Patuá in Paria: The Status of French-lexicon Creole in Venezuela (pre-published version)

SCL DOMINICA 2006

16th Biennial Conference of the Society for Caribbean Linguistics Caribbean Language Studies and Educational Development

2nd – 6th August 2006 Fort Young Hotel Roseau, Commonwealth of Dominica

Patuá in Paria: The Status of French Creole in Venezuela

Jo-Anne S. FERREIRA The UWI, St. Augustine/SIL International

SCL Dominica 2006 Ferreira

Patuá in Paria: The Status of French Creole in Venezuela Jo-Anne S. Ferreira

The UWI, St. Augustine/SIL International Abstract: Patuá of Paria, a variety of Lesser Antillean French-lexicon Creole, has been categorised as a dying language (Le Dû forthcoming; cf. Gordon 2005), and its ethnolinguistic vitality appears to be relatively poor. This variety, like other minority varieties of French Creole in Latin America, is spoken primarily in a border area, namely the Trinidad-Venezuela Paria area. Other varieties in similar border situations include Haitian Creole spoken on the border of Haiti and the Dominican Republic, and Karipúna and Galibi-Marwono French-lexicon Creole spoken in Oiapoque, on the Brazilian side of the Oiapoque river border of French Guiana-Brazil. In Venezuela, French Creole is spoken in two areas—Güíria on the Paria peninsula (capital of the Valdéz municipality, State of Sucre), and El Callao in Estado Bolívar to the south. Native speakers include elderly Venezuelans with ancestral ties but no immediate connection to the insular Caribbean and Venezuelan children of recent migrants from Haiti and the Lesser Antilles. There is now growing interest in the language and culture of Venezuelan French Creole (VFC) speakers, on the part of descendants of these groups, as well as on the part of other citizens of Sucre and Estado Bolívar, and researchers. This preliminary paper seeks to explore the origins of the apparent renaissance and resurgence of this dying language variety, and to place it in the context of the French Creole language family of the Caribbean.

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French Creole (Patois) in Iberian America

In Iberian America, French-lexicon Creole is spoken mainly in border areas as follows:

a) Venezuelan French Creole (VFC) or Patuá (the Paria Peninsula bordering

Trinidad,1 and also El Callao, home to migrants from Trinidad, St. Lucia and

Haiti)

b) Kreyol in the Dominican Republic (bordering Haiti)

c) Brazilian Karipúna and Amapá French Creole (bordering French Guiana),

Amapá (see Ferreira and Alleyne, forthcoming)

d) San Miguel French Creole of Panama (nearly extinct)

(In South (but not Latin) America, French Creole is also spoken by pockets of migrant

communities in Guyana (with migrants from CARICOM St. Lucia) and in Suriname,

western neighbour of French Guiana.)

Map 1: Dista ce between Venezuela and Trinidad n

Source: <http://ww 1 Venezuela and Trinidamiles or eleven kilometres apar

Venezuela

w.surf-forecast.com/surfobjects/ d share a maritime boundary and the Gut at the nearest point. See map above.

Trinidad

Macuro.vectors.jpg>

lf of Paria, and are only seven

2

http://www.surf-forecast.com/surfobjects/Macuro.vectors.jpg


Venezuelan French Creole (VFC or Patuá) is generally considered to be a

variety of Lesser Antillean French Creole, specifically an offshoot of Trinidadian

French Creole. Probably not a homogeneous whole, with varieties of different origins

spoken in Güíria or El Callao, VFC is considered to be an endangered variety, with a

low level of ethnolinguistic vitality (cf. Kindell and Lewis 2000), since very few,

bilingual elderly persons speak the language as a home language today. This is similar

to the case for its parent Trinidadian French Creole (cf. Holbrook and Ferreira 2002),

although that variety appears to be far healthier in terms of its vitality and long-term

potential to survive. Venezuelan descendants of French Creole speakers consider the

language a heritage language and linked to their Afro-West Indian Venezuelan identity,

which is less the case for Trinidad, where French Creole speakers do not necessarily

associate their language with one ethnic group identity.

3


Map 2: Location of two French Creole-spea ing areas in Venezuela: S cre (18) and k uBolívar (6)

Source: <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ima

When Cocoa was King, Patois also reigned

French and French Creole-speaking immigrants

century. When the French went to Trinidad in

taking with them French Creole-speaking Afric

takeover of Trinidad by 1798–1802, some French

populated Paria. According to de Verteuil,

Bolívar

ge:Est

arrive

1783

ans

plante

Sucre

ados_de_Venezuela.jpg>

d in Venezuela in the late 18th

, they also went to Venezuela,

and others. Upon the British

rs fled to an isolated and under-

4

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Estados_de_Venezuela.jpg


The Captain General of Caracas erected several batteries on the eastern coast of Venezuela upon the rivers which flow into the Gulf of Paria and under the protection of the guns, there were swarms of armed canoes and pirogues, manned by refugees and French Republicans who had been expelled from Trinidad and other colonies by the English...” (1987: 44).

Begorrat, one well-known French Creole of Trinidad, helped the Revolutionaries of

Venezuela, so Trinidad was also considered a source of and support for revolutionary

ideas for Venezuelans (de Verteuil 1987: 84).

In Paria, the French established cocoa plantations and their language(s) until the

Venezuelan War of Independence in 1811 (see Viso 2005). The 1811 War of

Independence forced some of the French to return to their Antillean possessions, and

many French Creole-speaking Venezuelan slaves fled to surrounding mountains. After

the 1811 War, Paria continued to remain isolated from the rest of Venezuela. The area

became home to Corsican planters as well as Afro-West Indians from the French and

British islands. Patois, French-lexicon Creole, became the common language of the

plantations, although the dominant language remained Spanish. Throughout the 19th

century, an intense trading relationship grew up between Paria and the Patois-speaking

islands.

Macuro, half an hour from Trinidad by boat, was an official port of entry and a

thriving commercial port until 1935–36 when Güíria (one hour away south-west of

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Macuro, on the Paria peninsula) assumed that role. Macuro was also a main point of

connection to Port-of-Spain for seaplanes and boats. Port-of-Spain and other Caribbean

capitals were the point of reference for many Parianos, with Venezuelans going to

school in Trinidad, conducting business in Trinidad, and even for taking drinking water

back to the mainland

Map 3: Estado de Sucre, Venezuela

Source: < http://www.a-venezuela.com/mapas/map/html/viales/sucrev.html>

Llorente attributes the economic decline of Paria to the closure of the Macuro

customs in 1936, and the replacement of the cocoa industry by the oil industry. She

notes that these events, the severing of ties with the Caribbean islands, and the flight of

inhabitants to other parts of Venezuela, signalled the decline of Patois. Improved

6

http://www.a-venezuela.com/mapas/map/html/viales/sucrev.html


infrastructure to Caracas and between Güíria and Macuro also meant the end of the

dependence on Trinidad, as Caracas became the de facto capital for Parianos.

The Encuentro

In Venezuela, a movement has begun to save French Creole from extinction at the

initiative of a Venezuelan anthropologist and her local organising committee. To this

end, the first meeting of Venezuelan French Creole speakers was held in Güíria, Paria,

Estado Sucre from 13 to 16 October 2005. The convention was entitled “Primer

Encuentro de Abuelos Creole y/o Patuá Parlantes de Venezuela y El Caribe en

homenaje a Jorge Logan Delcine” and subtitled “Encuentro de memorias y saberes

populares para la reafirmación de nuestra identidad Afro-Caribeña.”2 Jorge Logan

Delcine was an Afro-Venezuelan speaker of French Creole well known in his

community for his story-telling ability and for his interest in keeping Patuá cultural

traditions alive.

The Encuentro brought together historians, linguists, anthropologists, culture

practitioners, L1 and L2 speakers, and many more interested parties. The aim was the

2 “First Meeting of Creole grandparents and/or Patois Speakers of Venezuela and the Caribbean in honour of Jorge Logan Delcine” and “Meeting of Memories and Folk Traditions for the reaffirmation of our Afro-Caribbean identity.”

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beginning of the revitalisation of Patois in Paria and elsewhere in Venezuela, including

El Callao, in the most practical sense, by gathering together French Creole speakers

from all over the region. As Wurm 2001 puts it, “Many languages need management to

survive” and this Encuentro represents the first effort in the revitalisation strategy and

campaign on the part of Venezuelans. The main arm of the revitalisation plan appears

to be a formal and informal literacy campaign, as well as to teach Venezuelans of Afro-

Caribbean descent and French Creole heritage their ancestral language.

The Encuentro was funded and sponsored by organisations of both the public

and private sectors, and there was strong newspaper support and coverage both before

and after the event. In Güíria, efforts have been made to teach some French Creole at

the Universidad de Oriente, led by RB,3 a self-taught speaker of some French Creole.

Güíria was therefore considered to be the ideal location for what was hoped would be

the first of several such encounters. The original plan was to sponsor at least two

representatives from each of the French Creole-speaking territories of the Southern and

Eastern Caribbean (including storytellers), in order to promote a regional exchange.

However, the only non-Venezuelan contingent came by boat from neighbouring

3 RB is the President of the Sociedad Conservacionista de Güíria, one of the sponsors of the event.

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Trinidad (including three French Creole speakers from the French Creole-speaking

village of Paramin, this researcher, and a teacher of French Creole and his choir, Vini

Chanté, singing both crèche (kwèch) and parang). The programme included a census of

Patuá-speaking Venezuelans, workshops focusing on aspects of culture using French

Creole (traditional music, dance, games, storytelling, food), plenaries including one

partly delivered in Haitian (Mosonyi 2005), panel discussions, a concert (with calypso,

parranda (parang) and Patuá songs, all three genres known on both sides of the Paria

peninsula), and a mini street Carnival.

Associated with Afro-Venezuelan culture are English surnames, calypso

(especially in El Callao) and steelpan, the sport of cricket, as well as Trinidadian foods

such as pelau, callaloo (kalalu), souse (saus) and roti and curried dishes4 (see Díaz and

Urbano J.). This has been commented on in Michelangeli 20035.

Two of the workshops were specifically language-oriented: one focused on

teaching basic French Creole (see Hernández 2005), and the other on choosing an

4 The presence of roti, an Indo-Trinidadian dish, confirms that contact continued between the two sides of the Gulf of Paria well into the mid-nineteenth century, since Indians first went to Trinidad in 1845. Roti is made at home by some families of Güíria, of Afro-Venezuelan and not of Indo-Venezuelan descent. A recent Trinidadian migrant to Güíria opened a roti shop, with a Trinidadian roti maker from the town of San Juan. The rotis were sold out of a food van, and were very popular among the community of Güíria. The business closed down with the cook’s return to Trinidad. 5 See also the Gastronomía link at “Güíria: Tierra de Gracia” < http://www.guiria.com.ve/ > .

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http://www.guiria.com.ve/


orthography for Venezuelan French Creole (see below). The language teaching class

was led by RB, who stated that since Patuá was an oral language with no (sic) history of

writing, “Como se oye, ya se escribia” (‘They used to write it like how they heard it’).

Some of her orthographic choices include the following, variously influenced by her

knowledge of her native Spanish or French (examples were taken from the workshop

led by RB):

• Bon suá dam /bɔ̃ swa dam/

• La pumié clas /la pumje klas/

• Nu vini a uen palé patuá /nu vini apwãn patua / p

y

e

a a

u a

• Cum u yé /kum u ye/ (or cumau é /kuma u ye/ “quando hablamos rápido,” i.e.,

when we speak fast,’ which is actually closer to Trinidadian)

• Mue bien m ci /mwe bjẽ mɛsi/

• Cum u k s nti /kum u ka sãti /

• C m u k quillé u /kum u ka kwije u/

Despite availability of St. Lucian and other materials, this teacher used a fairly

inconsistent orthography, e.g. /k/ being overrepresented by ‘c’ as in cum and clas and

by ‘q’ as in quillé, /s/ being overrepresented by ‘s’ as in suá and by ‘c’ as in meci, and

‘c’ being overused for /k/ as cum and for /s/ as meci. However, well-known and

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respected in Güíria for her promotion of “Afro-West Indian” culture, herself of Catalan

origin, RB was not contradicted during her workshop by literate speakers of French

Creole.

Choosing an Appropriate Orthography

The orthography workshop comprised two Venezuelan anthropologists, a native Haitian

French Creole speaker, a second language French Creole speaker,6 and two

Trinidadians, including a teacher of French Creole and this researcher. This workshop

sought to answer questions such as:

1) “For whom? For patuaparlantes? For L2 hispanohablantes?”

2) “For what? For writing and reading monolingual books? For bilingual

books (for transitional bilingualism?)?”

Participants first focused on the fact that the phonological inventories of Spanish

and Patuá differ significantly. In its consonant inventory, Patuá has both /b/ vs. /v/ and

/s/ vs. /z/, as well as /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /ʤ/, /h/, /ŋ/, while the vowel inventory of Patuá includes

both /e/ vs. /ɛ/ and /o/ vs. /ɔ/ as well as nasalised vowel phonemes, unlike Spanish. 6 This participant, JF of Maturín, capital of Monagas, has been active in promoting VFC. He has been preparing a trilingual dictionary (Venezuelan Patuá, Spanish and English), based on a 1991 thesis done at a Venezuelan university by Feliciano and Sampson. Sampson, Venezuelan-born of mainly Afro-Trinidadian parentage, is also the editor of a DVD on Patuá in Güíria (also 1991).

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Discussion focused on which existing orthographies could serve as adequate models or

guides, and since a Haitian speaker participated in the workshop, that variety7 was given

serious consideration, as well as the more closely related St. Lucian (with the most

accessible materials), and Karipúna (because of this researcher’s own interests—see

Ferreira and Alleyne, forthcoming). See Table 1 for a comparison of some orthographic

symbols across the three varieties. All other letters used are the same across the three

varieties, and mostly correspond to the values of similar IPA symbols.

Table 1: Comparison of correspondin orthographic symbols for some phonemes in three g

chvarieties of Fren Creole /e/ /ɛ/ /ẽ/ /u/ /ɔ/ /dʒ/ /tʃ/

St. Lucian (SLFC)

é è en ou ò dj tch (or tj)

Haitian (HFC) – IPN

e è en ou ò dj tch

Karipúna (KFC)

e é ẽ u ó dj tx

7 This participant frequently referred to a bilingual Spanish-Haitian dictionary from the Dominican Republic. The Haitian system initially under consideration was not the modern IPN (which was established after that participant had migrated to Venezuela and which was therefore unknown to the participant in question), but an older version of the 1940s (the McConnell-Laubach Method of the Eglise Méthodiste d’Haïti) using a circumflex ^ for nasal vowels, such as ‘ê’ for /ẽ/ and ‘â’ for /ã/. (In that system, all other vowels use the acute accent for the close-mid front unrounded vowel /e/, i.e., ‘é’ and grave accent for the open-mid front unrounded vowel /ɛ/, i.e. ‘è’, as per French.) The Pressoir-Faublas (or Faublas-Pressoir) orthography which followed the McConnell-Laubach orthography was abandoned in 1979 in favour of the orthography of the Institut Pédagogique National (IPN), which includes elements from both of its predecessors.

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Advantages and disadvantages of the various options were discussed. Since

most of the potential students would be native Spanish speakers, it was felt that there

would be problems with some of the options existing in the other three varieties. For

the vowel phonemes, at least two options were presented, such as the following:

1) ‘e’ for /e/ (easy for Spanish speakers and used in Haitian) or ‘é’

(French-influenced, used in St. Lucia and elsewhere);

2) ‘u’ for /u/ (easy for Spanish speakers and used in Haitian) or ‘ou’

(French-influenced, used in St. Lucia and elsewhere);

3) for the nasalised vowels, there was a choice of a digraph (the vowel

followed by an ‘n’), e.g. for /ã/ ‘an’ (St. Lucian) or ‘ã’ (Brazilian) or

‘â’ (old pre-IPN Haitian)

For the first two phonemes, the Spanish orthography won out over St. Lucian, while the

St. Lucian options for nasalised vowels were preferred over the Brazilian and old

Haitian options.

For the consonant phonemes, /ʃ/ and /ʧ/ presented some problems, for example.

For /ʃ/, not a Spanish phoneme, some participants felt that since English was an

important international language, it would be good to use ‘sh’. However, this digraph is

not in international usage among French Creole speakers, so ‘ch’ was felt to be a better

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option. This, however, could present problems for literate native Spanish speakers who

would already use this digraph for /ʧ/. It was decided to follow international

conventions for French Creole, ‘ch’, and simply teach Spanish speakers the value of the

digraph, as would be done for French. For /ʧ/, a Spanish phoneme, some participants

argued for ‘ch’ since it was already used in Spanish and would be easy to learn for

literate native Spanish speakers. The Karipúna ‘tx’, based on Portuguese, was

immediately ruled out. Since most available materials were St. Lucian, it was felt that

‘tch’ or ‘tj’ would be better choices, even if considered to be foreign by Spanish

speakers, since all language learners would have to learn both new sounds and new

symbols in acquiring any foreign language. See table below for summary.

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Table 2: Considering orthographic options for two consonants French Creole Phoneme

Orthographic Option #1

PRO CON Orthographic Option #2

PRO CON

/ʃ/ (not a Spanish phoneme)

‘sh’ helpful in transition to English as a second/foreign language taught in schools

not in international French Creole usage

‘ch’ in international French Creole usage

looks too much like Spanish ch for /ʧ/

/ʧ/ ‘ch’ helpful in transition from Spanish

not in international French Creole usage

‘tch’ or ‘tj’ in international French Creole usage

not Spanish

Eventually, international French Creole usage governed most choices. The final

orthography was chosen because of more practical concerns, namely, cost factors in

producing brand new bilingual or monolingual materials and the availability of St.

Lucian materials which were already in use among some members of the community.

The following graphemes were chosen, with only two differences from St. Lucian

vowel letters, namely ‘e’ for /e/ instead of ‘é’ and ‘u’ for /u/ instead of ‘ou’ (as per

Haitian). All consonants followed modern St. Lucian standards. The following table

shows the orthographic symbols (letters) chosen by the orthography workshop

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participants and compiled by Facendo (2005). (Falling and rising diphthongs such as

/aɪ/ and /je/ were not treated as separate phonemes needing special digraphs or letters.)

Table 3: Consonant and vowel phonem s of Venezuela French Creole a d corresponding orthographic symbols with Spa ish translations of lexical examples

e n nn

Consonants /p/ -- p ‘patua’ (Patuá) /b/ -- b ‘bo’ (beso) /t/ -- t ‘ti’ (pequeño) /d/ -- d ‘du’ (dulce) /k/ -- k ‘kai’ (casa) /ɡ/ -- g ‘gato’ (torta) /f/ -- f ‘fami’ (familia) /v/ -- v ‘vann’ (vender) /s/ -- s ‘sèl’ (sal) /z/ -- z ‘zòt’ (ustedes) /ʃ/ -- ch ‘cho’ ( liente) ca/tʃ/ -- tch ‘tchè’ (corazón) /ʒ/ -- j ‘jaden’ (jar ín) d/dʒ/ -- dj ‘djep’ or ‘djèp’ (avispa) /m/ -- m ‘mue’ (yo o mi) /n/ -- n ‘non’ (no) /ŋɡ/ -- ng ‘zonng’ (uña) /j/ -- y ‘yo’ ( llos) e/w/ -- w ‘wè’ (ver) /h/ -- h ‘had’ (ropa)

Vowels Oral /i/ -- i ‘i’ (él) /e/ -- e ‘epi’ (con) /ɛ/ -- è ‘èvèk’ (con) /a/ -- a ‘apwe’ (después) /u/ -- u ‘u’ (tu) /o/ -- o ‘oblije’ (obligar) /ɔ/ -- ò ‘zòt’ (ustedes) Nasal /ɛ̃/ -- en ‘pen’ (pan) /ã/ -- an ‘jan’ (gente) /õ/ -- on ‘yon’ or ‘nyon’ (uno)

Source: Facendo et al 2005.

As for most dying languages, extralinguistic factors such as social, historical and

psychological factors are responsible for language attrition (cf. Dixon 1997, Fishman

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2001 and Nettle and Romaine 2000). Psychological factors include language attitudes

ranging from fairly negative (el patuá no es un idi ma – ‘Patuá is not a language’) to

nostalgic to positive. Interviews were conducted with elderly informants, many of

whom were nostalgic about the fate of the language, but who had not actively taught

their own children the language. Much more work needs to be done on the history,

development and current state of VFC (Patuá), and this will be the focus of this

researcher’s ongoing project entitled “Comparative Study of French Creoles in the

Southern Caribbean and Northern South America.”

o

Future Encuentros are being planned by the organising committee for different

locations in Venezuela and in the region, and an Associación de Patua-parlantes of

Venezuela. How far these events go towards actual language planning and development

remains to be seen, but it is certainly worth noting that the least known, least studied

and perhaps the most endangered variety of French Creole in the Americas may well be

the one to spearhead a renewal of language awareness and regional linguistic links.

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c a

a

e a

Facendo, Juan, et al. 2005. Patua en Güíria Orthography Workshop. Güíria: n.p. Feliciano, Hector and Sampson, Josefina Solange. 1991. “El Criollo Frances de Güíria, una aproximación a su estudio.” Diss. Universidad Central de Venezuela. Ferreira, Jo-Anne S. and Mervyn C. Alleyne. Forthcoming. “Comparative Perspectives on the Origins, Development and Structure of Amazonian (Karipúna) French Creole.” Synchronic and Dia hronic Perspectives on Contact L nguages, ed. by Magnus Huber and Viveka Velupillai (Creole Language Library Series). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Fishman, Joshua A., ed. 2001. Can Thre tened Languages Be Saved? Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Gordon, Raymond G., Jr., ed. 2005. Ethnologu : L nguages of the World. 15th ed. Dallas, TX.: SIL International. Online version: <http://www.ethnologue.com/>. Hazaël-Massieux, Marie-Christine. 2002. Les créoles à base franç ise: Une introd tion. Travaux Interdisciplinaires du Laboratoire Parole et Langage d’Aix-en-Provence (TIPA). Vol. 21: 63–86.

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v

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a

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Patuá in Paria: The Status of French-lexicon Creole in Venezuela (pre-published version)

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