Women's Participation at the Peace Negotiation Table
Political Rights versus Political Effectiveness
Marthe van Laarhoven
S1880543
International Conflict Resolution and Justice
Supervising Lecturer: dr. mr. C.L.B. Kocken
Friesestraatweg 33
9718 NB Groningen
January 2012
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Table of Contents
Introduction............................................................................................3
- Demarcation of the concepts......................................................................6
- Outline and subquestions of the thesis.......................................................7
Part 1 - Why should women receive the political right to participate at the peace negotiation
table? .......................................................................................................8
Part 2 - How is women empowerment linked to the participation of women in the peace
process and what does women empowerment entail? ...........................................13
Part 3 - What does the theory of postmodern feminism contribute to the debate about
women and peace? ......................................................................................18
Part 4 - In what ways does the participation of women in the peace process improve the
chances of a sustainable peace? ......................................................................21
Conclusion.............................................................................................26
Works Cited List....................................................................................29
3
Introduction
The battle of the sexes is as old as the human race itself. Dating back to prehistoric times, men
were considered to be the providers, while women were to take care of the household. As time
proceeded, a pattern developed in which this male-female division came structured into
people's minds and the societies they lived in. Until the twentieth century, it was perceived
normal by the majority that men engage in politics and business, while women's main task
was to breed and to care. However, as the twentieth century took off, a growing tension
emerged in the course of which women around the world, and especially in the Western
hemisphere, started claiming equal rights to men. Today, the male-female relation is not so
much considered a battle, as it is considered a struggle for equality. With the new millennium,
in many parts of the world it is perceived normal that women and men are equal, and that they
deserve the same rights. However, in many parts of the world this is still only a formality, and
it appears to be difficult to shake off the age-old prescribed roles for both men and women. In
practice, women are often still downgraded in comparison to their male counterparts. As a
consequence, in all kinds of political processes, the standard still seems to be that men are the
primary decision makers and negotiators, and women's voices are ignored and marginalized.
A pivotal field of International Relations in which women's struggle for equality is especially
relevant today is the area of conflict resolution and justice after war or civil conflict. In the
post cold war era, there has been a shift away from large-scale interstate wars towards civil
wars, especially in countries that were previously under the dominance of Western nations.
This type of war is a major obstacle to the development of developing countries, as it tears
apart countries in two or more opposing sides. Especially the African continent seems to be
plagued by civil wars and their disastrous consequences. The international community, by
which I mean the world's countries and the United Nations, appears to be actively engaged in
solving these civil strives and in building stable, prosperous nations. However, the efforts
from all parties to design sustainable peace agreements are often disappointed as opposing
parties fall back into conflict with each other or as feelings of hatred and injustice continue to
exist. In order for African nations to move beyond their conflict-ridden pasts and to build
stable countries with strong national coherence, every inhabitant should be involved at every
stage of the peace process. Unfortunately, in many post civil war countries a large part of the
population is not involved, and this might be an important reason for the recurrence of
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violence after peace agreements. Apparently, these peace agreements are not stable and
widely supported enough to ensure that the inherent reasons for conflict are contained.
In this thesis, I argue that an important reason to account for the failure of peace agreements
after civil strive stems from the exclusion of women in the peace process. Increasingly,
women in conflict-ridden area's start participating in informal, small-scale conflict
transformation processes. However, the stage at which women are practically absent is the
stage of post-conflict peace negotiations at which the formal, mostly political, conditions of a
peace agreement are discussed. At many post-conflict negotiation tables men are the main
actors who decide on the conditions of the peace agreement. According to Swanee and Hunt
(2001, 38): ''Allowing men who plan wars to plan peace is a bad habit''. Why are women often
absent from negotiation tables? Perhaps because the highest political positions are still
reserved for men. Another reason might be that war is perceived to be a ''man's job'' (Swanee
and Hunt, 2001, 46).
Leaving aside the reasons why women are often absent from the negotiation table, I would
like to investigate why women should be included in peace negotiations. Furthermore, the
main purpose of this investigation is to put forward arguments in what ways the inclusion of
women in peace negotiations enhances the chances of a sustainable peace. In October 2011, I
visited the Africa Day, an event organized by a Dutch non-profit organization. During this
day, I visited a workshop which was titled 'Women and Peace'. Three experts on this topic, all
women, entered into a lengthy and laborious discussion on why women should be included in
the peace process, but they all aspired the same goal. Namely that women everywhere receive
the political right to participate at the peace negotiation table, equal to men.
In addition, in 2000, the worldwide calls for women to receive the right to be actively
engaged in the peace process were combined in United Nations Security Council (UNSC)
resolution 1325. It calls, among other things, for the enhanced protection of women and girls
during conflict and for more active participation of women during peace negotiations (UNSC,
2000). Evidently, the recognition that women should be included more actively in the peace
process is widespread. However, somehow this does not directly translate into women
receiving this political right. Because of this, I attempt to show why the participation of
women at post-conflict negotiation tables is not only a matter of political rights, but also a
matter of political effectiveness. I hope that once it becomes evident in what ways women
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specifically can contribute to the peace process, different from men, and that their
participation enhances the chances of a long-term and sustainable peace, it becomes natural
that they have a place at the negotiation table next to men.
An important foundation for this thesis is the notion that there are differences between men
and women and that these should be recognized and accounted for. The differences between
men and women are relevant in their own ways with regard to the topic of civil war and
conflict resolution. These differences cause men and women to be affected by war and
conflict in different ways. One of the ways in which this becomes evident is through the
phenomenon war rape, which is primarily inflicted upon women and girls during war and
conflict. I will elaborate on this in part one of the thesis. With regard to the differences
between men and women, I associate myself with the constructivist end of the nature/nurture
debate, with the essentialist view being its counterpart. The nature/nurture debate will be
extensively dealt with in part three. However, in advance I feel the need to explicate my point
of departure and how I look at the division of gender in the world. This division between the
genders can be explained in two ways, the essentialist and the constructivist view.
The constructivist point of view maintains that men and women perform different
roles in society due to their differing norms and values. However, contrary to the essentialists
who argue that this is because women and men are inherently, by nature, different, the
constructivists argue that these different roles are socially constructed (Melander, 2005, 696).
In part three these views will be dealt with in more detail. In addition, in part three the theory
of postmodern feminism is introduced, which is a corollary from my constructivist point of
departure.
To conclude, despite of the differences between men and women and regardless of the
way these are explained, either through a constructivist or an essentialist lens, I believe that
men and women are equal and that they should be treated equally. In many parts of the world,
in particular the developing world, women are treated and valued as if they are unequal to
men. By explaining in what ways women are affected by war and conflict differently from
men, and by showing in what ways women's participation at the peace negotiation table can
enhance the chances of a sustainable peace agreement, I hope that the socially constructed
roles of men and women during and after war and conflict are recognized, acknowledged and
reconsidered.
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Demarcation of the concepts - Even though the discussion with regard to women and peace is
a relatively new one and hence there is only a handful of scholars particularly engaged with
this topic, the scholars who have made it their field of interests all have created their own
views and theories. In particular, the concepts used with regard to the discussion differ from
author to author, even though mostly they pursue the same goal. For example, the concept of
sustainable peace means something different to every scholar on this topic. For the purpose of
my investigation and to make it a coherent and clear argument, I will demarcate the most
important concepts with regard to my discussion on women and peace. Some concepts, for
example women empowerment, need more explanation in detail and therefore, they will be
dealt with in the relevant sub-parts.
First of all, for the demarcation of the concept of a sustainable peace agreement I use
the definition of John Paul Lederach: ''A sustainable peace requires that long-time antagonists
not merely lay down arms but that they achieve profound reconciliation that will endure
because it is sustained by a society-wide network of relationships and mechanisms that
promote justice and address the root causes of enmity before they can regenerate destabilizing
tensions'' (Lederach, 1997, 9). So when arms are not put aside, and, moreover, when feelings
of enmity continue to cause violence and tension, a peace agreement is not sustainable.
Secondly, in my investigation I am talking about the political right of women to earn a
place at the peace negotiation table. By the latter I mean the post-conflict peace negotiations
in which the conditions of the peace agreement are discussed and adopted. The number and
the kinds of people, for example politicians or farmers, who will participate in this process
does not matter.
Thirdly, by women's participation I mean the active involvement and participation of
women, as a category, be it individuals, groups or organizations. In addition, when I am
talking about the political right of women to participate in the peace process I mean the
participation of women to the same extent as, and in an equal way to men.
Finally, by the political effectiveness of women participating in the peace process I
mean that by involving women at the peace negotiation table equally to men, the chances of a
sustainable peace after civil strife are enhanced.
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Outline and subquestions of the thesis - In the first part of this thesis I will explore the
question why women should receive the political right of inclusion during peace negotiations
equal to men. There are several reasons why women should receive this right, among them
the fact that women suffer differently from conflict from men (El Bushra, 2007 and McKay,
2004). Furthermore, to ensure social justice after conflict situations, the highest degree of
inclusion is required (Porter, 2003, 249).
Subsequently, in the second part I will explain how the concept of women
empowerment is connected to the participation of women in peace negotiations. I will lay
down the views of Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, Mary Caprioli and Eric Melander, who all aim
to establish a causal connection between the degree of women empowerment in a country and
the levels of violence or the success of a peace agreement. In addition, in this part I elaborate
on my reasons for dealing with the issue of women empowerment.
In the third part the theory of Postmodern Feminism is introduced, a theory that posits
that women and men, although equally important, have different interests and points of view
in a given situation. I employ this theory, which has a constructivist foundation, to suggest
that women and men are in fact different and that the interests of both sexes should be taken
into account to create a sustainable peace.
This forms a bridge to my final subquestion, in which I will show in what ways the
participation of women in peace negotiations improves the chances of a sustainable peace. I
will do this by analyzing the views and opinions of several scholars who have made it their
field of study. These scholars all have different arguments on how women specifically can
contribute to a sustainable peace agreement. However, they all have the same goal in mind.
Namely, earning women the political right to participate at the peace negotiation table.
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1. Why is it necessary that women in particular receive the political right to participate
at the peace negotiation table next to men?
Until this day, women's voices are often ignored in post-conflict peace processes. Moreover,
especially at the peace negotiation table, women's views and opinions are marginalized and
neglected (Porter, 2003). Because of this, the concerns and interests of a large part of the
population are ignored during peace talks. This does not give evidence of a sincere and well-
considered commitment to creating a sustainable peace, considering the fact that the inclusion
of women at the peace negotiation table enhances the chances to achieving this kind of peace.
Later on in the thesis I will attempt to support this argument by use of several claims and
theories of various scholars on this topic.
In advance, I feel the need to elaborate on my reasons for investigating the role of women in
peace negotiations. Many authors agree that women should receive the political right to
participate at the negotiation table for various reasons, which I will elaborate upon below.
However, despite of these reasons being known and recognized, notably through UNSC
resolution 1325, this has not led to a more active approach of including women at the peace
negotiation table. Perhaps because the world is still guided by the principles of male
leadership, or because the contribution of women is not acknowledged as being pivotal for the
successful outcome of peace negotiations. Notwithstanding the relevance of the question why
women are not actively involved, let us leave this issue aside and realize that it is important
that it changes. By showing the ways in which women specifically make a contribution to the
peace process, and by putting forward arguments on how women's involvement during peace
negotiation talks can enhance the chances of a sustainable peace, I aspire to make this change.
The point of departure for this thesis is the claim that once it is clear that women
positively contribute in their own unique ways to the chances of a long-term sustainable peace
if they are included in the peace process, it becomes a matter of political effectiveness that
they have a place at the peace negotiation table as well. Simply because the evidence shows
that their contribution is essential and that without it, the chances of a peace agreement failing
and that violence disrupts again are very high. For now, I would like to substantiate on why
women should receive the political right of participation in the first place. Although war has a
devastating effect on both men and women, the latter are affected by war and conflict in
different ways. It is important that the effects of war on both men and women are recognized
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and dealt with in post-conflict peace processes, otherwise women would be deprived of a
sense of justice after conflict (Porter, 2003, 249).
Two important authors who have argued for the active participation of women during peace
negotiations are Elisabeth Rehn and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. Rehn is the former minister of
defence of Finland, Sirleaf is the current president of Liberia. On behalf of the United Nations
Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), these women have written a report called Women,
War and Peace. Politically, they argue that if women would be included in peace negotiations
to the same extent as men, their position in society is likely to grow stronger. On the other
hand, with regard to more basic human needs, war heavily impacts women's health and their
state of mind. Civil wars tend to destroy a country's health system, lead to the spread of
infectious diseases and severely harm the environment people live in. However, when it
comes to dangers for women specifically, they are usually the ones responsible for collecting
water and food. As a consequence, women, more so than men, are exposed to the threat of
landmines and attacks from ballistic weapons (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002, 35). Furthermore,
during conflict, a women's reproductive needs are seriously neglected and because of this,
vital needs of women are harmed. For example, during conflict no attention is paid to
women's menstruation and the fact that they need supplies for that. It is only since the new
millennium that humanitarian aid includes these kind of supplies (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002, 37).
Moreover, with regard to pregnancies, women in conflict do not have access to prenatal care
and emergency relief if needed (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002, 39).
All these elements aside, the most harmful war crime inflicted upon women is sexual
violence. The impact of mass rape when used as a weapon during wartime is so severe that it
is now recognized as a crime against humanity and a war crime under the Geneva
Conventions. Even though rape is now recognized as such, the effects on women are often
downplayed. Sexual violence is categorized as psychological warfare, it is about demeaning
the enemy and intimidation. So it is not just about the sexual act, it is a strategy used in war to
attack the opposing side. Moreover, wartime rape is associated with gender power relations,
men use rape to express their power over women (Thomas and Ralph, 1994, 85). Hence, war
rape is a grave expression of the traditionally strong embedded notion that women are, in
most parts of the world, still inferior to men. Not only should war rape be dealt with because
of the violent act involved, but also because it is a major impediment to the achievement of
gender equality. In addition to the more general effects of sexual violence in war, the specific
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effects on women are often marginalized. Among the physical harms from war rape are
unwanted pregnancies and infection with HIV/AIDS. Even, more grave are the psychological
damages women incur from sexual violence. In many cases of civil war women of all parties
are violated multiple times, leaving the details aside. Women feel deprived of their dignity,
they suffer from social stigmatisation, they will fall into depression and many of them attempt
to commit suicide. Furthermore, in most post-conflict societies, no effort is made to provide
rape victims with psychological help (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002, 42 and Pankhurst, 2003, 159).
Besides the massive impact of wartime rape and the ignored effects of it on women, post-
conflict peace agreements fail to take account of committed sex crimes and its punishment.
However, when social justice after civil war is to be achieved, the peace negotiations must
have a high level of inclusion, meaning that men and women should be represented equally.
Moreover, it is important that the crimes of sexual violence are taken into account during the
peace negotiation talks. Considering the grave effects of war rape on women, a peace
agreement that does not include these notions will lack a considerable amount of justice. In
addition, it will only further add to the subordinate position of women in many societies,
because their stakes and interests are not taken into account in such an important process of
building peace. Thus, women need to be part of peace negotiations because they are affected
by war in different ways than men, in particular with regard to war rape, and these issues need
to be acknowledged to achieve inclusive social justice (Porter, 2003, 249).
With the end of a violent conflict, new opportunities to develop stable political systems come
to the fore. The post-conflict peace negotiation table is an important first stage at which a
conflict-ridden society is rebuilt and remodelled. This new system needs to be built upon
principles like justice, equality and accountability. When women are not involved during
these negotiations, and hence their needs and interests are not taken into account, the
subsequent polities that arise out of these peace talks lack inclusive justice, equality and
accountability. Furthermore, when women are included in the peace negotiation talks, the
chances that a new polity will have a built-in mechanism that ensures equal representation and
gender equality are much higher. So both men and women need to be involved so that they
can both contribute to the basis of a new society that is based on the three principles
mentioned above (Porter, 2003, 250).
As argued above, it is important during peace negotiations to consider the widest
possible range of interests, meaning those of both men and women, as possible to ensure that
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a peace agreement is sustainable. This is especially important because in most countries in the
world, especially in the developing world, women and men perform different roles in society.
Considering the fact that most civil conflict occurs in developing countries, it becomes pivotal
to acknowledge this fact and to make sure that the interests of both roles are accounted for
during peace negotiations. The more traditional role of women in society, which is still firmly
embedded in many developing countries, is that of head of the household, the one responsible
for domestic life. As men get killed on the battlefield, the women are left behind and suddenly
they are burdened with the sole responsibility for taking care of the household, raising the
children and providing for income. In addition to these practical difficulties for women arising
out of conflict situations, there is loss of fathers, husbands and other loved ones that women
have to deal with (Karam, 2000, 5).
Clearly, women experience conflict and war from an entirely different angle than men
do. While most attention is paid to the atrocities occurring on the battlefield and the life-
threatening positions that men are put in when fighting for peace and freedom, the living
conditions of women in wartime are ignored. In many developing societies, women already
are in a subordinate position (Porter, 2003, 249). In addition, in conflict situations their
position seems to deteriorates even further when considering the increase of sexual violence
and the unrecognized increase of responsibilities in the domestic environment.
The fact remains that men and women suffer differently from conflict and that both voices
should be incorporated in peace negotiations to ensure a sustainable outcome. The role of
women as caretakers is often marginalized at the peace negotiation table and in post-conflict
societies their traumas are acknowledged and dealt with in a lesser way than those of their
male counterparts (Pankhurst, 2003, 160). However, if a sustainable peace agreement is to be
created and in order to set up a strong foundation for a post-conflict society, the issues and
traumas that are to be discussed during peace negotiations should reflect the interests of an
entire society. Therefore, the peace process should be ''an inclusive and participatory process''
(Nakaya, 2003, 459), in which both men and women should be included to account for justice
and reconciliation. Moreover, the power to decide over the future of a country should be
divided among both genders on the basis of equality (Nakaya, 2003, 460). The concept of
gender plays an important role here. The Council of Europe defines gender in the following
way: ''Gender refers to a socially constructed designation of women and men, their roles in a
culture specific context, and the relationship between the two sexes''(Nakaya, 2003, 461).
This definition signifies a difference in male and female roles in society, and especially in
12
wartime these roles become relevant because different consequences due to conflict are
attached to it, as described above (Nakaya, 2003, 462). In the second part of this thesis I will
elaborate on the concept of gender and gender equality and its relevance to conflict and the
chances of sustainable peace.
Besides women being affected by war in a different manner than men, in some occasions
women can contribute to the outbreak of war (El Bushra, 2007, 135). This is especially true
when it involves conflict over national identity. Women are the prime caretakers, especially in
developing nations, therefore, it is primarily their ideas and ideologies that are being passed
on to the next generation. Consequently, if women support ideologies that provoke violence,
for example aggressive nationalism, and pass these on to their children, this might contribute
to the outbreak of conflict (Pankhurst, 2003, 158). However, reports of women actively
waging war are small in number, and it seems that men are still the prime executors of starting
and fighting wars (Jacobs, Jacobson and Marchbank, 2000).
To conclude, women and men are affected in different ways by war and conflict, and
especially the consequences of war to women are outlined and explained above. The purpose
of this was to provide reasons on why women should receive the political right to a place at
the peace negotiation table. In the remainder of this thesis, it will be argued in what ways
women specifically can enhance the chances of a sustainable peace when they are involved in
the peace process to the same extent as men. If this would be accepted more widely, there
would be more support for granting women the political right to participate at the peace
negotiation table.
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2. What does the concept of women empowerment entail and how is it linked to the
participation of women in the peace process?
The notion of women empowerment is as relevant today as it was back in the days when the
issue came to the fore for the first time. As discussed in the first part of this thesis, especially
in many developing countries, women still play an inferior role compared to men. The
division of roles between men and women occurs after birth, when the society they both are
born in assigns different roles to each gender, which in turn stipulates how men and women
should behave in society and at home (Panigrahy, 2006, 24). In many societies today, women
are not included in decision-making processes to the same extent as men because their
principal role is to take care of the household. However, it is only recently that a special focus
has shifted towards the connection between women empowerment and women's involvement
in the peace process. Increasingly, it is argued that the degree of women empowerment in a
society is inversely related to the levels of violence used in or by a state. Moreover, some
authors argue that the status of women in society is linked to the sustainability of a peace
agreement. Before I continue, it is necessary to explain the concept op women empowerment
and my reasons for elaborating on this issue. Then the views and theories of several authors
who have made the issue of women empowerment their field of expertise will be unfolded,
and I will analyse these authors attempts to establish a connection between the degree of
empowerment and levels of violence used in or by a state.
In order to explain how the concept of women empowerment is connected to the participation
of women in the peace process, it is first necessary to explain the notion of women
empowerment. Nilanchal Muni defines women empowerment as ''The process by which
women negotiate a more equitable distribution of power, a greater space in the initial
decision-making process in the home, in the community and in economic and political life''
(Panigrahi, 2006, 25). Some authors refer to the concept of gender mainstreaming, by which
is meant ''The reorganisation, improvement, development and evaluation of policy processes,
so that a gender equality perspective is incorporated in all policies at all levels and at all
stages, by the actors normally involved in policymaking'' (Verloo, 2005, 350). However,
regardless of the different conceptualisations, these scholars all share the aspiration that
women and men are to be valued and treated equally in all domains of society. I will use the
concept of women empowerment to present my argument because this seems to be the term
used mostly by authors on this topic. Furthermore, gender mainstreaming becomes feasible
14
when a majority of society comes to recognize that women and men should be treated and
valued equally. Before this can occur, the issue of gender equality should be brought to the
fore and this is something mostly pursued and advocated by women themselves.
Consequently, the process of mainstreaming gender in society starts with the process of
women empowering themselves and them actively demanding equal rights.
The concepts of women empowerment and women's participation at the peace negotiation
table go hand in hand. After all, in societies where women have a strong position vis-à-vis
men, the chances are higher they are represented at the peace negotiation table to the same
extent as men. In any case, the issue may be less relevant because there is no widespread
indication of the political decision-making processes being primarily a male occupancy.
However, in developing societies where the traditional division between male and female
roles is still present, the empowerment of women may greatly enhance the chances of women
being involved more frequently in decision-making processes, in particular, in the peace
process. Many scholars have linked the degree of women empowerment in a society to the
sustainability of a peace agreement after conflict. However, many of these scholars have come
as close as establishing theories or views on this topic, not one of them being able to establish
a direct causal link. In order to do so, more quantitative research is needed to expand the data
that is required to establish a direct correlation between women empowerment and violent
societies (Marshall, 1999, 35).
It is too complicated to establish this direct causal link, however, I will elaborate on
two notable authors in this field of study and their findings so far. I believe this is important
because once it becomes evident that the degree of women empowerment is indeed positively
linked to the sustainability of a peace agreement, societies in which women and men are not
equal will start paying attention to the issue of gender equality. Moreover, when it is shown in
what ways women specifically can enhance the chances of a sustainable peace - which I will
attempt to do later on - more will receive the right of participation, which signifies a
significant move towards gender equality. In conclusion, all these concepts reinforce each
other.
One of the first elaborate attempts that was made to analyse the relationship between the
position of women in society and the stability of a peace agreement was done by Theodora-
Ismene Gizelis. More specifically, with help of empirical evidence on the level of women
empowerment in countries Gizelis pursues to establish a positive connection between a high
15
level of women empowerment and the success of a United Nations (UN) peacebuilding
mission. She argues that in societies where women are relatively equal to men, this is an
indication of an actively participating civil society. Gizelis denominates this as ''domestic
capacity'' (Gizelis, 2009, 521), which is required if a mission is to be successful because it is a
sign of active involvement of the population and because international organizations need
widespread social support if they are to contribute to the peacebuilding mission. She supports
her argument by showing the level of women empowerment in several societies and then by
determining the success of a peacebuilding mission in those same societies. Her indicator to
determine the level of women empowerment is the ratio of women's life expectancy compared
to that of men (Gizelis, 2009, 513). In societies where women have a lower life expectancy
than men, the level of women empowerment is low and hence the level of gender equality.
Subsequently, with use of complicated formulae she attempts to establish a causal relationship
between the level of women empowerment and the relative success of a peacebuilding
mission. What is comes down to is that Gizelis has picked over hundred conflicts over the last
fifty years which she analysed on the basis of a handful indicators to establish to what extent
the empowerment of women in a society coincides with the success of a peace agreement. She
concludes that in societies where women are relatively equal to men, the UN peacebuilding
efforts have been more successful.
The biggest critique would be that she narrows the magnitude and severity of all the
separate conflicts down to the same phenomenon and tick offs several boxes. Even though
Gizelis makes a brave effort and she presents her approach and argumentation in a convincing
way, this approach seems to pass by the complexity and singularity of all those conflicts.
Furthermore, in her conclusion Gizelis discerns that the results that stem from the formulae
are quite general and broad, and that more detailed research has to be performed to actually
establish a causal relationship (Gizelis, 2009, 521). Unfortunately, this last point made by
Gizelis seems to characterize most researches by scholars on this topic. Before examining this
issue, I will turn to the work of another famous author in this field.
One of the names that first appears in the relevant literature when examining the issue of
women empowerment and levels of violence is that of Mary Caprioli. Since the new
millennium, she started publishing articles in which she attempts to establish a connection
between high levels of gender equality and low levels of violence in a country. Caprioli
proceeds from the basic assumption that in societies where there are high levels of inequality
and violence, the chances are high that this state will act aggressively in international relations
16
as well (Caprioli, 2001, 503). Her approach is to measure the number of women in a decision-
making position during times of crisis. Subsequently, she considers the levels of violence
used during that crisis (Caprioli, 2001, 512). Caprioli's theory rests on the idea that in
societies where greater concern is expressed for gender equality, the decision-makers in this
country believe that international crises should be resolved without violence and through
diplomatic means. Furthermore, a great concern for gender equality in a society reflects the
existence of norms such as tolerance and this is also expressed in a country's behaviour in
international relations (Caprioli, 2001, 515).
One of the biggest critiques of this approach designed by Caprioli is that it lacks
substantive analysis on the exact role and contribution of female decision-makers. As Caprioli
acknowledges herself, there is not many data available on female decision-makers (Caprioli,
2001, 516). Therefore, she seems to encounter the same flaw that this approach inhibits that
many other authors on this topic also came across. Namely that Caprioli, just as her
colleagues Gizelis and Melander, starts her discussion by referring to the age-old presumption
that men are inherently more aggressive than women. What follows is that instead of looking
in detail at how the few female leaders conduct their policies, too much attention is paid to the
aggression of male leaders. Subsequently, it seems that these authors, including Caprioli,
automatically assume that where male leaders are partially replaced by women, it must be the
case that international crises are resolved more peacefully. Other factors that might influence
this as well are completely ignored, at least until so far. Caprioli and other authors on this
topic should attempt to investigate the issues that female decision-makers bring to the table,
and in what ways they pursue to resolve disputes and most importantly, compare these
elements to the means male decision-makers use to resolve international disputes. Once this is
done, Caprioli and her colleagues can continue to establish a correlation between high levels
of domestic gender equality and lower levels of violence in a country. Unfortunately, a
prerequisite for this is that more data becomes available on female leadership, and this might
take a while considering the continuing male domination of world politics.
Erik Melander is one of the authors who has aimed to put more effort in the analysis of female
leadership. He has the same goal as Caprioli, namely trying to establish a relation between
gender equality and levels of violence, however, he acknowledges that more detailed attention
should be paid to distinct aspects of female leadership and its possible influence on more
peaceful solutions of international crises (Melander, 2005, 695). He argues that it is not
necessarily female leadership that has an influence on less violence used in or by a state, it is
17
the level of gender equality in a society, regardless of how it is expressed, that is related to
lower levels of violence (Melander, 2005, 696). After extensive investigations, Melander
concludes that a high level of gender equality in a society is indeed associated with lower
levels of violence is that same society (Melander, 2005, 706). However, he acknowledges that
it is difficult to establish a direct causal relationship between gender equality and peace. Just
as Gizelis and Caprioli, Melander concludes that more research should be performed to
disentangle the exact influence of gender equality on the levels of violence used in or by a
state (Melander, 2005, 711).
I introduced this part because it is a lively topic of discussion within the whole women and
peace debate. It is inevitable that the concepts of women empowerment, gender equality,
women's participation, sustainability and peace all reinforce each other. Unfortunately, it is
very complicated to establish a direct causal relationship between the level of women
empowerment and the chances of a more peaceful society of states. Many authors on this
topic, among them Caprioli, Gizelis and Melander have encountered this. Nevertheless, this
did not restrained them to investigate the relationship between on the one hand women
empowerment and gender equality, and on the other hand the levels of violence used in or by
a state and the chances of a peace agreement being sustainable. This field of study is young
and still developing. If scholars eventually succeed in establishing a causal mechanism
between high levels of gender equality and lower levels of violence in international relations,
this will support the empowerment of women in societies where they are still inferior to men
because it is evident that the equal status of men and women is necessary to maintain peace
and stability. However, a crucial condition for this to occur is that more statistical evidence
needs to be gathered and that more detailed analysis is performed.
In the next part, I will elaborate on the issue of the differences between men and
women and whether these are biologically determined or socially constructed. Furthermore, I
will attempt to show what the consequences of the differences between male and female
values are for the success or failure of a peace agreement and on how both male and female
voices need to be incorporated in the peace process in order to create a sustainable peace.
18
3. What does the theory of postmodern feminism contribute to the debate about women
and peace?
In what ways does the participation of women in the peace process enhance the chances of a
sustainable peace? To answer this central question it is first necessary to lay down the
theoretical framework that I will use to explore this issue. The theory of postmodern feminism
supports the claim that women should be included at the peace negotiation table because they
have different interests and because they perform different roles in society than their male
counterparts. Postmodern Feminism argues that men and women are equal. However, it also
acknowledges that men and women are in fact different, meaning that men and women are
assigned different roles in society. As a consequence, men and women perceive things
differently. While observing the same object, both genders will interpret and explain it
differently (Ebert, 1991). These differing interpretations and explanations also lead to men
and women experiencing conflict and war differently. Before exploring this theory, I will first
dive into the history of gender differences by explaining the nature/nurture debate, or, in more
theoretical terms, the essentialist/constructivist debate.
The nature/nurture debate is an age-old issue depicting the different opinions on how gender
roles are created. The nature-side puts forward the argument that men and women are
inherently different already at birth. Women are viewed as more peaceful because of their
reproductive capabilities (Melander, 2005, 697). On the contrary, men are less averse to
violence and war. This is embedded in their nature (Melander, 2005, 696). Consequently,
Melander argues that societies in which men and women are equal are less violent because
both genders are involved in politics, not only the war-prone men, but also the more peaceful
females. On the other end of the spectrum are the supporters of the nurture argument. The
main argument here is that men and women are assigned different roles in society due to
nurture. Each society has its own built-in mechanism which depicts how men and women are
ought to behave. Traditionally, this provides for men to carry out the more masculine tasks
such as gathering food, engaging in business and protecting the property. Subsequently,
women are supposed to take care of the household. Hence, it is not biology that denominates
the differences between men and women, it is socially constructed gender roles (Melander,
2005, 698).
19
In the field of conflict resolution today, the nature/nurture debate is translated into the
essentialist/constructivist debate. Authors such as Mary Caprioli and Erik Melander argue in
favour of the constructivist argument. In particular, Melander argues that in societies where
men and women are more equal, there is greater tolerance and sensitivity towards ethnic
minorities due to an inherent sense of equality. Furthermore, he argues that the crucial
difference between the essentialist and the constructivist argument is that the latter stipulates
social change. It is argued that because gender roles are socially constructed, they are capable
of changing or being reshaped (Melander, 2005, 699). Therefore, I believe that the
constructivist argument is more suitable for traditional feminists because it contributes and
supports their pursuit for equality between men and women. If these feminists were to strive
for this goal under an essentialist assumption they would find hindrance from the fact that
gender roles are biologically determined. On the other hand, when viewing it from a
constructivist angle, feminists have to disentangle the social constructions that prescribe the
gender roles and so create the possibilities for change, hence, equality between the sexes.
To continue with explaining the theoretical basis for this thesis, let us turn again to the theory
of postmodern feminism and its counterpart, cultural feminism. These two feminist theories
each reflect one of the opposing camps in the essentialist/constructivist debate. However,
despite their differences, both theories argue that there are differences between men and
women and that the interests of both genders should be accompanied in order to provide for
gender equality. In the same tradition as the essentialist argument, cultural feminists argue
that due to their biological nature, men and women have different interests in a given situation
(Mahowald, 1997, 49). In line with the constructivist argument, postmodern feminism argues
that gender roles are embedded in society. In addition, to create a society that inhibits justice
and equality, both male and female voices should be heard and their interests should be
accounted for.
Postmodern feminism provides for the reasoning underlying the proposition that both men
and women should be included equally in the peace process if stability and long-term peace
are to be attained. Elaborating on this theory, the reasoning of Teresa Ebert explains my point
most vigorously. She argues that gender roles are embedded in every domain of society,
including the political domain that is affiliated with post-conflict peace negotiations. The
social division of gender roles in many societies provides for men and women performing
different roles in different domains society such as sexual relations, nursing, work, politics
20
and the household (Ebert, 1991, 886). Postmodern feminism attempts to break through these
socially embedded divisions by giving voice to those who are marginalized (Ebert, 1991,
889). Moreover, Ebert argues that in order to reform these unequal gender structures, it must
be acknowledged that the world is structured in this way. Furthermore, active engagement is
required to change these power differences between men and women and to recognize that
both men and women's voices should be heard to create an equal and just society (Ebert,
1991, 902).
This argument can be extended to the field of conflict resolution. The theory of postmodern
feminism argues that gender roles are socially embedded in society. These gender roles
prescribe the functions both men and women are to perform in their lives. In addition, in
conflict situations, men and women carry out different tasks. While men are usually the
soldiers protecting the country, women stay at home providing for the family and the
household. Consequently, as explained in part one on this thesis, men and women are affected
by war and conflict in different ways. Therefore, it is important that the interests and concerns
of both men and women after conflict are accounted for in order to ensure justice and more
importantly, equality (Porter, 2003, 249). Furthermore, if this is provided for, a peace
agreement will represent the largest possible part of a society which will enhance the chances
of a peace being stable and sustainable (Gizelis, 2009, 521). In the subsequent part I will put
forward arguments to answer the main question of this thesis. Namely, in what ways does the
participation of women in the peace process enhance the chances of a sustainable peace?
21
4. In what ways does the participation of women in the peace process improve the
chances of a sustainable peace?
After reading the first three parts of this thesis it must be evident that the discussion
surrounding women and peace is a lively one. The calls to change the way that peace
agreements are discussed and closed are widespread, ranging from scholars such as Mary
Caprioli and Ismene-Theodora Gizelis, who have demarcated their academic field of interest
to this discussion, to women from all over the world expressing their concerns with regard to
the neglect of women in the peace process. All these women have the same message, namely,
to give women in all conflict-ridden societies in the world equal chances of participation at
the peace negotiation table so that it becomes an inclusive and representative process.
However, the majority of advocates of this political right are wholly occupied by convincing
the world of the need to guarantee it. Unfortunately, this overrides the importance of
explaining and elaborating on the difference it can make if women everywhere were to
receive this right. I argue that once it becomes evident that the inclusion of women at the
peace negotiation table is a crucial condition for a peace agreement to be sustainable, it
becomes natural that women will be included in the peace process to the same extent as men.
To invigorate the purpose of this thesis I will elaborate on the final point stated above. As
mentioned in part two of this thesis, the number of attempts to establish a causal link between
women empowerment and the success of a peace agreement is growing. Unfortunately, this is
a very complicated investigation and much more than the currently available data is required
in order to succeed in making such a causal connection. However, I would like to contribute
to this investigation by showing that the participation of women in peace negotiations is not
only a matter of political rights, but that it is also a matter of political effectiveness. This last
aspect means that it is argued by various authors that there are several ways in which the
participation of women in peace negotiations, next to men, can enhance the chances of a
sustainable peace. I believe that once it is established in what ways women can do so, they
will receive the political right to participate. In turn, if more societies around the world would
guarantee this right to women, it is a sign that the status of women is improving compared to
men. Thus, more women receiving the political right of participation during peace
negotiations will not only enhance their position in societies where they are subordinate to
men, it will also increase the likeliness that a peace agreement will be sustainable.
22
Hence, when it is established in what ways women can contribute in their own unique ways to
a sustainable peace it will bring us one step closer to establishing a causal link between
women empowerment and the success of a peace agreement.
Having established that getting women to the peace negotiation table is the ultimate goal, let
us now turn to the argumentative part of this subquestion. One element that highlights the
importance of women's inclusion in the peace process is the fact that females have different
interests and concerns than men because some area's fall primarily under female occupancy.
In most developing societies men are the main actors in the political and economic domain,
whereas women are primarily active in local communities and the household, which
incorporates the psychosocial, relational and spiritual dimensions in society (El Bushra, 2007,
138). To establish a sustainable peace agreement, it seems rational to include these aspects as
well besides the economic and political views of society. After all, a society is built upon
more than just these last two elements. Consequently, by excluding women from the peace
negotiation table, there is a considerable risk that some issues are neglected simply because
men are not affected by them. Issues such as particular security needs, for example protection
against rape, and particular rights that affect only women may not come to the fore if it is just
men discussing the peace (Porter, 2003, 248). Even though Western diplomats who support
the peacebuilding efforts assign all kinds of political rights to women after wartime, no
sufficient concern is expressed to women's priorities. Consequently, when women are not
invited to the peace negotiation table, their needs and concerns are neglected (Hudson, 2000,
297). In addition, women have distinctive requirements due to different levels of education,
different social profiles and because they have different competences. Just as men are not all
similar to one another, women all have different characteristics which should be equally
accounted for in a peace agreement (Karam, 2000, 14).
In line with the above, in some societies men and women occupy different positions
and are active in different domains in society. Subsequently, conflict and war have a different
impact on these separate roles and domains and as a consequence, women and girls suffer in
different ways from a conflict or war than men. One of the ways in which this becomes
evident is through the fact that during times of war, women stay at home to look after the
household. Consequently, many basic utilities (Hudson, 2000, 297) are lacking in periods of
conflict. Without marginalizing the miserable circumstances men experience when fighting
out on the field, women suffer from bad hygiene and lost income at home.
23
Furthermore, as argued in part one, when confronted with the death of husbands, fathers and
sons, women suddenly become the sole responsible ones for taking care of and providing for
the household and the family (Karam, 2000, 5 and Pankhurst, 2003, 159). Obviously, in a lot
of ways, men and women are affected by conflict and war in similar ways. However, in
societies where different roles are assigned to women and men, which usually comes down to
the political domain belonging to men and the domain of the household to women, it must be
recognized that conflict affects these domains in different ways. Consequently, men and
women suffer from conflict and war in their own distinct ways, which is exemplified above.
Only if this is recognized and if these differences are accounted for during peace negotiations
and eventually in peace agreements, a peace can actually be widely supported, and hence,
sustainable.
A second major argument that is proposed to support women's participation during peace
negotiations is the fact that it is women who are most closely connected to the grassroots
levels of society. The formal aspects of the peace process, which are mostly political, are
predominantly provided for by men. On the other hand, women are more actively involved in
the local dimensions of society in which cultural and social aspects are relevant. Women's
engagement in local communities is relevant for several reasons. First of all, because women
are the prime caretakers, they are entrusted with raising children. In countries where a
protracted civil strife has disillusioned the entire adult population, only the infants with their
blank slates can rebuild a society without grief and anger towards the once opposing party. As
raisers, women are the main responsible ones for ''fostering a culture of peace'' (Koen, 2006,
9).
In addition, a crucial feature that is required in order to rebuild a society after conflict
is the contribution of women's organizations. Women's efforts are not so much aimed at
involvement in the political aspects of a peace agreement. On the contrary, in war-torn
countries in Africa women's organizations were actively participating in rebuilding societies
by focusing especially on local communities and the domain of the family. Furthermore, these
organisations pursued to raise awareness for the special needs of girls and women during
wartime (El Bushra, 2007, 135). Peace agreements often merely reflect an insubstantial effort
by a country's most important politicians to stop the violence and destruction. However, as
defined in the introduction of the thesis, a sustainable peace is one that is ''sustained by a
society-wide network of relationships and mechanisms that promote justice and address the
root causes of enmity before they can regenerate destabilizing tensions'' (Lederach, 1997, 9).
24
A peace that is concluded with support and under representation of the grassroots of society is
more likely to sustain than one that is merely negotiated by the elite (Porter 2, 250). Because
in most developing societies women are occupied with nursing and care-taking in their
communities on a daily basis, they are familiar with the issues and concerns that are present in
that domain of society (Porter, 2003, 250). Hence, women are the most relevant
representatives of the local communities during peace negotiations and if they are not
incorporated, a substantial amount of interests and concerns is not accounted for in a peace
agreement.
A third related argument deals with the aftermath of war and conflict. When a conflict-ridden
country is to be rebuild, the international community is rushing to the fore to offer its support.
Among this support are all kinds of re-stabilisation designs for government apparatus and the
economy. In addition, especially in the last two centuries, increasingly post-conflict
reconciliation and truth commission are established to provide for justice after war crimes.
One feature of such a truth commission is that women can report rape inflicted upon them
during war time. Increasingly it has been recognized that systematic rape is in fact a war
crime that should be taken seriously due to the consequences of it for women and girls
(Pankhurst, 2003, 160). However, only a small minority of raped women actually comes
forward and reports these crimes. It is important that these rape crimes are accounted for
during peace negotiations for several reasons. First of all, girls and women should regain a
sense of personal security after periods of violent conflict. Not only is this pivotal for their
personal well-being, the personal security of people is linked to global security (McKay,
2004, 156). Women should participate during peace negotiations to address the gravity and
severity of these war crimes. In addition, rape as a war crime is connected to the concept of
gender equality. During peace negotiations, rape should be perceived as a war crime that is to
be contained because of its destructive consequences for women. Subsequently, this
contributes to the recognition that women and men are each differently affected by war and
this signifies a move towards gender equality.
A second reason why it is important that the crime of rape is accounted for during
peace negotiations is to ensure social justice (Porter, 2003, 248). Considering the impact of
rape on women and girls, it would deprive them of a sense of justice and closure when the
crimes committed against them were to be ignored. If women were to be included at the peace
negotiation table and added in the peace agreement, the impact of war rape is acknowledged.
25
Consequently, the widespread support that a peace agreement needs to be sustainable can be
attained in this way.
Another element of social justice concerns the reconstruction of the political
apparatus. When after years of civil strife a conflict-ridden country is to be rebuild, women in
developing countries consider this an opportunity to break away from their previous inferior
positions and to claim equal rights to men. Therefore, where a peace process functions as a
country's developing strategy, economically and socially but foremost politically, women
should be engaged to establish a gender-tolerant society (Hudson, 2009, 298). In order to
build a stable and inclusive government, women and men from all social backgrounds should
be included in the process. If this equal representation in government is to be guaranteed, this
should start as early as during the peace process. As Porter puts it: ''Women are affected by
conflict and thus by the consequences of a peace agreement'' (Porter, 2003, 248). Thus,
women and men should be equally represented during a peace process in which the future of
both genders is considered and constructed.
To conclude, in this part I have outlined several arguments that proclaim in what ways women
in particular can enhance the chances of a peace agreement being sustainable. The theory of
Postmodern Feminism already taught us that men and women are in fact different, not
through their biology, but through their socially constructed roles in society. Because of this,
men and women are affected by war and conflict in different ways because the domains of
society they are act in are targeted differently by conflict. It is important that this is
acknowledged during peace negotiations in order to ensure justice and security for all.
However, for the purpose of this thesis, I have pursued to show that the participation of
women during peace negotiations is a prerequisite for a peace agreement to be sustainable.
When both men and women from all layers of a conflict-ridden society were to be included,
the highest level of representation can be included. Consequently, the resulting peace
agreement is widely supported, which is a fundamental condition of a sustainable peace
(Lederach, 1997, 9). Furthermore, by showing in what ways women's inclusion is necessary
for sustainability, I hope it will become self-evident that women everywhere receive the
political right of participation at the peace negotiation table. This in turn will enhance the
position of women vis-à-vis men in societies where women are still subordinate to their male
counterparts.
26
Conclusion
Before concluding this thesis, I feel the need to elucidate something. When reading this thesis,
it may appear as if it is argued that women are better and more important than man. This may
be due to the fact that I have drawn a lot of attention to the female perspective on conflict and
because I particularly called for attention to the position of women in conflict. However, I
purposely used the theory of Postmodern Feminism to support my claims because even
though it is a feminist theory, it explicitly states that men and women are equal in value and
importance. Though, the theory also calls for the acknowledgement that women and men have
different interests and concerns due to different positions in society. This is especially the
case in most developing societies in which men are the prime providers, and women are the
caretakers. Notwithstanding this, I have deliberately focused my attention on the need for
women to be included in the peace process because they have distinct interests next to men,
but women are still often not included to the same extent as men.
The most important purpose of this thesis was to show that once it becomes evident in what
ways women specifically can contribute to the peace process, different from men, and that
their participation enhances the chances of a long-term and sustainable peace, it becomes
natural that they have a place at the negotiation table equal to men.
In the first part I have attempted to show why it is important that women receive the
political right to equal participation in the first place. The main argument put forward here
was that men and women are affected in different ways by conflict. In order to accomodate
the needs and interests of both genders, it is important that both are represented in the peace
process. Furthermore, one of the gravest atrocities stemming from war and conflict, sexual
violence, is mostly committed against women and girls. In order to ensure social justice, the
peace negotiations must have a high level of inclusion of both men and women so that the
interests and concerns of both genders are accounted for.
In part of two of this thesis I linked the concept of women empowerment to the
participation of women in the peace process. I discussed this connection because increasingly
scholars aim to establish a causal mechanism between a high level of women empowerment
in a society and low levels of violence used in or by that state. With support of authors such as
Mary Caprioli and Theodora-Ismene Gizelis, I argued that if women were to receive the
political right of equal participation at the peace negotiation table, this will not only enhance
the chances of a sustainable peace agreement - which is dealt with in part four - it will also
27
improve women's position in society compared to men. In turn, according to Gizelis and
Caprioli, in societies where women and men are more equal, levels of violence used in or by a
state will be lower. Unfortunately, establishing causal link between women empowerment and
lower levels of violence is complicated and therefore difficult to discover. In order to do so,
much more empirical analysis should be performed in the future. However, I dealt with this
issue because it is a lively topic and the issues of women empowerment and that of women
and war/peace are closely connected to one another.
In the third part I elaborated on the theory of Postmodern Feminism. With the help of
this theory, I aimed to substantiate my investigation in what ways the inclusion of women at
the peace negotiation table can enhance the chances of a peace agreement being sustainable.
This theory posits that women and men are equal, but that they have different interests and
needs due to their differing socially constructed positions in society, especially developing
societies.
The final part dealt with the question in what ways the inclusion of women at the
peace negotiation table can enhance the chances of creating a sustainable peace. By putting
forward arguments that support this claim, I hope that it has become evident that without
women's participation, a peace agreement lacks substance and widespread representation and
therefore, the chances of it being successful in the long-term are small. Firstly, women and
men are active in different domains of society. These domains are each differently affected by
war. Consequently, men and women are each differently targeted by conflict and in order to
create a stable peace, all interests and needs of all domains of society should be represented in
the peace process. In addition, women are often more closely connected to the grassroots
levels of society. Due to care-taking roles in local communities, women know what is of
importance in this part of society. If after conflict a society needs to be rebuilt, it should start
from the bottom up at the level of local, small-scale communities. Women are primary actors
guiding these communities. Thus, by including them at the peace negotiation table besides
men, who deal primarily with national politics and economics, it is provided for that every
layer of society is represented in the peace process. This in turn will create a broad basis for
the peace agreement and this will increase the chances of it being sustainable.
Conflict resolution is a field of International Relations that is very relevant these days. With
the end of the Cold War, the time of large inter-state wars was over, but the number of intra-
state wars in developing countries increased drastically. With support of other countries and
the United Nations, many of these civil wars are attempted to be solved via peace agreements.
28
However, a majority of these peace agreements seems to lack stability as conflicting parties
continue to destruct each other. Scholars continue their search to discover the pivotal
condition that is required in order to create a sustainable peace agreement. As argued before, a
crucial element to ensure sustainability is that a peace agreement is widely supported.
Consequently, scholars such as Caprioli, Hudson and Porter argue that if women were to be
involved in the peace process, and at the peace negotiation table in particular, to the same
extent as men, that a peace agreement would have the right level of representation, substance
and support in order to be sustainable.
I have attempted to show that the inclusion of women at the peace negotiation table is
a pivotal condition for a peace agreement to be sustainable because women express different
needs and concerns than men. I hope it will become evident that men and women are both
needed to the same extent to ensure sustainability. As a consequence, women everywhere
should receive the right of equal participation at the peace negotiation table because it is a
matter of political effectiveness, not just of political rights. In addition, in developing societies
where women are still subordinate to men, this might lead to increased attention for gender
equality and the recognition that both men and women add something to society. Both men
and women are needed to build and sustain a society, before and after conflict.
To take it one step further, I hope that this thesis will contribute to the discovery of a
causal mechanism between the level of women empowerment in society and the levels of
violence used in or by a society. Once this is established and backed up by statistical and
practical evidence, all countries around the world should make gender equality a priority of
paramount importance. Authors such as Mary Caprioli and Theodora-Ismene Gizelis are
already actively engaged in the search of this, however, they deserve more acknowledgement
and support for this issue than is the case right now. However, with the publication of United
Nations Security Council resolution 1325, the most important inter-governmental institution
in the world has put the issue of women, war and peace on the global agenda. Even though
this is not a panacea for the general lack of equality between men and women, it is a
significant move towards the recognition that women are as necessary as men to create
peaceful and secure societies in which each individual is awarded equal value and importance.
29
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