black (based on data from Conlee et al. 2009; Kellner et al. 2011; Tung and Knudson 2011).
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