What came before Wari: Late Nasca Inter-Regional Interaction and Community Politics

What came before Wari: Late Nasca Inter-Regional Interaction and Community Politics

Verity H. Whalen, Luis Manuel González La Rosa, and Corina M. Kellner1

The end of the Early Intermediate Period (ca. A.D. 450-750) on the south coast of Peru was

a time of social change, exacerbated by a prolonged drought, which resulted in a balkanized

political landscape. Previously dispersed people aggregated into communities of unprecedented

size (Reindel and Isla 1998; Schreiber 1998; Silverman 2002), forming small valley polities

throughout the Nasca drainage (Schreiber 1999). While likely not a time of warfare, Late Nasca

society was characterized by a degree of sociopolitical competition and regional differentiation

accompanied by at least some violence (Kellner 2002: 82-83; Tomasto Cagigao 2009: 153). At

the same time, the remnants of an enduring ceramic style, itself the materialization of a powerful

religious ideology, remained a connective tissue on the south coast. The end of the Early

Intermediate Period was also characterized by intense inter-regional interaction of an

unprecedented nature. Evidence from ceramic form, iconography, and technology suggests that

Nasca people engaged in meaningful and mutually influential encounters with Moche groups

from the north coast (Proulx 1994), Estrella people from the south-central coastal valleys

(Menzel 1971: 128; Silverman 1997), and most significantly, groups from Ayacucho (Benavides

1971; Knobloch 1983: 289-316; Leoni 2006: fig. 11.10; Paulsen 1983; Silverman and Proulx

2002: 93-94). The subsequent Middle Horizon was marked by the expansion of the Wari empire

and the colonization of the south coast (Conlee and Schreiber 2006; Schreiber 1998, 1999, 2005;

Schreiber and Lancho Rojas 2003), making this period a crucial case study in the emergence of

empires. In this paper, we consider the history of contact and interaction between the people

who would become the ‘colonizers’ and the ‘colonized’ by examining the material traces of

1 Presented at the 78th Annual Society for American Archaeology Meeting, Honolulu, Hawaii, April 6th, 2013. Please do not cite without permission

societal interaction at Cocahuischo, a Late Nasca settlement in the upper Tierras Blancas Valley,

Peru (FIG. 1).

Material Expressions of Societal Interaction

Societal interaction is an abstract term with a basic meaning: the interaction of people -

who formed networks, alliances, and friendships, and exchanged material goods, knowledge,

traditions, and often marriage partners (Cusick 1998). Tracing such interaction in the

archaeological record has traditionally involved the identification of foreign objects (such as

pottery, adornments, textiles, and lithics) or people, in houses, tombs, and public spaces

(Goldstein 2000; Helms 1979; Lentz et al. 2005; Thomas 1991). Since societal interaction often

represents a complex amalgamation of beliefs, traditions, and material culture, mutually

influenced by all participants, the archaeological evidence may be less obvious. The intersection

of people and practices can create opportunities for actors within borderland communities (such

as Cocahuischo) and stimulate cultural creativity - generating the need for new objects and

cultural production (Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Naum 2010; Parker 2006; Rice 1998). As

such, societal interaction may also be visible in the archaeological record through objects, such

as pottery, that illustrate new developments or the selective appropriation of foreign elements of

technology and style (van Dommeln 2005; Wells 1998). As products of cultural experimentation

and production, these objects often do not conform to indigenous, foreign, or hybridized

categories (Silliman 2009).

We believe that understanding the emerging Wari colonial encounter on the south coast

requires first examining the nature of societal interaction during the end of the Early Intermediate

Period and the role that such interaction played in local community politics. The indigenous

sociopolitical situation that Wari colonizers encountered during the Middle Horizon was no

doubt largely shaped by the differing inter-regional ties that powerful Nasca kin groups or intra-

community alliances had cultivated. Understanding the nature of societal interaction and the role

it played in local community politics necessitates developing a reconstruction of Late Nasca

society and the internal politics of Late Nasca settlements. To investigate whether certain

Cocahuischo leaders or kin groups were engaged in long distance relationships with other

societies, we employed a household archaeology approach. Nasca settlements such as

2 Whalen, González La Rosa, and Kellner

Cocahuischo lack clear civic-ceremonial space, making it highly likely that prestigious objects

(such as foreign, foreign influenced, or culturally experimental fineware pottery) would have

been kept at home. Household archaeology also opens a window into aspects of quotidian (and

largely unconscious) practice, such as cooking, the maintenance and division of domestic space,

and craft production. Non-local marriage partners bring with them distinct and deeply embedded

cultural practices, which can be visible through the material remains of domestic spaces and

quotidian activities. Additionally, an important element of this research is examining not just

whether Cocahuischo residents forged non-local ties, but how these relationships were used to

negotiate local community politics. A household based approach was useful because it allowed

us to explore variation in relative status and influence within the community, and compare these

patterns with evidence for non-local ties.

Fieldwork at Cocahuischo

During the summer of 2012, we carried out three months of fieldwork at Cocahuischo

and 8 weeks of laboratory analysis in Nasca, Peru. At 10 hectares, Cocahuischo is the largest

settlement in the valley and is located less than 2 kilometers from Pataraya, the Wari outpost in

the region. The 450+ habitations, patios, and terraces occupy a steep hillside, defined on the

northern edge by a cliff that descends steeply approximately 20 meters to the Tierras Blancas

floor (FIG. 2). While certainly defensible, the site does not exhibit any clearly defensive

architectural features and the surface is virtually void of sling stones. Cocahuischo is divided by

the natural topography (in particular, two deep quebradas) into two main residential zones

(Sectors I-III and Sector V) and an isolated cemetery (Sector IV). Architectural data was

collected for all habitations at Cocahuischo based on a series of characteristics relating to size

and layout of structures and patio groups, size and quality of construction materials, construction

techniques, and features such as doorways, niches, and storage pits. We then selected 10

habitations for excavation (in part based on the results of this analysis) to produce a data set that

reflected Cocahuischo residents of assumed varying status and influence within the community.

Surface remains and intact walls indicated that these structures were circular or ovoid in shape;

each was bisected and one half of the building was excavated in levels following the natural

stratigraphy of the deposits (a locus system and Harris matrices were used to record contexts and


their interrelationships). Since the socially meaningful unit of measure in this study was the

archaeological house, this excavation technique produced a comparable dataset for each

habitation.

During the 8 weeks of laboratory analysis, all ceramic sherds diagnostic of style and/or

form were analyzed based on a series of traits characterizing vessel form, firing atmosphere,

paste recipe, surface finish and decoration, and decorative attributes. These stylistic and

technological elements were then compared to a series of defining traits for other contemporary

Andean ceramic styles, to explore the selective appropriation of foreign elements and the

presence of cultural creativity and experimentation. All lithic artifacts were analyzed based on

material, size, form and function. Preliminary analysis of faunal remains and comestibles

recorded weight and count for each locus, and noted basic taxa diversity. Four carbon samples

collected from contexts directly associated with occupation levels were submitted for 14C dating

at the Arizona AMS Laboratory. Raw 14C dates were calibrated using the OxCal 4.1.7 calibration

program (Bronk Ramsey 2010) and the IntCal09 curve (Reimer et al. 2009). Finally,

bioarchaeological data (including samples for strontium isotope analysis) from 10 individuals

recovered from the site was collected by Kellner between 2010-2012. Assuming an individual

had limited mobility during their life, strontium isotopes can serve as a geochemical signature,

since strontium (absorbed into the skeleton through soils and the food chain) from eroding

geologic materials replaces calcium in skeletal tissue (Bentley 2006: 136). We tested the teeth of

8 individuals and the bone of 1 individual for strontium isotopes. Strontium signatures of the

Nasca and Ayacucho regions are different, albeit overlapping (based on established faunal

baselines), and thus can be used to infer migration and the origins of migrants.

Late Nasca House Variability

Excavations and artifact analysis (along with 14C dates) suggest that Cocahuischo was a

Late Nasca community occupied largely contemporaneously. Carbon samples recovered from

occupation surfaces and ash pits indicate that structures from all sectors of the site date to around

A.D. 500 (with the exception of one structure, whose sample may be a situation of ‘old wood’ or

may represent the earliest moments of activity at the site; FIG. 3). The primary occupation of

Cocahuischo was likely between A.D. 450-550. This inference is also supported by the fact that


excavated habitations showed no evidence of re-occupation. Each structure contained a single

occupation surface or floor (although in some cases one could not be identified), with refuse pits,

middens, and sterile soil below (FIG. 4).

These data generate a cohesive picture of domestic life at Cocahuischo. They also point

to variability within the community, in terms of relative status and influence, access to resources,

and cultural affiliations and foreign ties. Architectural analysis provided evidence for households

that were clearly of higher status and influence within the Cocahuischo community than others,

which was largely confirmed by excavations. The artifact assemblages of each habitation

reflected the size and relative status of the habitation based on the architectural analysis. Larger,

more well made habitations contained higher quantities of fineware pottery, obsidian, and objects

of personal adornment (such as pendants, beads, and copper tupu pins; TABLE 1, FIGS. 5-6).

Two higher status houses also contained prepared mud-clay floors. In Sectors I-III, many of these

large, higher status patio groups contain one or more large (1 m in diameter or greater) batanes

(used for processing raw foods), suggesting household based food production. Little evidence,

however, was recovered for household based textile production, which contrasts with the

findings at other Nasca settlements and at Pataraya, the Wari way station just up valley from

Cocahuischo (e.g. Conlee 2000; Edwards 2010; Vaughn 2000). What evidence was recovered

came predominantly from three houses, and consisted of scattered ceramic spindle whorls and

bone or shell tools (FIG. 7). Some of the houses excavated contained subterranean burials looted

in prehistory and interred with pottery (FIG. 8). Finally, one structure proved to not be a

habitation at all, but rather a communal facility for supra-household food and craft production,

which likely played a role in Late Nasca commensal politics (FIGS. 9-10). Activities in this

building included food preparation, chicha beer brewing, and likely low-output copper

metallurgy.

Inter-Regional Interaction and Community Politics

Although all households at Cocahuischo appear to have had access to the finely made

Nasca polychrome pottery, there was considerable variability, both in terms of volume of

ceramics present and in style. Fineware polychrome pottery recovered from excavations illustrate

a number of stylistic trends. Much of the pottery recovered from Cocahuischo can be


characterized as what we call Classic Late Nasca (FIG. 11). This includes pottery of the Nasca

phase 6 and 7a styles, which demonstrate a clear continuity, in both iconography and form, with

prior Nasca phases. Some pottery, however, illustrates the type of cultural creativity and

experimentation that is often associated with intense societal interaction. We refer to this pottery

as Transitional because it is characterized by stylistic elements of both the Nasca phase 7b/c and

8 styles (FIGS. 12-13). Nasca phase 8 pottery is commonly referred to as Loro, and is considered

by most to be the local south coast pottery style during the Middle Horizon. Another stylistic

group is characterized by a set of motifs seemingly localized to the Tierras Blancas Valley (FIG.

14). Although ante-dating the site by 250 years, this pottery bears strong resemblance in both

form and iconography to some of the non-Wari or Loro pottery recovered from Pataraya, the

Wari outpost just up valley from Cocahuischo (Edwards and Chirinos Ogata, personal

communication, 2012). Such pottery also points to cultural creativity and experimentation, and

its presence at Pataraya suggests to an enduring local importance.

Some of the pottery recovered from Cocahuischo provides strong evidence for societal

interaction between residents of Cocahuischo and Estrella affiliated groups in the northern Pisco

and Chincha valleys. These data provide evidence for both the literal adoption of foreign style

(FIG. 15), as well as the selective appropriation of stylistic elements, which were combined by

local Nasca potters with indigenous designs and forms (FIG. 16). The presence of obsidian,

likely deriving from the Quispisisa source in the southern highlands, also suggests foreign ties

(or at least preferential access to trading caravans). Strontium isotope analysis of a sample of 9

individuals, however, provides no evidence for foreign individuals (FIG. 17). Based on all the

extant Nasca drainage strontium isotope values (mapped by Kellner), the Cocahuischo

individuals are scattered within the majority of other Nasca individuals from the various valleys

in the Nasca drainage. Importantly, none of the Cocahuischo individuals fall within the

Conchopata faunal baseline, which would indicate migration from the Ayacucho area. In fact, no

Cocahuischo individuals fall outside the Nasca faunal baseline, indicating that they are locals. In

the later MH, we do see that some individuals buried at Pataraya, the Wari outpost just up valley

from Cocahuischo, may have been migrants from Ayacucho (while others were locals). MH

individuals from the Nasca, Taruga, and Palpa Valleys were also likely migrants, but their

strontium isotope values are too high for the Ayacucho region. Undated Nasca “trophy” head


individuals buried at Cahuachi and Cantayo were also migrants to the Nasca region and not from

Ayacucho (see FIG. 17).

Cultural affiliations and status

The different stylistic groups of pottery that we identified at Cocahuischo were found

throughout the site and most importantly, largely intermixed within undisturbed stratigraphic

contexts. The distribution of these wares throughout Cocahuischo, however, does illustrate some

variability in access and/or preference. These patterns were confirmed by test excavations and

the systematic surface collection of the site conducted by Whalen in 2010. Classic Late Nasca

pottery, the most prevalent ware at Cocahuischo, was encountered in every residential sector and

in each structure excavated during the 2012 field season. Local Tierras Blancas style pottery was

likewise found throughout all the residential sectors, and was encountered in eight of the ten

structures excavated. In contrast, Estrella derived and/or Estrella style pottery was absent from

both Sector I and Sector V, and was restricted to three of the ten structures excavated.

Transitional pottery was also absent from Sector V, and was only encountered in five of the ten

structures excavated.

Only two houses, both of architecturally defined ‘higher status,’ contained pottery from

all of the above mentioned styles. Others, such as Structures 32 and 17, contained predominantly

Transitional style pottery, or exclusively Classic Late Nasca style pottery, such Structures 203

and 293. While Structure 203 was characterized as a ‘lower status’ house, Structure 293 was part

of a unusual series of large patio groups in Sector V. In that sector of Cocahuischo, nearly all the

large batanes (which would have been used for processing raw foods, such as maize) are

centralized in one area of the site, associated with this architectural complex. Rather than typical

domestic residences, the structures associated with these patio groups may have been specialized

households or workshops, which processed raw food materials en masse for the communal food

and craft production facility, and perhaps the sector as a whole. Of note, the supra-household

production facility also contained almost exclusively Classic Late Nasca pottery, with a few

Local Tierras Blancas sherds, suggesting that perhaps the cultural identities materialized in these

pottery styles played a role in commensal politics as well.


What came before Wari

These data suggest that while certain factions of Late Nasca society may have cultivated

strong ties with people from the emerging Wari state, Cocahuischo was not among them. While

some of the pottery recovered from Cocahuischo illustrates experimentation and an increasing

interest with elements of highland style (which fully came into fashion throughout the Andes at

the height of Wari colonialism), the data suggest that leaders and lineages at Cocahuischo chose

instead to cultivate ties with Estrella groups in the northern coastal valleys. The presence of

pottery which is not just derivative, but a literal adaptation, suggests a complex exchange of

traditions, ideas, and perhaps even people. Potting traditions are often carried through familial

lines, and the presence of such pottery at Cocahuischo may point to intermarriage between

Cocahuischo community members and people from the northern Pisco and Chincha valleys.

While there is no evidence from strontium isotope data for foreigners, we have only tested 9

individuals from Cocahuischo, which is a small fraction of the burial population there.

From an internal dynamics perspective, the distribution of these pottery styles throughout

the Cocahuischo houses speaks to a community in flux – defending conservative cultural

practices (represented by Classic Late Nasca pottery) while simultaneously embracing and

defining new traditions (represented by Estrella, Estrella derived, Transitional, and local Tierras

Blancas style pottery). These changes likely occurred along generational divides, as young

community members challenged old traditions in an increasingly cosmopolitan world. Long

thought to have been a period of warfare, we believe that Late Nasca society was characterized

by a degree of sociopolitical competition and regional differentiation that manifested itself in the

cultivation of inter-regional ties. The end of the Early Intermediate Period was marked by

colonization by the Wari empire, making the Late Nasca phase and this interaction a key

historical context in the emerging colonial encounter. While Cocahuischo residents may not have

forged strong ties with Huarpa people and the emerging Wari state, other Late Nasca factions

might have, and likely used such influence to cultivate preferential positions in the subsequent

colonial establishment. In this instance, the colonial encounter became an arena of negotiation

not just between ‘colonizer’ and ‘colonized’, but between factions of the ‘colonized’ themselves.


Table 1. Artifact assemblages from structures excavated at Cocahuischo

Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)Higher status habitation (Structure 88)

Material Weight (g) Count Density (g/l) % of site total (g) % of site total (#)pottery 18265 2748 7.31 17.34 26.92lithics 983 101 0.39 15.40 22.75obsidian 111 15 0.044 59.04 40.54metal 7 2 0.0028 70.00 66.67spindle whorls/discs 10 6 0.004 1.11 21.43worked bone/shell 18 5 0.0072 41.86 45.45pendants 15 5 0.006 44.12 38.46shell 188 175 0.08 22.54 19.75animal bone 758 1529 0.3 25.58 30.82botanical/organic 18 37 0.007 36.73 58.73

Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)Lower status habitation (Structure 203)

Material Weight (g) Count Density (g/l) % of site total (g) % of site total (#)pottery 4734 707 3.31 4.49 6.93lithics 283 70 0.2 4.43 15.77obsidian 12 4 0.0084 6.38 10.81metal 0 0 0 0.00 0.00spindle whorls/disks 18 4 0.013 2.00 14.29worked bone/shell 12 3 0.0084 27.91 27.27pendants 0 0 0 0.00 0.00shell 73 77 0.05 8.75 8.69animal bone 311 605 0.22 10.50 12.20botanical/organic 0 0 0 0.00 0.00

Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)Communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255)

Material Weight (g) Count Density (g/l) % of site total (g) % of site total (#)pottery 51062 2370 7.43 48.48 23.22lithics 1920 22 0.28 30.08 4.95obsidian 0 0 0 0.00 0.00metal 0 0 0 0.00 0.00spindle whorls/disks 150 2 0.022 16.70 7.14worked bone/shell 0 0 0 0.00 0.00pendants 2 1 0.00029 5.88 7.69shell 169 353 0.025 20.26 39.84animal bone 995 1356 0.31 33.58 27.33botanical/organic 10 4 0.0015 20.41 6.35

1 Table and Figures

2 Table and Figures

Figure 1. Location of the research site on the south coast of Peru.

3 Table and Figures

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4 Table and Figures

Figure 3. Calibrated AMS 14C dates from Cocahuischo. Calibrations were performed using the OxCal 4.1.7 calibration program (Bronk Ramsey 2010) and the IntCal09 curve (Reimer et al. 2009).

Figure 4. Example cross-section illustrating stratigraphic contexts typically encountered during excavations in Cocahuischo habitations.

5 Table and Figures

Figure 5. High status artifacts of personal adornment (including pendants, beads, and copper tupu pins), recovered during excavations.

Figure 6. High status obsidian artifacts recovered during excavations.

Figure 7. Bone, ceramic, and shell tools used for textile production, which were recovered during excavations.

6 Table and Figures

Figure 8. Late Nasca (7a) collared jar recovered from an intrusive subterranean tomb that was looted in prehistory and interred with the jar.

7 Table and Figures

Figure 9. Planview drawing of the communal food and craft production facility (Structure 255) at Cocahuischo, illustrating unit of excavation and features encountered during excavations (a), and unit profile of Structure 255 (b).

8 Table and Figures

Figure 10. Ground stone mano (a), hammer stones (b), unfired clay molds (c), large earthenware fragment (d), and highly burned porous material (e) recovered from the occupation levels of Structure 255 at Cocahuischo.

Figure 11. Classic Late Nasca (phase 6-7a) style pottery recovered during excavations.

Figure 12. Transitional (phase 7b/c) style pottery recovered during excavations.

9 Table and Figures

Figure 13. Transitional (phase 7/8) style pottery recovered during excavations.

Figure 14. Local Tierras Blancas style pottery recovered during excavations.

Figure 15. Estrella style pottery recovered during excavations.

Figure 16. Estrella derived Classic Late Nasca (phase 7a) style pottery recovered during excavations.

10 Table and Figures

Figure 17. Nasca strontium isotope values, including data from individuals buried at Cocahuischo, Pataraya, Pajonal Alto and La Tiza, Cahuachi and Cantayo, cemeteries in the Nasca and Las Trancas Valleys, and other sites in the Nasca drainage. The Nasca faunal baseline is highlighted in red, and the Conchopata faunal baseline is highlighted in black (based on data from Conlee et al. 2009; Kellner et al. 2011; Tung and Knudson 2011).

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What came before Wari: Late Nasca Inter-Regional Interaction and Community Politics

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