SCL DOMINICA 2006
16th Biennial Conference of the Society for Caribbean Linguistics Caribbean Language Studies and Educational Development
2nd – 6th August 2006 Fort Young Hotel Roseau, Commonwealth of Dominica
Patuá in Paria: The Status of French Creole in Venezuela
Jo-Anne S. FERREIRA The UWI, St. Augustine/SIL International
SCL Dominica 2006 Ferreira
Patuá in Paria: The Status of French Creole in Venezuela Jo-Anne S. Ferreira
The UWI, St. Augustine/SIL International Abstract: Patuá of Paria, a variety of Lesser Antillean French-lexicon Creole, has been categorised as a dying language (Le Dû forthcoming; cf. Gordon 2005), and its ethnolinguistic vitality appears to be relatively poor. This variety, like other minority varieties of French Creole in Latin America, is spoken primarily in a border area, namely the Trinidad-Venezuela Paria area. Other varieties in similar border situations include Haitian Creole spoken on the border of Haiti and the Dominican Republic, and Karipúna and Galibi-Marwono French-lexicon Creole spoken in Oiapoque, on the Brazilian side of the Oiapoque river border of French Guiana-Brazil. In Venezuela, French Creole is spoken in two areas—Güíria on the Paria peninsula (capital of the Valdéz municipality, State of Sucre), and El Callao in Estado Bolívar to the south. Native speakers include elderly Venezuelans with ancestral ties but no immediate connection to the insular Caribbean and Venezuelan children of recent migrants from Haiti and the Lesser Antilles. There is now growing interest in the language and culture of Venezuelan French Creole (VFC) speakers, on the part of descendants of these groups, as well as on the part of other citizens of Sucre and Estado Bolívar, and researchers. This preliminary paper seeks to explore the origins of the apparent renaissance and resurgence of this dying language variety, and to place it in the context of the French Creole language family of the Caribbean.
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French Creole (Patois) in Iberian America
In Iberian America, French-lexicon Creole is spoken mainly in border areas as follows:
a) Venezuelan French Creole (VFC) or Patuá (the Paria Peninsula bordering
Trinidad,1 and also El Callao, home to migrants from Trinidad, St. Lucia and
Haiti)
b) Kreyol in the Dominican Republic (bordering Haiti)
c) Brazilian Karipúna and Amapá French Creole (bordering French Guiana),
Amapá (see Ferreira and Alleyne, forthcoming)
d) San Miguel French Creole of Panama (nearly extinct)
(In South (but not Latin) America, French Creole is also spoken by pockets of migrant
communities in Guyana (with migrants from CARICOM St. Lucia) and in Suriname,
western neighbour of French Guiana.)
Map 1: Dista ce between Venezuela and Trinidad n
Source: <http://ww 1 Venezuela and Trinidamiles or eleven kilometres apar
Venezuela
w.surf-forecast.com/surfobjects/ d share a maritime boundary and the Gut at the nearest point. See map above.
Trinidad
Macuro.vectors.jpg>
lf of Paria, and are only seven
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Venezuelan French Creole (VFC or Patuá) is generally considered to be a
variety of Lesser Antillean French Creole, specifically an offshoot of Trinidadian
French Creole. Probably not a homogeneous whole, with varieties of different origins
spoken in Güíria or El Callao, VFC is considered to be an endangered variety, with a
low level of ethnolinguistic vitality (cf. Kindell and Lewis 2000), since very few,
bilingual elderly persons speak the language as a home language today. This is similar
to the case for its parent Trinidadian French Creole (cf. Holbrook and Ferreira 2002),
although that variety appears to be far healthier in terms of its vitality and long-term
potential to survive. Venezuelan descendants of French Creole speakers consider the
language a heritage language and linked to their Afro-West Indian Venezuelan identity,
which is less the case for Trinidad, where French Creole speakers do not necessarily
associate their language with one ethnic group identity.
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Map 2: Location of two French Creole-spea ing areas in Venezuela: S cre (18) and k uBolívar (6)
Source: <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ima
When Cocoa was King, Patois also reigned
French and French Creole-speaking immigrants
century. When the French went to Trinidad in
taking with them French Creole-speaking Afric
takeover of Trinidad by 1798–1802, some French
populated Paria. According to de Verteuil,
Bolívar
ge:Est
arrive
1783
ans
plante
Sucre
ados_de_Venezuela.jpg>
d in Venezuela in the late 18th
, they also went to Venezuela,
and others. Upon the British
rs fled to an isolated and under-
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The Captain General of Caracas erected several batteries on the eastern coast of Venezuela upon the rivers which flow into the Gulf of Paria and under the protection of the guns, there were swarms of armed canoes and pirogues, manned by refugees and French Republicans who had been expelled from Trinidad and other colonies by the English...” (1987: 44).
Begorrat, one well-known French Creole of Trinidad, helped the Revolutionaries of
Venezuela, so Trinidad was also considered a source of and support for revolutionary
ideas for Venezuelans (de Verteuil 1987: 84).
In Paria, the French established cocoa plantations and their language(s) until the
Venezuelan War of Independence in 1811 (see Viso 2005). The 1811 War of
Independence forced some of the French to return to their Antillean possessions, and
many French Creole-speaking Venezuelan slaves fled to surrounding mountains. After
the 1811 War, Paria continued to remain isolated from the rest of Venezuela. The area
became home to Corsican planters as well as Afro-West Indians from the French and
British islands. Patois, French-lexicon Creole, became the common language of the
plantations, although the dominant language remained Spanish. Throughout the 19th
century, an intense trading relationship grew up between Paria and the Patois-speaking
islands.
Macuro, half an hour from Trinidad by boat, was an official port of entry and a
thriving commercial port until 1935–36 when Güíria (one hour away south-west of
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Macuro, on the Paria peninsula) assumed that role. Macuro was also a main point of
connection to Port-of-Spain for seaplanes and boats. Port-of-Spain and other Caribbean
capitals were the point of reference for many Parianos, with Venezuelans going to
school in Trinidad, conducting business in Trinidad, and even for taking drinking water
back to the mainland
Map 3: Estado de Sucre, Venezuela
Source: < http://www.a-venezuela.com/mapas/map/html/viales/sucrev.html>
Llorente attributes the economic decline of Paria to the closure of the Macuro
customs in 1936, and the replacement of the cocoa industry by the oil industry. She
notes that these events, the severing of ties with the Caribbean islands, and the flight of
inhabitants to other parts of Venezuela, signalled the decline of Patois. Improved
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infrastructure to Caracas and between Güíria and Macuro also meant the end of the
dependence on Trinidad, as Caracas became the de facto capital for Parianos.
The Encuentro
In Venezuela, a movement has begun to save French Creole from extinction at the
initiative of a Venezuelan anthropologist and her local organising committee. To this
end, the first meeting of Venezuelan French Creole speakers was held in Güíria, Paria,
Estado Sucre from 13 to 16 October 2005. The convention was entitled “Primer
Encuentro de Abuelos Creole y/o Patuá Parlantes de Venezuela y El Caribe en
homenaje a Jorge Logan Delcine” and subtitled “Encuentro de memorias y saberes
populares para la reafirmación de nuestra identidad Afro-Caribeña.”2 Jorge Logan
Delcine was an Afro-Venezuelan speaker of French Creole well known in his
community for his story-telling ability and for his interest in keeping Patuá cultural
traditions alive.
The Encuentro brought together historians, linguists, anthropologists, culture
practitioners, L1 and L2 speakers, and many more interested parties. The aim was the
2 “First Meeting of Creole grandparents and/or Patois Speakers of Venezuela and the Caribbean in honour of Jorge Logan Delcine” and “Meeting of Memories and Folk Traditions for the reaffirmation of our Afro-Caribbean identity.”
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beginning of the revitalisation of Patois in Paria and elsewhere in Venezuela, including
El Callao, in the most practical sense, by gathering together French Creole speakers
from all over the region. As Wurm 2001 puts it, “Many languages need management to
survive” and this Encuentro represents the first effort in the revitalisation strategy and
campaign on the part of Venezuelans. The main arm of the revitalisation plan appears
to be a formal and informal literacy campaign, as well as to teach Venezuelans of Afro-
Caribbean descent and French Creole heritage their ancestral language.
The Encuentro was funded and sponsored by organisations of both the public
and private sectors, and there was strong newspaper support and coverage both before
and after the event. In Güíria, efforts have been made to teach some French Creole at
the Universidad de Oriente, led by RB,3 a self-taught speaker of some French Creole.
Güíria was therefore considered to be the ideal location for what was hoped would be
the first of several such encounters. The original plan was to sponsor at least two
representatives from each of the French Creole-speaking territories of the Southern and
Eastern Caribbean (including storytellers), in order to promote a regional exchange.
However, the only non-Venezuelan contingent came by boat from neighbouring
3 RB is the President of the Sociedad Conservacionista de Güíria, one of the sponsors of the event.
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Trinidad (including three French Creole speakers from the French Creole-speaking
village of Paramin, this researcher, and a teacher of French Creole and his choir, Vini
Chanté, singing both crèche (kwèch) and parang). The programme included a census of
Patuá-speaking Venezuelans, workshops focusing on aspects of culture using French
Creole (traditional music, dance, games, storytelling, food), plenaries including one
partly delivered in Haitian (Mosonyi 2005), panel discussions, a concert (with calypso,
parranda (parang) and Patuá songs, all three genres known on both sides of the Paria
peninsula), and a mini street Carnival.
Associated with Afro-Venezuelan culture are English surnames, calypso
(especially in El Callao) and steelpan, the sport of cricket, as well as Trinidadian foods
such as pelau, callaloo (kalalu), souse (saus) and roti and curried dishes4 (see Díaz and
Urbano J.). This has been commented on in Michelangeli 20035.
Two of the workshops were specifically language-oriented: one focused on
teaching basic French Creole (see Hernández 2005), and the other on choosing an
4 The presence of roti, an Indo-Trinidadian dish, confirms that contact continued between the two sides of the Gulf of Paria well into the mid-nineteenth century, since Indians first went to Trinidad in 1845. Roti is made at home by some families of Güíria, of Afro-Venezuelan and not of Indo-Venezuelan descent. A recent Trinidadian migrant to Güíria opened a roti shop, with a Trinidadian roti maker from the town of San Juan. The rotis were sold out of a food van, and were very popular among the community of Güíria. The business closed down with the cook’s return to Trinidad. 5 See also the Gastronomía link at “Güíria: Tierra de Gracia” < http://www.guiria.com.ve/ > .
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orthography for Venezuelan French Creole (see below). The language teaching class
was led by RB, who stated that since Patuá was an oral language with no (sic) history of
writing, “Como se oye, ya se escribia” (‘They used to write it like how they heard it’).
Some of her orthographic choices include the following, variously influenced by her
knowledge of her native Spanish or French (examples were taken from the workshop
led by RB):
• Bon suá dam /bɔ̃ swa dam/
• La pumié clas /la pumje klas/
• Nu vini a uen palé patuá /nu vini apwãn patua / p
y
e
a a
u a
• Cum u yé /kum u ye/ (or cumau é /kuma u ye/ “quando hablamos rápido,” i.e.,
when we speak fast,’ which is actually closer to Trinidadian)
• Mue bien m ci /mwe bjẽ mɛsi/
• Cum u k s nti /kum u ka sãti /
• C m u k quillé u /kum u ka kwije u/
Despite availability of St. Lucian and other materials, this teacher used a fairly
inconsistent orthography, e.g. /k/ being overrepresented by ‘c’ as in cum and clas and
by ‘q’ as in quillé, /s/ being overrepresented by ‘s’ as in suá and by ‘c’ as in meci, and
‘c’ being overused for /k/ as cum and for /s/ as meci. However, well-known and
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respected in Güíria for her promotion of “Afro-West Indian” culture, herself of Catalan
origin, RB was not contradicted during her workshop by literate speakers of French
Creole.
Choosing an Appropriate Orthography
The orthography workshop comprised two Venezuelan anthropologists, a native Haitian
French Creole speaker, a second language French Creole speaker,6 and two
Trinidadians, including a teacher of French Creole and this researcher. This workshop
sought to answer questions such as:
1) “For whom? For patuaparlantes? For L2 hispanohablantes?”
2) “For what? For writing and reading monolingual books? For bilingual
books (for transitional bilingualism?)?”
Participants first focused on the fact that the phonological inventories of Spanish
and Patuá differ significantly. In its consonant inventory, Patuá has both /b/ vs. /v/ and
/s/ vs. /z/, as well as /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /ʤ/, /h/, /ŋ/, while the vowel inventory of Patuá includes
both /e/ vs. /ɛ/ and /o/ vs. /ɔ/ as well as nasalised vowel phonemes, unlike Spanish. 6 This participant, JF of Maturín, capital of Monagas, has been active in promoting VFC. He has been preparing a trilingual dictionary (Venezuelan Patuá, Spanish and English), based on a 1991 thesis done at a Venezuelan university by Feliciano and Sampson. Sampson, Venezuelan-born of mainly Afro-Trinidadian parentage, is also the editor of a DVD on Patuá in Güíria (also 1991).
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Discussion focused on which existing orthographies could serve as adequate models or
guides, and since a Haitian speaker participated in the workshop, that variety7 was given
serious consideration, as well as the more closely related St. Lucian (with the most
accessible materials), and Karipúna (because of this researcher’s own interests—see
Ferreira and Alleyne, forthcoming). See Table 1 for a comparison of some orthographic
symbols across the three varieties. All other letters used are the same across the three
varieties, and mostly correspond to the values of similar IPA symbols.
Table 1: Comparison of correspondin orthographic symbols for some phonemes in three g
chvarieties of Fren Creole /e/ /ɛ/ /ẽ/ /u/ /ɔ/ /dʒ/ /tʃ/
St. Lucian (SLFC)
é è en ou ò dj tch (or tj)
Haitian (HFC) – IPN
e è en ou ò dj tch
Karipúna (KFC)
e é ẽ u ó dj tx
7 This participant frequently referred to a bilingual Spanish-Haitian dictionary from the Dominican Republic. The Haitian system initially under consideration was not the modern IPN (which was established after that participant had migrated to Venezuela and which was therefore unknown to the participant in question), but an older version of the 1940s (the McConnell-Laubach Method of the Eglise Méthodiste d’Haïti) using a circumflex ^ for nasal vowels, such as ‘ê’ for /ẽ/ and ‘â’ for /ã/. (In that system, all other vowels use the acute accent for the close-mid front unrounded vowel /e/, i.e., ‘é’ and grave accent for the open-mid front unrounded vowel /ɛ/, i.e. ‘è’, as per French.) The Pressoir-Faublas (or Faublas-Pressoir) orthography which followed the McConnell-Laubach orthography was abandoned in 1979 in favour of the orthography of the Institut Pédagogique National (IPN), which includes elements from both of its predecessors.
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Advantages and disadvantages of the various options were discussed. Since
most of the potential students would be native Spanish speakers, it was felt that there
would be problems with some of the options existing in the other three varieties. For
the vowel phonemes, at least two options were presented, such as the following:
1) ‘e’ for /e/ (easy for Spanish speakers and used in Haitian) or ‘é’
(French-influenced, used in St. Lucia and elsewhere);
2) ‘u’ for /u/ (easy for Spanish speakers and used in Haitian) or ‘ou’
(French-influenced, used in St. Lucia and elsewhere);
3) for the nasalised vowels, there was a choice of a digraph (the vowel
followed by an ‘n’), e.g. for /ã/ ‘an’ (St. Lucian) or ‘ã’ (Brazilian) or
‘â’ (old pre-IPN Haitian)
For the first two phonemes, the Spanish orthography won out over St. Lucian, while the
St. Lucian options for nasalised vowels were preferred over the Brazilian and old
Haitian options.
For the consonant phonemes, /ʃ/ and /ʧ/ presented some problems, for example.
For /ʃ/, not a Spanish phoneme, some participants felt that since English was an
important international language, it would be good to use ‘sh’. However, this digraph is
not in international usage among French Creole speakers, so ‘ch’ was felt to be a better
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option. This, however, could present problems for literate native Spanish speakers who
would already use this digraph for /ʧ/. It was decided to follow international
conventions for French Creole, ‘ch’, and simply teach Spanish speakers the value of the
digraph, as would be done for French. For /ʧ/, a Spanish phoneme, some participants
argued for ‘ch’ since it was already used in Spanish and would be easy to learn for
literate native Spanish speakers. The Karipúna ‘tx’, based on Portuguese, was
immediately ruled out. Since most available materials were St. Lucian, it was felt that
‘tch’ or ‘tj’ would be better choices, even if considered to be foreign by Spanish
speakers, since all language learners would have to learn both new sounds and new
symbols in acquiring any foreign language. See table below for summary.
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Table 2: Considering orthographic options for two consonants French Creole Phoneme
Orthographic Option #1
PRO CON Orthographic Option #2
PRO CON
/ʃ/ (not a Spanish phoneme)
‘sh’ helpful in transition to English as a second/foreign language taught in schools
not in international French Creole usage
‘ch’ in international French Creole usage
looks too much like Spanish ch for /ʧ/
/ʧ/ ‘ch’ helpful in transition from Spanish
not in international French Creole usage
‘tch’ or ‘tj’ in international French Creole usage
not Spanish
Eventually, international French Creole usage governed most choices. The final
orthography was chosen because of more practical concerns, namely, cost factors in
producing brand new bilingual or monolingual materials and the availability of St.
Lucian materials which were already in use among some members of the community.
The following graphemes were chosen, with only two differences from St. Lucian
vowel letters, namely ‘e’ for /e/ instead of ‘é’ and ‘u’ for /u/ instead of ‘ou’ (as per
Haitian). All consonants followed modern St. Lucian standards. The following table
shows the orthographic symbols (letters) chosen by the orthography workshop
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participants and compiled by Facendo (2005). (Falling and rising diphthongs such as
/aɪ/ and /je/ were not treated as separate phonemes needing special digraphs or letters.)
Table 3: Consonant and vowel phonem s of Venezuela French Creole a d corresponding orthographic symbols with Spa ish translations of lexical examples
e n nn
Consonants /p/ -- p ‘patua’ (Patuá) /b/ -- b ‘bo’ (beso) /t/ -- t ‘ti’ (pequeño) /d/ -- d ‘du’ (dulce) /k/ -- k ‘kai’ (casa) /ɡ/ -- g ‘gato’ (torta) /f/ -- f ‘fami’ (familia) /v/ -- v ‘vann’ (vender) /s/ -- s ‘sèl’ (sal) /z/ -- z ‘zòt’ (ustedes) /ʃ/ -- ch ‘cho’ ( liente) ca/tʃ/ -- tch ‘tchè’ (corazón) /ʒ/ -- j ‘jaden’ (jar ín) d/dʒ/ -- dj ‘djep’ or ‘djèp’ (avispa) /m/ -- m ‘mue’ (yo o mi) /n/ -- n ‘non’ (no) /ŋɡ/ -- ng ‘zonng’ (uña) /j/ -- y ‘yo’ ( llos) e/w/ -- w ‘wè’ (ver) /h/ -- h ‘had’ (ropa)
Vowels Oral /i/ -- i ‘i’ (él) /e/ -- e ‘epi’ (con) /ɛ/ -- è ‘èvèk’ (con) /a/ -- a ‘apwe’ (después) /u/ -- u ‘u’ (tu) /o/ -- o ‘oblije’ (obligar) /ɔ/ -- ò ‘zòt’ (ustedes) Nasal /ɛ̃/ -- en ‘pen’ (pan) /ã/ -- an ‘jan’ (gente) /õ/ -- on ‘yon’ or ‘nyon’ (uno)
Source: Facendo et al 2005.
As for most dying languages, extralinguistic factors such as social, historical and
psychological factors are responsible for language attrition (cf. Dixon 1997, Fishman
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2001 and Nettle and Romaine 2000). Psychological factors include language attitudes
ranging from fairly negative (el patuá no es un idi ma – ‘Patuá is not a language’) to
nostalgic to positive. Interviews were conducted with elderly informants, many of
whom were nostalgic about the fate of the language, but who had not actively taught
their own children the language. Much more work needs to be done on the history,
development and current state of VFC (Patuá), and this will be the focus of this
researcher’s ongoing project entitled “Comparative Study of French Creoles in the
Southern Caribbean and Northern South America.”
o
Future Encuentros are being planned by the organising committee for different
locations in Venezuela and in the region, and an Associación de Patua-parlantes of
Venezuela. How far these events go towards actual language planning and development
remains to be seen, but it is certainly worth noting that the least known, least studied
and perhaps the most endangered variety of French Creole in the Americas may well be
the one to spearhead a renewal of language awareness and regional linguistic links.
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WORKS CONSULTED
Bosch Terius, Rosa. 1998. “Breve Visión de la Historia y la Cultura Del Sur de Paria: Macuro y Güíria.” < http://valdez-sucre.gov.ve/portal-alcaldias/historia2.html?id=78> de Verteuil, Anthony. 1987. Begorrat—Brunton: A History of Diego Martin. Port-of-Spain. Paria Publishing Co. Ltd. Díaz, Juan de Dios and Gregoria Urbano J. “Las comunidades afro de la región de Paria, Estado Sucre y sus aportes históricos y socio-culturales (II Parte).” 15 July 2005. < http://encontrarte.aporrea.org/creadores/afro/23/a9164.html> Dixon, R.M.W. 1997. The Rise a d Fall of L nguages. Cambridge: CUP. n a
c a
a
e a
Facendo, Juan, et al. 2005. Patua en Güíria Orthography Workshop. Güíria: n.p. Feliciano, Hector and Sampson, Josefina Solange. 1991. “El Criollo Frances de Güíria, una aproximación a su estudio.” Diss. Universidad Central de Venezuela. Ferreira, Jo-Anne S. and Mervyn C. Alleyne. Forthcoming. “Comparative Perspectives on the Origins, Development and Structure of Amazonian (Karipúna) French Creole.” Synchronic and Dia hronic Perspectives on Contact L nguages, ed. by Magnus Huber and Viveka Velupillai (Creole Language Library Series). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Fishman, Joshua A., ed. 2001. Can Thre tened Languages Be Saved? Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Gordon, Raymond G., Jr., ed. 2005. Ethnologu : L nguages of the World. 15th ed. Dallas, TX.: SIL International. Online version: <http://www.ethnologue.com/>. Hazaël-Massieux, Marie-Christine. 2002. Les créoles à base franç ise: Une introd tion. Travaux Interdisciplinaires du Laboratoire Parole et Langage d’Aix-en-Provence (TIPA). Vol. 21: 63–86.
a uc
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Hernández, Luís, et al, org. 2005. “Estrategias Metodologicas para la enseñanza del Patua. Güíria. Paper presented at the I Encuentro de Abuelos Creole y/o Patua Parlantes de Venezuela y el Caribe (en homenaje a Jorge Logan Delcine)”, 13–16 October, Güíria. Holbrook, David J., and Jo-Anne S. Ferreira. 2002. “Are They Dying? The Case of Some French-Lexifier Creoles.” In La Torre—Re ista de la Universidad de Puerto Rico: El Caribe Anglófono, ed. by Peter A. Roberts, Vol. 7: 25 July – Sept. 2002: 367–398.
v
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Kindell, Gloria, and M. Paul Lewis, eds. 2000. Assessing Ethnoling istic Vitality – Th ry and Practice (Selected Papers from the Third International Language Assessment Conference). Dallas, TX: SIL International. Le Dû, Jean. Forthcoming. Atlas Linguistiqu des Petites Antilles et de la Guyane. Presses Universitaires de Grenoble. Lipski, John. 1996. Nuevas perspectives sobre el español afrodominicano. < http://www.personal.psu.edu/faculty/j/m/jml34/afrohait.pdf> Llorente, María Luisa. 1995. “El Patois de Güíria: Una lengua criolla del Estado Sucre.” Revista Montalban, Publicaciones UCAB No. 28: 7–19. Michelangeli, Fabian, ed. Paria, Donde amanecer Venezuela. Caracas: Gerencia de Asuntos Públicos de ExxonMobil de Venezuela S.A., 2003. Mosonyi, Esteban Emilio. 2005. “Revivir el Patua Franco-Criollo de Venezuela: Un Desafío téorico y práctico.” Paper presented at the I Encuentro de Abuelos Creole y/o Patua Parlantes de Venezuela y el Caribe (en homenaje a Jorge Logan Delcine), 13–16 October, Güíria. Nettle, Daniel and Suzanne Romaine. 2000. Vanishing Voices—The Extinction of the World’s L nguages. Oxford: OUP. a Sampson, Josefina Solange. 1991. El Patua en Güíria. DVD. Gira Producción.
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Viso C., Carlos. 2005. “Razones históricas de la presencia del Criollo-francés en la cuenca del golfo de Paria.” Paper presented at the I Encuentro de Abuelos Creole y/o Patua Parlantes de Venezuela y el Caribe (en homenaje a Jorge Logan Delcine), 13–16 October, Güíria. Wurm, Stephen. 2001. Atlas of the World’s L nguages in Danger of Disappearing. 2nd ed. Canberra: UNESCO Publishing.
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