This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the interpretation of
speeches delivered in the other languages. Corrections should be submitted to the original
languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature
of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room
U-506. Corrections will be issued after the end of the session in a consolidated corrigendum.
12-52396 (E)
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In the absence of the President, Mr. Beck (Palau),
Vice-President, took the Chair.
The meeting was called to order at 10.05 a.m.
Agenda item 8 (continued)
General debate
Address by Mr. Ralph E. Gonsalves, Prime
Minister of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
The Acting President: The Assembly will now
hear an address by the Prime Minister of Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines.
Mr. Ralph E. Gonsalves, Prime Minister of Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines, was escorted to the
rostrum.
The Acting President: I have great pleasure in
welcoming His Excellency Mr. Ralph E. Gonsalves,
Prime Minister of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines,
and inviting him to address the General Assembly.
Mr. Gonsalves (Saint Vincent and the Grenadines):
My country extends heartfelt congratulations to Mr. Vuk
Jeremić on his assumption of his responsibilities as
President of the General Assembly at this crucially
important session. We also express our appreciation
to his predecessor, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of
the State of Qatar, who left an indelible mark on the
General Assembly.
We meet again in the quest for development, equity,
and peace. Last year, our debate took place against
the backdrop of rapid, often violent, geopolitical
change, as well as continuing economic instability and
uncertainty. Last year’s general debate, though marked
by winds of change and clouds of uncertainty, was not
without hope and optimism. Member States anticipated
meaningful progress at the United Nations Summit
on Sustainable Development. We predicted a robust
and legally binding arms trade treaty. We embraced
popular, home-grown calls for political change. And
we scanned the economic horizon for encouraging
signs of recovery and growth.
Today, global optimism, though still enduringly
present, is in scarcer supply, as the international
community has encountered the challenges of a new
world and found itself wanting. Our global structures,
including the United Nations, are faced with changes
of a scope, scale and rapidity that substantially outpace
our ability to react, partly exceed our capacity to
respond, and demand a level of courage, principle
and decisiveness that is not sufficiently matched by
our political will. Today, we are not merely spectators
watching a moment of global change; rather, we are
nations in the valley of decision, confronted with two
questions that we must answer: “What is our vision
of tomorrow’s post-crisis, post-conflict world?” And:
“How, collectively, can we achieve that vision?”
Our avoidance of these fundamental questions
threatens to set our Assembly adrift and rudderless,
shirking responsibility and afraid of action. We must
resist the temptation to bury our heads in the shifting
sands of meaningless resolutions while we studiously
disregard our imperative quest for a unifying principle
United Nations A/67/PV.15
asdfGeneral AssemblySixty-seventh session
15th plenary meeting
Friday, 28 September 2012, 10 a.m.
New York
Offi cial Records
President: Mr. Jeremić . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (Serbia)
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and purpose. To succumb to such a temptation would
be to condemn this institution to a future marked not
by new ideas, but new rationalizations. Our noble
battle of ideas will descend into a battalion of excuses;
of blame-sharing and buck-passing; of soundbites
disguised as insights. Such a future, which we are
on a path to realize, would do a disservice to our
respective States, our international obligations, and the
proud history of the United Nations. We would, by our
impotence, acquiesce to the possible obsolescence of
this Organization, as peoples and Governments would,
justifiably or not, turn elsewhere for the solutions to
global challenges. Such a future can and must be
vigorously avoided, in the interest of our peoples’
collective advancement and humanity.
In our Caribbean region, the global economic and
financial meltdown continues to be felt most acutely
by the poor, the youth, the elderly and the vulnerable,
who bear no responsibility for the rampant financial
speculation and unregulated movement of capital that
spurred the crisis. Today, four years into an externally
imposed meltdown which has produced negative or
marginal growth across the Caribbean, our region is
forced to contemplate the implications of a potential
“lost decade” of development.
Our region is not immune to the economic
pressures and fissures that have turned other parts of
the world into tinderboxes of social unrest and political
upheaval. Our citizens, who have nobly struggled under
the weight of externally sourced contraction, austerity
and hardship, are not possessed of limitless patience
or endurance. Our hard-won development gains are in
jeopardy, and our settled political stability is in possible
peril. The international community cannot ignore our
plight based on a distorted calculus of middle-income
status and relative prosperity, or on simplistic,
even offensive, stereotypes of Caribbean paradises.
Small, highly indebted middle-income developing
countries, like those in the Caribbean, which are
very vulnerable to natural disasters and international
economic convulsions, have special concerns which
the international community is obliged to address
properly, in partnership with the peoples of our region.
External shocks derived from nature or the workings of
an uneven, casino capitalism, are not merely episodic
to our Caribbean; they are a constant feature of our
regional economies.
Central to our urgent re-examination and
reconfiguration of the existing economic apparatus is
the recognition that our modern context and individual
national characteristics do not lend themselves to
strict classical or Keynesian economic prescriptions
or their variants. In the case of Saint Vincent and
the Grenadines and our Caribbean neighbours, our
peculiarities of small size, openness and vulnerability
require uniquely home-grown economic policies that
are rooted not in any prevailing ideology or fashionable
theories from outside, but in a sensible, f lexible and
focused practicality.
We have little interest in esoteric arguments about
the role of the State in economic activity, because,
historically, our national Governments have been a
force for good in the stimulation, diversification and
growth of our economies in tandem with the private
and cooperative sectors. While we welcome and
solicit assistance and consultations with the relevant
institutions and organizations, such consultations
ought to be free of the type of textbook orthodoxies
or formulaic prescriptions that are inapplicable to our
times and circumstances. Our path to development
must be our own.
The cause of development, as a goal and as a right,
has suffered from the neglect of the international
community in recent, post-crisis years. Within
the United Nations system, the current budget for
peacekeeping dwarfs the resources allocated to
fostering development, even as we recognize that most
conflict is rooted in underdevelopment. The age-old
pledges of development assistance have been skirted,
and their fulfilment delayed, by States that cite their
own struggles with the global economic fallout. As a
result, even as we contemplate post-2015 sustainable
development goals, it is painfully apparent that the
Millennium Development Goals will not be met across
large swaths of our planet.
The poor, especially in Asia, Africa, the Pacific,
Latin America and the Caribbean, can hardly be
expected to wait any longer for relief and sustainable
development. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines is
thankful to the nations and organizations that have
found it possible to continue extending their hand in
cooperation with our people, even in difficult economic
times. The support and assistance of those States and
organizations is a mark of their friendship, solidarity
and strong global citizenship.
The prolonged global economic uncertainties have
propelled the international economy into a dangerous
new phase. Even the International Monetary Fund
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Similarly, let us not forget our pledge of solidarity
to Haiti. Likewise, reparations for the genocides
committed against indigenous peoples and for African
slavery must continue to be pursued vigorously on our
international agenda.
All of that and more is achievable by the United
Nations. Thus, our collective will can bear fruit
abundantly through the strengths and possibilities of
wise leadership, peaceful dialogue among and between
sovereign nations, international cooperation and
regional compacts.
Closer to home, our developmental and
political partnerships increasingly reflect a spirit of
strengthened regional integration and greater South-
South cooperation. In the immediate post-colonial
phase of our national development, the nations of the
Caribbean and Latin America often have had stronger
and closer relationships with distant colonial Powers and
developed nations than we did with the countries in our
immediate neighbourhood. After centuries of colonial
conquest, settlement and exploitation, our deepening
bonds of friendship, cooperation and integration within
the Caribbean and Latin America are a fundamental
manifestation of our States’ growing independence and
political maturity.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines enjoys
membership in a number of interconnected circles
of regional integration. The Organization of Eastern
Caribbean States (OECS) is in an economic union with
a shared currency, judiciary and nascent representative
Assembly. The 15-member Caribbean Community
(CARICOM) also furthers the cause of Caribbean
integration with important implications for trade and the
free movement of people. Our State is a proud member
of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our
America, which has created bonds of socioeconomic
solidarity and cooperation among Caribbean, Central
and South American States. The Caribbean Forum of
African, Caribbean and Pacific States, the Association
of Caribbean States, and the Community of Latin
American and Caribbean States are also home-grown
manifestations of our peoples’ desire to forge linkages
and partnerships with our regional brothers and sisters.
The strength and genuine cohesion of those
growing regional integration initiatives is built on a
solid foundation of shared experiences and values,
which deserve the support of the United Nations. The
members of OECS and CARICOM are bastions of good
governance, democracy and the rule of law, and we
has so concluded. In the process, the crisis has found
the principals wanting, even unaware of the extant
condition, with no clear idea as to the way forward.
In both economics and politics, the ancien régime is
passing. The discerning acknowledge that a transition
is at large, but immense challenges arise immediately
from at least four pertinent queries: first, is the
transition manageable, or must it be played out in a
chaotic manner? Secondly, assuming that the transition
is manageable, how is it to be managed in the most
efficacious way, and in whose interest? Thirdly, is this
transition a dead end? And fourthly, given that the
transition itself, like all human conditions, is dynamic,
what is the destination of this transition?
It is a truism that men and women make history not
in circumstances of their own choosing, but in those
which they meet, which they inherit, and which emerge
on their watch. Noteworthy is the fact that the histories
of nations and the ghosts of the dead weigh heavily
on the brains of the living. Often unacknowledged is
the abiding truth that each people possesses its own
history, its own legitimacy, its own nobility and its own
trajectory for further ennoblement.
Unfortunately, the power of some to define things
globally distorts these elemental truths. It is well
known that the lion’s view of history does not coincide
with that of the gazelle or the lamb; the elephant and
the ant do not see things eye to eye. But human beings
possess the capacity to go beyond the limitations of
the animal kingdom. That is fundamentally why we
have gathered together under the rubric of the United
Nations, with a Charter so uplifting and magnificent in
its ideals and purposes as to constitute the best hope for
the human race. Arrogant and unbridled power, from
whatever source, is thus to be contained. It is always
wise to remember that the greatest exercise of power is
restraint in the use of that power. That is true within and
between nations. It is the surest way for the malevolent
across the globe to be accorded no space to f lourish and
to be defeated.
It is within this context that the text of a prosperous,
safe, independent Palestinian State must be written
alongside a secure State of Israel, living in friendship
and non-belligerence. This is a matter of grave urgency;
the injustice meted out to Palestine must end now.
So, too, must continue our global quest for interfaith
dialogue and an alliance of civilizations, initiated by
the Governments of Qatar and Turkey, respectively.
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share those experiences and aspirations with our South
and Central American sister States, which have also
established unshakeable foundations of democracy and
good governance after fitful periods of political unrest
and foreign interference in the past. The upcoming
7 October presidential election in the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela is but one example of the
manner in which that country and the region continue
to institutionalize popular, participatory democratic
systems that reflect and respect the will of the people.
As we strengthen relations with our immediate
neighbours, we remain deeply committed to our
historical ties and traditional friendships. The bonds
that we share with our friends in Europe, Canada, the
United Kingdom and the United States are as strong
as they are mutually beneficial. As a multi-island
nation, the people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
have always been highly migratory and outward-
looking — so much so that even the words of our
national anthem memorialize our proclivity for travel
to distant lands. Many of the largest and most vibrant
cities of our nationals exist not in Saint Vincent and the
Grenadines, but in major metropolitan hubs, including
those in Brooklyn, Toronto and London. Those
productive and hard-working centres, and many others,
have immeasurably enriched their adopted homes and
provided needed remittances to relatives in the land
of their birth. We remain grateful to those friendly
States that have opened their doors and embrace to
our migrants, and we view the ongoing, hassle-free
movement of our peoples back and forth as the truest
testament of our friendship and solidarity.
The recent increase in regional conflicts and unrest
around the world cannot be ignored. The hopefulness
and idealistic optimism that were much in evidence
during the early days of the so-called Arab Spring
have been replaced by a cynical fatalism and rampant
opportunism in many important quarters. In other
continents, some nations f lirt with border wars, while
others grapple with insidious and barbaric terrorism.
In the midst of the global upheaval, we have witnessed
the aggressive re-emergence of those that would seek to
reshape the world in their own image and to their own
purposes. Would-be interventionists, unilateralists and
hegemons, both new and old, have rushed to fill and
exploit political vacuums, to settle ancient grudges and
to strengthen their grip on global or regional power.
It is a pattern that predates colonialism and the
Cold War and one that once again brings into focus
many of the United Nations founding principles. Those
principles cannot be ignored, reinterpreted or sacrificed
on the altar of poll-driven political expediency and
electoral ambition. We have bound ourselves together
in the solemn goal of promoting peace, not fostering
wars; of self-determination, not unilateral intervention;
of the economic and social advancement of all peoples,
not the callous disregard for the well-being of our
fellow human beings. To depart from those principles,
explicitly or by implication, would be to abandon the
better angels of our nature and to succumb to the forces
that made this institution necessary in the first place.
The war against global terror is real, and it is being
fought by all responsible States on multiple fronts. Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines is firm and unequivocal
in its rejection of all forms of terrorist activity and
its revulsion at the methods and twisted logic that
accompany that barbarism. Our friends and brothers
in the United States of America are unfortunately and
disproportionately targeted by those repulsive killers,
most recently in the deeply saddening murder of
Christopher Stevens, the United States Ambassador to
Libya, and some of his staff. We support unreservedly
the determination of the United States to bring
Ambassador Stevens’s killers to justice.
At the same time, we are baffled by the continued
reference to the Republic of Cuba in some quarters as
a State sponsor of terrorism. The undisputed evidence
is that Cuba neither supports nor harbours terrorists
of any type. Indeed, the Cuban Government, itself a
victim of orchestrated terror campaigns, has cooperated
on numerous occasions with the Governments of both
allies and ideological opponents in the fight against
terrorism. It has also played a useful and constructive
role in facilitating peace talks between Governments
and armed rebel groups in Latin America. Those facts
are not contested. Therefore, to label Cuba a State
sponsor of terrorism, in any context, is to cheapen our
shared global struggle against that insidious scourge.
In his famous 1960 speech to the General Assembly,
then President Fidel Castro observed that hysteria could
go to any length and was capable of making the most
far-fetched and absurd claims. That particular absurd
and far-fetched claim, like the absurdity that undergirds
the continued economic embargo against Cuba, is one
that is best abandoned.
The fascinating rapprochement unfolding across the
Taiwan straits between the People’s Republic of China
and the Republic of China on Taiwan lends practical
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weight to the reasonable and overdue call for Taiwan’s
meaningful participation in the specialized agencies
of the United Nations. My country and several others
in the Caribbean and Central America bear witness to
Taiwan’s principled conduct of its intergovernmental
relations. Surely the time has now come for this
exemplar of the magnificent Chinese civilization to be
permitted to participate in the work of various agencies
of this world body.
Allow me to turn to certain existential challenges
facing my country, my region, and the world. Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines is angered by the continuing
and inexcusable failure of the States assembled in this
Hall to move decisively towards a meaningful and
legally binding climate change treaty. Entire nations,
represented here today as friends and equals, may
simply cease to exist as a result of our inaction and
political cowardice. Other nations, including my own,
are already the victims of increasingly intense and
frequent storms, hurricanes and weather events. These
changes not only threaten our way of life but risk
reversing our recent development progress.
The islands of our planet are at war against climate
change, warming temperatures and rising seas. That
war is not a future event, it is a present-day and ongoing
battle. As all of us in this Assembly are aware, it is a
war that we are currently losing. The survival of our
islands is at stake, and the responsibility for immediate
change lies undisputedly with those whose reckless
pollution over generations has led us to the brink of
catastrophe. In a different time and context, Winston
Churchill inspired his people with the words “we shall
fight on the seas and oceans... we shall defend our
island, whatever the cost may be”. Today, know this:
We shall fight the rising seas and encroaching oceans
and defend our islands’ right to exist at any cost. We
call on all nations to join us in the fight, for that is a
war that can still be won. Our negotiations to arrest
climate change are not merely some arcane academic or
diplomatic pursuit, and they cannot be treated as some
interminable, run-of-the-mill United Nations process.
Let us set aside narrow, short-term interests and act as
we are capable of acting: for the benefit and protection
of all mankind.
Another existential threat whose solution has fallen
victim to United Nations paralysis is our common pursuit
of a global, robust and binding arms trade treaty. In the
Caribbean, over 70 per cent of homicides are committed
with firearms, a remarkable statistic for a region that
produces not one single gun or bullet. Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines has a largely unarmed constabulary
and lacks a standing army, yet we struggle daily against
an influx of illicit and untraceable firearms that pose
a grave threat to our national security and way of life.
The producers of firearms, as well as the source and
destination markets for illicit narcotics, can and must
cooperate to restrict and regulate the international f low
of small arms, light weapons and ammunition. While
we have failed in our initial attempt to forge an arms
trade treaty, I call on members at this session of the
General Assembly to redouble their efforts to negotiate
a binding agreement in this matter before we reconvene
next September.
This year it is imperative, too, that the United
Nations continue its focused work in the fight against
non-communicable diseases, which the Caribbean
Community has rightly placed at the forefront of the
global agenda.
The people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
are strong and fiercely independent. Ours is an
independence forged in the heroic struggles of our
indigenous and Garifuna peoples against genocide
and hardened in the fires of our resistance to slavery,
indentureship, and colonial and neocolonial domination.
Our strength, independence and sovereignty do not
permit us to look to the United Nations or any other
country or group of countries for the solutions to our
own problems and challenges. However, as a small State
in an interconnected world, we recognize that many of
the difficulties we face have been born and incubated
beyond our national boundaries. The United Nations
therefore is our primary multilateral forum to address
and confront those externally imposed challenges.
My statement today is not intended merely to
chronicle the global ills that have befallen Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines. No. It is a call for principled and
practical global action to address and resolve these
problems. To do so, we stand ready to work with the
President and with all States in this Assembly to effect
meaningful change throughout our planet. As the
great novelist Ernest Hemingway once wrote, “Moral
courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle
or great intelligence. Yet it is the one essential, vital
quality of those who seek to change a world which
yields most painfully to change”. Today, Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines calls on this body, and on all
nations assembled here, to harness that essential moral
courage to produce change in a world whose potential
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is limitless, and whose problems are soluble. The
rhetoric of change and hope may lack the cachet that it
enjoyed hitherto, but we still believe that our peoples
and Governments possess within them the courage
and conviction collectively to change and materially
improve the condition of our nations’ citizens.
Let us at this sixty-seventh session of the General
Assembly establish conclusively that that faith is well
placed. We move with our burdens from yesterday.
We go forward with our strengths and possibilities
tomorrow.
The Acting President: On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines for the statement he has
just made.
Mr. Ralph E. Gonsalves, Prime Minister of Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines, was escorted from the
rostrum.
Address by Mr. Kenny Davis Anthony, Prime
Minister, Minister for Finance, Economic
Affairs, Planning and Social Security of
Saint Lucia
The Acting President: The Assembly will now
hear an address by the Prime Minister, Minister for
Finance, Economic Affairs, Planning and Social
Security of Saint Lucia.
Mr. Kenny Davis Anthony, Prime Minister,
Minister for Finance, Economic Affairs, Planning
and Social Security of Saint Lucia was escorted to
the rostrum.
The Acting President: I have great pleasure in
welcoming His Excellency Mr. Kenny Davis Anthony,
Prime Minister, Minister for Finance, Economic
Affairs, Planning and Social Security of Saint Lucia,
and inviting him to address the General Assembly.
Mr. Anthony (Saint Lucia): I would first like to
congratulate Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at this year’s
session. I also wish to place on record Saint Lucia’s
thanks to Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser for his
contribution as President of the Assembly at its sixty-
sixth session.
I would like to underscore the words of the
President, of which we should be continually reminded,
concerning the fact that peace is not merely the absence
of war. Indeed, poverty and prejudice are the f lint and
tinder for violent feud and furore. And so we embrace
your suggested theme, for while in the Caribbean we
generally know peace, we are aware of the real struggle
of humankind to achieve peace in the face of disaster,
injustice, inequity and conflict.
Beyond this Hall lies a beautiful world. And
whatever the f laws and failures of mankind, we still
are blessed to be given a world from which we can seek
life and livelihoods. It is difficult to imagine at times
that even in the face of turmoil, decimation and acts
of brutality and calamity, humankind has progressed
over the millennia. That is what must give us hope and
confidence for the future: that we have been through
this before and have come through colossal tragedies,
unexplainable disasters, world wars and famine, and
still we are here. Our civilization continues to thrive.
However, we can only succeed if we recognize and
celebrate our shared humanity. This, therefore, must
be a world that continuously affirms all human lives,
a world that recognizes our collective endowment, that
celebrates our ingenuity and our enterprise. A world, as
is said in southern Africa, that is imbued with ubuntu.
Each year for the past seven decades, we have sat
here as equals, everyone with a voice, everyone with a
say. Our size, whether defined by geography, population
or both, has no relevance, albeit only temporarily for
the purposes of this discourse and dialogue. And even
while some have sat here longer, we can all embrace a
commonality that is not transient or mutable. But even
so, we can at times forget that behind every country’s
representative are real people with real lives, who seek
cherished moments despite their sea of despair.
And let there be no doubt that, even when our
leaders come here to speak, we will have, in all our
own countries, differences of opinion, of philosophy,
of faith. Yet despite all this, the beauty of democracy
is that we can embrace a common pursuit: the pursuit
of happiness, prosperity and enjoyment of life. Our
philosophies should therefore never destroy that
pursuit; they should affirm it. Our faiths should never
tear this apart, they should form and fashion souls of
compassion, understanding and tolerance.
For our ancestors, from Africa to Asia, from the
Arctic to the Amazon, all knew conflict and what it cost
in their lives. We know what it costs humankind right
now. And we should all know that history has repeatedly
shown us that warfare is not the best way to solve our
problems. So then do we ignore the bombs and guns if
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they are not heard on our streets, in our cities and parks
and playgrounds? Should the girl in Aleppo or Benghazi
not be able to share the same opportunities and dreams
and hopes as a boy in Arlington or Birmingham?
No one expects a naive world, with utopian leaders.
Nor do we suggest that our world will not have conflict,
for disagreement is inevitable in all aspects of life.
However, I ask that we have the courage to be bold
about the world we want. I ask that we act when we
know we can. I ask that those leaders who hold the seats
of higher authority always remember the minorities,
those who are easily forgotten, easily marginalized,
easily wiped out. There should never be a season for
injustice, never a season for corruption, never a season
for poverty, never a season for brutality and never a
season for torment.
Saint Lucia therefore welcomes a peaceful
resolution to the conflict in the Syrian Republic and
an immediate end to what is clearly carnage, a human
tragedy. We continue to support the efforts of the
Special Envoy and the Secretary-General in this body’s
efforts to induce the parties to focus on coming to the
table for negotiations, with a view to finding a path
towards a resolution of the conflict that is acceptable
to the majority of the people of Syria and takes into
account the necessity of ensuring the welfare and
interest of minorities in that State.
We are, of course, also very concerned about
the resort to violence in the Middle East, aimed at
confronting either religious or ideological contentions.
We condemn all attempts at disparagement of religious
prophets, deities, symbols or practices, and we appeal
for tolerance and understanding. In the same vein, we
deplore the brutal murder in Libya of the Ambassador
of the United States, and we share that country’s pain
and anguish. Religious intolerance is combustible and
dangerous and ensnares even those nations far from the
theatres of conflict.
Saint Lucia is very conscious of the active
attempts in the Middle East to develop new systems
of governance, as recent systems appear, in some
countries, to have outlived their usefulness for the
majority of their citizens. Apart from our commitment
to global and regional peace, we must also recognize
that turbulence in the Middle East has the undoubted
effect of distorting the price of the dominant global
commodity, oil, and that those distortions harm the
interests and development processes of large and small
countries alike. The world desperately needs a peaceful
Middle East. We express our hope for the continued
evolution of peaceful and consensus approaches to
issues of governance in that area.
Saint Lucia believes that all efforts to promote
peace and prosperity for everyone, while of course
protecting the health of our planet, should be embraced.
The Government of Saint Lucia is well aware of the
determination of the Chinese people to unify their
country, as signalled to the world when China took its
rightful place in the United Nations. In that context,
Saint Lucia welcomes the emerging dialogue and
cooperation between the People’s Republic of China
and the Republic of China on Taiwan. Such cross-strait
dialogue and cooperation will surely facilitate global
harmony. We look forward to a continued evolution of
the ongoing peaceful rapprochement among the Chinese
people as they search to unify their civilization.
Saint Lucia also wishes to support the calls for
Africa to gain its rightful permanent representation on
the Security Council, as supported by the Presidents
of Mali and South Africa. As we recognize the perils
of conflict and warfare in Africa so too should we
recognize the ability of Africa to bring peace to itself.
The voice of one billion people and that of an entire
continent should no longer go unheard.
Saint Lucia welcomes the resolution of the
longstanding dispute in the Sudan, the achievement of
self-determination for the new State of South Sudan
and its introduction into the community of nations. It
is pleasing that that process has occurred in a context
in which the States of the African continent have
now themselves been creating new spaces in a bid to
take advantage of the development of the continent’s
resources in a changing economic environment.
We cannot have global collaboration and
cooperation, and start anew unless extreme disparities
are reduced or eliminated. So it is necessary to
determine the causes and respond purposefully in
tackling the inequities that exist in the world. While
one of the obvious building blocks for development is
that of good governance — political structures that are
ethical and not fuelled by greed and abuse — and while
we can strengthen the rule of law, ensure property rights
and hold fair elections, those measures by themselves
do not and cannot secure democracy. While democracy
has no place for dictators or demigods, it is still rather
meaningless to a person with no food on the table. The
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We in the Caribbean continue to experience the
challenge of our skilled population seeking to settle in
regions to the north, where they are generally greeted
with open arms. Meanwhile, we also have to contend
with the reverse f low of guns which, owing to the
narcotics trade, is finding its way into our jurisdictions.
We cannot have internal peace in our islands if our
young people are too easily being given guns. We
raised the matter as one of great concern to our security
at the Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia,
in April this year.
It is now clear that the current policies to combat
the consumption and trafficking of illicit drugs across
and within borders have failed, creating yet another
human tragedy of immense consequence. Lives are
being lost either to guns or to the consumption of drugs.
We remain resolute in wanting the whole matter of the
drug trade to be reviewed. Collectively, we must craft
new solutions to this problem. We also wish to place
on record our continued concern about the practice of
deporting seasoned criminals back to our small States,
without any regard for the capacity of our internal
security arrangements.
In all this there is a sobering reality for the leader
of any small State like Saint Lucia. Even as I have the
distinction of standing here today, I know that many of
the decisions that affect our world and my country are
still made in the capitals of other countries, sometimes
unilaterally and sometimes multilaterally by groups of
5 or 8 or 20 or 30. It is said that 80 per cent of the
world’s trade and economic activity is accounted for by
20 countries. I can assure everyone that Saint Lucia,
indeed all of the Caribbean Basin, lies beyond the limits
of that geopolitical circle. With few or no resources,
diplomatic or otherwise, Saint Lucia can only speak
with its moral courage, authority and convictions.
Small islands are special places with special
peculiarities that make us both unique and vulnerable.
Still, we know that, if there is a willingness to support
their growth and development, then small islands
can be success stories. Consider for instance that our
15-member Caribbean Community has a combined
population of 17 million and an economy of about
$89 billion. The United States territory of Puerto Rico,
itself part of the greater Caribbean, has a gross domestic
product of about $100 billion. Those numbers clearly
suggest that, given support in trade and investment,
though we may be small, our economies could grow.
They could find sustainability.
dispossessed will have no passion and no will. The
depressed will not vote, nor will the downtrodden.
We cannot continue to ignore the age-old injustices
of slavery, of forcing people into labour and of
decimating their culture and identity. Many of us here
today are the descendants of the survivors of slavery. As
a part of that recognition, we support the Government
of Jamaica in calls for the recognition of the impacts
of the transatlantic slave trade and the need for a frank
dialogue on the status of people of African descent.
Furthermore, like Africa, we all need the opportunity
to trade equally and fairly. We all know that the death
of the Doha talks was due to the unwillingness of some
nations to relent on large-scale subsidies on farming
and agriculture.
One of the injustices that is a relic of an era of
fear and dispute long gone is the embargo imposed
upon the people of Cuba, purely for purposes of
political retribution and punishment. I must take this
opportunity to reiterate the conclusion of the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM) as a whole, most recently
in December 2011, that it is time to end the embargo
imposed on the Republic of Cuba by the United States.
Saint Lucia is part of the Group of Latin American
and Caribbean States and wishes to pursue the fullest
measure of economic integration in the hemisphere,
as an instrument of our own economic growth and in
order to maximize economic and social cooperation in
the area. Blockades and embargoes, in that context, are
anachronistic and outmoded. In an era of globalization
and economic liberalization they cannot be tolerated or
justified.
Another relic of colonialism is that of our Caribbean
Community member, Haiti. The suffering of the people
of Haiti can only be matched by their perseverance. It is
a country that was tormented into paying compensations
to its former colonial master. That was an extraordinary
and crude example of trade loss. Today the world’s first
black independent country is the Western hemisphere’s
poorest nation. It is still very much deserving of the
support of the United Nations in overcoming its recent
pains and indigence brought on by the earthquake of
12 January 2010. It should not be forgotten. Haiti is a
member of the CARICOM family of nations, and so we
pay due respect and regard to those countries in our
hemisphere that came to the support and assistance of
Haiti in its hour of need.
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the major impediments to growth as well as to promote
the major creators of wealth and prosperity.
A major issue is, of course, climate change. As
expressed in the Mauritius Strategy for the Further
Implementation of the Programme of Action for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States and in the Global Conference on the Sustainable
Development of Small Island Developing States held in
Barbados in 1994, small States are committed to seeing
action taken on climate change and tangible support for
the requisite adaptations and interventions needed at all
levels.
Within the Caribbean Community, the Liliendaal
Declaration issued by Heads of Government in 2009
encapsulated our concerns as small island States subject
to major dislocation as a consequence of the threat of
climate change. It notes that
“[the region’s] efforts to promote sustainable
development and to achieve the internationally
agreed development goals, including the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), are
under severe threat from the devastating effects of
climate change and sea-level rise.”
In particular, it notes the “increasingly frequent and
intense extreme weather events” that have resulted
in severe damage to the region’s resources and
socio-economic base, and it emphasizes that
“dangerous climate change is already occurring in
all Small Islands and Low-lying Coastal Developing
States (SIDS) regions, including the Caribbean, and
that many SIDS will cease to exist without urgent,
ambitious and decisive action by the international
community”.
Saint Lucia is therefore in full support of the
conclusions of the United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development in Brazil on the challenges and
potential solutions to the climate crisis and interrelated
factors, which continue to inhibit the achievement of a
sustainable world capable of facilitating the activities of
all countries, large and small. We are comforted by the
words of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon that we will
secure a legally binding agreement to tackle climate
change by 2015. With climate change, we cannot afford
any unfinished business, for there is but one world. We
also hope that there will be a strong commitment to
technology transfer and building local human capacity
to deal with climate change and attendant disasters.
The Caribbean Community has continuously made
the point that many small States are deceptively classed
as middle-income merely on the basis of per capita
income. A country the size of Saint Lucia, with the
vulnerabilities that we face, should not be subjected to
such a measuring tool for determining whether a State
can stand on its own.
For instance, Saint Lucia experienced a category 2
hurricane in 2010 that caused damage totalling nearly
30 per cent of our gross domestic product. As in the
case of other small States like ours, we were then
forced to become even more indebted as we borrowed
to replace infrastructure, such as arterial roads and
bridges, without which our country’s economy would
have faced further contraction. On top of that, we were
further impacted by unilateral domestic measures
which, showing insensitivity to such matters as our
dependence on tourism, some major developed States
implemented, making us an even less desirable tourist
destination.
Other islands that are highly dependent on
international financial services are now suffering as
a result of the attempts by some States to sully their
reputations. Though we live in a beautiful part of
the world, the reduction of foreign direct investment
f lows due to the global economic crisis, and the recent
announcement by the World Trade Organization that it
has cut its forecast for global trade growth from 3.7 per
cent to 2.5 per cent, can cause the outlook to look grim.
This means that development cannot be just about
assistance and that small States require there to be
some fairness and balance in the world economic space.
From the point of view of the developing countries, the
collapse of the Doha Round was a disappointing portent
of the difficult times to come in the discussions between
developed and developing countries. This trend was
typified in our hemisphere by the lack of progress in the
initiative for a free trade area of the Americas. At the
same time, however, there were increasing indications
of the emergence of countries in Asia, Africa and the
Far East as competitors in global economic competition.
We look to a future in which the United Nations
and other global institutions become more targeted and
differentiated in their interventions and policies. We
look to a world in which the Millennium Development
Goals are realized and in which the international
community crafts a new post-2015 strategy to tackle
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Saint Lucia looks forward to the President’s tenure
in directing the work of the sixty-seventh session of
the General Assembly as one in which the upsurge of
conflicts now characterizing our globe will be subjected
to meaningful deliberations among our Member States.
Our concern as small countries is that persistent
conflicts in respect of issues and problems currently
plaguing various regions of the globe can serve to
distract our United Nations from devoting both attention
and resources to persisting with solutions to the serious
problems of economic transition and adjustment now
characterizing international economic relations in
particular. In the cacophony of regional conflicts that
inevitably draw the attention and involvement of the
major Powers, the problem of the survival of small
countries in the environment of larger States has
become more and more intractable.
We in Saint Lucia, as members of the Caribbean
Community, look forward to an enhanced cooperation
with the countries of a continent in which a large
proportion of our population finds its ancestry. We
believe that it is possible to pursue this process through
the United Nations development institutions in our
sphere and on the African continent, and we propose
that this be done.
As is now well known, the traditional economic
relations under the auspices of the Commonwealth
system and the African, Pacific and Caribbean
institutional relationships in the context of our trade
with Europe are diminishing. We look forward to new
avenues of relationships, a task in which the United
Nations can be of great assistance to us.
I wish to extend to the President the best wishes
and support of my country and delegation for success
in his task over the coming year.
The Acting President: On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister, Minister
for Finance, Economic Affairs, Planning and Social
Security of Saint Lucia for the statement he has just
made.
Mr. Kenny Davis Anthony, Prime Minister,
Minister for Finance, Economic Affairs, Planning
and Social Security of Saint Lucia, was escorted
from the rostrum.
Address by Mr. Lyonchoen Jigmi Yoezer
Thinley, Prime Minister of the Kingdom
of Bhutan
The Acting President: The Assembly will now
hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom
of Bhutan.
Mr. Lyonchoen Jigmi Yoezer Thinley, Prime
Minister of the Kingdom of Bhutan, was escorted
to the rostrum.
The Acting President: I have great pleasure in
welcoming His Excellency Mr. Lyonchoen Jigmi Yoezer
Thinley, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Bhutan, and
inviting him to address the General Assembly.
Mr. Thinley (Bhutan): As with most sessions of
the General Assembly, we are sharing, yet again, our
common fears and frustrations in a world that is going
wrong. We have no stories, only f leeting moments,
with which to fill our sinking hearts with hope in a
near or distant future. Ours is a narrative of mounting
challenges and doubts. Deep in our hearts, we know that
our very survival on this fragile planet is under threat.
Yet, we share no common vision and fail to think and
act in concert and with faith. And so we find ourselves
being overwhelmed by the forces that our irresponsible
and discordant actions have unleashed. All that we have
achieved individually, as nations, as regions and as a
species, faces the threat of loss and reversal. As we
argue and falter, the world we have built is falling apart.
Climate is changing and ecosystems are dying. The
growing extractive industry spurred by consumerism is
exhausting our natural resources, and conflicts are rising
in number and more are looming on the horizon. Food
and energy are becoming costlier, thereby deepening
poverty, inequality and discontent. Economies are
unravelling; jobs and security are being lost. For too
many, basic human rights and dignity remain beyond
reach, and the relevance of Governments and States is
in question. Families and communities are losing their
resilience, and society is crumbling.
I have reminded the Assembly each year that the
solutions we speak of and the measures we take to
meet all these challenges and many others plaguing
mankind are of the kind that address the symptoms but
aggravate the deeper malaise. We are discovering that
our problems — be they economic, social, ecological
or even political — are interconnected and rooted in
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sector. They came to share best practices and learn
from each other, and, more important, to demonstrate
that sustainable development is not just an idle dream
but that there are individuals and organizations who are
breathing and living lives to realize what is profound
and necessary. While many of them went home
disappointed by the outcome document, I know it is not
in their creed to despair. They are the pioneers, taking
the lead where Governments fear to tread, and giving
courageous expression to humankind’s basic goodness
and inherent wisdom. They are the torchbearers of a
brave new dawn, and we too must have the wisdom and
humility to follow their lead.
I am also inspired by the appointment of a high-level
panel by the Secretary-General to advise on the global
development agenda beyond 2015, which, we note,
convened its first meeting earlier this week. Moreover,
the launch of the Sustainable Development Solutions
Network, led by Jeffrey Sachs, is to be welcomed,
as is the Secretary-General’s personal commitment
to enriching the discourse on the future of our race.
For our part, I would like to submit that Bhutan has
initiated a number of steps in the same direction,
pursuant to the recommendation issued at the 2 April
High-level Meeting on Well-being and Happiness here
at the United Nations.
In July, His Majesty the King of Bhutan established
a working group of international experts, comprising
over 50 thought leaders, to elaborate the details of
the new proposed development paradigm over the
coming two years. Their work will be made available
for consideration at the sixty-eighth and sixty-ninth
sessions of the General Assembly, in 2013 and 2014.
Simultaneously, His Majesty the King appointed a
national steering committee to guide and support this
process.
The working group will elaborate and refine the
four themes of well-being and happiness, ecological
sustainability, fair distribution, and the efficient use
of resources. It will prepare detailed documentation,
including thorough literature reviews and examinations
of existing best practices on how the new paradigm
can work. They will look at its potential accounting
and measurement systems, regulatory and financial
mechanisms, and trade, governance, and other
institutional arrangements. We believe the findings
will complement and contribute to the efforts being
undertaken by the Secretary-General’s high-level panel.
Towards this end, my Government also looks forward
the folly of mankind’s pursuit of the wrong ends in
wrongful ways.
Although the United Nations has been a house of
gloom in recent years, it does have its shining moments,
projecting rays of hope. The Secretary-General referred
to some of these in his address that focused on sounding
the alarm about our direction as a human family. One
such moment came when this great body resolved that
it was time to accept human well-being and happiness
as a developmental goal binding all of humankind
with a common vision and pursuit, and that it should
therefore bring about a holistic, sustainable and
inclusive approach to development. That determination
caused my country to host a high-level meeting here at
the United Nations, which brought together more than
800 participants from all walks of life and all over the
world. I was awed, humbled and indeed inspired by the
phenomenal response to our call. It was a gathering of
extraordinary minds and concerned citizens, moved by
the urgent need for change — to blaze a new global path
to human happiness and the well-being of life on earth.
Yet another moment came just months ago when the
General Assembly declared 20 March the International
Day of Happiness, thereby bringing together all human
beings, at least once a year, to reflect on the meaning
and purpose of life and realign our thoughts and actions.
Three months ago, 40,000 representatives
gathered for the United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development. The outcome document
(resolution 66/288, annex) fell far short of what we
ought to have achieved. Many saw it as a missed
opportunity. Not so for my country and people, who,
with minimal expectations, came away with cause for
hope. The agreement to develop universal sustainable
development goals that would integrate the economic,
environmental and social dimensions of development
was a substantive outcome, consistent with relevant
General Assembly resolutions and the efforts that my
own country is making. My country hopes to participate
actively in this work and sees it as evidence of the
growing convergence in the belief that we need to make
a break with the past and agree on a collective vision.
It is our expectation that such sustainable development
goals will steer the post-2015 international development
agenda and set humankind on the right course.
What inspired me most at Rio was the indomitable
spirit of the hundreds of side events, several of which I
was honoured to participate in. These were organized by
civil society, grass-roots organizations and the private
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Address by Lord Tu’ivakano of Nukunuku,
Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Defence, Information and Communication of the
Kingdom of Tonga
The Acting President: The Assembly will now hear
an address by the Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign
Affairs, Defence, Information and Communication of
the Kingdom of Tonga.
Lord Tu’ivakano of Nukunuku, Prime Minister,
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Defence, Information
and Communication of the Kingdom of Tonga, was
escorted to the rostrum.
The Acting President: I have great pleasure
in welcoming His Excellency Lord Tu’ivakano of
Nukunuku, Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign
Affairs, Defence, Information and Communication of
the Kingdom of Tonga, and inviting him to address the
General Assembly.
Lord Tu’ivakano (Tonga): I wish to convey
my sincere congratulations to President Jeremić
on his election to guide and oversee the important
work of the General Assembly at this session. I must
also congratulate his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of Qatar, for his
recently concluded term as the outgoing President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session. During his
term, he enhanced the profile and work of the General
Assembly, and we are pleased that his presidency has
decided to carry forward and build upon the shared
theme of the settlement of international disputes or
situations by peaceful means.
Our Organization continues to draw strength
from the steady leadership of Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon, in facing on a daily basis, together with the
Secretariat, the increasingly volatile challenges and
fast-evolving crises around the globe with unwavering
commitment and steadfast determination.
We remember those Organization personnel who
have fallen fulfilling their duty, in the pursuit of our
collective aspirations as reflected in the Charter of the
United Nations.
We were pleased with the convening earlier this
week of the High-level Meeting of the General Assembly
on the Rule of Law at the National and International
Levels. In all settings and all circumstances, including
with respect to States such as Tonga, the rule of law
to the early establishment of the intergovernmental
open working group tasked with designing sustainable
development goals, as agreed at the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio.
This month, Bhutan enters its forty-second year of
membership in the United Nations. During this period,
Bhutan has been a beneficiary of the international
community, whose support and generosity have helped
to bring about tangible improvements in the lives of the
Bhutanese people. In return, Bhutan’s contributions
to the work of the United Nations have been modest
but focused. We have endeavoured to demonstrate
our dedication to the causes of peace, development
and the rule of law. As a responsible member of the
international community, committed to the principles
enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, Bhutan
is now prepared to engage directly in the process of
building a more secure world through non-permanent
membership in the Security Council. This we regard
not only as a privilege, but also as a responsibility of
United Nations membership.
It was in this context that in 1999 Bhutan informed
the Asian Group of its aspiration to seek membership
in the Security Council for the term 2013-2014. Having
never held nor sought membership in the Council before,
we are convinced that all States, regardless of size,
population or level of development, must be permitted
the opportunity to contribute by bringing diversity of
thought, approach and, indeed, their will to the work of
the Council. As a small State, we have always attached
the highest importance to multilateralism and the
primacy of an effective United Nations that serves the
interests of all its Member States.
The election of non-permanent members to the
Security Council next month will, I believe, provide
the opportunity for the international community, as
represented by all Member States, to demonstrate its
commitment to the fundamental precept of sovereign
equality as enshrined in the United Nations Charter and
to the principles of democracy and rotation that give it
meaning.
The Acting President: On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the
Kingdom of Bhutan for the statement he has just made.
Lyonchoen Jigmi Yoezer Thinley, Prime Minister
of the Kingdom of Bhutan, was escorted from the
rostrum.
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With other small island developing States, we are
looking to advance, during this session of the General
Assembly, the agreement reached in Rio on the holding
in 2014 of a Third International Conference for the
Sustainable Development of Small Island Developing
States. That Conference should be hosted in the Pacific
region.
Against the background of the recent Rio+20 and the
ongoing efforts to achieve the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs), such a Conference would represent an
early but timely moment for small island developing
States to take stock of implemented outcomes. In order
to be successful, the Conference will require the strong
and active participation of all small island developing
States and a strong, responsive and cohesive United
Nations system attuned to the issues facing them.
Working towards such a Conference will provide
a boost to ongoing national initiatives such as our
Tonga strategic development framework and its priority
objectives for 2011 to 2014.
Tonga joined other States members of the Alliance
of Small Island States yesterday, under the chairmanship
of Nauru, in adopting a declaration focused on the
continuing serious threat posed by climate change to
the territorial integrity, viability and survival of all
small island States.
There is an urgent need to continue to address
the security implications of climate change, including
the impact on territorial integrity, the frequency and
severity of climate-related disasters, the threat to water
and food security, and the forced displacement of
people.
Our challenge to the international community,
and to developed countries in particular, is to take the
bold measures necessary to reduce emissions of all
greenhouse gases to levels that will ensure a viable and
meaningful future for small island developing States
such as Tonga. To safeguard the survival of the smallest
and most vulnerable States among us is to safeguard
a viable future for all States. A rising tide may lift all
boats, but it will drown us all.
The coming meeting of the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change in Qatar must
advance the efforts of last year’s Durban Conference to
bridge differences over key issues, such as those related
to the future of the Kyoto Protocol, climate finance,
closing the pre-2020 mitigation ambition gap and
is a core pillar and a fundamental component of the
national fabric.
Tongans take great pride in the enduring qualities of
the 1875 Constitution and the early legal codes of 1839
and 1850 as instruments of visionary nation-building
and, with reform over time, lasting peace and stability.
They also laid the foundation for setting Tonga on a
firm footing in the context of international relations
with the global powers of the time, and set us on a path
that ultimately has led to membership in the global body
of our time, the United Nations. Tonga was therefore
pleased to join other Member States in adopting the
Declaration of the High-level Meeting (resolution 67/1).
To expand and improve the role and impact of the
rule of law at the national, regional and international
levels requires the expertise and technical assistance
available from the United Nations system, the relevant
intergovernmental agencies and interested development
partners, so as to be coordinated, continuous and
coherent.
This week’s outcome is a positive development for
small jurisdictions such as Tonga in strengthening their
capacity to address the political, social, economic and
environmental challenges of our time.
Building upon the Secretary-General’s historic
attendance at last year’s meeting of the Pacific Islands
Forum (PIF), a further meeting took place this week,
for the first time, on the margins of this year’s general
debate. The important outcome of the meeting provides
a stronger and regular basis for high-level interaction,
and the meeting allowed for an exchange of views
on issues of mutual import and concern between PIF
leaders and the Secretary-General.
This year’s PIF meeting was hosted by the Cook
Islands, and our communiqué gives proper focus to
issues important to Tonga and the region, including
sustainable development, climate change, the oceans,
renewable energy and gender equality.
Tonga, like other small island developing States,
returned to Rio de Janeiro in June to the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) to
chart a new global course for sustainable development.
For many, if not all, small island developing States,
that return amounted to a reaffirmation of the special
and particular vulnerabilities, recognized in 1992, that
make States such as Tonga unique.
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to addressing the continued development of renewable
energy sources. With like-minded members of the
Alliance of Small Island States, Tonga will build on the
Barbados Declaration on Achieving Sustainable Energy
for All in Small Island Developing States and on Rio+20
to implement its voluntary commitment to reducing its
greenhouse-gas emissions and to improving energy
security through a 50 per cent renewable energy mix
by 2020.
With the requisite financial resources, ongoing
capacity-building, appropriate technology transfers
and genuine partnership with dedicated development
partners, such as New Zealand, Italy, Japan and the
United Arab Emirates, national initiatives, like the
Tonga Energy Road Map, will continue to develop and
provide real benefit for Tongans. We are committed to a
strong advocacy role on the Council of the International
Renewable Energy Agency and to the critical work
that it does in pursuing a more secure and sustainable
energy path.
Tonga joined the other States members of the
Pacific Islands Forum in adopting the Pacific Leaders
Gender Equality Declaration as an important part of
the Pacific Islands Forum communiqué this year. It
establishes a valuable political platform for investing in
the empowerment and promotion of women and young
girls as a vital part of Tongan society and the region’s
future.
We thank Australia for its investment in the Pacific
Women Shaping Pacific Development initiative. The
steps taken to promote and protect the interests of Tongan
women and gender equality include the extension of paid
maternity leave, within the public service, from one to
three months; Government approval of a draft law on
violence against women and children, which is to be
tabled during the parliamentary session; Government
approval of holding nationwide consultations towards
consensus on ratification of the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women; the launch of a national study on domestic
violence against women; and, most recently, last week’s
launch of a social welfare scheme for the elderly, that is,
those over 75 years of age.
Without genuine improvement in gender equality,
Member States will continue to struggle to achieve real
progress towards meeting their commitments under the
MDGs and beyond.
constructively addressing loss and damage associated
with the impact of climate change, while bearing in
mind the cost of adaptation in developing countries,
such as Tonga.
This year’s theme of the Pacific Islands Forum was
“Large ocean island States — the Pacific challenge”. It
built upon the positive outcomes of Rio+20 with regard
to the conservation and sustainable use of the oceans
and their marine environment, or what we call the
blue economy. Like other Pacific neighbours, Tonga’s
connection to its oceanic environment has a strong
historical dimension.
The ocean and its resources are more than an
ancient pathway to a maritime and seafaring past among
disparate islands. They potentially now represent a
liquid highway to a more sustainable future for Pacific
peoples. An eminent Tongan scholar, the late Mr. Epeli
Hau’ofa, said:
“We should not be defined by the smallness of our
islands but by the greatness of our oceans. We are
the sea. We are the ocean. Oceania is us.”
As custodians of the ocean and its living and
non-living resources, we have long appreciated that
the health of the oceans is critical to maintaining a
staple source of sustenance and livelihood for island
communities.
We welcome the focus of Rio+20 on sustainable
fisheries and national capacity development, the
importance of access and the role of small-scale
and artisanal fisheries and women, and the need for
concerted action to address the vulnerability of coral
reefs and mangroves.
As a party to the United Nations Convention on the
Law of the Sea, Tonga is actively seeking to implement
its obligations under the Convention, including
through the timely negotiation of maritime boundary
delimitation agreements with neighbouring States;
effective participation in the work of the International
Seabed Authority and the Commission on the Limits
of the Continental Shelf; implementation of related
agreements, such as the 1995 Fish Stocks Agreement;
and consideration of the potential development of
further legal instruments, within the Convention’s
framework, to reflect the new realities.
During this International Year of Sustainable
Energy for All, we welcome the Secretary-General’s
high-level event this week, which was dedicated in part
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Freedom has a daughter; it is tolerance. And
freedom has a son; it is respect, respect for other people,
respect for what is important to others, respect for what
is sacred to others. Freedom therefore does not mean
freedom from responsibility. Freedom always means
freedom to shoulder responsibility.
We understand the many devout people who feel
wounded by the recent shameful anti-Islam video.
However, legitimate criticism and sincere indignation
cannot be used to justify acts of violence or destruction.
Some would have us believe that the burning of embassy
buildings are proof of a clash of civilizations. We must
not allow ourselves to be deluded by such arguments.
The vast majority of people oppose violence. The
people who have taken to the streets, as well as their
political representatives gathered here in New York
this week, have expressed that forcefully. It is not a
clash of civilizations. It is a clash within societies and
civilizations. It is also a struggle for the soul of the
movement for change in the Arab world.
It is a struggle between open and closed minds,
between moderates and radicals, between understanding
and hate. It is a clash between those seeking peace and
those prepared to resort to violence. The extremists
want to prevent the emergence of freedom by inciting
violence. They must not be allowed to succeed.
Germany has taken a stand in that struggle. We will
continue to expand our support for people in the Arab
world. We are not going to turn our backs on them, but
we will be open to them. Our values and our interests
compel us to take the side of those around the world who
are fighting peacefully for freedom, dignity and self-
determination. Education and work, investment and
growth — our offer of a transformational partnership
still stands.
I will never forget the Syrian father who held out
his emaciated son to me during my visit to the Zaatari
refugee camp in Jordan. Such suffering renders us
speechless, but it also impels us to act. To this very
day, the Security Council has failed to live up to its
responsibility for the people in Syria. I express that
criticism with great sadness. The deadlock in the
Security Council must not continue. Every day, the
violence perpetrated by the Bashar Al-Assad regime
is escalating. The risk of a conflagration engulfing the
entire region is growing. Together with our partners and
the United Nations, we are helping the many refugees
in Syria itself and in neighbouring countries.
In closing, on behalf of His Majesty King Tupou VI,
Queen Nanasipau’u, the royal household, the Government
and the people of the Kingdom of Tonga, I wish to
convey our profound appreciation for the overwhelming
messages of condolence and sympathy from Member
States, the Secretary-General, the Secretariat and the
General Assembly on the untimely passing earlier
this year of our much-beloved King George Tupou
V. I acknowledge in particular the assistance of the
People’s Republic of China at that time. Though his
reign may have been brief, it may yet prove timeless in
enabling an environment where Tongans now exercise
greater electoral democracy and enjoy a fully elected
Government and a more representative Parliament.
That may be his reign’s most enduring legacy.
The Acting President: On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister,
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Defence, Information
and Communication of the Kingdom of Tonga for the
statement he has just made.
Lord Tu’ivakano of Nukunuku, Prime Minister,
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Defence, Information
and Communication of the Kingdom of Tonga, was
escorted from the rostrum.
The Acting President: I now call on His Excellency
Mr. Guido Westerwelle, Minister for Foreign Affairs of
the Federal Republic of Germany.
Mr. Westerwelle (Germany) (spoke in German;
English text provided by the delegation): Freedom,
dignity, self-determination and the hope of a better
life were the driving forces behind the movement for
change in the Arab world.
As Germans, we know from our own bitter
experience that freedom is not a gift. It has to be won
and constantly defended. Freedom is more than just
freedom of thought. It is freedom to express one’s own
opinion and to voice public criticism. For that reason
alone, freedom is not always comfortable. The first
article of the Basic Law, Germany’s Constitution,
states that human dignity shall be inviolable. That
applies to every single individual, regardless of their
origin, culture, creed or sex. As Germans, we have
experienced what it is to lack freedom in the course of
our own history. We will always stand by those who,
wherever they are in the world, call for freedom of
opinion, religion, the press and artistic freedom.
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All Syrians who want their country to have a
democratic and pluralistic future based on the rule
of law must work together. We support the efforts of
Mr. Lakhdar Brahimi, Joint Special Representative of
the United Nations and the League of Arab States, to
find a political approach. Despite the escalating violence
and despite the deadlock in the Security Council, we
must not stop working on a political solution.
During the past 20 months, the Arab League
has demonstrated ever more clearly its adherence
to the values enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. We welcome that and we want to build on
it. At Germany’s initiative, during the last week in
September, the Security Council welcomed intensifying
cooperation between the United Nations and the
League of Arab States (see S/PRST/2012/20). That is
an acknowledgement of the Arab League’s constructive
and positive role.
We also pay tribute to the efforts to gain freedom in
other parts of the world. As a result of the remarkable
opening-up process under way in Myanmar, the country
is emerging from isolation and gradually leaving
repression behind.
We criticize and strongly condemn the ongoing
repression in our own neighbourhood, in Belarus.
In many other Asian and African countries, which
have struck out in a new direction, we are supporting
political transformation by providing assistance for
economic and social development. That is in the
common interest of the international community. For
there is one thing that becomes ever more apparent, and
that is that without development, there can be no security
and without security there can be no development. That
applies to our engagement in Afghanistan, which we
will continue after the withdrawal of combat troops in
2014. It also applies to the efforts to bring stability to
Somalia and Yemen, to the Great Lakes region and to
the countries of the Sahel.
We are very concerned by the still-unresolved
dispute about Iran’s nuclear programme. Iran has still
not produced evidence of the exclusively peaceful
nature of its nuclear programme. It has also failed to
date to provide the transparency that the International
Atomic Energy Agency has long demanded. So far, the
talks during the last few months have not made enough
progress towards reaching a solution. The European
Union’s three plus three group has put forward
proposals for a substantive negotiation process. We still
await a serious response from Iran. We want a political
and diplomatic solution. Time is short. Israel’s security
is at stake. Indeed, stability in the entire region is at
stake. However, that is also about averting the risk of
a nuclear arms race with unforeseeable consequences
for international security. I call on Iran to stop playing
for time. The situation is serious indeed, and time is
running out. We want a political solution, and we are
putting all our efforts into achieving that goal.
Those challenges must not lead us to lose sight of
the necessity of a negotiated peace settlement between
Israel and the Palestinians. There is a danger that the
goal of a two-State solution, the only solution that can
reconcile the legitimate interests of the two sides, will
slip away. The two sides must build new trust. At the
same time, they must refrain from doing anything that
might jeopardize a two-State solution.
Germany’s foreign policy is a policy for peace.
Germany’s foreign policy is anchored in Europe. Many
have been wondering whether Europe can successfully
manage its sovereign debt crisis and whether it will
continue to play a leading role in the world. The answer
is an emphatic yes. Europe has a great responsibility in
the world. And Germany is aware of its responsibility
for Europe. The way out of the debt crisis is difficult. It
requires spending discipline, solidarity and growth. We
will continue down that road. Europe is growing closer
together. Europe is consolidating. Europe will emerge
from the crisis stronger than ever before. Europe will
remain a force to be reckoned with as the world’s largest
donor of development assistance, as an inspiration for
peaceful regional cooperation, as a pioneer in climate
action and disarmament, as a champion of rules-based
globalization and as a driving force for United Nations
reform.
My country’s peaceful unification more than 20
years ago also signified the reunification of Europe.
Since then, the world has changed dramatically. Today,
we find ourselves on the threshold of a multipolar
world. The world with its interdependencies needs a
cooperative order. It needs strong and representative
institutions. We will weaken the Security Council if
we fail to adapt it to today’s world. Together with our
partners in the G-4 group, India, Brazil and Japan,
Germany is prepared to assume greater responsibility.
It cannot be that Latin America and Africa have
no permanent seats on the Security Council or that
dynamic Asia has only one. That does not reflect the
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realities of today’s world, and it definitely does not
reflect the realities of tomorrow.
The challenges are too great for us to simply
accept the status quo. The world is not only growing
together; the pace of change is increasing. We are
living in an age of breathtaking change. That change
brings with it risks and new dangers, as well as new
uncertainties. Above all, however, that change brings
with it great opportunities, especially for young people.
In this changing world we need a clear compass, and
our compass is freedom. The yearning for freedom is
rooted in people’s hearts all over the world. They are
our partners in building a better future.
Address by Mr. Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi,
Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs
and Trade of the Independent State of Samoa.
The Acting President: The Assembly will now
hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for
Foreign Affairs and Trade of the Independent State of
Samoa.
Mr. Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi, Prime Minister
and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of the
Independent State of Samoa, was escorted to the
rostrum.
The Acting President: I have great pleasure
in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Tuilaepa Sailele
Malielegaoi, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign
Affairs and Trade of the Independent State of Samoa,
and inviting him to address the General Assembly.
Mr. Malielegaoi (Samoa): Samoa commemorated
the fiftieth anniversary of its independence this year,
at home and abroad. The Headquarters of the United
Nations was one of the venues, and for good reason.
Our aspirations to be a sovereign State founded on
democratic principles, Christian beliefs and our cultural
values were ably facilitated by the United Nations. New
Zealand, as the administering Power, was sympathetic
and supportive, which hastened the attainment of our
independence. Our people were given the choice to
decide the future of our country. The United Nations
and the administering Power supported the process and
paved the way. As we also heard from the President of
the United States, people everywhere must ultimately
long for the freedom to determine their destiny.
Half a century later, there still remain territories
today, even in our Pacific region, where people have not
been able to exercise their right to self-determination.
In the case of French Polynesia, we encourage the
metropolitan Power and the territory’s leadership, with
the support of the United Nations, to find an amicable
way to exercise the right of the people of the territory to
determine their future.
The outcome document of the United
Nations Conference on Sustainable Development
(resolution 66/288, annex) provides a blueprint for the
future we want. It is a future we all signed on to, a
partnership of shared responsibilities, commitments
and undertakings among all Members, big and small.
For all the goals to be achieved, every country must
deliver on its pledges in good faith and not try to
negotiate a way out.
For Samoa, the gains include the reaffirmation
that small island developing States (SIDS) are a special
case in the area of sustainable development, owing
to their unique and particular vulnerabilities. But
acknowledging the vulnerabilities of SIDS without the
attendant resources for strengthening their resilience
makes that achievement only a hollow victory. The
oceans and seas are resources that most members of
our group have access to. The call to conserve and
harness the marine biodiversity beyond national
jurisdictions, including taking a decision on developing
an international instrument under the Convention on
the Law of the Sea, is a major achievement, worthy of
support.
The decision to hold a SIDS review meeting in
2014 is important and timely. Samoa’s offer to host
that meeting is a matter of record. Coincidentally, 2014
holds special significance for our country. Barring
any natural catastrophes, we will graduate from the
category of least-developed countries (LDCs) on
1 January of that year. That was one of the motives for
our bid to host the SIDS review meeting. We want to
underscore that, through genuine partnerships with
development partners, our small island developing
State, which is also an LDC, has been able to markedly
raise our country’s socioeconomic situation and our
people’s standard of living. It is important that every
Member State be afforded the opportunity to host
United Nations meetings, and the success of meetings
should be measured on the quality of the decisions and
commitments agreed to, not merely on considerations
of costs and numbers of participants.
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are
not merely aspirations of what might be, but tangible
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surely now accept the weight of scientific evidence.
Climate change, facilitated largely through human
activity, poses one of the gravest threats to humankind
and to the continuation of life in our world as we know
it today.
Samoa’s unwavering support for United Nations
peacekeeping work is underscored by its 12 years of
uninterrupted police deployment in service of missions
in Liberia, the Sudan, Timor-Leste and South Sudan.
Our commitment is rooted in our firm belief in the role
that United Nations peacekeeping plays in helping to
eliminate the causes of conflict and in bringing about
peace and stability. A peaceful environment helps to
improve the lives of those who have been affected by
conflict and, ultimately, to achieve our common goal of
peaceful coexistence for our peoples and nations.
We are determined to gradually increase over time
the level and number of our officers in peacekeeping
duties. Regionally owned and coordinated solutions to
regional upheavals can be quite effective and successful.
The Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands,
under the umbrella of the Pacific Islands Forum,
demonstrates the effectiveness of that approach very
well, and Samoa will continue to provide strong support
to regionally owned solutions when required.
Samoa reaffirms its unequivocal condemnation of
terrorism in all its forms. Our continuing determination
to work with other Member States to fight terrorism
using all possible means is consistent with human rights
and the rule of law. The horror of terrorist atrocities
is a common and almost daily occurrence. Terrorist
acts committed under whatever pretext or purpose are
deplorable and morally unjustified. In its various forms
and manifestations, terrorism is responsible for the
permanent scars of horror and fear that have gripped
international attention in recent years. Those attacks
have underlined the fact that when terrorists are able to
infiltrate national borders, no peoples or countries will
ever be immune to the threat of terrorist violence.
So many innocent lives have been lost
indiscriminately and unceremoniously. More than ever,
terrorism is a major threat that must be confronted
by a collective international response at the national,
regional and international levels. It must be condemned
in the strongest terms possible in order to send out
an unequivocal message that it is neither accepted
nor condoned and that perpetrators should not expect
any sympathy for their actions. The tragic events in
Benghazi recall and underscore the importance of all
outcomes of what should be. By their very nature, they
are a restatement of our peoples’ development needs
and hopes. Thus for us, the achievement of the MDGs
by 2015 is not just a matter of pride but one of necessity,
and we will continue to do everything possible to bring
about the desired result. Success would also mean that
we would start the post-2015 sustainable development
goals framework at higher thresholds, which would
help spur greater effort to improve the lives of more
and more of our people.
The sustainable development goals that will succeed
the MDGs are already a major focus of attention in some
quarters. From Samoa’s perspective, clear, time-bound,
targeted and measurable global benchmarks are critical.
We must ensure that the post-2015 development agenda
builds on the important progress made in the MDG
process and is expanded to cover broader sustainable
development issues, as agreed on in Rio. We must
also ensure that the important priorities identified in
the outcomes of the 2014 SIDS meeting are integrated
into the post-2015 global development frameworks and
comprehensively addressed in order to respond to the
needs of SIDS.
Climate change is the world’s most urgent problem,
requiring a decisive global response. It is a challenge
that should unite and not divide us. Entrenched
positions that ignore today’s realities and pursue
unrelated agendas have no role in our collective effort.
All countries are affected to varying degrees by climate
change. No one should be detached or unconcerned
about our common plight. We must work together, with
a sense of urgency and commitment, to address climate
change — today, not tomorrow. It should not be only
science that recommends what we should do, but also
our consciences and the political will to follow through.
We clearly want leaders who view the world as a single
constituency where everyone works together within the
limits of their capacity and capability to be part of the
total solution.
Mr. Schaper (Netherlands), Vice-President, took
the Chair.
The climate change negotiating process has been a
long and frustrating journey, especially for small island
developing States, which contribute the least to the
causes of climate change yet stand to suffer the most,
and are least able to effectively adapt to its adverse
impacts. Climate change cannot be wished away. Even
those countries that have been in denial to date must
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The United Nations remains the only viable
institution that draws all the nations of our world
together. The need to revitalize the General Assembly
and reform the Security Council has been obvious for
many years. In the case of the Security Council, as
long as its composition and rules ignore today’s global
realities, it will continue to struggle for legitimacy and
strain to effectively carry out its intended tasks, as has
been witnessed over many years.
Samoa remains firm in its position that the
permanent and non-permanent membership categories
of the Security Council should be expanded. Member
States with appropriate credentials and the disposition
to contribute to the Council’s work and resources
should be encouraged to apply for membership of that
important organ of our Organization. Importantly, the
intergovernmental process should continue in earnest
during the current session to bring finality to an issue
that has taxed Member States’ patience and endurance
for over a decade and a half.
If the United Nations is to be truly reformed, we also
need a strengthened and revitalized General Assembly
as the primary policy and decision-making organ of
the Organization. Moreover, we encourage the efforts
under way to streamline the work of the different United
Nations agencies to eliminate the wasting of resources
and unnecessary duplication of time and effort.
We often congregate around points of commonality,
finding legitimacy and safety in numbers. It is
diversity, however, that has historically ensured human
adaptability, resilience and true dynamism. Our own
Pacific region is going through a process of maturity,
where subregionalism is evolving and the uniqueness
of capacity and comparative advantages are coming to
the fore. The same can be said of our United Nations
family and its dynamic leadership. Diversity can create
a platform for collective progress if, in the words of
President Obama, “we ensure that we are strengthened
by our differences, not defined by them”.
As we heard from other leaders, including the
Secretary-General and the President of the United
States, it is of critical importance that the Palestinians
be allowed to realize their right to a viable State of
their own, existing alongside a secure and safe Jewish
State of Israel. That has also been and continues to
be Samoa’s long-standing position on the issue. We
remain hopeful that current efforts to secure a peaceful,
durable and fair settlement in the Middle East will be
nations working together, including through the United
Nations, to implement practical and effective measures
to provide for the protection, security and safety of
diplomatic and consular missions and representatives
worldwide. Samoa will continue to work with
like-minded countries towards that goal.
Samoa’s membership of the United Nations is
grounded on the promise of the hope, equality and
justice that the United Nations offers its Member States,
irrespective of their economic, political or military
strength. States in leadership positions and those
aspiring to that status must lead responsibly and by
example. Every Member State, irrespective of its size
or strength, should be able to contribute appropriately
to decisions and actions of the United Nations in order
to make our Organization an agent of change during
challenging times. The United Nations continues to play
an important role in our collective effort to achieve its
objectives, whether in the areas of peace and security,
the environment, poverty alleviation, the fight against
terrorism and many other challenges that threaten our
world.
This week, at the treaty event, I deposited Samoa’s
instrument of ratification for the Kampala amendments
to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court. We ratified those amendments because we place
great faith in the rule of law and the vital protection
that the law offers to all States, especially to the weak
and small.
Lately, serious disputes have arisen among
bordering States, with the potential to escalate into
confrontation with far-reaching consequences. We
would encourage the parties concerned to resolve their
differences through appropriate peaceful settlement
arrangements.
Clearly, Member States can do only so much.
We need a committed Secretariat that is aware and
sensitive to the needs of the peoples it exists to serve.
That is why Samoa supports the Secretary-General’s
vision to create a f lexible and mobile professional
career service to allow for quick and positive responses
to the diverse demands of Member States. The need
for the United Nations to deliver as one entity cannot
be overemphasized. It adds value and quality to the
process, eliminates waste, minimizes duplication, and
ensures that the scarce resources entrusted to its care
are used optimally to supplement Member States’ hard-
earned contributions.
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partnership and visionary leadership if we are to make
significant strides in an era embattled by a plethora
of issues that threaten the realization of our various
development goals. We have no doubt that he will
provide the degree of attention they so urgently deserve.
I must also at this point, on behalf of my delegation,
thank Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session, for so ably
presiding over the work of the Assembly during the past
year.
Our focus this year is on continuing to steadfastly
promote an environment of peace and security, which are
the critical requirements for sustainable development
for our peoples. As the geographic distance that divides
us shrinks into insignificance and becomes increasingly
reduced by our interdependence and partnership, it is
equally significant that we strive for the effective and
lasting settlement of disputes.
Libya and Syria, of course, are just two of the
many cases that come to mind, with the myriad and
multifaceted questions that they raise, not only
regarding the advisability of intervention, but also
with reference to such issues as the timing of any
intervention, the form of any intervention and, of
course, the associated humanitarian and relief-related
consequences of any such intervention. The complexity
of those challenges demands a sober redoubling of our
efforts and underscores the fact that social upheaval
and human trauma anywhere must indeed concern us
all.
The Security Council must continue to ensure that
it executes its mandate to enable the institutionalization
of a culture of peace and security. Respect for
democracy and the democratic principles espoused
by the United Nations must inform the thrust of our
engagement as we reject intolerance for diversity and
embrace peaceful coexistence for all people. I take this
opportunity to condemn the recent, senseless attack on
the United States consulate in Libya, which resulted in
the loss of innocent lives. It must be condemned from
the highest level.
Saint Kitts and Nevis is grateful to be a stable,
socially cohesive nation. On behalf of my Government,
I would also like to express our deep appreciation to the
United States of America for its highly valued support,
in the form of the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative,
offered to both my country and our Caribbean region
in our fight against drugs and criminality. It also
successful. All efforts towards that goal rekindle hope
and should be supported. A peace deal is central to
providing conditions conducive to the achievement of
a two-State solution.
We wish the President well as he leads the work of
our General Assembly. We also wish to place on record
our appreciation to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for
the leadership he brings to the work of our Organization,
and to wish him success in the discharge of his key
responsibilities in the challenging times ahead.
The Acting President: On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister
and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of the
Independent State of Samoa for the statement he has
just made.
Mr. Tuilaepa Sailele Malielegaoi, Prime Minister
and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of the
Independent State of Samoa, was escorted from the
rostrum.
Address by Mr. Denzil Douglas, Prime Minister
of Saint Kitts and Nevis
The Acting President: The Assembly will now
hear an address by the Prime Minister of Saint Kitts
and Nevis.
Mr. Denzil Douglas, Prime Minister of Saint Kitts
and Nevis, was escorted to the rostrum.
The Acting President: I have great pleasure in
welcoming His Excellency Mr. Denzil Douglas, Prime
Minister of Saint Kitts and Nevis, and inviting him to
address the General Assembly.
Mr. Douglas (Saint Kitts and Nevis): On behalf of
the Government and people of Saint Kitts and Nevis, I
extend my sincere congratulations to Mr. Vuk Jeremić
on his election to the presidency of General Assembly at
its sixty-seventh session. His task, we know, will be far
from easy in the light of the wide range of taxing issues
that will be brought before him. As he embarks on his
tenure, it is our hope that under his astute leadership,
the myriad issues that define the work of the Assembly
will continue to find relevance for all of us.
It is imperative, therefore, that the mobilization of
commitments required to advance the agenda of this
sixty-seventh session begin now. We are aware that
the challenges associated with that task are demanding
and will indeed require our focused attention, strong
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participate effectively in the multilateral institutions to
voice our positions on the issue of NCDs. That is why
the Caribbean Community has taken the lead on this
matter in recent years, with the High-level Meeting of
the General Assembly on the Prevention and Control of
Non-communicable Diseases.
Therefore, in the light of the clear nexus between a
healthy workforce and a nation’s economic potential, I
urge this body today to move forward to launch a United
Nations campaign to curb the global toll of NCDs as
we move towards the realization of our Millennium
Development Goals. At the time of last year’s High-
level Meeting on NCDs, there was a commitment both
to ensuring that this grave issue remains high on the
development agenda and to ensuring concrete action in
that regard. Hence, the type of global effort previously
recommended would constitute precisely the type of
concrete action to which we committed ourselves one
year ago.
Any discussion of global health must address the
issue of HIV/AIDS, and because our ultimate objective
must be the complete eradication of that dreaded
disease — as opposed to the lifelong management and
accommodation of same by millions of people around
the globe — I appeal today for a wise, determined
and discerning onslaught against the scourge at the
local, national, and international levels by us all. Here
and now, we must recommit ourselves to eradicating
the stigmatization of and discrimination against
people living or associated with HIV/AIDS. The
abuses of human lives that perpetuate discrimination
and stigmatization must come to an end. We in the
Caribbean are committed to achieving exactly that.
I wish now to address a matter that is profoundly
troubling to small island States like mine. Whatever
the debate being waged internationally regarding the
question of climate change, and however dramatic
the rhetorical jousting within various circles on the
issue, we in the Caribbean can attest to the radical
climatic shifts that our region has undergone in recent
decades. Moreover, it is very troubling that the largest
contributors of greenhouse gases are still not taking
responsibility for the increasing temperatures, rising
sea levels, coastal degradation, coral reef bleaching and
decimation, infrastructural damage and loss of lives
that their actions have wrought.
Our peoples, our maritime integrity, our soils and
our infrastructure are all interrelated contributors to our
addresses the issue of the reform that is required to
ensure that our youth embrace renewed alternatives to
lives of unproductivity and look towards a new hope for
peace and prosperity through respect for human life.
That is of great importance to us. The continuing f low
of foreign-made small arms into our Caribbean region,
however, concerns us greatly. Originating beyond our
shores, those weapons have dire consequences in terms
both of human life and of the economic stability of our
nations.
We are aware that changing cultural values
are influencing the use of weapons by some in our
nations, and we understand the importance of focused
and effective policing and partnership on matters
of security. In that regard, we urge the international
community to make the production of a much-needed
and long-overdue arms trade treaty an absolute priority.
The interests of democratic nations everywhere cry
out for the establishment of international standards
and controls governing the illicit f low of conventional
weapons, and I urge the establishment of a dedicated
secretariat to assist States parties in that regard.
I ask: How can small Caribbean nations be expected
to deal single-handed with the double misfortune
of being located between regions of massive drug
production and regions of massive drug consumption?
Small arms and light weapons always follow illegal
drugs, and we in the Caribbean are simply not equipped
to deal with the externally created crime fallout. On
that point, I wish to stress that before its closure, the
Barbados branch of the United Nations Office on Drugs
and Crime provided critical, hands-on collaboration
in this high-priority area of fighting crime. With
its presence now having been withdrawn, the vital
support that we need simply is not there, leaving us to
adjust as best we can at precisely the time when drug-
and deportee-related crimes continue to be a major
hemispheric challenge.
While we focus on the well-being of our people, my
Government has strengthened its primary health care
with increased attention to reducing the prevalence of
non-communicable diseases (NCDs) and has updated
an implementable plan of action that addresses the
priorities in keeping with the Political Declaration on
NCDs (resolution 66/2, annex). As part of our national
sensitization mechanism on health-related issues, we are
institutionalizing a culture of wellness with emphasis on
healthy lifestyles. Similar responses have been initiated
at the regional level, as we encourage Member States to
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developing States, by virtue of our size and geographic
profile, are clearly among the world’s most vulnerable
nations — hence the recognition of our need for special
attention where sustainable development is concerned
and the importance of everyone remembering the
absolutely essential nature of special and differentiated
responsibilities where small island States are concerned.
I therefore urge that clear targets be established
now so that we can all prepare thoroughly and well
for the 2014 Conference, at which urgently needed
attention will be paid to the ways in which our own
vulnerabilities as small developing States might best
be reduced. This body can be assured of our full
participation in the process and in the post-Rio+20
sustainable development agenda.
Permit me to point out, however, the extent to
which the best-laid plans of countries like mine are
repeatedly upended by decisions made in nations far
beyond our shores. I mentioned earlier the impact of
externally generated carbon emissions on our economic
prospects. I also discussed the severe national security
threat posed to our region by foreign-made small arms
and weapons that have been finding their way into our
nations. Particularly trying as well, and very troublingly
and destabilizing for many countries throughout the
region — and indeed the world at large — has been
the global economic crisis that made itself manifest in
2008, the ramifications of which have been trying and
testing regional economic planners to the limits ever
since. In no way of our making, that global economic
crisis has severely complicated the task of governance
in advanced economies and more so in highly indebted
middle-income nations like mine. It has introduced
both new variables and additional unknowns to our
economic planning models, and has, in a nutshell,
thrust upon us a backdrop of global volatility that none
of us could have anticipated, that none of us welcome,
and that has created immense difficulties for all of our
people.
Indeed, Saint Kitts and Nevis was forced to pursue
a new economic development programme involving
fiscal balance and debt restructuring, with built-in
social safety nets. The assistance of the International
Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the European Union
and our many local, regional and international creditors,
including the United Kingdom and the United States, as
members of the Paris Club, have helped us to alleviate the
severity of the social impact of the economic adjustment
and to restore confidence among our investors in the
overall social and economic viability. And the absence
of corrective and restitutional action on the part of the
industrialized nations involved is neither constructive
nor understandable in this highly interdependent world.
The physical, mental and financial burdens that other
countries’ energy usage has inflicted on countries
like mine has been enormous, plunging us deeper into
debt and severely frustrating our efforts to meet our
Millennium Development Goals.
While a shift to renewable energy will not instantly
solve the myriad problems caused by a significantly
fossil fuel-based global economy, the embrace of green
energy will indeed help to halt the intense downward
spiral into which our fossil fuel-based economies have
thrust our planet. And so we strongly urge that green
energy be made an absolute priority globally. I must
commend the Secretary-General for his visionary
leadership and the Governments and financial
institutions that have committed generously to ensuring
that high-impact clean energy is utilized globally.
My Government wishes to place on record its
appreciation to the Government of the Republic of
China on Taiwan and other development partners for
their valuable assistance to my country in the area of
renewable energy, which will positively impact our
energy cost-reduction efforts as we move towards
realizing a full green economy by 2015 in order to bring
much-needed financial relief to our people.
The recently held United Nations Conference on
Sustainable Development (Rio+20) set the stage for a
reconfiguration of the global programme on sustainable
development, and signaled a new era in the sustainable
development agenda of the international community.
Two decades of debate and deliberation were
instrumental in our being able to frame the dialogue,
and envision a path for the two decades ahead of us. If
we are to even approach the potential of Rio+20, it will
be essential that we first face up to, and then break,
the strictures of indifference and narrow self-interest
that have plagued us for far too long. It is therefore
incumbent upon us and future generations to view our
responsibilities as parts of an ongoing continuum, with
each of our efforts benefitting from and building upon
the work that came before.
Saint Kitts and Nevis therefore applauds
the decision to convene the third United Nations
Conference on the Sustainable Development of
Small Island Developing States in 2014. Small island
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nation, always been our guiding force. My delegation
calls on all States members of this great body to
similarly respect that most sacred pillar of international
coexistence.
Throughout the 29 years of our existence as a
sovereign nation, the Republic of China on Taiwan
has been a highly valued partner and ally. Throughout
my nation, evidence of our collaborative efforts
abound in areas as diverse as agriculture, agritourism,
green energy, information technology, community
development and education, to name just a few.
In my own nation or even my region, however,
Taiwan’s unfailing and valued contributions to the
work of the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change, the International Civil Aviation
Organization, the World Health Assembly and other
forums have long demonstrated its outstanding
credentials as a valued and impactful member of the
global community. It is only fitting and just that all
remaining strictures pertaining to Taiwan’s standing
among the international community of nations be
removed. Saint Kitts and Nevis appeals to this body to
ensure that that will indeed be done.
In closing, I wish to stress here how unfortunate
it is that, yet again, the case has to be made for the
lifting of the embargo on Cuba. The embargo is not,
as some may wish to suggest, a matter of merely
bilateral import. Not only have we repeatedly heard
Cuba oppose the situation in this very body, but we
also know that the embargo’s continued denial of
certain medical treatments to the Cuban people is
simply unconscionable. Cuba and its people have made
considerable contributions to international medicine
and higher education, and the Caribbean has been
among its most sustained beneficiaries. It is therefore
with the utmost conviction and clearest possible resolve
that Saint Kitts and Nevis calls for the immediate end
to the embargo.
I recall that it was in July and August of this year
that the international community participated in the
games of the thirtieth Olympiad. At a time of rising
international tensions and intensifying antagonisms,
the time has probably come for us to introduce to
other areas of international and intra-State realms of
interaction the keen spirit of cooperation and mutual
respect that has enabled the Olympics to function so
constructively and so well for so many years.
economy of Saint Kitts and Nevis. But we continue to
face significant challenges, especially in relation to the
attainment of economic growth in the context of a very
sluggish and uncertain global economy. The mammoth
challenges and difficulties that our small multi-island
State faces underscore the need to pay greater attention
to the issue of special and differentiated responsibilities
in a rather trying era. It also underscores the need for
small, responsible nations like mine to have fair and
calm paths to redress in our relations with far larger
and infinitely more powerful friends and allies.
A few days ago in this very Assembly, the nations
of the world held the High-level Meeting on the Rule
of Law at the National and International Levels. While
there is often debate as to the exact meaning of the
rule of law, my delegation and the people we represent
are happy to align ourselves with the core principle
on the rule of law, as distilled by the late Mr. Thomas
Bingham, Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales. In
his book The Rule of Law, he stated:
“The core of the existing principle is, I suggest,
that all persons and authorities within the state,
whether public or private, should be bound by
and entitled to the benefit of laws publicly made,
taking effect (generally) in the future and publicly
administered in the courts.”
Although not comprehensive, in my country’s view
that represents a solid basis from which to identify the
essential elements of a continually evolving concept
and an essential mechanism for conflict resolution
and for ensuring respect for the fundamental rights
and freedoms of our people. I support the call of the
Secretary-General for a comprehensive approach to
strengthening the rule of law at the international and
domestic levels.
I make the point because, over our almost 30 years
of nationhood, Saint Kitts and Nevis has studiously
examined both trends here at the United Nations and
developments throughout the international community
as we have evaluated our place in the world. Throughout
that time, we have been faithfully guided by our belief
in the rule of law. We believe that in the international
arena, the rule of law was created to protect the
vulnerable, like ours, and to remind us of obligations
to our fellow human beings. We further believe that
orderly and constructive coexistence requires not only
citizens, but nations as well to be bound by the rule of
law. Respect for international law has therefore, for our
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generations. The theme of the sixty-seventh session,
“Bringing about adjustment or settlement of
international disputes or situations by peaceful means”,
should therefore lead us to focus on finding lasting
solutions to the numerous ongoing conflicts in various
parts of the world that are causing vulnerable people to
suffer. Members have the solemn responsibility to steer
this multilateral gathering towards deeper consideration
of the founding goals of the Organization, which are
to encourage and create a more secure and peaceful
world in which diverse cultures and civilizations can
coexist without having to resort to force and violence
to achieve their goals.
This rostrum can testify to all the speeches that
have been delivered by the world’s great leaders on a
vast array of issues that affect humankind. Many of us
representing politically independent nations here have
shared the journey and the litany of heartaches and
dreams deferred of many of our global citizens, whose
human rights to larger political and civil freedom are
still bound by the tentacles of imperialism and the
legacy of colonialism. Even now, for the remaining
colonized territories, this rostrum represents the
pinnacle they so greatly aspire to reach one day.
Since 1980, the Republic of Vanuatu has repeatedly
called for the United Nations to strengthen its efforts
towards achieving the full decolonization of territories
still controlled by administrative Powers. I call on the
independent, free nations of the world to complete the
story of decolonization and to close that chapter.
At this juncture, I urge the United Nations not
to reject the demands for French Polynesia’s right to
self-determination and progress. In the same manner,
negotiations for the self-government of the indigenous
people of New Caledonia must continue. We encourage
the parties to ensure that the process towards achieving
self-government will stay on track.
I also call upon Members to ensure that collective
action is taken to lift the embargo on Cuba. We, the
Members of the United Nations, must revive our
political motivation and courage, dispel our feelings of
animosity, and ensure that United Nations resolutions
on that issue are fully implemented. Our actions must
not detract from the universal values of love and respect
for people, no matter how insignificant they may be to
the powerful nations. I hope that one day we will at last
be able to echo the message of freedom to many of our
friends who still suffer from the burden of conflicting
ideologies.
The international community is, by definition,
diverse. Throughout the community, however, there
run strong seams of commonality that can and must
be better utilized in order to promote peace, the
constructive airing of differences and the avoidance of
violent conflict. Most importantly, when all else fails,
we can and must settle the most vexing international
crises through the good offices of this institution, our
United Nations. That is the path that would serve all our
best interests. I sincerely urge that we take it.
The Acting President: On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the
Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis for the statement he
has just made.
Mr. Denzil Douglas, Prime Minister of Saint Kitts
and Nevis, was escorted from the rostrum.
Address by Mr. Meltek Sato Kilman
Livtunvanu, Prime Minister of the Republic
of Vanuatu
The Acting President: The Assembly will now
hear an address by the Prime Minister of Vanuatu.
Mr. Meltek Sato Kilman Livtunvanu, Prime
Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu, was escorted
to the rostrum.
The Acting President: I have great pleasure in
welcoming His Excellency Mr. Meltek Sato Kilman
Livtunvanu, Prime Minister of the Republic of Vanuatu,
and inviting him to address the General Assembly.
Mr. Kilman (Vanuatu): Vanuatu wishes to
associate itself with other delegations in congratulating
the President and the members of his Bureau on their
election to lead us through this sixty-seventh session
of the General Assembly. I am indeed profoundly
delighted, as Mr. Jeremić assured us in our meeting
earlier this week, that he will do his utmost to assist
with and bring to the forefront the issues that confront
the Pacific island States and other marginalized
nations. We trust that with his guidance, this session
will conclude with successful outcomes.
Allow me also to pay tribute to his predecessor,
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, who, with strong
leadership and diplomatic finesse, led us to great
outcomes during the sixty-sixth session of the Assembly.
Our world has seen unprecedented disputes and
conflicts, most of which have spanned successive
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category, the United Nations will need to ensure that
proper resolutions are adopted by the General Assembly
to ensure that small island States graduating from LDC
status continue to enjoy certain preferential treatment,
even after graduation, to offset the vulnerability factor.
Let me take this opportunity to invite the members of
the triennial review to visit my country to establish
first-hand information and ascertain the findings of
the World Risk Report prior to escalating the process of
graduation in 2013.
Our own experience has shown that the different
ways that multilateral organizations and institutions
categorize member countries can affect the f low of
development assistance. For instance, Vanuatu, together
with 15 other countries, was selected several years ago
from among the Pacific island countries to benefit from
the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) funding
of the Government of the United States of America. At
the time of our selection, Vanuatu was graded as a low-
income country and, by the eligibility criteria of the
MCC, was automatically qualified for and benefited
from $66 million to build two major national roads on
two different islands in the country. I wish to express
our appreciation to the United States Government for
its assistance.
However, when the Report on Countries that are
Candidates for Millennium Challenge Corporation
Account Eligibility for Fiscal Year 2010 was released,
Vanuatu failed to qualify. The reason was simply that
the MCC was using World Bank criteria and graduated
Vanuatu from the status of low-income country to that
of low-middle-income country. In other words, the
World Bank’s criteria may be totally different from the
LDC criteria defined by the United Nations. I therefore
wish to call on the United Nations, especially the
Economic and Social Council, to ensure that the LDC
definition and criteria used by United Nations agencies
are compatible with those of the international financial
institutions.
The vast Pacific Ocean is our heritage and the
prime means of livelihood of the people living in its
island countries. Like other Pacific Island countries,
Vanuatu continues to be exposed to and threatened by
the negative impacts of climate change, such as coastal
erosion, coral bleaching and ocean acidification. At the
Forty-Third Pacific Islands Forum in the Cook Islands,
the Forum leaders noted that many challenges remain in
realizing benefits from the pledged new and additional
targets of the Copenhagen Accord. In that respect, I
Last year, I reiterated to this Assembly our serious
concerns over the denial of a country’s right to exercise
its full political freedom and inherent cultural rights
over its maritime territories. Since we gained our
independence 32 years ago, our territorial dispute with
the French Republic over the southern two islands of
Vanuatu, Matthew and Hunter, has been a reminder
that we must continue to uphold the notion that the rule
of law should not be used by powerful nations as an
instrument to coerce weak and small nations, especially
in territorial disputes.
The French and the Vanuatu Governments met in
Paris in April to commence dialogue on the issue of the
territorially disputed islands. We take this opportunity
to thank the French Government for finally opening its
door to dialogue and negotiation in an attempt to resolve
that outstanding international dispute. We acknowledge
the procedures outlined within the United Nations to
ensure that such disputes are amicably resolved.
As a small island State surrounded by the vast
Pacific Ocean, Vanuatu is exposed to the notorious
illegal transshipment of and trade in illicit arms. The
international arms trade has continuously lacked proper
and coherent regulation and is responsible for the loss of
innumerable lives. Like many other countries, we call
on the United Nations to take a much firmer approach
in expediting the conclusion of an arms trade treaty,
which would provide greater security and control over
such illegal activity. That is an issue of paramount
importance to all countries exposed to the illegal trade
in arms and light weapons.
My country has consistently argued that the
mechanisms and criteria for assessing graduation
eligibility must not be isolated from the permanent and
inherent vulnerabilities of our countries. It is unrealistic
for United Nations agencies to assess progress and
make projections without taking into consideration the
matter of permanent vulnerabilities and the capacity
to sustain growth in our countries after graduation. I
wish to further state that, according to the World Risk
Report 2011, Vanuatu scored highest on the World Risk
Index as the country with the greatest disaster risk, due
to its high exposure and weak coping capacities. The
findings of that report are critical, and we therefore ask
that the United Nations Committee for Development
Policy carefully weigh its arguments and reassess the
vulnerability graduation criteria.
I would also like to state that, prior to another
triennial review of the least developed country (LDC)
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I am grateful for the opportunity to express my
views in this forum. Long live our aspirations to create
a better and a more secure world for everyone, and may
God bless the United Nations.
The Acting President: On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the
Republic of Vanuatu for the statement he has just made.
Mr. Meltek Sato Kilman Livtunvanu, Prime Minister
of the Republic of Vanuatu, was escorted from the
rostrum.
The Acting President: I now call on
Ms. Antonella Mularoni, Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Telecommunications and Transportation of the Republic
of San Marino.
Ms. Mularoni (San Marino): On behalf of
the Government of the Republic of San Marino, I
congratulate Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election as
President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh
session, and I wish him a fruitful year. The San Marino
delegation assures him of its utmost cooperation in all
the work of the General Assembly. I also express my
country’s gratitude to the outgoing President of the
General Assembly, Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for the
excellent work carried out during the sixty-sixth session.
He distinguished himself by his leadership in the
difficult and complex issues before the United Nations.
He promoted the most important themes on the General
Assembly’s agenda with courage and determination,
laying foundations for solutions based on the widest
possible consensus, while continually working to
strengthen the global governance architecture.
My country also extends special thanks to the
Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his energy
and extraordinary determination in leading the United
Nations. San Marino supports the basic priorities of the
Secretary-General’s political action and his idea that the
United Nations should play a key role in strengthening
global governance by creating new cooperation
models capable of managing today’s challenges and
the ever-increasing calls for change. The Organization
is in a unique position to provide solutions in deeply
interconnected fields, such as development, peace and
security, human rights and humanitarian action.
San Marino appreciates the focus of the Secretary-
General’s attention on all United Nations Member
States, without distinction, as well as his commitment in
the field of reform and his presence in all international
would like to seize this opportunity to express our wish
for United Nations assistance in facilitating effective
responses to global climate change, particularly through
the prompt implementation of adaptation measures, as
well as mitigation efforts, climate change financing,
capacity-building and international negotiations.
While we tend to direct our main focus of attention
towards global climate change, we must address other
matters, such as environmental pollution, with the
same exigency and rigor. The potential for permanent,
irrevocable damage to the environment by marine
pollution has been constantly highlighted by the
scientific community and should not be tolerated.
The future growth of international maritime traffic
will further exacerbate the situation. Vanuatu urges
all remaining States that have not yet done so to
expeditiously sign and ratify the 1972 London
Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by
Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter, as well as the
1996 Protocol thereto, and to promulgate and enforce
legal regimes, both in the domestic and international
arenas.
At this point, I would like to reiterate the
unnecessary risk to which we expose our children and
ourselves by not taking a firm precautionary approach
with regard to marine geoengineering practices,
such as sub-seabed carbon sequestration and ocean
fertilization. In our global efforts to combat climate
change, the strict promotion of and adherence to only
those responses that are environmentally sensible is
our crucial responsibility, and I am not only speaking
on behalf of a small island nation when I recall that,
by forgetting the essentiality of the oceans as the
very foundation of life on Earth, one neglects a vital
guarantor of mankind’s future survival.
As I conclude this speech, I have to make a last
appeal to all assembled leaders. I urge them to take
immediate action upon their return to their home
countries to initiate the change that needs to come about
if we wish to preserve a planet capable of providing our
sons and daughters with a bright future. If the leaders
of the industrialized countries want to achieve the
proposed 1.5° C target, they have less than eight years
left to close a vast mitigation gap. Who if not they can
or will implement the required measures for that crucial
change? This may well be their last chance. In their
hands lie the hope and destiny of the world’s nations.
It is a responsibility that they must assume not only for
their own people, but for humankind as a whole.
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numerous informal meetings with Member States and
the representatives of the various political groups. That
reform is particularly important for my country, since
the General Assembly is the most democratic body of
the United Nations and, as such, the most adequate
and sometimes the only forum where a small State can
express its opinions.
The revitalization process of the General Assembly
is fundamental to strengthening the global governance
architecture and must be an objective common to all
Member States. The rationalization of the agenda and
improvement of the methods of work of the General
Assembly are important aspects of the reform, which is
necessary to enhance the technical and administrative
efficiency of this body. But more importantly, the
revitalization process should include the political role
of the General Assembly and its authority, as defined
in the Charter of the United Nations. The reform of the
General Assembly should also improve its relations
with the other main organs of the United Nations in
order to avoid duplication of functions and means.
The Republic of San Marino believes that the role
of the General Assembly should not be limited to that
of a mere body where resolutions are adopted. On the
contrary, it should be a forum for the exchange of ideas
and debate, where solutions to today’s challenges can
be found, and where a global consensus on issues of
common interest can be reached. In that regard, with a
view to enabling the Assembly to fully perform its task,
San Marino supports the prerogative of its President
to organize thematic debates on the most relevant and
urgent issues at the international level.
In that context, I underline the great importance
attached by my country to the initiative of the outgoing
President to organize, together with the Secretary-
General, the high-level thematic debate on the state
of the world economy and finance in 2012, which
took place on 17 and 18 May here in New York. The
Republic of San Marino, together with Turkey, had the
honour and the pleasure to facilitate that event. The
debate was an efficient way to reaffirm the central role
of the United Nations, and in particular of the General
Assembly, by enhancing its deeply democratic nature
and its indisputable legitimacy in dealing with issues
that affect the entire world community.
Four years ago, the world economy suffered a
devastating financial crisis, the consequences of which
are still evident to all. A prompt response by the Group
politically relevant and emergency situations. Among
those worth underlining is the Secretary-General’s
tireless commitment to finding a solution to the terrible
Syrian conflict.
I thank the President for the theme chosen for this
session: “Bringing about adjustment or settlement
of international disputes or situations by peaceful
means”. The Republic of San Marino strongly believes
in the settlement of international disputes by peaceful
means. My country has always believed in the power of
dialogue, democracy and respect for others as values at
the basis of peaceful coexistence among peoples.
In that respect, with reference to the recent bloody
attacks on Western diplomatic missions, San Marino
intends to voice once more its firm condemnation of
any form of violence. We do not believe that violence
is the right answer when someone feels hurt in his
personal beliefs or opinions, regardless of the gravity of
the statements made. Human life must always be above
everything and everyone. Those actions are even more
reproachable when directed to institutions that are the
emblems of international collaboration and mutual
assistance and when States bear no responsibility for
the statements made.
Our country is therefore grateful to the President
for having chosen the theme, most of all at a time when
the international scene is unfortunately characterized
by ever-increasing and bloody conflicts. In that
context, the role of the United Nations, and in particular
of the General Assembly, in peaceful transitions and
democratic solutions is even more fundamental.
For that reason and because the international
community is now called upon to face major global
challenges in a consistent and rapid manner, the reform
process of the United Nations is crucial to future world
stability and must remain the target of all our efforts.
We have the duty to guarantee the full effectiveness of
the Organization’s activities with a view to preserving
and strengthening its essential value as a point of
reference for the international community and for any
individual.
I have the pleasure to reiterate again this year the
support granted by San Marino to the revitalization
process of the General Assembly. In that regard, I thank
Georgia and the Gambia, as co-Chairs of the Ad Hoc
Working Group on the Revitalization of the General
Assembly, for the report recently adopted (A/66/891),
which is the outcome of considerable effort and
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that the intergovernmental negotiations launched three
years ago still represent the right framework to find a
solution, taking into account the interests and positions
of all. Although the various groups of countries still
express different positions, it must be recognized that
some steps forward have been taken in the reform
process. San Marino believes that the reform should
lead to an enlarged, more representative, transparent
and efficient Security Council. Moreover, it believes
that the five strongly interconnected fundamental
themes of the reform need to be considered as a whole.
Over the past few years, some new bloody and
violent conflicts have broken out. We have also
witnessed a massive popular uprising spreading across
the squares of cities in North Africa and the Middle
East. At the forefront of the Arab revolution were young
people, educated and penalized by exclusion from the
labour market. The situation is still unstable, and we
are unable to imagine what the future of such countries
will look like. However, we must support them in their
struggle for democracy, liberty and social justice.
Furthermore, today we are witnessing the Syrian
conflict, the violence of which is unacceptable. There
are clear reports on the atrocities perpetrated against the
population: mass killings, rapes, summary executions
and torture. Children have been among the innocent
victims of the massacres. San Marino firmly condemns
those atrocities, in the same way as it condemns
any violation of human rights and international
humanitarian law.
We hope that the Security Council will be able to
reach an agreement soon on how to settle the Syrian
crisis. San Marino seizes this opportunity to express
its most sincere wishes to His Excellency Lakhdar
Brahimi for having accepted a difficult task.
The commitment of the General Assembly
concerning the Syrian crisis reflects an important
mission of our Organization: to keep the peace
worldwide and to ensure respect for freedoms and
human rights. The Republic of San Marino expresses
its satisfaction with the adoption, on 3 August last, of
resolution 66/253 B, which we co-sponsored.
Another important theme this year on the agenda
of the General Assembly has been the improvement
of disaster prevention and response. That theme has
recently gained greater importance in the political
agenda. Rising temperatures, earthquakes and
droughts have caused unprecedented humanitarian
of Twenty and its central banks was able to avoid the
worst effects of this crisis, but the situation is still
precarious. According to forecasts, many developed
countries will experience stagnation and in some cases
recession. Economic growth has slowed down in many
other countries. Today, unemployment has reached the
highest levels, in particular among young people and
women. Increases in the prices of food products and
persistent inequalities contribute to higher poverty
rates and cause increasingly violent social tensions.
Problems connected with sovereign debts in
Europe have further worsened global economic crisis.
The crisis has severely hit many countries of the world,
thus becoming one of today’s major challenges to our
Organization as well. It is now more than ever necessary
to find new strategies, solutions and, more importantly,
to create a sense of solidarity among our countries and
peoples.
For those reasons too, the organization this year of
a thematic debate on the state of the world economy and
finance was extremely important. My country firmly
believes that this exercise should be repeated at this
session of the General Assembly and perhaps at later
sessions, at least until the crisis has been overcome.
Indeed, when we talk about the revitalization of the
General Assembly, we think of a forum where all
members of the international community have the
opportunity to exchange ideas on the most important
and urgent themes that have a global dimension and
need a global response. In our opinion, the Organization
should play a leadership role in the promotion of fair
and inclusive growth, sustainable development and the
elimination of poverty and hunger.
The reform of the Security Council is part of a wider
reform of the United Nations and remains a central
theme of the activity of the General Assembly. Over
the past few years, the Security Council has approved
a growing number of peacekeeping operations and has
been increasingly involved in extremely important
issues concerning international peace and security.
The reform of that body, based on the widest possible
political consensus, is therefore necessary and must be
carried out with the utmost commitment by all Member
States.
The Republic of San Marino is grateful to
Ambassador Tanin for the wisdom and impartiality
with which he has presided over intergovernmental
negotiations on the reform. Our country is convinced
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The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human
Rights states that everyone is entitled to the same
rights and freedoms, without distinction of any kind.
Unfortunately, in today’s world there is a clear and
direct relationship among disability, poverty and social
exclusion. According to estimates, approximately
15 per cent of the world’s population is affected by
disabilities, and about two thirds of disabled people live
in developing countries. Many of them cannot actively
participate in their societies. This situation is not
limited only to developing countries. Indeed, women,
men and children with disabilities are often victims of
discrimination even in the richest societies.
San Marino was among the first countries to ratify
the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons
with Disabilities. That Convention and its optional
Protocol cover a wide range of civil, cultural, economic,
political and social rights. My country is pleased that
the Convention has been ratified by more than half of
Member States and hopes that it will soon be ratified
by all. Each country has the duty to fully implement
the Convention. An effective and positive change in the
lives of people with disabilities will be possible only if
it is fully implemented.
The Republic of San Marino congratulates the
General Assembly on its decision to convene a high-
level meeting on disability and development in
September 2013 and hopes that the meeting will be a
great success.
Today we all recognize and appreciate the
fundamental role of women. Nonetheless, the
discrimination and violence to which women are still
often subjected are among the major concerns of the
United Nations. In many countries, maternal mortality
is still worrisome, especially in the poorest areas of the
world. Women are the most affected by HIV. In many
parts of the world, women continue to be subjected
to atrocious and humiliating practices. Improving the
status of women all over the world is our responsibility,
a responsibility which all States must share. To that
end, in order to promote the empowerment of women,
it is essential to guarantee women’s access to schooling
and education and to improve their participation in
political, social and economic life at all levels. The
Republic of San Marino welcomes the proposal to hold
a global conference on women in 2015, 20 years after
the Beijing summit.
disasters. Many populations have suffered food and
health insecurity, thus becoming fully aware of their
vulnerability. Disasters are, of course, not only natural
ones but also caused by human beings. The international
community must be able to rapidly and efficiently
respond to emergency situations. A fundamental way
to reduce the risks connected with natural disasters is
undoubtedly to invest in the most vulnerable regions in
order to build the capacities necessary to prevent them,
so that action can be taken before disasters occur.
In the short term, however, it is essential to provide
our political and financial support so as to overcome
the consequences of disasters. In that regard, I am
proud of the fact that my country, despite its small size,
is ranked fifty-second among donors to the Central
Emergency Response Fund.
We are extremely grateful to the Secretary-
General, as well as to the Office for the Coordination
of Humanitarian Affairs and the Fund, for their rapid
and fundamental action in favour of populations in
humanitarian emergency and for their substantial
contribution. Humanitarian and development issues,
particularly sustainable development, are inevitably
intertwined, and our success in providing an efficient
response to natural disasters certainly has a direct
impact on our capacity to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals.
Indeed, as this is a global economic crisis, responses
must also have a global dimension. The United Nations,
on account of its universal character, must play a key
role in the decision-making process on the world
economy and sustainable development, with a view
to finding new solutions and to promoting a political
consensus on these issues.
The Organization must play a leadership role in
the promotion of fair and inclusive growth, sustainable
development and the elimination of poverty and hunger.
In that context, San Marino welcomes the results
of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development, held last June in Rio. Resolution 66/288,
entitled “The future we want”, marked the conclusion
of long and complex negotiations at the end of which
States finally recognized their common responsibilities.
Now the most important thing is for the commitments
undertaken to be respected so that the future that
is wanted and set out in the resolution can become a
reality.
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today as people around the world continue to face a
wide range of situations, characterized by the legacy
of colonialism, injustice, domination, exploitation,
hatred, intolerance, exclusion, xenophobia and so on.
Economic insecurity in the face of the heightened global
economic and financial crises and fierce competition
for dwindling resources and energy security also play
their part in generating tensions in many parts of the
world.
The concept of collective security being the core
pillar of the United Nations Charter has often been
undermined through recourse to dispute-settlement
means that are outside the purview of a multilateral
mechanism. Unilateralism and the selective
interpretation of the provisions of the Charter risk
inciting more conflict and confrontation rather than
understanding and cooperation. That necessitates
wider respect and observance of the principles of
sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence
and non-interference as the bedrock principles of
international relations. Those principles cannot
and should not be put to the political test under any
circumstances.
The growing challenges do not mean that the role
and importance of the United Nations have diminished,
but rather demand a more effective and stronger
Organization. We must internalize that reality and
move forward, grasping the true spirit of its founding
principles and purposes.
Nepal supports a just and lasting solution to the
Middle East. It is our principled position to support
the legitimate right of the Palestinian people to self-
determination and a fully independent and sovereign
Palestinian State on the basis of the United Nations
resolutions. The peaceful and secure coexistence of the
independent States of a sovereign Palestine and Israel
are crucial to ensuring lasting peace in the Middle East.
We call for an end to the violence and the peaceful
resolution of the Syrian crisis by the Syrian people
themselves. The sovereignty, territorial integrity and
independence of Syria must be upheld.
We are of the firm opinion that the protracted
embargo on Cuba is unjustified and needs to be ended
immediately and unconditionally.
We recognize the legitimate rights of every
sovereign State to pursue the development of nuclear
technology solely for peaceful purposes and under
Despite the fact that child mortality is decreasing,
the most recent estimates show that in 2010
approximately 7.6 million children died before the age
of 5. Moreover, according to estimates, in 2015 about
72 million children will not have access to schooling.
Recently, the drought and food emergency in the
Horn of Africa has had a devastating impact on about
13 million people, in particular women and children.
Almost 5 million young people between the ages of 15
and 24 are affected by HIV.
Children are still the most vulnerable group of the
population and are subjected to violence, abuse and
exploitation. A vast number of children all over the
world do not still have access to basic services, health
care and education. Besides facing global challenges
such as the economic crisis and the problems connected
with climate change, States must find the resources
necessary to best meet the needs of children and to
immediately improve the conditions of those living in
the poorest areas of the world. It is imperative for us
all if we want to guarantee to the global community a
future worthy of the name.
The Acting President: I now call on His Excellency
Mr. Narayan Kaji Shrestha, Deputy Prime Minister and
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Nepal.
Mr. Shresta (Nepal): Let me begin by
congratulating Mr. Jeremić on his election to the
presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh
session. My delegation assures him of its full support in
the discharge of his responsibilities.
I also take this opportunity to place on record our
profound appreciation to the outgoing President, His
Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for having
successfully presided over the sixty-sixth session of the
Assembly. Let me also express our sincere gratitude
to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his strong
commitment and dedication in serving the United
Nations.
In establishing the United Nations at a time when
the world was emerging from the ashes of successive
devastating wars, our founding fathers envisioned
a peaceful, stable, just and prosperous world. Nearly
seven decades later, the lofty objectives of the United
Nations Charter are yet to be fully realized. Threats to
international peace and security remain unabated, with
traditional sources of threats continuing alongside the
emergence of new sources and forms of conflict. In
fact, the sense of insecurity seems to be more pervasive
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As a party to 22 human rights conventions,
including seven core instruments, we have established
several laws that ensure the rights of all sectors of
society, including women, children and marginalized
and deprived communities. We are committed to
controlling cross-border human trafficking and to
doing our utmost to ensure that the rights and interests
of migrant workers are protected in countries that are
destinations for labour. The National Human Rights
Commission, which is an independent constitutional
body, operates as the country’s all-powerful watchdog
for the protection and promotion of human rights.
We are committed to strengthening that specialized
national institution as a true custodian of human rights.
Nepal has provided shelter to a large number of
refugees on humanitarian grounds. While we appreciate
the assistance of the international community in
supporting refugees, we reiterate that their voluntary
repatriation to their homeland with dignity and honour
is the only durable solution to the refugee problem.
We underscore that the rule of law at the
international level is as important as at the national level
in ensuring the sovereign equality of all States, respect
for their territorial integrity and political independence
and non-intervention in their internal affairs. Those
are essential principles for peaceful coexistence and
mutual cooperation among States.
The issue of sustainable development has come
to the forefront of today’s global discourse. It was the
focus of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20). We believe that we need to
pursue not only sustainable development goals, but
also a development path towards equal prosperity
through meaningful development opportunities by
eradicating the deeply entrenched inequalities and
global exploitative practices. In our opinion, freeing
all human beings from the dehumanizing clutches of
poverty and hunger should be the first essential step
towards that end. The outcome document of Rio+20
(resolution 66/288, annex) sets out a broad framework
for global action for “The future we want” and a post-
2015 global development agenda. The need of the hour
is to ensure effective implementation.
As we all have come to realize, climate change is
one of the greatest challenges of our time. Its insidious
effects are visible everywhere and are compounded
by disasters of increasing magnitude and frequency.
Countries like Nepal, which make a negligible
effective international supervision. We stand firmly
against nuclear proliferation, the arms race and the
misuse of nuclear technology for ulterior motives.
We strongly oppose and renounce violence and
physical attacks on diplomats anywhere under any
pretext.
We reiterate our call for general and complete
elimination of nuclear and all other weapons of mass
destruction in a time-bound manner. The international
community should work in unison to strengthen
controls over small arms and light weapons to prevent
their pervasive abuse by criminal elements.
It is heartening to note that, as a major troop-
contributing country, Nepal has already provided
over 92,000 professional and dedicated peacekeepers
to the United Nations for various operations since its
first participation in 1959. We remain steadfast in our
commitment to international peace and security and
affirm that our contribution to that noble cause will
continue. While calling for timely reforms in that
f lagship activity, we stress the importance of equitable
representation of troop-contributing countries, at the
leadership level, both at United Nations Headquarters
and in field missions.
I would like to reaffirm Nepal’s unreserved
condemnation of terrorism wherever it occurs and in
all its forms and manifestations. We renew our call
for an expeditious conclusion of the negotiations on a
comprehensive convention on international terrorism.
As we continue to combat terrorism, we must not forget
that durable peace can be built only on the firm pillars
of the prevention of conflict, the peaceful resolution of
disputes, persistent efforts for disarmament, poverty
reduction, development and respect for diversity,
fairness and justice. There is a need to differentiate
between terrorism and struggles for liberation, freedom
and sustainable peace and development.
Our commitment to democracy, human rights, the
rule of law and inclusive development is unflinching.
The mutually reinforcing effects of such principles foster
the active participation of the people in governance
processes towards safeguarding peace, security
and development. To address Nepal’s post-conflict
transition needs, we have established mechanisms and
processes for the protection and promotion of human
rights and for their monitoring at the highest level and
at various tiers of the sub-national level.
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better understanding and cooperative relations among
countries and peoples of the world.
The least developed countries (LDCs) are suffering
from dehumanizing marginalization and deprivation
of the basic necessities of life. This state of affairs
is a blemish on the sheer aff luence achieved in the
globalized world. Global sustainable development will
not be possible without sustainable development for the
LDCs, including substantial improvement in the quality
of life of their 880 million people. The world must pay
due attention in deeds as well as in words to the special
and different needs and requirements of the LDCs.
The landlocked LDCs (LLDCs), among which Nepal
figures, have to bear the additional disadvantages of
physical and non-physical barriers in trade. That results
in increased transactional costs for transit transport,
which renders their international trade uncompetitive.
Transit countries, regional groups, the international
financial institutions and other development partners
should work together to overcome those difficulties by
investing in transport infrastructure links and trade
facilitation measures. We underline the central role
of the United Nations in promoting the development
agenda, taking into account the special needs and
development challenges confronting the LDCs, the
LLDCs and other vulnerable groups of countries.
Timely and ongoing reforms of the United
Nations are necessary to strengthen and revitalize
this world body so that it can respond to increasing
global challenges. The General Assembly must be
strengthened and endowed with decision-making
power and authority commensurate with its global
representation. Nepal supports the expansion of the
Security Council in both member categories and hopes
to see greater accountability and transparency in its
working methods. The Economic and Social Council
must be strengthened for the promotion of international
economic cooperation, coordination, policy review and
dialogue. It must also formulate and develop the social
and economic agenda and work for the implementation
of agreed international development goals, with special
emphasis on development for LDCs, LLDCs and small
island developing States, among others.
We seek an increased role for the United
Nations system in global economic governance, with
strengthened coordination and cooperation with
the Bretton Woods institutions and the World Trade
Organization, to reflect the dynamics of change.
contribution to greenhouse gases but have to bear the
disproportionate brunt of the impacts of climate change,
deserve special assistance in creating and maintaining
climate-resilient societies. Negotiations under the
United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change should continue to be guided by the principle
of common but differentiated responsibilities in letter
and spirit. Nepal hopes that the successor mechanism
of the Kyoto Protocol ensures binding commitments
and climate justice. The various funding mechanisms
for climate change adaptation and mitigation measures
must be activated, and action must be taken on an
urgent basis.
The world we live in is more unjust today than when
we inherited it. Contrary to much-touted popular belief,
the profusion in knowledge, the revolution in science
and technology and increased mobility in ideas and
global capital, though often termed as advancements
characteristic of the modern world, have failed to
deliver significant contributions to making our planet
safer and more just. They could have, but that is not
the reality. It is an irony that our capacities to produce
goods and services have increased manyfold, leading
to an unprecedented accumulation of wealth, but over
one third of the world’s population is forced to live in
abject poverty.
The rapid globalization of finance and an
unsustainable consumption of resources have made
a few people enormously rich at the cost of the rest,
making for the greatest inequality among human beings
ever in history. Obviously, the transformative power of
globalization has not been utilized for the benefit of the
masses. The direction and pattern of the current form
of economic globalization therefore call for a change in
its mode of operation so that it becomes more inclusive
and responsive to the needs of poor and marginalized
people.
Nepal views the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)
and the Group of 77 and China as important multilateral
forums that should play an active role in advancing
the United Nations agenda, in line with the Charter
objectives of pursuing the shared goals of peace, progress
and prosperity. The principles and purposes of NAM are
of continued relevance in forging developing countries’
collective moral resolve to create an equitable, fair and
just world order, combating the conservative forces of
repression, invasion, intimidation and injustice. The
ideals of NAM, as reiterated at its recently held sixteenth
summit in Teheran, go a long way towards fostering
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peace and stability should safeguard national
sovereignty. Thus democracy, development, peace and
national sovereignty are the major components of our
process of change. From our experience, we can say that
democracy has both universal and particular aspects.
We thank the international community, including
the United Nations, for its continued support for and
cooperation in our peace and constitution-making
process from the very beginning, and hope that it will
continue in the future.
Nature has blessed us with an outstanding mountain
range with gushing rivers, incredible biodiversity and a
landscape spectrum of contrast and vibrancy. We are
equally rich in ancient cultural heritage, multiple ethnic
cultures and a diverse mosaic of hardworking people.
We need a stable and peaceful environment if we are
to make effective use of those diverse endowments for
socioeconomic transformation, along with ongoing
State restructuring. Only then will it be possible to
translate the historic achievements we have made on
the political front into tangible results in economic and
human development terms.
As a symbolic gesture to institutionalize peace
for development in the national, regional and global
contexts, we want to develop Lumbini, the birthplace of
Lord Buddha, the apostle of peace, into an international
city of peace. In that respect, we call for international
support and cooperation to realize the initiative.
In conclusion, I would like in all humility to draw
the attention of all world leaders to the core reality
that if we do not reach the goal of global peace and
prosperity together, then nobody will. That is why we
must act together accordingly.
The Acting President: I now call on His Excellency
Mr. Tonio Borg, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister
for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Malta.
Mr. Borg (Malta): I extend my warmest
congratulations to Mr. Jeremić on his election to preside
over the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session.
The demanding agenda of this Assembly makes that
no easy task, but I assure him of Malta’s support and
friendship.
Over a year ago, the protagonists of the Arab Spring
proclaimed that their time had come. They shed their
blood for freedom, calling for an end to the status quo
of oppression and injustice. Unfortunately, extremists
persist in their efforts to derail that call. United States
Let me briefly say a few words about the current
situation in my country. The historic task we face is
still to positively conclude the historical transition
we are undergoing as early as possible. We need the
Constituent Assembly to promulgate a new constitution
and we need to finally complete the peace process.
Based on the historic people’s movement of 2006, which
was the culmination of many decades of struggle by the
Nepalese people against autocracy, we abolished the
monarchy and established a republican State. We also
adopted other important principles, such as secularism,
federalism and inclusive, proportional representation
and participation, although they are yet to be codified
in a new constitution.
The Constituent Assembly was elected for the
first time in Nepal’s political history in 2008 and
was mandated to draft a constitution addressing the
aspirations of the people for change, a restructuring of
the State and an end to all forms of exploitation and
discrimination based on class, ethnicity, gender and
region. The Constituent Assembly worked for four
years to draft the new constitution and completed 80
to 90 per cent of the drafting, but never finalized the
text. Not having met its deadline, and after the Supreme
Court ruled against extensions, it was dissolved on
27 May this year.
We have made qualitative progress on the technical
side of the peace process, mainly the integration of
former Maoist combatants. There is no outstanding
problem left in that regard and the process is near
completion. A transitional justice mechanism is in place
to promote the peace and reconciliation process needed
for the completion of the peace process. But we have
yet to find a solution to the Constituent Assembly’s
inability to create a constitution. Political parties are
engaged in dialogue and negotiations in that regard
and are seriously committed to finding a consensus
solution. National consensus is the only option to find a
way out of the current impasse. We hope we will be able
to do so without excessive delay.
As we go through the process of institutionalizing
change, we are of the firm belief that democracy,
development and peace are interrelated and
interdependent. By “democracy”, we mean inclusive
and participatory democracy, and by “development”
we mean people-centred development with social
justice and socioeconomic transformation. Without
democracy and development, there cannot be lasting
and sustainable peace. And democracy, development,
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celebration for our neighbours, and Malta joins others
in recognizing their achievements, as well as the
achievements of the other countries of the Arab Spring.
Yet as we bear witness to the wave of democratic
reform drifting across the southern Mediterranean
shores, we must also recall that others are still struggling
for freedom. The situation in Syria cannot but trouble
us. Oppression and violence are never the solution.
They only stif le the inevitable for a short while, for
the human spirit can never be defeated. And it is our
duty, as the international community, to respond. It is
not a question of resolutions and syntax. It is our moral
obligation to ensure that the people of Syria are not
abandoned to a tragic fate.
The time to sit on the fence and live with prejudices
and division is over. Malta firmly believes that now
can be the right time for a new era — not just for the
southern littoral shores of the Mediterranean Sea, but
for the whole basin. The Mediterranean region has
known too many wars, too many divisions and far too
many prejudices. As the heart of the Mediterranean,
Malta understands well the nuances of the basin, and
it is this understanding that pushes us to reaffirm our
commitment to the promotion of prosperity and peace
across the whole Mediterranean region and beyond.
Malta’s initiative to convene a European Union-League
of Arab States ministerial meeting in Malta in 2008
was specifically aimed at attaining that. We salute the
decision for the “Malta II” meeting to take place in
Cairo next November.
Our efforts did not stop there. In a few days’ time,
Malta will host the 5+5 Heads of State and Government
Meeting of the Western Mediterranean Forum. That
grouping should offer an excellent opportunity to
discuss such issues. The summit meeting coincides
with the dramatic changes taking place in the political
landscape in North Africa. The expectation for
the implementation of concrete action in the Euro-
Mediterranean region, transcending ineffective
declarations, statements and conclusions, is important.
I hope that the Malta Summit will meet the aspirations
of the peoples of the northern and southern basin of the
Mediterranean. We cannot fail in that regard. We owe
it to our peoples.
However, if we want to truly embrace the changes
that are taking place around us, we must take them
further. The call to rise above stalemate and stagnation
is nowhere more evident than in the Middle East
Ambassador Christopher Stevens was, sadly, one of
their victims. One cannot stress strongly enough the
importance of protecting the inviolability of diplomatic
premises and personnel, and reiterate our collective
condemnation of the deplorable acts perpetrated
recently in various capitals of our neighbourhood.
Many doubted the success of the Arab Spring;
many feared its call for change. Yet change did come.
We are now witnessing the first seeds of democracy
blossoming in places where that would previously have
been unthinkable. And more change is yet to come.
People around the world are calling for it. Theirs is a
call that pits us against conventional thinking, pushing
us out of our comfort zone and into the unfamiliar — a
call for humankind to go beyond the borders of human
difference and indifference. We have the choice to heed
that call or to ignore it, but make no mistake — we do
have a choice.
Malta knows all too well what the call for change
is about. It experiences it first hand as it receives those
f leeing war, hunger and persecution, arriving on its
shores after a perilous journey in search of a better
life. Malta recognizes that we need to give those people
safe refuge, and we do so with a sense of solidarity and
a strong belief that every human life is worth saving.
We are committed to giving assistance, and we remain
steadfast in our belief that Malta will continue its
historical role of welcoming those who are bereft of
human rights and dignity.
It is in that spirit that Malta calls upon the
international community to give those people genuine
alternatives, and to no longer accept that it is a problem
in someone else’s backyard. We want to ensure that
the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals
does not become a simple check-marking exercise, but
instead underscores a truly global effort that will lift
millions out of situations of deprivation, disease and
discrimination. Those goals must be sustained long
after the media has gone and the speeches are over, and
we urge the Assembly to spare no effort in seeing that
it is done.
The choice of freedom has seen Malta’s neighbour
to the south hold its first free and fully democratic
elections in 60 years. We salute Libya on its recent
successes. For many, the act of voting was a success in
itself. The Libyan people voted for their policy-makers.
They did not vote for ideology, but for visionaries who
will breathe life into their aspirations. It is a time of
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Nations stands for the betterment of humanity. We
remain committed to living up to the expectations and
aspirations to which we adhere under its Charter. Most
of all, we need to embrace change. The future begins
with the choices that we make today.
The Acting President: I now call on His Excellency
Mr. Uri Rosenthal, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands.
Mr. Rosenthal (Netherlands): Last month, I visited
a refugee camp at the border between Turkey and Syria.
I met children, women and men, who told me how they
had escaped the violence and suffering in their home
country. They had f led the bloodshed of a regime that
is using indiscriminate violence against its own people.
They had f led a country where children are being
tortured, women raped and innocent civilians killed.
They had lost their friends, family and homes, but they
had not lost hope for a better future.
One of the people whom I met near the border was
Medya, the 25-year-old mother of a five-year-old girl.
She had f led the city of Homs eight months earlier.
Now, she travels back and forth between Homs and a
refugee camp in Turkey at great personal danger. She
risks her life to report to the world on the situation in
Syria. Her reports are broadcast on major international
networks.
Medya told me about the terrible events that she had
witnessed. I was touched by her sorrow and impressed
by her determination. Her strong desire for freedom is
something to which we can all relate. Those who have
struggled for freedom do not give up easily. However,
it is also clear that those refugees need the support of
the international community at large. They need food,
shelter and security. Ultimately, they need an effective
United Nations and a strong international legal order.
Promoting the international legal order is enshrined
in the Constitution of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
It is a mission that we share with many in this Assembly.
Together with 49 other countries, we are helping to
establish legal order and security in Afghanistan, for
example. I want to pay tribute to the Dutch and the
other men and women, soldiers and civilians, currently
serving there.
The Hague, a city of peace and justice, is known
for its contribution to the international legal order. It
is home to the International Court of Justice and the
Permanent Court of Arbitration, which are both based
peace process, where the fear of change is holding all
those involved back. The parties concerned must face
some uncomfortable truths in order to overcome the
stumbling blocks. Bickering over who does what when
is not the way forward. Forging common ground does
not equate with giving in.
Malta believes that the international community
must redouble its efforts in that process and that there
can be no rest until the world welcomes a truly stable
and secure Middle East. We owe it to the Palestinians
and the Israelis. We owe it to the wider Mediterranean
region, which has now been deadlocked for far too
long in the grips of that struggle. There really is no
other option than that, for the alternative is further
entrenchment of the positions held and more extremism
and instability. Malta reaffirms its commitment to the
efforts of the United Nations and the European Union,
in particular towards the attainment of the goal of two
viable States living side by side in harmony. However,
that solution is possible only if it is feasible on the
ground. That means no unilateral action, which would
make it an unattainable reality.
A year from now, we should no longer be talking
of a Middle East peace process but of a Middle East
in peace, and that is that. The sceptics among us will
note that that is what was said last year and, of course,
even the year before. For over 60 years, we have been
making that call but we must not let the opportunity
slip away once again. The Arab Spring shows us that
we need to answer the call of history now. It can be
different this time.
The events happening around us highlight not only
our sense of duty to promote and protect human rights
worldwide but also our sense of responsibility, for the
actions that we take or fail to take today will have a
bearing on future generations. Malta drew the attention
to that belief with its call for a universal declaration on
human responsibilities, made in this very Hall during
the sixty-fourth session of the Assembly in 2009.
We know that we are not alone in the endeavour.
We share with other Member States a commitment to
solidarity, cohesive ideas and a harmonious discourse
in favour of the sustainability of the planet and the
stewardship of its peoples. That conviction encourages
us to push forward with our efforts for we are certain
that history will be on our side.
In conclusion, our destiny is what we perceive
our future to be. We are convinced that the United
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Negotiations on a robust and effective arms trade
treaty should recommence as soon as possible.
A stronger legal order also promotes freedom. It
promotes human rights, reinforces the responsibility to
protect and helps prevent atrocities. Greater freedom
means equal rights for men and women alike. Women
make up 50 per cent of humankind. We need the full
100 per cent of humankind. It is in every country’s
own interest to make sure that women are actively
involved in society, the economy and politics. They
must participate in the power structures as leaders of
the world.
Human rights cannot be imposed from the outside.
But Governments carry the responsibility for observing
their international human rights obligations and
commitments. There is therefore a need to communicate
constantly about the obligations and commitments.
The role of the Human Rights Council in promoting
freedom is crucial. We need to improve the way in which
it functions. Countries that aspire to join the Council
should be genuinely committed to respecting human
rights. I am proud to reiterate our genuine commitment
and to announce the Dutch candidature for the Human
Rights Council from 2015 to 2017.
People should be free to live their lives in peace
and security. Therefore, every State has an obligation to
prevent aggression, genocide, crimes against humanity
and war crimes. Prevention is key. But if countries
cannot or will not act, the international community has
a responsibility to protect.
A strong international and domestic legal order
promotes prosperity and, let me state it emphatically,
economic growth. Trade, investment, innovation and
economic development will all benefit from a stable,
predictable and rules-based business climate.
The economy cannot thrive in societies where
human rights are violated, corruption is rampant and
Government revenues are wasted. That is one of the
lessons of the Arab awakening. Sustainable prosperity
and sustainable economic growth depend upon a strong,
legitimate and reliable legal order.
For that matter, free trade agreements and a well-
functioning World Trade Organization are crucial for
stimulating growth. According to the World Bank, a
new global trade deal would increase global welfare
tremendously.
at the Peace Palace. Next year, we will proudly celebrate
its centenary. Former Secretary-General Boutros
Boutros-Ghali recognized the role of the Netherlands
in the international legal order by naming The Hague
the legal capital of the world.
We need international law to protect people,
societies and nations, or, as former Secretary-General
Kofi Annan recently wrote, the United Nations Charter
was issued in the name of we the peoples, not we the
Governments. So we need a stronger international legal
order, first, to preserve peace and security; secondly,
to protect freedom; and thirdly, to promote prosperity.
That is the task that we face.
A strong international legal order helps to preserve
peace and security. To achieve that goal, we need
greater unity. I regret the persistent disagreement in the
Security Council. It has prevented the United Nations
from taking decisive action on Syria. The world is
in desperate need of a strong, united and determined
Security Council.
Mediation, arbitration and judicial settlement are
indispensable for the peaceful settlement of conflicts.
We should cherish and develop those tools, as Deputy
Secretary-General Jan Eliasson has so rightly said.
Better implementation of existing treaties on
non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament is of
paramount importance.
An effective international legal order means that
countries are bound by their promises. Iran must
completely fulfil its International Atomic Energy
Agency obligations and abide by Security Council
resolutions. The burden of proof is on Iran. As I said
to my Iranian colleague, Minister Salehi, earlier this
week: You are the one to convince the world of the
peaceful character of your nuclear programme — not
us.
The international agendas on nuclear, chemical and
conventional weapons must lead to concrete results and
new treaties. The United Nations and the Conference
on Disarmament in Geneva need to do better.
The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical
Weapons in The Hague will this year celebrate its
fifteenth anniversary. It should stand ready to assist in
addressing the chemical weapons problem in Syria.
The Netherlands will host the next Nuclear Security
Summit, in 2014, as part of our efforts to enhance
security and fight nuclear terrorism.
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protection and prosecution. Fifthly, countries that have
not done so to date should join the International Criminal
Court. That will ensure that civilians are protected and
the perpetrators of atrocities are prosecuted.
That takes me back to Syria. The Syrian crisis
highlights the mounting challenges of the United
Nations and its States Members. I applaud the active
stance of the Secretary-General with regard to Syria.
The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs, the World Food Programme, the Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
and many other organizations are providing crucial
assistance to the victims of the violence. I want to pay
explicit tribute to the Governments of Turkey, Lebanon
and Jordan for their invaluable efforts to alleviate the
suffering of the thousands of refugees.
In conclusion, for me, meeting Мedya, that
courageous Syrian journalist and mother, has given a
voice to those refugees. I hope that I will meet Medya,
that 25-year-old mother of a five-year-old child, again
in the near future in Homs, Syria. I want to see her live
in an inclusive and prosperous Syria, where democracy
and human rights replace terror and violence. It is about
democracy and human rights. That is our aim. I want
to see her live in a Syria where jobs and economic
opportunities have replaced poverty and despair.
That woman, Мedya, has already shown the courage
and the will to contribute to Syria’s future. Together,
we, the peoples of the United Nations, should show
that same courage. Together, we must preserve peace,
protect freedom and promote prosperity. Together, let
us build a stronger international legal order.
The Acting President: I now call on His Excellency
Mr. Alfredo Moreno Charme, Minister for Foreign
Affairs of the Republic of Chile.
Mr. Moreno Charme (Chile) (spoke in Spanish):
Allow me to convey to Mr. Jeremić our warmest
congratulations on his election as President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session and to
once again extend to him our fullest cooperation. We
would also like to convey our gratitude to Mr. Nassir
Abdulaziz Al-Nasser for his significant work during
the previous session. We also congratulate Secretary-
General Ban Ki-moon on his leadership at a time
marked by the immense scale of the challenges that we
face.
Chile’s foreign policy is based on principles such
as the defence of democracy, respect for human rights
A good way to promote foreign direct investment
is by enhancing arbitration and conflict resolution
mechanisms. The Permanent Court of Arbitration in
The Hague has an increasingly important role to play.
Protecting intellectual property rights effectively
fosters innovation. We should therefore strengthen the
World Intellectual Property Organization.
Finally, the Millennium Development Goals need a
new agenda, with bold ideas to end poverty and plans to
promote sustainable development and foster economic
growth. The private sector is crucial to achieving
those goals, especially when it comes to unlocking the
potential of small and medium-sized enterprises. To
quote renowned economist Paul Collier, “We cannot
make poverty history unless the countries of the bottom
billion start to grow”.
The United Nations is indispensable for the agenda
of peace, freedom and prosperity. The widening gap
between the increasing expectations we have of the
United Nations, on the one hand, and of its capacity
to deliver, on the other, is a cause of serious concern.
Therefore, we need a more effective, efficient and
coherent United Nations.
The Security Council must act decisively when
serious crimes are involved and international peace and
security are at stake. All United Nations organizations
should deliver as one. The Secretary-General’s reform
proposals must be implemented.
Emerging Powers rightly ask for more influence,
due to new political and economic realities. The
Security Council should be reformed while taking those
realities into account. At the same time, the larger share
of those emerging Powers in the world economy should
be reflected in the relative contributions of Member
States to the United Nations budget.
The Members of the United Nations need to take
action in five areas. First, countries should respect
universal human rights without distinction. That
key principle also applies to lesbian, gay, bisexual
and transgender individuals. Secondly, the rights of
religious minorities should be guaranteed all over the
world. Governments should protect religious groups
against violence. Thirdly, countries should recognize
the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court
of Justice, as the Secretary-General has requested.
Fourthly, countries should adhere to the principle of
the responsibility to protect. That applies to prevention,
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country that we hope very shortly to welcome to the
Organization. We strongly believe that the Palestinian
people have the right to a free, sovereign and democratic
State. However, we also note that the State of Israel has
the right to recognized, safe and respected borders.
Only in that way will Palestinians and Israelis be able
to coexist and move forward in peace and harmony.
The leaders of the States members of the Assembly
have the moral obligation and enormous responsibility
of seeking to harmonize interests in order for reason
to prevail. The United Nations is the sole international
forum with the necessary capacity to address the
maintenance of peace, security, the protection of human
rights and international development cooperation. It is
therefore our responsibility to strive to find the means
for consensus to enable us to cooperate in resolving
current conflicts, averting future ones, preserving
peace and launching a cycle of development for the
benefit of our peoples.
Chile, through a sustained effort, has enjoyed more
than 100 years of peaceful international coexistence
on the basis of understanding and dialogue, as well
as legally and politically respected border agreements
and treaties, as borne out by our peaceful vocation.
Nearly 40 years ago, however, my country experienced
a crisis that shattered its institutional order and divided
our society, leading to a confrontation with tragic
consequences. Thanks to a united effort, an exemplary
peaceful transition was possible. Despite the deep
divisions that were a hallmark of that time, we were
able to move forward in building a solid foundation
owing to the willingness to reach an understanding that
prevailed among political forces that previously held
irreconcilable positions.
Moreover, despite its differences, Latin America
has learned to live in diversity and has progressed more
than other regions in the past decade. In our region,
various kinds of Governments that propose different
political and development models coexist. However,
through dialogue, understanding and reason, we have
reached consensus on establishing regional integration
mechanisms that have enabled us to move forward
with common goals. That policy, based on respect
for differences and the pursuit of mutually beneficial
integration, is at the heart of our foreign policy.
Just as mutual respect and human understanding are
ground rules of our national policy to achieve freedom,
progress and social justice, the same should occur in
and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Among others,
those principles form part of the Charter of the United
Nations. Their observance provides for coexistence
among States at the international and national levels,
and thus preserves, for nations and their peoples,
the most precious asset of national societies and the
international community, namely, peace.
Peace is the basic value at the root of this body.
However, despite the efforts made, serious problems
persist internationally, as well as nationally in some
Member States. We have witnessed the Arab Spring,
which, by channelling the legitimate expression
of its peoples for greater freedom, democracy and
respect for human rights, resulted in some cases,
without prejudice to the difficulties that remain to be
overcome, in processes that have led to democratic
changes. Regrettably, in other cases, it has given rise to
repression and violence.
The repression of their people by dictatorial
regimes and the inability to peacefully forge democratic
transition processes are the result of a mistaken way of
engaging in and understanding politics. Confrontation
has prevailed over tolerance, violence over dialogue and
conflict over understanding, as we see now happening
in Syria.
From this rostrum, we reiterate the call to all
parties, in particular the Government of that country,
for an immediate end to the violence, respect for
human rights and the establishment of the foundations
for a dialogue that can lead to a political solution of
the current crisis, in which justice and the rule of
law prevail. The international community bears the
responsibility to support that process, while respecting
the principles of non-intervention, territorial integrity
and, above all, human life.
We must condemn the intolerance that shows a lack
of respect for different cultures and beliefs and has
given rise to outbreaks of violence. Nothing justifies
the criminal act committed in Libya against United
States diplomats. We vigorously condemn that event
and any other act of violence, which, in that particular
case, negates the essence of the diplomatic function,
which this forum must specifically seek to defend with
the utmost resolve and determination.
In addition, we have resolutely supported all
international efforts towards a just, legitimate and
lasting solution of the problem between Palestine
and Israel. We recognize the Palestinian State — a
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and democratic organ that is in line with the new
international reality should be formed. Chile reiterates
its support for a Security Council reform that envisages
the expansion of its membership in the permanent and
non-permanent categories, thus ensuring due regional
representation and enhanced transparency of its
working methods.
We also wish to reiterate our opposition to the veto
power. However, given its existence, Chile supports the
call for the veto not to be used in situations of crimes
against humanity, war crimes, genocide or ethnic
cleansing. The countries with the veto power have a
great responsibility and the obligation to use it with
moderation and transparency in seeking to resolve
crises, putting aside national or ideological positions
that hamper the system and render it ineffective.
In that context, our commitment to the main themes
on the international peace and security agenda has led
us to submit our candidature for Security Council for
the period of 2014-2015. As part of that effort, we wish
to help strengthen the effectiveness of the multilateral
system based on democratic values and principles,
namely, equality and individual freedoms and solidarity,
which are substantial aspects of our foreign policy. We
also wish to contribute to that from the perspective of
Latin America and the Caribbean.
Democracy demands respect for, and the promotion
of, human rights, which requires full implementation
of the rule of law. Chile is firmly committed to that.
Our own experience regarding a shattered democracy,
with tragic consequences for the rights of individuals,
which I have already mentioned, underscores for us
the importance of developing public policies. It also
highlights the need to implement the instruments
made available to us by the international system, with
particular emphasis on those that support the most
vulnerable, namely, children, women, young people,
indigenous peoples, people with disabilities and the
elderly. In that regard, we support strengthening the
functioning of the human rights treaty body system
and the work undertaken by the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights.
In addition to the issue of peace, another acute
problem for nations today is the international financial
crisis. It has wrought havoc on markets, trade, finance,
investment and, worse still, employment. As in the case
of politics, where confrontation and the lack of dialogue
impede solutions and compromises, in economics the
the international political arena. This is the best forum
for the leaders of nations to debate ideas, free from
absolute, exclusive or discriminatory positions, which
inevitably lead to confrontation. Many of the problems
facing us are due to the fact that the virtue of dialogue,
which is the only means for our mutual understanding
and civilized coexistence, is increasingly undermined.
However, countries alone cannot always find
the basis for understanding in order to achieve the
political stability that makes solid institution-building
and economic and social development possible. The
international community also has a responsibility.
We believe that it is crucial not only to help countries
emerge from crisis situations, but also to support them
in peacebuilding and development in a comprehensive
way. That means support for the rebuilding of political
institutions and for internal reconciliation processes and
social and economic development, which are tasks for
which the Peacebuilding Commission was established.
We strongly support its work.
In that context, with regard to the United Nations
Stabilization Mission in Haiti, we believe that the
required modifications to its composition and size
must be offset by strengthening the presence of the
development component of the United Nations system
through its agencies, funds and programmes. That
is fundamental to helping the reconstruction and
development of Haiti.
In that spirit of cooperation in peacebuilding,
we also welcome with satisfaction, a sense of
responsibility and enthusiasm the invitation of the
Colombian Government to assist in the negotiations
process launched to put an end to the internal conflict
that has affected that brother country for more than 50
years, causing so much suffering. We commend the
willingness and readiness of the parties and the courage
of the Government of Colombia, which, building on the
circumstances brought about through its efforts and
patience in recent years, took the decision to initiate
a peace process that, we trust, will end successfully to
the benefit of all Colombians.
Mr. Charles (Trinidad and Tobago), Vice-President,
took the Chair.
We have conveyed our vision of what we believe
to be the most profound purpose of politics. On this
occasion, we would also like to address the issue
of Security Council reform. In order to strengthen
its capacities and legitimacy, a more representative
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Real and effective integration goes beyond trade.
We are also pursuing shared projects with other nations,
such as the recent Pacific Alliance initiative, launched
together with Peru, Mexico and Colombia. It focuses on
the integration not only of goods and services, but also
the free movement of people and capital, thus sharing
the full potential of our economies. Such initiatives
with Pacific Rim countries are not new. In 1994,
we were already part of the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation, seeking to accelerate trade liberalization
in a broad region that unites the largest economies on
both sides of that ocean. Subsequently, in 2005, along
with Singapore, New Zealand and Brunei Darussalam,
we launched a process to forge an ambitious free
trade agreement. Today, that project, known as the
Trans-Pacific Partnership, aspires to create the largest
global free trade area with the accession of new
members, including the United States.
Two years ago, only days after the Government
that I represent assumed its duties, a natural disaster of
global proportions, namely, the fifth-largest earthquake
registered in the world since such disasters were
recorded, caused destruction and death in our country.
Chile recovered thanks to the solidarity and unity of
its people and as a result of the generous assistance of
friendly nations and organizations. Recently, President
Sebastian Piñera Echeñique affirmed the announcement
that he made at that time, pointing out that, by the end
of his term in office, all material damage would be
fully rebuilt.
In recent years, we have seen an increase in the
number of natural disasters — floods, tornados,
typhoons, earthquakes and mudslides. There is no place
on the planet that is not either suffering or has suffered
from a natural disaster. No country has the capacity
to deal with disasters of that scale alone. There is
therefore a need for the assistance and solidarity among
nations that we saw not only during the earthquake in
2010, but also at the time of the collapse of the San
José mine, which affected 33 miners. The lives of
those miners were saved thanks to their courage, to the
determination of the Government of Chile to rescue
them and to international cooperation.
In Chile, we have strengthened disaster
preparedness and early-warning systems and have
enhanced the national civil protection agency in
order to ensure greater coordination at the national,
regional and local levels. However, the occurrence
of some of those natural phenomena is also linked to
improper practices of excessive spending, a lack of
fiscal tightening and the absence of adequate regulatory
frameworks triggered the crisis that currently affects us
and whose end is not yet in sight.
The experience of our country and our region has
taught us harshly in recent decades that progress and
true development require measures that are not populist
or short term. Governments must act responsibly and
control public spending without turning to that as
an easy solution to artificially promote an economic
boom. The current crisis blatantly shows the painful
consequences of such policies. A rigorous fiscal policy
and the establishment of stabilization funds, like some
countries have created, such as Norway on the basis
of oil and Chile on the basis of copper, are examples
of efficient mechanisms for economic stability and
balancing global cycles.
Similarly, in seeking solutions to the crisis, we
must avoid the temptation to resort to artificial and
short-term measures. There are voices clamouring
for the imposition of protectionist practices to boost
the economy. Such practices may benefit a specific
economic sector in the short term. However, they have a
f leeting effect. Let us not fool ourselves. Protectionism
protects inefficient industries and provides citizens with
poor quality and more expensive products. Worse still,
it undermines productivity, eliminates competition and
entrepreneurship and hampers real development.
Our experience shows us that we must take the
opposite path, namely, greater openness and more free
trade. Threats to democracy are thereby overcome
through greater democracy. Economic growth is boosted
by greater openness to markets and fewer obstacles to
global trade. Years ago, our country launched trade
liberalization by, first, unilaterally reducing its tariffs
and, subsequently, through free trade agreements
that today extend to more than 60 countries and that
represent more than 85 per cent of world gross domestic
product. Chile has the most free trade agreements and
has the world’s eighth-lowest tariffs, at less than 1 per
cent on average.
Despite external difficulties, that policy has enabled
us to increase our growth by 6 per cent in the past two
years and to achieve the region’s highest per capita
income. In turn, it has made it possible to reduce the
level of unemployment, poverty and extreme poverty
by creating new jobs and social protection programmes.
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capacity a reality and thus ensure that the politically
correct action is also morally correct.
The President of Bolivia mentioned, in terms that do
not comply with the norms of good coexistence among
nations, that country’s maritime claim (see A/67/PV.11).
Along with the formal note of reply that was submitted
to the President of the General Assembly, in addressing
this debate I feel obliged to categorically reject the
position, affirmation and charges made against my
country. It is timely to reiterate to the Assembly that
there are no outstanding border issues between our
States. Those matters are clearly set out in the 1904
Treaty of Peace and Friendship, and are fully respected.
Chile has fully met its obligations under that
Treaty, allowing the most extensive free transit through
its territory by means of high-quality infrastructure,
as acknowledged by the Bolivians themselves. Bolivia
has no right to claim access to the sea. The respect of
border agreements between neighbouring countries is
one of the cornerstones for coexistence among States
and is the guarantor of international peace, as prevails
between our countries.
Before this Organization, Chile reaffirms that
the Constitution of the Plurinational State of Bolivia,
adopted in 2009, introduced provisions that contravene
the framework of international law, which governs the
peaceful coexistence among nations. Those provisions
are therefore not enforceable with regard to our country.
As declared by a committee of lawyers appointed by
the League of Nations in 1921 and as acknowledged
at the last session of the General Assembly of the
Organization of American States, held in the Bolivian
city of Cochabamba, this is strictly a bilateral matter.
Chile has continued to convey to Bolivia its readiness
for brotherly dialogue, based on full respect for the
treaties in force, which provide significant benefits for
both peoples. It is in the hands of Bolivia to accept that
invitation.
The Acting President: I now call on His Excellency
Mr. Bernard Kamillius Membe, Minister for Foreign
Affairs and International Cooperation of the United
Republic of Tanzania.
Mr. Membe (United Republic of Tanzania): At the
outset, allow me to convey the fraternal greetings of
His Excellency Mr. Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, President
of the United Republic of Tanzania, who could not
attend this session of the General Assembly due to
other equally important engagements.
environmental protection. Preserving the environment
is another topic that merits the attention of the
international community and means that we should act
responsibly to safeguard for future generations a clean
environment and sustainable development that respects
nature. The recommendations of the United Nations
Conference on Sustainable Development, namely,
sustainable development goals, financing mechanisms
and a mechanism to transfer and distribute clean energy,
should now be implemented.
Chile assumed the position of the first pro tempore
presidency of the Community of Latin American and
Caribbean States (CELAC) with great satisfaction. The
33 member States of Latin America and the Caribbean
agreed the Community’s guiding principles and
purposes, including the promotion and protection of
democracy and human rights, political coordination,
integration, the fight against poverty and inequality
and stronger global engagement. Among the issues
of interest to CELAC that I would like to underscore
in this forum is support for the legitimate claims of
the Argentine Republic in the dispute for sovereignty
over the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia Islands and
South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime
areas. We call for a resumption of negotiations with the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
in order to find a peaceful and lasting solution to that
dispute. CELAC also wishes to underscore the need to
put an end to the economic blockade imposed by the
United States of America against Cuba. The General
Assembly has adopted important resolutions on both
matters.
We live in a world of great opportunities, but also
significant challenges and global threats that require the
coordinated action of the international community in
order to ensure an appropriate response. Only through
effective, efficient and inclusive multilateralism will
we find the best way to respond to those great global
challenges.
The United Nations system has the capacity to
exercise leadership in pursuing international peace and
security, in promoting sustainable development and
cooperation and in protecting and promoting human
rights. Also, in seeking to resolve the global economic
crisis, in environmental protection and in the rapid
international response to prevent and provide assistance
in the case of natural disasters, we, as Member States,
must demonstrate the political will to make that
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strengthen early-warning mechanisms and to prevent
conflicts before they occur. In no case should we
pursue actions that would encourage parties in conflict
to resort to armed solutions instead of dialogue. While
facilitating dialogue, it is also important that we uphold
the principles of impartiality, objectivity and respect for
international law. The unity of the entire membership is
crucial in ending impunity and human rights violations,
wherever they occur.
The pacific settlement of disputes as provided under
Chapter VI of the Charter of the United Nations has
never been so pertinent. In the interest of maintaining
peace and security, we should learn to keep our
differences aside and not allow them to create divisions
among us. I believe the presidency of Mr. Vuk Jeremić
will guide us in that direction.
Tanzania is the current Chair of the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC) Organ on Politics,
Defence and Security. We have taken up the mantle of
leadership of the Organ at a time when some countries of
the region face security challenges. Under the umbrella
of SADC and the International Conference on the Great
Lakes Region of Africa, we have resolved to find a
durable solution to the crisis in the eastern part of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, where rebel groups
such as the Mouvement du 23 mars are destabilizing and
threatening the peace and security of the entire region.
Members of the International Conference on the Great
Lakes Region have agreed to establish an international
neutral force comprising 4,000 troops to address the
problem. Tanzania has committed to contribute troops
to the neutral force. Through the African Union (AU),
we are taking the necessary steps to ensure that the
deployment of this international neutral force is done
under the mandate of the United Nations.
Likewise, Tanzania will work assiduously with
other SADC member States to support the return
to constitutional normalcy in Madagascar and the
finalization of the drafting a new constitution in
Zimbabwe, which will open the way to democratic
elections by June 2013. We proceed in that endeavour
with the firm belief that a solution in both countries
will finally be achieved through the effective and
constructive engagement of all parties concerned.
Twelve years ago, in the month of September,
we met in this very Hall to adopt the United Nations
Millennium Declaration (resolution 55/2), which gave
birth to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
On behalf of the Government and people of the
United Republic of Tanzania, I wish to congratulate
Mr. Jeremić on his well-deserved election as President
of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. It
is indeed a pleasure for me to participate in the general
debate under his presidency. Similarly, I congratulate his
predecessor and commend him on the manner in which
he steered the work of the sixty-sixth session. It would
be remiss of me not to acknowledge and commend the
Secretary-General and the entire Secretariat on their
service to the Organization.
Echoing the President’s words during the opening
of the session, we meet here amid upheavals of
unprecedented scope, characterized by multiple intra-
and inter-State conflicts in the world and a time of
emerging and worsening conflicts, most of which
are taking place in Africa and the Middle East (see
A/67/PV.1). Those conflicts have caused the deaths
and suffering of millions of people, including children,
women and the elderly. Undoubtedly, a new world order
of lasting peace, security and freedom, as envisaged in
the United Nations Charter, can be achieved through
dialogue and reconciliation.
We applaud the fact that the theme of this general
debate is “Adjustment or settlement of international
disputes or situations by peaceful means”. Similarly,
we welcome the many initiatives undertaken at the
national, regional and international levels in promoting
that matter.
During the 50 years of the independence of the
United Republic of Tanzania, we have witnessed and
respected the effectiveness of preventive diplomacy. We
have participated in various mediation processes in the
region and on the continent, such as in Burundi, Côte
d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya
and Madagascar. The involvement of former Presidents
of Tanzania the late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage
Nyerere and Benjamin William Mkapa, as well as
His Excellency Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, President of
the United Republic of Tanzania, in those processes
is a clear testimony of our continued commitment to
preventive diplomacy.
We are all too aware of the dire consequences
of conflict, particularly when all the mechanisms
provided for under the Charter of the United Nations
to resolve conflicts fail to find a permanent solution
and to ensure lasting peace. The situation in Syria is
a case in point. It is important that we find ways to
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United Nations reforms are long overdue. The
United Nations is composed of its States Members,
without which there is no United Nations. If we Member
States cannot agree on reforms then the United Nations
will never be reformed. It is a fact that we have had long
discussions without reaching concrete agreements. The
time has come to walk the talk.
It is important to remind ourselves that Africa is
the largest regional group in the United Nations and
the only continent that is not represented among the
permanent seats on the Security Council. That situation
equally overlooks the fact that most discussions in the
Security Council concern Africa. We, African leaders
and the African Union, have voiced our sentiments
and agreed to have two permanent seats with the veto
power. We will continue working together based on the
agreed Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration,
to which we all subscribed. I therefore appeal to Africa
to maintain that momentum and solidarity.
My country will continue to support reform
of the United Nations, including the Delivering as
One initiative, which has been implemented with
considerable success in Tanzania since 2007. The
Government will continue to support that process,
including its continuation in programme countries.
The endorsement of that initiative by some members
of the Assembly is a clear testimony to the value of
the approach. We believe that the 2012 quadrennial
comprehensive policy review will take into account
those positive achievements.
The United Nations is anchored in the principles
of human rights, the rule of law, good governance and
democracy. We the Member States must implement
what we deliberate and agree upon, otherwise the
credibility of the United Nations will be at stake. The
Security Council and the General Assembly have
adopted many resolutions on Palestinian independence.
Tanzania applauds the admission of the Palestinian
State to UNESCO. As we do so, Tanzania would like
once again to appeal to the major Powers and donors in
UNESCO to review their decision to punish UNESCO
by withdrawing their contributions. That decision
impacts more on developing countries, in particular
African countries, which draw on up to 65 per cent of
UNESCO funds in education, science and culture.
With regard to Western Sahara, Tanzania calls
upon the Secretary-General to continue his mediation
efforts in bringing together the Government of Morocco
Three years from now, we will reach the deadline we
agreed. We have undoubtedly made some progress on
many fronts, but most developing States are unlikely to
achieve all the goals by the deadline of 2015.
My country has also made progress in the
achievement of the MDGs. It attained Goal 2, on
universal primary education, back in 2009. It has also
registered considerable gains on Goal 3, on promoting
gender equality and the empowerment of women, as
well as on Goal 6, on combating HIV/AIDS, malaria
and other diseases. We have also achieved moderate
results on MDGs 4 and 5, dealing with infant and
maternal mortality, respectively. However, much more
remains to be done to emancipate our people from the
traps of poverty.
Our goals to improve the livelihood of our people
must go beyond 2015. It is therefore necessary that we
consider the post-MDG agenda as one that complements,
instead of diverting our focus from the current MDGs.
My delegation proposes a second generation of MDGs,
whereby all our efforts are directed to ensure that
MDGs are achieved post-2015 in those countries that
will not have achieved them by 2015.
At the sixty-sixth session of the General Assembly,
President Kikwete expressed serious concern regarding
global food insecurity (see A/66/PV.15). Since then,
the situation has worsened and the vulnerability of
many developing countries has increased. We must
work collectively to address food insecurity. We
must increase food production and productivity on
a sustainable basis, strengthen agricultural systems,
and establish early-warning mechanisms, as we also
must develop effective responses to calamities such
as those in the Horn of Africa and the Sahel region.
While ensuring food security, we need also to address
the issue of nutrition. It is in that regard that Tanzania is
a proud member of the Scaling Up Nutrition movement.
At the national level, the Government is undertaking
various initiatives to ensure food security through
public-private partnerships. My Government has had
the pleasure of hosting the Africa Green Revolution
Forum, in Arusha, which concluded today, with the
participation of African leaders, ministers, private
agribusiness firms, financial institutions, farmers,
non-governmental organizations and agricultural
experts. The Forum was organized by the Alliance for
a Green Revolution in Africa.
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enabled us to contain its negative impact on the most
vulnerable strata of society and welcome our brothers
and sisters from Mali in acceptable human conditions. I
should like to reiterate the gratitude of the Government
and the people of Burkina Faso to the relevant specialized
agencies of the United Nations systems, the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the
West African Economic and Monetary Union, the
Kingdom of Morocco, the Republic of China (Taiwan),
the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Japan, Tunisia,
Egypt and Azerbaijan, who have lent us their assistance
to ensure that refugees and worst-off populations of
Burkina Faso are able to live dignified lives.
At the political level, Burkina Faso, within the
framework of the implementation of the conclusions
of the Consultative Council on Political Reforms, is
continuing the strengthening and consolidation of its
democratic process. Following the successful holding
of a biometric registration effort covering the entire
national territory, December of this year will witness the
organization of joint legislative and municipal elections
on the basis of greater transparency and fairness.
Turning to the economy, Burkina Faso is continuing
its policy of building a strong and prosperous economy
to serve the basic needs of its population. To do that,
we have adopted a strategy of accelerated growth and
sustainable development to fulfil our drive for progress
towards becoming an emerging country and enabling
it to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. We
welcome the backing of Burkina Faso’s partners for that
strategy, whose ultimate goal is to achieve strong and
sustained economic growth that serves to multiplies
revenue and improves the population’s quality of life,
while taking into account the guiding principles of
sustainable management of natural resources.
The annual foreign financing needs of the strategy
remain significant, despite the efforts undertaken by
the Government of Burkina Faso on the basis of our
own resources. We are hopeful that our bilateral and
multilateral partners, as they have done in the past, will
be at our side to ensure a successful implementation of
the strategy. We wish to convey our gratitude to those
that have already demonstrated their solidarity with us.
Burkina Faso is aware that there can be no sustainable
development without peace and stability. That is why
President Blaise Compaoré has turned dialogue and
mediation into new levers for the maintenance of
harmony and understanding among peoples. We are
and the leadership of Western Sahara to resolve the
longstanding crisis. In that regard, my delegation
encourages Morocco to rejoin the AU so that together
we can find a durable solution on the independence of
Western Sahara.
Tanzania remains troubled by applications of
unilateral sanctions and embargos imposed against
Cuba and its people. As President Kikwete said at
the previous session of the General Assembly (see
A/66/PV.15), Tanzania is in full solidarity with the
people of Cuba in demanding the end to all unilateral
sanctions and embargos against them.
We Member States have the duty and responsibility
to make the world a better place. We should maintain the
sanctity of humankind before our ambitions and desires.
In order to achieve that, we should recommit ourselves
to and uphold the objectives and principles contained
in the Declaration on Principles of International Law
concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among
States in accordance with the Charter of the United
Nations (resolution 2625 (XXV)).
The Acting President: I now call on His Excellency
Mr. Djibrill Ypènè Bassolé, Minister for Foreign Affairs
and Regional Cooperation of Burkina Faso.
Mr. Bassolé (Burkina Faso) (spoke in French): It
is always a very significant moment for the delegation
of Burkina Faso when we find ourselves present at this
traditional meeting that opens the annual session of
the General Assembly. For us, it is a special moment
for reflection on how the world is progressing and for
sketching ways to build a world of peace, security and
solidarity. The sixty-seventh session of the General
Assembly is taking place in an atmosphere of uncertainty
related to the very difficult international economic
situation and the growing threats to international peace
and security. The challenges that the situation poses to
world require of us greater courage, effort, creativity
and solidarity, if all of us wish one day to achieve the
objectives of peace and development so dear to the
international community.
This year, Burkina Faso has been tested by a food
crisis resulting from poor rainfall. The grain and cereal
shortage was exacerbated by a massive inflow of tens
of thousands of refugees from neighbouring Mali,
sometimes with all of their cattle, as a result of the crisis
that has raged in that brother country since 17 January.
The situation has led the Government of Burkina Faso
to undertake vigorous and urgent measures that have
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the fundamental freedoms of their fellow citizens and
to clearly distance themselves from extremist and
terrorist movements in order to promote the values of
dialogue and democracy to which Mali is so wedded.
The crisis situation in the north of Mali is a tangible
manifestation of the type of threat facing all of the
countries of the Sahel region. I therefore welcome the
timely initiative of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon that
brought us together on 26 September on the margins
of the General Assembly around the issue of peace,
security and development in the States of the Sahel
region. I renew my gratitude and reiterate to him the
regard and appreciation of the Government of Burkina
Faso for his availability and commitment to peace and
development in Africa and throughout the world.
Always working for international peace and
security, Burkina Faso contributes to peacekeeping
operations in Darfur and Guinea-Bissau. On
Guinea-Bissau, Burkina Faso encourages the efforts
undertaken by the transitional bodies to quickly restore
constitutional order and urges all of the country’s
stakeholders to ensure a consensual and inclusive
transition and to create the best possible conditions in
which to implement priority reforms, organize free and
transparent presidential elections and entrench the rule
of law. On Darfur, we encourage the parties to better
implement the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, and
we continue to contribute through the implementation
and follow-up mechanism provided for by the Doha
Document.
On the issue of the Western Sahara, Burkina Faso
welcomes the determination of the parties to explore
appropriate ways and means to achieve a fair and
agreed political settlement of the issue. The current
status quo is neither viable nor of benefit to any of
the parties, given its impact on the subregion’s peace
and security. That is why my country has continuously
promoted dialogue and compromise aimed at achieving
an acceptable political solution between the parties. In
that regard, we believe that the Moroccan initiative for
the negotiation of an autonomous status for the Saharan
region could be an appropriate way to settle differences.
The world is experiencing great uncertainty and
anxiety as a result of the international economic and
financial instability, the increase in poverty, ongoing
environmental degradation and the increase in natural
disasters. In particular, the recent international financial
crises, which seriously compromised the balance of
very grateful to President Vuk Jeremić for having
placed this session of the General Assembly under the
banner, “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of
international disputes or situations by peaceful means”.
That theme underscores the importance of resorting to
peaceful means as an appropriate mechanism for the
settlement of disputes. Burkina Faso fully associates
itself with the choice of that topic which, following on
the sixty-sixth session, will enable the international
community to deepen its thinking and commit itself
resolutely to the peaceful settlement of conflicts
through dialogue to avoid stalemate and the escalation
of violence, which reduces to nought our efforts
aimed at promoting sustainable economic and social
development.
It is along those lines that the President of Burkina
Faso has accepted the mediation mission that its peers
from the Economic Community of West African States
have entrusted him within the framework of the crisis
in Mali. The ECOWAS mediation, whose goal is to
resolve, through dialogue, the dual institutional and
security crisis that is raging in Mali, has focused its
efforts on restoring the normal constitutional order and
to setting up stable transition bodies that are accepted by
Malians and recognized by the international community
in order to implement the road map contained in the
framework agreement of 6 April, which deals with
the management of the crisis and the organization of
elections. Burkina Faso will continue to work under
the ECOWAS framework, with the support of the
international community, towards Mali’s reunification
and reconciliation so as to create conditions conducive
to the holding of free and democratic elections
throughout all of Mali.
The establishment of stable and lasting peace
in Mali will require a comprehensive approach
combining political dialogue and the use of force
mainly aimed at neutralizing extremist terrorist groups
of a transnational nature, whose presence in the north
of Mali is likely to irretrievably compromise efforts
aimed at better governance and social and economic
development. The President of Burkina Faso, with the
assistance of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, will
continue in a clear-headed way to seek solutions to
the deep-rooted causes of the crisis undermining our
subregion, a crisis which the armed rebellion has but
exacerbated. I therefore call upon the Malian armed
movements to renounce the systematic use of arms as a
means to achieve their demands. I urge them to respect
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through a reform of the United Nations. Such reform
remains a topic of great concern at the very heart of
global governance. We hope that the negotiations
launched within the framework of this reform will
result in acceptable compromises that can strengthen
the effectiveness and standing of the United Nations as
it faces the new challenges of our changing world. Only
in that way will we genuinely move towards building a
more fair and united world.
My delegation listened with great interest to the
inaugural address by the President of the General
Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, in which he
covered all the major issues of concern to today’s
democratic societies. I would therefore like to
congratulate him on his election and welcome the
vision with which he would like to endow our common
Organization. He can rest assured of our delegation’s
readiness for full cooperation.
Finally, I would like to take this opportunity to
express our gratitude to his predecessor, His Excellency
Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of Qatar, for his efforts
during the sixty-sixth session of the Assembly. That
session’s very welcome results bear witness to the skill
and effectiveness with which he led our work.
The Acting President: I now call on His Excellency
Mr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Turkey.
Mr. Davutoğlu (Turkey): At the outset, I would
like to congratulate my dear friend His Excellency
Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election as the President of the
General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I believe
that, with his able leadership, he will contribute greatly
to the work of the Assembly.
I want to be frank and speak the language of the
peoples we all represent. Every year, we all gather here
at the United Nations, the embodiment of the human
quest for peace, security and international order. We
exchange views on the daunting challenges that we all
face and express our strong commitment to resolving
them. On many matters, we speak as one, yet we often
fail to act in unity. We express our commitment to
the settlement of frozen conflicts, but there is still no
prospect for a solution to many such conflicts.
For instance, we have time and again declared
our support for a two-State solution to the question of
Palestine and adopted numerous resolutions to that end.
our economies, are sorely testing the cohesion of our
societies. They have an impact on all of us and require
of us constant vigilance and sustained solidarity.
The United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20), held from 18 to 22 June in Brazil,
rightly reminded us of our shared but differentiated
responsibilities to protect our planet and to ensure
sustainable development for future generations. It
is essential that efforts continue on the basis of the
consensus reached at the Conference in order to find
acceptable compromises that take into account the
interests of the various regions of the world.
Burkina Faso attaches special importance to all
issues related to the empowerment of women. To that
end, we have spared no effort to improve women’s
legal and social status in our country. The First Lady
of Burkina Faso, Mrs. Chantal Compaoré, Goodwill
Ambassador and Coordinator of the International
Campaign to Ban Female Genital Mutilation Worldwide,
co-chaired during this session the high-level side event
on banning female genital mutilation. That is yet
another demonstration of her well-known commitment
to the defence of women’s rights and the improvement
of the status of women. In that connection, we reiterate
our full support for the African initiative to introduce
at this session a draft resolution aimed at a global ban
on female genital mutilation. We hope that it will enjoy
the support of the entire international community.
Furthermore, we welcome efforts undertaken since
the launch of UN-Women and we hope that this new
body will strengthen United Nations activities aimed
at the empowerment of women, the defence of their
rights and the promotion of gender equality, especially
in developing countries.
Burkina Faso believes in multilateralism, solidarity
between peoples and the virtue of dialogue among
nations. In that regard, my delegation notes with great
satisfaction the calm atmosphere that currently prevails
in the relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan)
and the People’s Republic of China. That would
argue in favour of granting the Republic of China its
rightful place among the family of nations, including
through its meaningful participation in the activities
of international organizations such as the International
Civil Aviation Organization and the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change.
The nature of the threats and challenges facing the
world demands of us a better sharing of responsibilities
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When a child opens his eyes to a world of extreme
poverty and oppression in a refugee camp or in the
streets of his neighbourhood, or when a parent leaves
behind a destroyed house, orphans and widows, how
can we prevent them from succumbing to despair and
pessimism? If we cannot regard the rights of a person
in Syria, Palestine, Somalia, Afghanistan, the Rakhine
region or other places as equal to our own, how can we
talk about freedom and justice? If fundamental human
rights are sacrificed for the sake of power politics and
become negotiable in talks among a few nations in
the Security Council, how are we to achieve universal
human rights and security? If we remain incapable of
taking action to preserve the universal principles that
the forefathers of the United Nations set out when
forming this body, how can we demonstrate to people
that the f lag of the United Nations represents hope for,
and a safeguard of, their destiny? If the use of force
is accepted as unlimited; if indiscriminate attacks and
collective punishment become weapons in the hands
of cruel regimes against their own citizens, as we
are currently witnessing every day, day and night, in
Syria; if we fail to hear and rise to join the cry of the
innocent masses, wherever they are; and if we cannot
force such brutal regimes to submit to justice and the
rule of law, how are we to maintain international peace
and security?
A peaceful world, as the founders of the United
Nations envisioned, cannot be established if we remain
ineffective in our work against those challenges. Let
us not forget: our inability to act becomes a tool in the
hands of despots and destructive regimes to demolish
cities, towns and villages, massacre their own citizens
and make a mockery of the civilized world and the
United Nations.
The failure to address humanitarian crises shakes
our collective conscience. Worse, however, inaction
eventually emboldens oppressors and aggressive
regimes and creates evil alliances that perpetuate
and commit crimes against humanity. Let us make
no mistake: mercy shown to an oppressor is the most
merciless act towards people under oppression. If not
now, when are we supposed to act in unity? If not the
United Nations, who is to lead? If not us, then who
will shoulder the responsibility to protect innocent
civilians? Let us now imagine that we are in the shoes
of those people. How can we even dream about a real
future?
However, we still hope that, one day soon, Palestine will
be represented as an equal member in the Assembly.
We also underline the need for a solution to the
Nagorno Karabakh issue in accordance with the
territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. Yet there has not
been a single step towards the resolution of that problem
for the past two decades.
In addition, the problem of Cyprus has remained
unresolved for almost half a century. Nearly a decade
has passed since the United Nations settlement plan
of 2004, which the entire international community
endorsed. However, Turkish Cypriots continue to face
isolation and an unlawful and unjust embargo as if it
were a token of appreciation for their support for the
United Nations-led settlement.
My point speaks for itself. We cannot resolve
current problems, and each year we find ourselves
besieged by ever-increasing new ones. Terrorists
continue to strike and take the lives of innocent people,
yet we still have no effective international response to,
or adequate solidarity against, the scourge of terrorism.
Today, some States employ methods of State
violence and brutal oppression with impunity, which
costs the lives of innocent citizens whom they are
obliged to protect. We firmly believe that human life
is sacred and that life is the foremost blessing for any
human being, whoever and wherever they are.
However, millions of people live in poverty
and under oppression. They are deprived of their
fundamental rights and freedoms, suffering under
extreme conditions that no human being should ever
have to live under. To soothe our collective conscience,
we constantly reiterate our pledges to help alleviate
the misery of those people. However, we fall short of
matching our words with deeds.
We live in perpetual hope. After all, as human
beings, we are the children of hope. For us, every
dawn, every sunrise and every spring signifies a new
beginning of hope. We yearn for peace and idealize
peace. It is the essence of our nature.
Humankind expects from us, the leaders of nations,
to move humankind towards real peace. However,
we lag far behind in meeting the expectations of our
nations and of humankind. If it is not for us to provide
relief and give hope to a child living in a refugee camp
or in open prisons in certain parts of the world, then
what is the chance that we will cultivate real peace?
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Any such activity, no matter whom it is carried out by
or for what purpose, is a betrayal against the soul, spirit
and letter of Islam.
However, the recent events are testament to a more
serious problem that should concern not just Muslims,
but the adherents of all faiths and religions. The
alarming increase in the number of acts that defame
religions, and thereby people who adhere to them, now
have serious implications for international peace and
security. The time has therefore come to establish the
denigration of any religion and its followers as a hate
crime. We have to take swift measures. We cannot, and
we shall not, leave our future vulnerable to the reckless
provocations of all sorts of extremists.
We need to craft a universal policy and a legal
instrument that, while protecting free expression, also
ensure respect for religion and prevent intentional
insults against anyone’s faith. The solution should not
be arbitrary. It has to focus on those who defame a faith
with the intention of inciting discrimination, hostility or
violence. We have to find a balance between protecting
the rights of an individual or group to free expression
and protecting the right of another individual or group
not to become the target of hatred or of emotional,
incited or psychological violence.
Therefore, from this rostrum, I would like to make
a strong appeal to the members of the international
community to set up all the necessary instruments
to combat all hate crimes, including the denigration
of religions and defamation of their followers. The
United Nations must lead that effort and should provide
the international legal framework to that end. We are
resolved to actively pursue this objective and to work
diligently with like-minded nations and international
organizations to ensure that we take a united and
effective stance against Islamophobia and all forms of
hate.
Moreover, we are well aware of the need to ensure
the safety, security and protection of diplomats. In
the past four decade, the Turkish nation has lost 33
diplomats to terrorist acts by the Armenian Secret
Army for the Liberation of Armenia. We encourage
the United Nations to focus on a new understanding
of, and international instrument for, the protection of
diplomats.
As a mockery of the values we all share, the people
of Syria have continued to suffer under the brutality
and tyranny of the regime in Damascus for the past 18
We need a strong, efficient and credible United
Nations. To that end, we must first tackle the long-
outstanding issue of reforming the United Nations to
make it fit for its purpose. The working methods and
structures of the United Nations are not commensurate
with the current realities of the world. The Security
Council, with its primary responsibility to maintain
international peace and security, should become
more representative, functional and effective. It has
to respond to the real needs of the world. That is the
only way that it will remain relevant to the enormous
challenges that we all face in the twenty-first century.
I can freely appeal to the Assembly’s conscience,
as Turkey has a solid record — be it in Afghanistan,
Somalia, Syria, Yemen, Libya or Bosnia and
Herzegovina or when it comes to cooperation with
least developed countries, the United Nations Alliance
of Civilizations and the Mediation for Peace initiative,
among other examples.
Allow me now to briefly touch upon some specific
issues that continue to pose formidable challenges for
the international community.
Let me start by underlining that the recent attacks
against Islam and the Prophet Muhammad — peace be
upon him — and Islam are outright provocations. They
aim to pit nations and peoples against each other. We
deplore in the strongest terms the malicious attempts to
denigrate the most sacred values of Islam or any other
faith. We condemn any type of incitement to hatred and
religious discrimination against Muslims and people of
other faiths.
Unfortunately, Islamophobia has become a new
form of racism. It can no longer be tolerated under
the guise of freedom of expression. Freedom does not
mean anarchy. It means responsibility. The purpose of
Islamophobia is clear and simple. It aims to create an
abstract and imaginary enemy out of the millions of
peace-loving Muslims all over the world. Regretfully,
accepting generalities, stereotypes and prejudice as
truth, many people unknowingly become Islamophobic.
However, no agenda, no provocation, no attack and no
incitement to hatred can darken the bright face of Islam.
At the same time, we condemn all the provocations
and violence that have led to the loss of lives in many
countries, including the death of the United States
Ambassador in Libya. I express our sincere condolences
for all who have lost their lives. Violence against
innocent people cannot be justified under any pretext.
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of a new and democratic Syria. The regime in power
has to step down and allow an interim Government to
lead the country to free and fair elections. The Syrian
people need our united support and solidarity in their
struggle for their future and their right to a legitimate
and representative Government.
The Turkish nation stands by its brethren, the
Syrian people, in their legitimate struggle. We now care
for 90,000 displaced Syrian refugees in Turkish homes.
Let me underline once again that, since the beginning
of the conflict, we have never hesitated, nor will we
ever, hesitate to be at the side of our Syrian brothers and
sisters in their most difficult hour.
Another tragedy that has long been taking
place before our eyes in the Middle East is that of
Palestine. This is the fourth General Assembly session
where we continue to stress the unacceptability and
unsustainability of the situation in Gaza. However, to
date, there has been no progress. As a result, in the
fourth year of the unlawful blockade by Israel, the
people in Gaza, children in particular, continue to live
in despair, desolation and fear.
Many decisions and resolutions have been adopted
at the United Nations calling for the lifting of that
unlawful blockade. However, Israel persists in its illegal
policy to this day, thereby causing misery and anguish
in Gaza. In fact, we see the same attitude by Israel in all
of the occupied Palestinian territories. Despite insistent
calls by the international community, it carries on with
its illegal settlements in Palestine, and thus deliberately
undermines the prospects of a peaceful two-State
solution.
Indeed, when President Mahmoud Abbas spoke in
the Assembly last year (see A/66/PV. 19) and declared
the right of Palestine to be recognized as an independent
State, I remember seeing the whole Assembly in a
standing ovation. But as of this day we have yet to see
the State of Palestine as an equal member of the General
Assembly, with the f lag of the independent Palestine
f lying. How can we convince the Palestinian people
that the international community is serious about a
two-State solution when no United Nations resolutions
have helped their cause for an independent State of
Palestine? However, we will one day see the f lag of
Palestine in the Hall. Turkey will certainly support the
Palestinian people in their quest for statehood, dignity
and peace.
months. The numbers speak volumes. More than 30,000
people have been killed so far, approximately 300,000
Syrian refugees have f led to neighboring countries,
including Turkey, and more than 1 million people are
internally displaced.
Unfortunately, this humanitarian tragedy has
become just a statistic for many. What has the
international community done to stop this carnage?
Literally nothing. We have yet to see a single effective
action to save innocent lives. It is a great disgrace
to witness that today, after 20 years, the ghosts of
Srebrenica and Halabja continue to haunt us, this time
in the cities of Syria.
One can argue about the reasons for the failure of
the Security Council to stop the violence of the Syrian
regime. However, there can be no legitimate explanation
for the failure of the Security Council to reflect the
collective conscience of the international community.
It has to uphold its primary responsibility to maintain
international peace and security. It is the inability of the
Council to act that continues to encourage the Syrian
regime to kill ever more people.
If the Security Council does not follow the
conscience of the international community, as reflected
by the resolutions adopted by a more than two-thirds
majority of the General Assembly, who will respond to
the cries of the Syrian people? For how long will we,
the international community, allow this humanitarian
tragedy to continue?
The responsibility to protect the people of Syria
is our fundamental duty. No political differences,
no balance of power politics and no geopolitical
considerations should prevail over our conscience and
our concern for the destiny of the Syrian people.
More important, the situation in Syria has evolved
into a real threat to regional peace and security. The
Syrian regime deploys every possible instrument to
turn the legitimate struggle of the Syrian people into
a sectarian war, which will engulf the entire region in
f lames. Unfortunately, the longer the regime is allowed
to wage its campaign of violence, the harder it will be
to prevent such a dreadful eventuality.
It is high time that the Security Council take
action, as the Assembly called for. There has to be a
solution to ensure the immediate safety and security of
the Syrian people. There has to be a solution for a sound
transition process that paves the way for the creation
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all, the continuation of the problem creates additional
risks for the stability of the region. Moreover, the
unilateral exploration of oil and natural gas by the
Greek Cypriots around the island further intensifies
those risks.
Under those circumstances, the United Nations
must do more than what it is currently doing. The
Security Council in particular has to facilitate a solution
rather than merely sustaining the status quo. A change
of mentality is essential. There should be a distinction
between those who seek and aspire for a solution and
those who reject it. It is no longer enough to pay lip
service to a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. It is time
to act before it is too late.
In conclusion, I wish to go back to what I said at
the beginning of my remarks. We are at the end of the
opening of yet another session of the General Assembly.
We have all expressed our desire for and commitment
to a more peaceful and prosperous world. However,
positive change can only be realized if our actions
match our words and promises. Every attempt to
achieve our objective for real peace, every moment we
spend to uphold rightness and justice and every effort
we make for freedoms and human rights will provide
greater comfort for those who struggle to have a say in
their destiny. A while ago, I asked if not now, when?
This year, let us make a difference and let us hope that
we will not repeat the same question next September in
the Assembly.
The meeting rose at 3.30 p.m.
While the whole world’s attention is rightly focused
on the Middle East, we should not forget that there are
serious human tragedies taking place elsewhere as
well. We do not have the luxury to turn a blind eye to
any human suffering.
As I personally witnessed during my visit in June, the
people of the Rakhine region, especially the Rohingya
Muslims, are in desperate need of humanitarian
assistance. The democratization process under way in
Myanmar provides us with a window of opportunity, as
the Government has repeatedly stressed its readiness to
cooperate with the international community to ease the
suffering of those people.
Before concluding my remarks, I wish to touch
upon yet another long-standing conflict that also
requires immediate practical steps towards a fair
and lasting solution. I am referring to the problem of
Cyprus. Unfortunately, the new round of talks started
in 2008 are at a stalemate, with no end in sight, due
to Greek Cypriots’ intransigence and lack of political
will. Today, despite half a century’s experience and a
body of United Nations work, there is still not a clear
prospect for a solution.
The Turkish Cypriots have so far proven their firm
commitment to a negotiated solution, but remain subject
to an inhumane and unlawful embargo. That is simply
unfair. They should not be forced to play this game for
an indefinite period without a clear perspective and
timeline for a solution.
The international community must not remain
indifferent to what is happening in Cyprus, either. After
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