Women's Participation at the Peace Negotiation Table

Political Rights versus Political Effectiveness

Marthe van Laarhoven

S1880543

International Conflict Resolution and Justice

Supervising Lecturer: dr. mr. C.L.B. Kocken

Friesestraatweg 33

9718 NB Groningen

January 2012

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Table of Contents

Introduction............................................................................................3

- Demarcation of the concepts......................................................................6

- Outline and subquestions of the thesis.......................................................7

Part 1 - Why should women receive the political right to participate at the peace negotiation

table? .......................................................................................................8

Part 2 - How is women empowerment linked to the participation of women in the peace

process and what does women empowerment entail? ...........................................13

Part 3 - What does the theory of postmodern feminism contribute to the debate about

women and peace? ......................................................................................18

Part 4 - In what ways does the participation of women in the peace process improve the

chances of a sustainable peace? ......................................................................21

Conclusion.............................................................................................26

Works Cited List....................................................................................29

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Introduction

The battle of the sexes is as old as the human race itself. Dating back to prehistoric times, men

were considered to be the providers, while women were to take care of the household. As time

proceeded, a pattern developed in which this male-female division came structured into

people's minds and the societies they lived in. Until the twentieth century, it was perceived

normal by the majority that men engage in politics and business, while women's main task

was to breed and to care. However, as the twentieth century took off, a growing tension

emerged in the course of which women around the world, and especially in the Western

hemisphere, started claiming equal rights to men. Today, the male-female relation is not so

much considered a battle, as it is considered a struggle for equality. With the new millennium,

in many parts of the world it is perceived normal that women and men are equal, and that they

deserve the same rights. However, in many parts of the world this is still only a formality, and

it appears to be difficult to shake off the age-old prescribed roles for both men and women. In

practice, women are often still downgraded in comparison to their male counterparts. As a

consequence, in all kinds of political processes, the standard still seems to be that men are the

primary decision makers and negotiators, and women's voices are ignored and marginalized.

A pivotal field of International Relations in which women's struggle for equality is especially

relevant today is the area of conflict resolution and justice after war or civil conflict. In the

post cold war era, there has been a shift away from large-scale interstate wars towards civil

wars, especially in countries that were previously under the dominance of Western nations.

This type of war is a major obstacle to the development of developing countries, as it tears

apart countries in two or more opposing sides. Especially the African continent seems to be

plagued by civil wars and their disastrous consequences. The international community, by

which I mean the world's countries and the United Nations, appears to be actively engaged in

solving these civil strives and in building stable, prosperous nations. However, the efforts

from all parties to design sustainable peace agreements are often disappointed as opposing

parties fall back into conflict with each other or as feelings of hatred and injustice continue to

exist. In order for African nations to move beyond their conflict-ridden pasts and to build

stable countries with strong national coherence, every inhabitant should be involved at every

stage of the peace process. Unfortunately, in many post civil war countries a large part of the

population is not involved, and this might be an important reason for the recurrence of

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violence after peace agreements. Apparently, these peace agreements are not stable and

widely supported enough to ensure that the inherent reasons for conflict are contained.

In this thesis, I argue that an important reason to account for the failure of peace agreements

after civil strive stems from the exclusion of women in the peace process. Increasingly,

women in conflict-ridden area's start participating in informal, small-scale conflict

transformation processes. However, the stage at which women are practically absent is the

stage of post-conflict peace negotiations at which the formal, mostly political, conditions of a

peace agreement are discussed. At many post-conflict negotiation tables men are the main

actors who decide on the conditions of the peace agreement. According to Swanee and Hunt

(2001, 38): ''Allowing men who plan wars to plan peace is a bad habit''. Why are women often

absent from negotiation tables? Perhaps because the highest political positions are still

reserved for men. Another reason might be that war is perceived to be a ''man's job'' (Swanee

and Hunt, 2001, 46).

Leaving aside the reasons why women are often absent from the negotiation table, I would

like to investigate why women should be included in peace negotiations. Furthermore, the

main purpose of this investigation is to put forward arguments in what ways the inclusion of

women in peace negotiations enhances the chances of a sustainable peace. In October 2011, I

visited the Africa Day, an event organized by a Dutch non-profit organization. During this

day, I visited a workshop which was titled 'Women and Peace'. Three experts on this topic, all

women, entered into a lengthy and laborious discussion on why women should be included in

the peace process, but they all aspired the same goal. Namely that women everywhere receive

the political right to participate at the peace negotiation table, equal to men.

In addition, in 2000, the worldwide calls for women to receive the right to be actively

engaged in the peace process were combined in United Nations Security Council (UNSC)

resolution 1325. It calls, among other things, for the enhanced protection of women and girls

during conflict and for more active participation of women during peace negotiations (UNSC,

2000). Evidently, the recognition that women should be included more actively in the peace

process is widespread. However, somehow this does not directly translate into women

receiving this political right. Because of this, I attempt to show why the participation of

women at post-conflict negotiation tables is not only a matter of political rights, but also a

matter of political effectiveness. I hope that once it becomes evident in what ways women

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specifically can contribute to the peace process, different from men, and that their

participation enhances the chances of a long-term and sustainable peace, it becomes natural

that they have a place at the negotiation table next to men.

An important foundation for this thesis is the notion that there are differences between men

and women and that these should be recognized and accounted for. The differences between

men and women are relevant in their own ways with regard to the topic of civil war and

conflict resolution. These differences cause men and women to be affected by war and

conflict in different ways. One of the ways in which this becomes evident is through the

phenomenon war rape, which is primarily inflicted upon women and girls during war and

conflict. I will elaborate on this in part one of the thesis. With regard to the differences

between men and women, I associate myself with the constructivist end of the nature/nurture

debate, with the essentialist view being its counterpart. The nature/nurture debate will be

extensively dealt with in part three. However, in advance I feel the need to explicate my point

of departure and how I look at the division of gender in the world. This division between the

genders can be explained in two ways, the essentialist and the constructivist view.

The constructivist point of view maintains that men and women perform different

roles in society due to their differing norms and values. However, contrary to the essentialists

who argue that this is because women and men are inherently, by nature, different, the

constructivists argue that these different roles are socially constructed (Melander, 2005, 696).

In part three these views will be dealt with in more detail. In addition, in part three the theory

of postmodern feminism is introduced, which is a corollary from my constructivist point of

departure.

To conclude, despite of the differences between men and women and regardless of the

way these are explained, either through a constructivist or an essentialist lens, I believe that

men and women are equal and that they should be treated equally. In many parts of the world,

in particular the developing world, women are treated and valued as if they are unequal to

men. By explaining in what ways women are affected by war and conflict differently from

men, and by showing in what ways women's participation at the peace negotiation table can

enhance the chances of a sustainable peace agreement, I hope that the socially constructed

roles of men and women during and after war and conflict are recognized, acknowledged and

reconsidered.

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Demarcation of the concepts - Even though the discussion with regard to women and peace is

a relatively new one and hence there is only a handful of scholars particularly engaged with

this topic, the scholars who have made it their field of interests all have created their own

views and theories. In particular, the concepts used with regard to the discussion differ from

author to author, even though mostly they pursue the same goal. For example, the concept of

sustainable peace means something different to every scholar on this topic. For the purpose of

my investigation and to make it a coherent and clear argument, I will demarcate the most

important concepts with regard to my discussion on women and peace. Some concepts, for

example women empowerment, need more explanation in detail and therefore, they will be

dealt with in the relevant sub-parts.

First of all, for the demarcation of the concept of a sustainable peace agreement I use

the definition of John Paul Lederach: ''A sustainable peace requires that long-time antagonists

not merely lay down arms but that they achieve profound reconciliation that will endure

because it is sustained by a society-wide network of relationships and mechanisms that

promote justice and address the root causes of enmity before they can regenerate destabilizing

tensions'' (Lederach, 1997, 9). So when arms are not put aside, and, moreover, when feelings

of enmity continue to cause violence and tension, a peace agreement is not sustainable.

Secondly, in my investigation I am talking about the political right of women to earn a

place at the peace negotiation table. By the latter I mean the post-conflict peace negotiations

in which the conditions of the peace agreement are discussed and adopted. The number and

the kinds of people, for example politicians or farmers, who will participate in this process

does not matter.

Thirdly, by women's participation I mean the active involvement and participation of

women, as a category, be it individuals, groups or organizations. In addition, when I am

talking about the political right of women to participate in the peace process I mean the

participation of women to the same extent as, and in an equal way to men.

Finally, by the political effectiveness of women participating in the peace process I

mean that by involving women at the peace negotiation table equally to men, the chances of a

sustainable peace after civil strife are enhanced.

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Outline and subquestions of the thesis - In the first part of this thesis I will explore the

question why women should receive the political right of inclusion during peace negotiations

equal to men. There are several reasons why women should receive this right, among them

the fact that women suffer differently from conflict from men (El Bushra, 2007 and McKay,

2004). Furthermore, to ensure social justice after conflict situations, the highest degree of

inclusion is required (Porter, 2003, 249).

Subsequently, in the second part I will explain how the concept of women

empowerment is connected to the participation of women in peace negotiations. I will lay

down the views of Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, Mary Caprioli and Eric Melander, who all aim

to establish a causal connection between the degree of women empowerment in a country and

the levels of violence or the success of a peace agreement. In addition, in this part I elaborate

on my reasons for dealing with the issue of women empowerment.

In the third part the theory of Postmodern Feminism is introduced, a theory that posits

that women and men, although equally important, have different interests and points of view

in a given situation. I employ this theory, which has a constructivist foundation, to suggest

that women and men are in fact different and that the interests of both sexes should be taken

into account to create a sustainable peace.

This forms a bridge to my final subquestion, in which I will show in what ways the

participation of women in peace negotiations improves the chances of a sustainable peace. I

will do this by analyzing the views and opinions of several scholars who have made it their

field of study. These scholars all have different arguments on how women specifically can

contribute to a sustainable peace agreement. However, they all have the same goal in mind.

Namely, earning women the political right to participate at the peace negotiation table.

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1. Why is it necessary that women in particular receive the political right to participate

at the peace negotiation table next to men?

Until this day, women's voices are often ignored in post-conflict peace processes. Moreover,

especially at the peace negotiation table, women's views and opinions are marginalized and

neglected (Porter, 2003). Because of this, the concerns and interests of a large part of the

population are ignored during peace talks. This does not give evidence of a sincere and well-

considered commitment to creating a sustainable peace, considering the fact that the inclusion

of women at the peace negotiation table enhances the chances to achieving this kind of peace.

Later on in the thesis I will attempt to support this argument by use of several claims and

theories of various scholars on this topic.

In advance, I feel the need to elaborate on my reasons for investigating the role of women in

peace negotiations. Many authors agree that women should receive the political right to

participate at the negotiation table for various reasons, which I will elaborate upon below.

However, despite of these reasons being known and recognized, notably through UNSC

resolution 1325, this has not led to a more active approach of including women at the peace

negotiation table. Perhaps because the world is still guided by the principles of male

leadership, or because the contribution of women is not acknowledged as being pivotal for the

successful outcome of peace negotiations. Notwithstanding the relevance of the question why

women are not actively involved, let us leave this issue aside and realize that it is important

that it changes. By showing the ways in which women specifically make a contribution to the

peace process, and by putting forward arguments on how women's involvement during peace

negotiation talks can enhance the chances of a sustainable peace, I aspire to make this change.

The point of departure for this thesis is the claim that once it is clear that women

positively contribute in their own unique ways to the chances of a long-term sustainable peace

if they are included in the peace process, it becomes a matter of political effectiveness that

they have a place at the peace negotiation table as well. Simply because the evidence shows

that their contribution is essential and that without it, the chances of a peace agreement failing

and that violence disrupts again are very high. For now, I would like to substantiate on why

women should receive the political right of participation in the first place. Although war has a

devastating effect on both men and women, the latter are affected by war and conflict in

different ways. It is important that the effects of war on both men and women are recognized

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and dealt with in post-conflict peace processes, otherwise women would be deprived of a

sense of justice after conflict (Porter, 2003, 249).

Two important authors who have argued for the active participation of women during peace

negotiations are Elisabeth Rehn and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Rehn is the former minister of

defence of Finland, Sirleaf is the current president of Liberia. On behalf of the United Nations

Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), these women have written a report called Women,

War and Peace. Politically, they argue that if women would be included in peace negotiations

to the same extent as men, their position in society is likely to grow stronger. On the other

hand, with regard to more basic human needs, war heavily impacts women's health and their

state of mind. Civil wars tend to destroy a country's health system, lead to the spread of

infectious diseases and severely harm the environment people live in. However, when it

comes to dangers for women specifically, they are usually the ones responsible for collecting

water and food. As a consequence, women, more so than men, are exposed to the threat of

landmines and attacks from ballistic weapons (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002, 35). Furthermore,

during conflict, a women's reproductive needs are seriously neglected and because of this,

vital needs of women are harmed. For example, during conflict no attention is paid to

women's menstruation and the fact that they need supplies for that. It is only since the new

millennium that humanitarian aid includes these kind of supplies (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002, 37).

Moreover, with regard to pregnancies, women in conflict do not have access to prenatal care

and emergency relief if needed (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002, 39).

All these elements aside, the most harmful war crime inflicted upon women is sexual

violence. The impact of mass rape when used as a weapon during wartime is so severe that it

is now recognized as a crime against humanity and a war crime under the Geneva

Conventions. Even though rape is now recognized as such, the effects on women are often

downplayed. Sexual violence is categorized as psychological warfare, it is about demeaning

the enemy and intimidation. So it is not just about the sexual act, it is a strategy used in war to

attack the opposing side. Moreover, wartime rape is associated with gender power relations,

men use rape to express their power over women (Thomas and Ralph, 1994, 85). Hence, war

rape is a grave expression of the traditionally strong embedded notion that women are, in

most parts of the world, still inferior to men. Not only should war rape be dealt with because

of the violent act involved, but also because it is a major impediment to the achievement of

gender equality. In addition to the more general effects of sexual violence in war, the specific

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effects on women are often marginalized. Among the physical harms from war rape are

unwanted pregnancies and infection with HIV/AIDS. Even, more grave are the psychological

damages women incur from sexual violence. In many cases of civil war women of all parties

are violated multiple times, leaving the details aside. Women feel deprived of their dignity,

they suffer from social stigmatisation, they will fall into depression and many of them attempt

to commit suicide. Furthermore, in most post-conflict societies, no effort is made to provide

rape victims with psychological help (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002, 42 and Pankhurst, 2003, 159).

Besides the massive impact of wartime rape and the ignored effects of it on women, post-

conflict peace agreements fail to take account of committed sex crimes and its punishment.

However, when social justice after civil war is to be achieved, the peace negotiations must

have a high level of inclusion, meaning that men and women should be represented equally.

Moreover, it is important that the crimes of sexual violence are taken into account during the

peace negotiation talks. Considering the grave effects of war rape on women, a peace

agreement that does not include these notions will lack a considerable amount of justice. In

addition, it will only further add to the subordinate position of women in many societies,

because their stakes and interests are not taken into account in such an important process of

building peace. Thus, women need to be part of peace negotiations because they are affected

by war in different ways than men, in particular with regard to war rape, and these issues need

to be acknowledged to achieve inclusive social justice (Porter, 2003, 249).

With the end of a violent conflict, new opportunities to develop stable political systems come

to the fore. The post-conflict peace negotiation table is an important first stage at which a

conflict-ridden society is rebuilt and remodelled. This new system needs to be built upon

principles like justice, equality and accountability. When women are not involved during

these negotiations, and hence their needs and interests are not taken into account, the

subsequent polities that arise out of these peace talks lack inclusive justice, equality and

accountability. Furthermore, when women are included in the peace negotiation talks, the

chances that a new polity will have a built-in mechanism that ensures equal representation and

gender equality are much higher. So both men and women need to be involved so that they

can both contribute to the basis of a new society that is based on the three principles

mentioned above (Porter, 2003, 250).

As argued above, it is important during peace negotiations to consider the widest

possible range of interests, meaning those of both men and women, as possible to ensure that

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a peace agreement is sustainable. This is especially important because in most countries in the

world, especially in the developing world, women and men perform different roles in society.

Considering the fact that most civil conflict occurs in developing countries, it becomes pivotal

to acknowledge this fact and to make sure that the interests of both roles are accounted for

during peace negotiations. The more traditional role of women in society, which is still firmly

embedded in many developing countries, is that of head of the household, the one responsible

for domestic life. As men get killed on the battlefield, the women are left behind and suddenly

they are burdened with the sole responsibility for taking care of the household, raising the

children and providing for income. In addition to these practical difficulties for women arising

out of conflict situations, there is loss of fathers, husbands and other loved ones that women

have to deal with (Karam, 2000, 5).

Clearly, women experience conflict and war from an entirely different angle than men

do. While most attention is paid to the atrocities occurring on the battlefield and the life-

threatening positions that men are put in when fighting for peace and freedom, the living

conditions of women in wartime are ignored. In many developing societies, women already

are in a subordinate position (Porter, 2003, 249). In addition, in conflict situations their

position seems to deteriorates even further when considering the increase of sexual violence

and the unrecognized increase of responsibilities in the domestic environment.

The fact remains that men and women suffer differently from conflict and that both voices

should be incorporated in peace negotiations to ensure a sustainable outcome. The role of

women as caretakers is often marginalized at the peace negotiation table and in post-conflict

societies their traumas are acknowledged and dealt with in a lesser way than those of their

male counterparts (Pankhurst, 2003, 160). However, if a sustainable peace agreement is to be

created and in order to set up a strong foundation for a post-conflict society, the issues and

traumas that are to be discussed during peace negotiations should reflect the interests of an

entire society. Therefore, the peace process should be ''an inclusive and participatory process''

(Nakaya, 2003, 459), in which both men and women should be included to account for justice

and reconciliation. Moreover, the power to decide over the future of a country should be

divided among both genders on the basis of equality (Nakaya, 2003, 460). The concept of

gender plays an important role here. The Council of Europe defines gender in the following

way: ''Gender refers to a socially constructed designation of women and men, their roles in a

culture specific context, and the relationship between the two sexes''(Nakaya, 2003, 461).

This definition signifies a difference in male and female roles in society, and especially in

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wartime these roles become relevant because different consequences due to conflict are

attached to it, as described above (Nakaya, 2003, 462). In the second part of this thesis I will

elaborate on the concept of gender and gender equality and its relevance to conflict and the

chances of sustainable peace.

Besides women being affected by war in a different manner than men, in some occasions

women can contribute to the outbreak of war (El Bushra, 2007, 135). This is especially true

when it involves conflict over national identity. Women are the prime caretakers, especially in

developing nations, therefore, it is primarily their ideas and ideologies that are being passed

on to the next generation. Consequently, if women support ideologies that provoke violence,

for example aggressive nationalism, and pass these on to their children, this might contribute

to the outbreak of conflict (Pankhurst, 2003, 158). However, reports of women actively

waging war are small in number, and it seems that men are still the prime executors of starting

and fighting wars (Jacobs, Jacobson and Marchbank, 2000).

To conclude, women and men are affected in different ways by war and conflict, and

especially the consequences of war to women are outlined and explained above. The purpose

of this was to provide reasons on why women should receive the political right to a place at

the peace negotiation table. In the remainder of this thesis, it will be argued in what ways

women specifically can enhance the chances of a sustainable peace when they are involved in

the peace process to the same extent as men. If this would be accepted more widely, there

would be more support for granting women the political right to participate at the peace

negotiation table.

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2. What does the concept of women empowerment entail and how is it linked to the

participation of women in the peace process?

The notion of women empowerment is as relevant today as it was back in the days when the

issue came to the fore for the first time. As discussed in the first part of this thesis, especially

in many developing countries, women still play an inferior role compared to men. The

division of roles between men and women occurs after birth, when the society they both are

born in assigns different roles to each gender, which in turn stipulates how men and women

should behave in society and at home (Panigrahy, 2006, 24). In many societies today, women

are not included in decision-making processes to the same extent as men because their

principal role is to take care of the household. However, it is only recently that a special focus

has shifted towards the connection between women empowerment and women's involvement

in the peace process. Increasingly, it is argued that the degree of women empowerment in a

society is inversely related to the levels of violence used in or by a state. Moreover, some

authors argue that the status of women in society is linked to the sustainability of a peace

agreement. Before I continue, it is necessary to explain the concept op women empowerment

and my reasons for elaborating on this issue. Then the views and theories of several authors

who have made the issue of women empowerment their field of expertise will be unfolded,

and I will analyse these authors attempts to establish a connection between the degree of

empowerment and levels of violence used in or by a state.

In order to explain how the concept of women empowerment is connected to the participation

of women in the peace process, it is first necessary to explain the notion of women

empowerment. Nilanchal Muni defines women empowerment as ''The process by which

women negotiate a more equitable distribution of power, a greater space in the initial

decision-making process in the home, in the community and in economic and political life''

(Panigrahi, 2006, 25). Some authors refer to the concept of gender mainstreaming, by which

is meant ''The reorganisation, improvement, development and evaluation of policy processes,

so that a gender equality perspective is incorporated in all policies at all levels and at all

stages, by the actors normally involved in policymaking'' (Verloo, 2005, 350). However,

regardless of the different conceptualisations, these scholars all share the aspiration that

women and men are to be valued and treated equally in all domains of society. I will use the

concept of women empowerment to present my argument because this seems to be the term

used mostly by authors on this topic. Furthermore, gender mainstreaming becomes feasible

14

when a majority of society comes to recognize that women and men should be treated and

valued equally. Before this can occur, the issue of gender equality should be brought to the

fore and this is something mostly pursued and advocated by women themselves.

Consequently, the process of mainstreaming gender in society starts with the process of

women empowering themselves and them actively demanding equal rights.

The concepts of women empowerment and women's participation at the peace negotiation

table go hand in hand. After all, in societies where women have a strong position vis-à-vis

men, the chances are higher they are represented at the peace negotiation table to the same

extent as men. In any case, the issue may be less relevant because there is no widespread

indication of the political decision-making processes being primarily a male occupancy.

However, in developing societies where the traditional division between male and female

roles is still present, the empowerment of women may greatly enhance the chances of women

being involved more frequently in decision-making processes, in particular, in the peace

process. Many scholars have linked the degree of women empowerment in a society to the

sustainability of a peace agreement after conflict. However, many of these scholars have come

as close as establishing theories or views on this topic, not one of them being able to establish

a direct causal link. In order to do so, more quantitative research is needed to expand the data

that is required to establish a direct correlation between women empowerment and violent

societies (Marshall, 1999, 35).

It is too complicated to establish this direct causal link, however, I will elaborate on

two notable authors in this field of study and their findings so far. I believe this is important

because once it becomes evident that the degree of women empowerment is indeed positively

linked to the sustainability of a peace agreement, societies in which women and men are not

equal will start paying attention to the issue of gender equality. Moreover, when it is shown in

what ways women specifically can enhance the chances of a sustainable peace - which I will

attempt to do later on - more will receive the right of participation, which signifies a

significant move towards gender equality. In conclusion, all these concepts reinforce each

other.

One of the first elaborate attempts that was made to analyse the relationship between the

position of women in society and the stability of a peace agreement was done by Theodora-

Ismene Gizelis. More specifically, with help of empirical evidence on the level of women

empowerment in countries Gizelis pursues to establish a positive connection between a high

15

level of women empowerment and the success of a United Nations (UN) peacebuilding

mission. She argues that in societies where women are relatively equal to men, this is an

indication of an actively participating civil society. Gizelis denominates this as ''domestic

capacity'' (Gizelis, 2009, 521), which is required if a mission is to be successful because it is a

sign of active involvement of the population and because international organizations need

widespread social support if they are to contribute to the peacebuilding mission. She supports

her argument by showing the level of women empowerment in several societies and then by

determining the success of a peacebuilding mission in those same societies. Her indicator to

determine the level of women empowerment is the ratio of women's life expectancy compared

to that of men (Gizelis, 2009, 513). In societies where women have a lower life expectancy

than men, the level of women empowerment is low and hence the level of gender equality.

Subsequently, with use of complicated formulae she attempts to establish a causal relationship

between the level of women empowerment and the relative success of a peacebuilding

mission. What is comes down to is that Gizelis has picked over hundred conflicts over the last

fifty years which she analysed on the basis of a handful indicators to establish to what extent

the empowerment of women in a society coincides with the success of a peace agreement. She

concludes that in societies where women are relatively equal to men, the UN peacebuilding

efforts have been more successful.

The biggest critique would be that she narrows the magnitude and severity of all the

separate conflicts down to the same phenomenon and tick offs several boxes. Even though

Gizelis makes a brave effort and she presents her approach and argumentation in a convincing

way, this approach seems to pass by the complexity and singularity of all those conflicts.

Furthermore, in her conclusion Gizelis discerns that the results that stem from the formulae

are quite general and broad, and that more detailed research has to be performed to actually

establish a causal relationship (Gizelis, 2009, 521). Unfortunately, this last point made by

Gizelis seems to characterize most researches by scholars on this topic. Before examining this

issue, I will turn to the work of another famous author in this field.

One of the names that first appears in the relevant literature when examining the issue of

women empowerment and levels of violence is that of Mary Caprioli. Since the new

millennium, she started publishing articles in which she attempts to establish a connection

between high levels of gender equality and low levels of violence in a country. Caprioli

proceeds from the basic assumption that in societies where there are high levels of inequality

and violence, the chances are high that this state will act aggressively in international relations

16

as well (Caprioli, 2001, 503). Her approach is to measure the number of women in a decision-

making position during times of crisis. Subsequently, she considers the levels of violence

used during that crisis (Caprioli, 2001, 512). Caprioli's theory rests on the idea that in

societies where greater concern is expressed for gender equality, the decision-makers in this

country believe that international crises should be resolved without violence and through

diplomatic means. Furthermore, a great concern for gender equality in a society reflects the

existence of norms such as tolerance and this is also expressed in a country's behaviour in

international relations (Caprioli, 2001, 515).

One of the biggest critiques of this approach designed by Caprioli is that it lacks

substantive analysis on the exact role and contribution of female decision-makers. As Caprioli

acknowledges herself, there is not many data available on female decision-makers (Caprioli,

2001, 516). Therefore, she seems to encounter the same flaw that this approach inhibits that

many other authors on this topic also came across. Namely that Caprioli, just as her

colleagues Gizelis and Melander, starts her discussion by referring to the age-old presumption

that men are inherently more aggressive than women. What follows is that instead of looking

in detail at how the few female leaders conduct their policies, too much attention is paid to the

aggression of male leaders. Subsequently, it seems that these authors, including Caprioli,

automatically assume that where male leaders are partially replaced by women, it must be the

case that international crises are resolved more peacefully. Other factors that might influence

this as well are completely ignored, at least until so far. Caprioli and other authors on this

topic should attempt to investigate the issues that female decision-makers bring to the table,

and in what ways they pursue to resolve disputes and most importantly, compare these

elements to the means male decision-makers use to resolve international disputes. Once this is

done, Caprioli and her colleagues can continue to establish a correlation between high levels

of domestic gender equality and lower levels of violence in a country. Unfortunately, a

prerequisite for this is that more data becomes available on female leadership, and this might

take a while considering the continuing male domination of world politics.

Erik Melander is one of the authors who has aimed to put more effort in the analysis of female

leadership. He has the same goal as Caprioli, namely trying to establish a relation between

gender equality and levels of violence, however, he acknowledges that more detailed attention

should be paid to distinct aspects of female leadership and its possible influence on more

peaceful solutions of international crises (Melander, 2005, 695). He argues that it is not

necessarily female leadership that has an influence on less violence used in or by a state, it is

17

the level of gender equality in a society, regardless of how it is expressed, that is related to

lower levels of violence (Melander, 2005, 696). After extensive investigations, Melander

concludes that a high level of gender equality in a society is indeed associated with lower

levels of violence is that same society (Melander, 2005, 706). However, he acknowledges that

it is difficult to establish a direct causal relationship between gender equality and peace. Just

as Gizelis and Caprioli, Melander concludes that more research should be performed to

disentangle the exact influence of gender equality on the levels of violence used in or by a

state (Melander, 2005, 711).

I introduced this part because it is a lively topic of discussion within the whole women and

peace debate. It is inevitable that the concepts of women empowerment, gender equality,

women's participation, sustainability and peace all reinforce each other. Unfortunately, it is

very complicated to establish a direct causal relationship between the level of women

empowerment and the chances of a more peaceful society of states. Many authors on this

topic, among them Caprioli, Gizelis and Melander have encountered this. Nevertheless, this

did not restrained them to investigate the relationship between on the one hand women

empowerment and gender equality, and on the other hand the levels of violence used in or by

a state and the chances of a peace agreement being sustainable. This field of study is young

and still developing. If scholars eventually succeed in establishing a causal mechanism

between high levels of gender equality and lower levels of violence in international relations,

this will support the empowerment of women in societies where they are still inferior to men

because it is evident that the equal status of men and women is necessary to maintain peace

and stability. However, a crucial condition for this to occur is that more statistical evidence

needs to be gathered and that more detailed analysis is performed.

In the next part, I will elaborate on the issue of the differences between men and

women and whether these are biologically determined or socially constructed. Furthermore, I

will attempt to show what the consequences of the differences between male and female

values are for the success or failure of a peace agreement and on how both male and female

voices need to be incorporated in the peace process in order to create a sustainable peace.

18

3. What does the theory of postmodern feminism contribute to the debate about women

and peace?

In what ways does the participation of women in the peace process enhance the chances of a

sustainable peace? To answer this central question it is first necessary to lay down the

theoretical framework that I will use to explore this issue. The theory of postmodern feminism

supports the claim that women should be included at the peace negotiation table because they

have different interests and because they perform different roles in society than their male

counterparts. Postmodern Feminism argues that men and women are equal. However, it also

acknowledges that men and women are in fact different, meaning that men and women are

assigned different roles in society. As a consequence, men and women perceive things

differently. While observing the same object, both genders will interpret and explain it

differently (Ebert, 1991). These differing interpretations and explanations also lead to men

and women experiencing conflict and war differently. Before exploring this theory, I will first

dive into the history of gender differences by explaining the nature/nurture debate, or, in more

theoretical terms, the essentialist/constructivist debate.

The nature/nurture debate is an age-old issue depicting the different opinions on how gender

roles are created. The nature-side puts forward the argument that men and women are

inherently different already at birth. Women are viewed as more peaceful because of their

reproductive capabilities (Melander, 2005, 697). On the contrary, men are less averse to

violence and war. This is embedded in their nature (Melander, 2005, 696). Consequently,

Melander argues that societies in which men and women are equal are less violent because

both genders are involved in politics, not only the war-prone men, but also the more peaceful

females. On the other end of the spectrum are the supporters of the nurture argument. The

main argument here is that men and women are assigned different roles in society due to

nurture. Each society has its own built-in mechanism which depicts how men and women are

ought to behave. Traditionally, this provides for men to carry out the more masculine tasks

such as gathering food, engaging in business and protecting the property. Subsequently,

women are supposed to take care of the household. Hence, it is not biology that denominates

the differences between men and women, it is socially constructed gender roles (Melander,

2005, 698).

19

In the field of conflict resolution today, the nature/nurture debate is translated into the

essentialist/constructivist debate. Authors such as Mary Caprioli and Erik Melander argue in

favour of the constructivist argument. In particular, Melander argues that in societies where

men and women are more equal, there is greater tolerance and sensitivity towards ethnic

minorities due to an inherent sense of equality. Furthermore, he argues that the crucial

difference between the essentialist and the constructivist argument is that the latter stipulates

social change. It is argued that because gender roles are socially constructed, they are capable

of changing or being reshaped (Melander, 2005, 699). Therefore, I believe that the

constructivist argument is more suitable for traditional feminists because it contributes and

supports their pursuit for equality between men and women. If these feminists were to strive

for this goal under an essentialist assumption they would find hindrance from the fact that

gender roles are biologically determined. On the other hand, when viewing it from a

constructivist angle, feminists have to disentangle the social constructions that prescribe the

gender roles and so create the possibilities for change, hence, equality between the sexes.

To continue with explaining the theoretical basis for this thesis, let us turn again to the theory

of postmodern feminism and its counterpart, cultural feminism. These two feminist theories

each reflect one of the opposing camps in the essentialist/constructivist debate. However,

despite their differences, both theories argue that there are differences between men and

women and that the interests of both genders should be accompanied in order to provide for

gender equality. In the same tradition as the essentialist argument, cultural feminists argue

that due to their biological nature, men and women have different interests in a given situation

(Mahowald, 1997, 49). In line with the constructivist argument, postmodern feminism argues

that gender roles are embedded in society. In addition, to create a society that inhibits justice

and equality, both male and female voices should be heard and their interests should be

accounted for.

Postmodern feminism provides for the reasoning underlying the proposition that both men

and women should be included equally in the peace process if stability and long-term peace

are to be attained. Elaborating on this theory, the reasoning of Teresa Ebert explains my point

most vigorously. She argues that gender roles are embedded in every domain of society,

including the political domain that is affiliated with post-conflict peace negotiations. The

social division of gender roles in many societies provides for men and women performing

different roles in different domains society such as sexual relations, nursing, work, politics

20

and the household (Ebert, 1991, 886). Postmodern feminism attempts to break through these

socially embedded divisions by giving voice to those who are marginalized (Ebert, 1991,

889). Moreover, Ebert argues that in order to reform these unequal gender structures, it must

be acknowledged that the world is structured in this way. Furthermore, active engagement is

required to change these power differences between men and women and to recognize that

both men and women's voices should be heard to create an equal and just society (Ebert,

1991, 902).

This argument can be extended to the field of conflict resolution. The theory of postmodern

feminism argues that gender roles are socially embedded in society. These gender roles

prescribe the functions both men and women are to perform in their lives. In addition, in

conflict situations, men and women carry out different tasks. While men are usually the

soldiers protecting the country, women stay at home providing for the family and the

household. Consequently, as explained in part one on this thesis, men and women are affected

by war and conflict in different ways. Therefore, it is important that the interests and concerns

of both men and women after conflict are accounted for in order to ensure justice and more

importantly, equality (Porter, 2003, 249). Furthermore, if this is provided for, a peace

agreement will represent the largest possible part of a society which will enhance the chances

of a peace being stable and sustainable (Gizelis, 2009, 521). In the subsequent part I will put

forward arguments to answer the main question of this thesis. Namely, in what ways does the

participation of women in the peace process enhance the chances of a sustainable peace?

21

4. In what ways does the participation of women in the peace process improve the

chances of a sustainable peace?

After reading the first three parts of this thesis it must be evident that the discussion

surrounding women and peace is a lively one. The calls to change the way that peace

agreements are discussed and closed are widespread, ranging from scholars such as Mary

Caprioli and Ismene-Theodora Gizelis, who have demarcated their academic field of interest

to this discussion, to women from all over the world expressing their concerns with regard to

the neglect of women in the peace process. All these women have the same message, namely,

to give women in all conflict-ridden societies in the world equal chances of participation at

the peace negotiation table so that it becomes an inclusive and representative process.

However, the majority of advocates of this political right are wholly occupied by convincing

the world of the need to guarantee it. Unfortunately, this overrides the importance of

explaining and elaborating on the difference it can make if women everywhere were to

receive this right. I argue that once it becomes evident that the inclusion of women at the

peace negotiation table is a crucial condition for a peace agreement to be sustainable, it

becomes natural that women will be included in the peace process to the same extent as men.

To invigorate the purpose of this thesis I will elaborate on the final point stated above. As

mentioned in part two of this thesis, the number of attempts to establish a causal link between

women empowerment and the success of a peace agreement is growing. Unfortunately, this is

a very complicated investigation and much more than the currently available data is required

in order to succeed in making such a causal connection. However, I would like to contribute

to this investigation by showing that the participation of women in peace negotiations is not

only a matter of political rights, but that it is also a matter of political effectiveness. This last

aspect means that it is argued by various authors that there are several ways in which the

participation of women in peace negotiations, next to men, can enhance the chances of a

sustainable peace. I believe that once it is established in what ways women can do so, they

will receive the political right to participate. In turn, if more societies around the world would

guarantee this right to women, it is a sign that the status of women is improving compared to

men. Thus, more women receiving the political right of participation during peace

negotiations will not only enhance their position in societies where they are subordinate to

men, it will also increase the likeliness that a peace agreement will be sustainable.

22

Hence, when it is established in what ways women can contribute in their own unique ways to

a sustainable peace it will bring us one step closer to establishing a causal link between

women empowerment and the success of a peace agreement.

Having established that getting women to the peace negotiation table is the ultimate goal, let

us now turn to the argumentative part of this subquestion. One element that highlights the

importance of women's inclusion in the peace process is the fact that females have different

interests and concerns than men because some area's fall primarily under female occupancy.

In most developing societies men are the main actors in the political and economic domain,

whereas women are primarily active in local communities and the household, which

incorporates the psychosocial, relational and spiritual dimensions in society (El Bushra, 2007,

138). To establish a sustainable peace agreement, it seems rational to include these aspects as

well besides the economic and political views of society. After all, a society is built upon

more than just these last two elements. Consequently, by excluding women from the peace

negotiation table, there is a considerable risk that some issues are neglected simply because

men are not affected by them. Issues such as particular security needs, for example protection

against rape, and particular rights that affect only women may not come to the fore if it is just

men discussing the peace (Porter, 2003, 248). Even though Western diplomats who support

the peacebuilding efforts assign all kinds of political rights to women after wartime, no

sufficient concern is expressed to women's priorities. Consequently, when women are not

invited to the peace negotiation table, their needs and concerns are neglected (Hudson, 2000,

297). In addition, women have distinctive requirements due to different levels of education,

different social profiles and because they have different competences. Just as men are not all

similar to one another, women all have different characteristics which should be equally

accounted for in a peace agreement (Karam, 2000, 14).

In line with the above, in some societies men and women occupy different positions

and are active in different domains in society. Subsequently, conflict and war have a different

impact on these separate roles and domains and as a consequence, women and girls suffer in

different ways from a conflict or war than men. One of the ways in which this becomes

evident is through the fact that during times of war, women stay at home to look after the

household. Consequently, many basic utilities (Hudson, 2000, 297) are lacking in periods of

conflict. Without marginalizing the miserable circumstances men experience when fighting

out on the field, women suffer from bad hygiene and lost income at home.

23

Furthermore, as argued in part one, when confronted with the death of husbands, fathers and

sons, women suddenly become the sole responsible ones for taking care of and providing for

the household and the family (Karam, 2000, 5 and Pankhurst, 2003, 159). Obviously, in a lot

of ways, men and women are affected by conflict and war in similar ways. However, in

societies where different roles are assigned to women and men, which usually comes down to

the political domain belonging to men and the domain of the household to women, it must be

recognized that conflict affects these domains in different ways. Consequently, men and

women suffer from conflict and war in their own distinct ways, which is exemplified above.

Only if this is recognized and if these differences are accounted for during peace negotiations

and eventually in peace agreements, a peace can actually be widely supported, and hence,

sustainable.

A second major argument that is proposed to support women's participation during peace

negotiations is the fact that it is women who are most closely connected to the grassroots

levels of society. The formal aspects of the peace process, which are mostly political, are

predominantly provided for by men. On the other hand, women are more actively involved in

the local dimensions of society in which cultural and social aspects are relevant. Women's

engagement in local communities is relevant for several reasons. First of all, because women

are the prime caretakers, they are entrusted with raising children. In countries where a

protracted civil strife has disillusioned the entire adult population, only the infants with their

blank slates can rebuild a society without grief and anger towards the once opposing party. As

raisers, women are the main responsible ones for ''fostering a culture of peace'' (Koen, 2006,

9).

In addition, a crucial feature that is required in order to rebuild a society after conflict

is the contribution of women's organizations. Women's efforts are not so much aimed at

involvement in the political aspects of a peace agreement. On the contrary, in war-torn

countries in Africa women's organizations were actively participating in rebuilding societies

by focusing especially on local communities and the domain of the family. Furthermore, these

organisations pursued to raise awareness for the special needs of girls and women during

wartime (El Bushra, 2007, 135). Peace agreements often merely reflect an insubstantial effort

by a country's most important politicians to stop the violence and destruction. However, as

defined in the introduction of the thesis, a sustainable peace is one that is ''sustained by a

society-wide network of relationships and mechanisms that promote justice and address the

root causes of enmity before they can regenerate destabilizing tensions'' (Lederach, 1997, 9).

24

A peace that is concluded with support and under representation of the grassroots of society is

more likely to sustain than one that is merely negotiated by the elite (Porter 2, 250). Because

in most developing societies women are occupied with nursing and care-taking in their

communities on a daily basis, they are familiar with the issues and concerns that are present in

that domain of society (Porter, 2003, 250). Hence, women are the most relevant

representatives of the local communities during peace negotiations and if they are not

incorporated, a substantial amount of interests and concerns is not accounted for in a peace

agreement.

A third related argument deals with the aftermath of war and conflict. When a conflict-ridden

country is to be rebuild, the international community is rushing to the fore to offer its support.

Among this support are all kinds of re-stabilisation designs for government apparatus and the

economy. In addition, especially in the last two centuries, increasingly post-conflict

reconciliation and truth commission are established to provide for justice after war crimes.

One feature of such a truth commission is that women can report rape inflicted upon them

during war time. Increasingly it has been recognized that systematic rape is in fact a war

crime that should be taken seriously due to the consequences of it for women and girls

(Pankhurst, 2003, 160). However, only a small minority of raped women actually comes

forward and reports these crimes. It is important that these rape crimes are accounted for

during peace negotiations for several reasons. First of all, girls and women should regain a

sense of personal security after periods of violent conflict. Not only is this pivotal for their

personal well-being, the personal security of people is linked to global security (McKay,

2004, 156). Women should participate during peace negotiations to address the gravity and

severity of these war crimes. In addition, rape as a war crime is connected to the concept of

gender equality. During peace negotiations, rape should be perceived as a war crime that is to

be contained because of its destructive consequences for women. Subsequently, this

contributes to the recognition that women and men are each differently affected by war and

this signifies a move towards gender equality.

A second reason why it is important that the crime of rape is accounted for during

peace negotiations is to ensure social justice (Porter, 2003, 248). Considering the impact of

rape on women and girls, it would deprive them of a sense of justice and closure when the

crimes committed against them were to be ignored. If women were to be included at the peace

negotiation table and added in the peace agreement, the impact of war rape is acknowledged.

25

Consequently, the widespread support that a peace agreement needs to be sustainable can be

attained in this way.

Another element of social justice concerns the reconstruction of the political

apparatus. When after years of civil strife a conflict-ridden country is to be rebuild, women in

developing countries consider this an opportunity to break away from their previous inferior

positions and to claim equal rights to men. Therefore, where a peace process functions as a

country's developing strategy, economically and socially but foremost politically, women

should be engaged to establish a gender-tolerant society (Hudson, 2009, 298). In order to

build a stable and inclusive government, women and men from all social backgrounds should

be included in the process. If this equal representation in government is to be guaranteed, this

should start as early as during the peace process. As Porter puts it: ''Women are affected by

conflict and thus by the consequences of a peace agreement'' (Porter, 2003, 248). Thus,

women and men should be equally represented during a peace process in which the future of

both genders is considered and constructed.

To conclude, in this part I have outlined several arguments that proclaim in what ways women

in particular can enhance the chances of a peace agreement being sustainable. The theory of

Postmodern Feminism already taught us that men and women are in fact different, not

through their biology, but through their socially constructed roles in society. Because of this,

men and women are affected by war and conflict in different ways because the domains of

society they are act in are targeted differently by conflict. It is important that this is

acknowledged during peace negotiations in order to ensure justice and security for all.

However, for the purpose of this thesis, I have pursued to show that the participation of

women during peace negotiations is a prerequisite for a peace agreement to be sustainable.

When both men and women from all layers of a conflict-ridden society were to be included,

the highest level of representation can be included. Consequently, the resulting peace

agreement is widely supported, which is a fundamental condition of a sustainable peace

(Lederach, 1997, 9). Furthermore, by showing in what ways women's inclusion is necessary

for sustainability, I hope it will become self-evident that women everywhere receive the

political right of participation at the peace negotiation table. This in turn will enhance the

position of women vis-à-vis men in societies where women are still subordinate to their male

counterparts.

26

Conclusion

Before concluding this thesis, I feel the need to elucidate something. When reading this thesis,

it may appear as if it is argued that women are better and more important than man. This may

be due to the fact that I have drawn a lot of attention to the female perspective on conflict and

because I particularly called for attention to the position of women in conflict. However, I

purposely used the theory of Postmodern Feminism to support my claims because even

though it is a feminist theory, it explicitly states that men and women are equal in value and

importance. Though, the theory also calls for the acknowledgement that women and men have

different interests and concerns due to different positions in society. This is especially the

case in most developing societies in which men are the prime providers, and women are the

caretakers. Notwithstanding this, I have deliberately focused my attention on the need for

women to be included in the peace process because they have distinct interests next to men,

but women are still often not included to the same extent as men.

The most important purpose of this thesis was to show that once it becomes evident in what

ways women specifically can contribute to the peace process, different from men, and that

their participation enhances the chances of a long-term and sustainable peace, it becomes

natural that they have a place at the negotiation table equal to men.

In the first part I have attempted to show why it is important that women receive the

political right to equal participation in the first place. The main argument put forward here

was that men and women are affected in different ways by conflict. In order to accomodate

the needs and interests of both genders, it is important that both are represented in the peace

process. Furthermore, one of the gravest atrocities stemming from war and conflict, sexual

violence, is mostly committed against women and girls. In order to ensure social justice, the

peace negotiations must have a high level of inclusion of both men and women so that the

interests and concerns of both genders are accounted for.

In part of two of this thesis I linked the concept of women empowerment to the

participation of women in the peace process. I discussed this connection because increasingly

scholars aim to establish a causal mechanism between a high level of women empowerment

in a society and low levels of violence used in or by that state. With support of authors such as

Mary Caprioli and Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, I argued that if women were to receive the

political right of equal participation at the peace negotiation table, this will not only enhance

the chances of a sustainable peace agreement - which is dealt with in part four - it will also

27

improve women's position in society compared to men. In turn, according to Gizelis and

Caprioli, in societies where women and men are more equal, levels of violence used in or by a

state will be lower. Unfortunately, establishing causal link between women empowerment and

lower levels of violence is complicated and therefore difficult to discover. In order to do so,

much more empirical analysis should be performed in the future. However, I dealt with this

issue because it is a lively topic and the issues of women empowerment and that of women

and war/peace are closely connected to one another.

In the third part I elaborated on the theory of Postmodern Feminism. With the help of

this theory, I aimed to substantiate my investigation in what ways the inclusion of women at

the peace negotiation table can enhance the chances of a peace agreement being sustainable.

This theory posits that women and men are equal, but that they have different interests and

needs due to their differing socially constructed positions in society, especially developing

societies.

The final part dealt with the question in what ways the inclusion of women at the

peace negotiation table can enhance the chances of creating a sustainable peace. By putting

forward arguments that support this claim, I hope that it has become evident that without

women's participation, a peace agreement lacks substance and widespread representation and

therefore, the chances of it being successful in the long-term are small. Firstly, women and

men are active in different domains of society. These domains are each differently affected by

war. Consequently, men and women are each differently targeted by conflict and in order to

create a stable peace, all interests and needs of all domains of society should be represented in

the peace process. In addition, women are often more closely connected to the grassroots

levels of society. Due to care-taking roles in local communities, women know what is of

importance in this part of society. If after conflict a society needs to be rebuilt, it should start

from the bottom up at the level of local, small-scale communities. Women are primary actors

guiding these communities. Thus, by including them at the peace negotiation table besides

men, who deal primarily with national politics and economics, it is provided for that every

layer of society is represented in the peace process. This in turn will create a broad basis for

the peace agreement and this will increase the chances of it being sustainable.

Conflict resolution is a field of International Relations that is very relevant these days. With

the end of the Cold War, the time of large inter-state wars was over, but the number of intra-

state wars in developing countries increased drastically. With support of other countries and

the United Nations, many of these civil wars are attempted to be solved via peace agreements.

28

However, a majority of these peace agreements seems to lack stability as conflicting parties

continue to destruct each other. Scholars continue their search to discover the pivotal

condition that is required in order to create a sustainable peace agreement. As argued before, a

crucial element to ensure sustainability is that a peace agreement is widely supported.

Consequently, scholars such as Caprioli, Hudson and Porter argue that if women were to be

involved in the peace process, and at the peace negotiation table in particular, to the same

extent as men, that a peace agreement would have the right level of representation, substance

and support in order to be sustainable.

I have attempted to show that the inclusion of women at the peace negotiation table is

a pivotal condition for a peace agreement to be sustainable because women express different

needs and concerns than men. I hope it will become evident that men and women are both

needed to the same extent to ensure sustainability. As a consequence, women everywhere

should receive the right of equal participation at the peace negotiation table because it is a

matter of political effectiveness, not just of political rights. In addition, in developing societies

where women are still subordinate to men, this might lead to increased attention for gender

equality and the recognition that both men and women add something to society. Both men

and women are needed to build and sustain a society, before and after conflict.

To take it one step further, I hope that this thesis will contribute to the discovery of a

causal mechanism between the level of women empowerment in society and the levels of

violence used in or by a society. Once this is established and backed up by statistical and

practical evidence, all countries around the world should make gender equality a priority of

paramount importance. Authors such as Mary Caprioli and Theodora-Ismene Gizelis are

already actively engaged in the search of this, however, they deserve more acknowledgement

and support for this issue than is the case right now. However, with the publication of United

Nations Security Council resolution 1325, the most important inter-governmental institution

in the world has put the issue of women, war and peace on the global agenda. Even though

this is not a panacea for the general lack of equality between men and women, it is a

significant move towards the recognition that women are as necessary as men to create

peaceful and secure societies in which each individual is awarded equal value and importance.

29

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