Winged Scarab Imagery in Judah:

Yahweh as Khepri

Daniel Sarlo

University of Toronto

2014

1

Many Judean seals contain Egyptian iconography, demonstrating considerable cultural

influence in the 8th century BCE. It is particularly intriguing that at this time we find the

adoption of the winged scarab by the royal administration. This is already well known from the

lmlk jar seal impressions. Hezekiah’s stamp seal, the only authentic Judean royal seal found to

date, also depicts the winged scarab. In iconography, the scarab is commonly the animal

representation of the sun god Re-Khepri. While the importance of this symbol for the Pharaoh is

straight forward, understanding his association with Horus and his hope of resurrection and

eternal life in the skies, it is not immediately obvious why a Judean king would have adopted this

imagery.

Several scholars have attempted to explain this phenomenon by appealing to political

motives. Few have suggested the possibility that Judeans embraced the image because they

identified it with their god, Yahweh. Certainly, there was some aspect of political propaganda

involved in the decision to use the winged scarab as a royal emblem. The Judean monarchy

indeed promoted the monotheistic, or at least monolatrous, worship of Yahweh at the temple in

Jerusalem. If the winged scarab, a symbol that already held significant religious meaning and

power in Egypt, could somehow be related to Yahweh, this would be an ideal choice for the

royal emblem of Judah.

This paper begins with an introduction to scarab imagery on stamp seals, and an overview

of the seals in question. Several theories pertaining to the adoption of the scarab by the Judean

monarchy are examined, two political and one religious. Without making any definitive

conclusions, the religious explanation is favoured here. According to a number of biblical

2

Fig. 1. A scarab seal (Schulz 2007: plate 17, cat.no. 120)

passages, Yahweh shares at least three characteristics with the Egyptian winged scarab, Re-

Khepri: solar features, wings, and a name that derives from a verb with the meaning ‘to be.’

1 Introduction 1.0 Scarab stamp seals and the Levant

The scarab was the most popular variety of stamp seal in ancient Egypt, and was in fact one

of its greatest manufactured items in terms of quantity. Stamp seals are thought to have

developed from small funerary amulets which were shaped like pyramids and contained

engraved designs on the bottom. Others have been found in the shape of various animals,

including the dung beetle or scarab. The earliest of these amulets date to about 2500 BCE. It

appears that the scarab variety enjoyed the widest distribution and was essentially the only type

to survive into the Middle Kingdom (Ward 1994: 186–187). It is in this period that we begin to

see the use of the scarab as an administrative seal rather

than as an object of magical protection. Ben-Tor

attributes this shift to the restructuring of the central

administration that took place after the First

Intermediate Period (Ben-Tor 2007: 5). Middle

Kingdom scarabs have also been found in the Levant as

far North as Byblos, and in the Mediterranean as far West as Crete. This can be explained either

by commercial activity or the emulation of the Egyptian style by local artisans. Regardless, this

gives an idea of the scope of Egyptian influence in the region at this time (Ben-Tor 2011: 24).1

1 In Ashkelon, neutron activation analysis determined that many of the scarab seals were produced locally

which, as Ben-Tor notes, suggests “the adaptation of an Egyptian Middle Kingdom administrative practice at Ashkelon” (Ben-Tor, 2011: 25).

3

The cultural transmission of Egyptian-style administration to the Levant was likely a

consequence of the migration of Canaanite peoples, who had spread as far as the Delta by the

late Middle Kingdom (26). This led to the manufacture and use of scarab seals for

administrative purposes in the Levant at the beginning of the 17th century BCE (27). The earliest

examples of Canaanite scarabs are very Egyptian with respect to artistry and iconography.

However, these imitations are not without their flaws. They contain many features that give

away their local provenance. Later in the Middle Bronze Age, there was an increase in the local

production of Canaanite scarabs (28–29). These exhibit a considerable mixture of Egyptian and

Syrian imagery, demonstrating the close cultural ties between the two regions during the Second

Intermediate Period when the Hyksos2 ruled Egypt (30).

In the Late Bronze Age, there was a shift back to Egyptian-style scarabs with little trace of

Syro-Palestinian influence, a direct result of the expulsion of the Hyksos and the invasion of

Canaan by the Egyptians. In fact, most of the scarabs discovered in the Levant dating to this

period have been found to have originated in Egypt. “The large-scale importation of scarabs is

one of the manifestations of the Egyptian domination of Palestine… there is no evidence for the

continuation of local production of scarabs in Palestine after the Egyptian empire was established

by Thutmose III” (32). In the 19th Dynasty, specifically under Ramesses II, the number of

Egyptian scarabs in the Levant reached its peak. This corresponds to the height of Egyptian

power in the region (36). Scarabs were used by both the royal administration and the general

population3 in Egypt and the Levant at this time. While stamp seals were primarily scaraboid in

nature, other shapes have also been found. But the inscription and iconography contained on the

2 The Hyksos were Semitic people, presumably from Syria-Palestine. A Canaanite-style temple was found in

the capital city of Avaris, dating to the 18th century BCE. See Richard Hess, Israelite Religions: An Archaeological and Biblical Survey (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2007), 91.

3 Presumably though, those who would have stamp seals produced for them would be wealthy land owners.

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seal is a better indicator of the political and religious situation of Israel than the general shape of

the seal. This paper will focus on the iconography of the scarab, while at the same time

conscious that the scarab is present on almost all stamp seals from the region.

1.1 Scarab iconography on stamp seals from the Levant

Scarab iconography was ultimately transmitted from Egypt to the Levant via these stamp

seals. The winged scarab we find on many West Semitic bullae and seal impressions is likely a

combination of the wingless beetle (Fig. 2) and the winged sun disk (Fig. 3), both of which were

originally Egyptian symbols. It is important to note that these are essentially interchangeable as

they represent the same thing. The scarab beetle is connected to the sun disk as it is the animal

form of Re-Khepri, the morning sun.4 In Egypt, the winged sun disk was derived from the

falcon with outstretched wings, an image that was transmitted to the Levant sometime in the 18th

century BCE (Parayre 1990: 269-270). The iconography of the scarab with outstretched wings

was a particularly late development in Egypt, appearing around the same time we find the image

in the Levant (Fig. 4).5 Indeed, the winged sun disk and the winged scarab were simultaneously

used as the royal emblem of Judah, as is clearly seen in the reign of Hezekiah (Fig. 5, 6).

4 Scarab beetles laid their eggs in a ball of dung, which they rolled across the ground and eventually buried in the evening. The ancient Egyptians would witness this transportation and burial, as well as the emergence of scarab larvae from out of the soil in the morning. They associated this process with the journey of the sun across the earth, its burial in the evening and resurrection in the morning.

5 This image does not appear on Egyptian scarab seals, which depict the scarab without wings, or more accurately, with the wings folded in. Only later, in the Iron Age, do we find the winged scarab on amulets which were affixed to the chest of the mummified dead (Private communication with Mary-Ann Pouls Wegner, University of Toronto, December 26, 2013).

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Fig. 2. An Egyptian scarab, wingless (Schulz 2007: plate 7, cat.no. 53)

Fig. 3. The Egyptian winged sun disk (Parayre 1990: plate 1, no. 1)

Fig. 4. An Egyptian faience winged scarab, from the 8th / 7th century BCE (Schulz 2007: plate 16, cat.no. 118)

Fig. 5. Winged sun disk as royal emblem in Hezekiah’s reign, 8th / 7th century BCE

(Deutsch 2003: 13)

Fig. 6. Winged scarab as royal emblem in Hezekiah’s reign, 8th / 7th century BCE

(Deutsch 2003: 17)

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2 Scarab iconography on Judean royal seals While the scarab appears on some Pharaonic seals –– those belonging to Tuthmoses I, II,

III and IV, and several others from the 18th Dynasty –– it was not a common element of Egyptian

royal seals (Assmann 2001: 60–61). However, Schulz references one case where it appears to

represent the letter n, which is derived from netjer ‘divine one’ (2007: 76). This would imply

that the image of the scarab also served as a representation of the divine.6 Of course, this would

also function in the metaphorical sense, as the scarab beetle symbolized the sun god Re, of whom

the Pharaoh was understood to be the incarnation (Morenz 1973: 34).

2.1 Hezekiah’s seal

In 1999, Cross published the royal seal of Hezekiah, for the first time fully intact, which

features a scarab with outstretched wings (Fig. 7, 8). The inscription reads: “Belonging to

Hezekiah, (son) of Ahaz, king of Judah.” Why would the Judean king have used an Egyptian

image that was known to represent the sun god and the Pharaoh? Granted, Egyptian imagery

would have crept into the region due to the immense power and influence of the empire. But

while we find many other examples of Egyptian images in the Levant –– sphinxes, griffins,

uraeuses, scorpions, et cetera –– only the winged sun disk and scarab appear to have been used

by the monarchy.

6 However, this argument is based on cryptography, an approach not accepted by all scholars (Private communication with Othmar Keel, University of Fribourg, December 28, 2013).

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2.1 Manasseh’s seal

Manasseh’s seal (Fig. 9, 10) was on the antiquities market in the 1970s and has since been

purchased by an unknown collector. It is not exactly a royal seal, though Manasseh did ascend

the throne. The inscription reads: “Belonging to Manasseh, son of the king.” Its authenticity is

questionable because there is another Moabite seal bearing the same inscription, and because

Manasseh ascended the throne when he was just 12 years old, which is particularly young to

have need for an administrative stamp (Avigad 1997: 55).

Fig. 7. Hezekiah’s seal (Lubetski 2001: 45)

Fig. 8. Hezekiah’s seal, line drawing (Lubetski 2001: 45)

Fig. 9. Manasseh’s seal (Avigad 1997: 55)

Fig. 10. Manasseh’s seal, line drawing

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3 The purpose of scarab iconography in Judah

Despite the questions surrounding Manasseh’s seal, we still have several versions of

Hezekiah’s seal that have been authenticated (Deutsch 2003: 16–18). There are also the lmlk jar

handle impressions7 and Hezekiah’s seal containing the winged sun disk (13) –– the sun disk, we

have seen, is equivalent to the winged scarab in religious iconography. So, why was the winged

scarab used to represent the royalty of Judah. Scholars have proposed various political and

religious motivations for this iconography, which will be evaluated in the sections that follow.

We have already seen that the economic and cultural influence of Egypt in the Levant is not

sufficient to explain this. There were a variety of Egyptian motifs used in the region at the time,

only one of which gained the prestige of becoming the royal emblem.

3.1 Political 3.1.1 For the unification of Israel and Judah

Meir Lubetski (2001) has speculated that the Judean monarchy appropriated the image of

the Pharaoh in order to give the impression of his grandiose power. According to Lubetski, the

two wings of the scarab were seen to represent Upper and Lower Egypt, and Hezekiah first used

this image in order to symbolize his rule over the North and South, part of a propaganda

campaign to unify Israel and Judah (44–46). This theory, though intriguing, lacks the evidence

necessary to defend it.

First of all, there is no indication that the scarab’s wings represented Upper and Lower

Egypt. As we have seen, they were illustrated in such a manner to imitate the wings of the

7 During Hezekiah’s reign, the lmlk jars were sealed with either the scarab or the sun disk, depending on their

geographical location. These will not be discussed here as there is still scholarly debate regarding their origin, purpose, and their relationship to the Assyrian kingdom. To adequately treat them here would require a fair amount of discussion that would detract from the main thrust of the paper. For a comprehensive overview, see Oded Lipschits et al., Royal Judahite Jar Handles: Reconsidering the Chronology of the lmlk Stamp Impressions. Tel Aviv 37 (2010): 3–32.

9

falcon, representing Horus, the sun god. The scarab, likewise, had a strong connection to solar

imagery and was first and foremost a religious symbol. There are several images the Egyptians

used to depict Upper and Lower Egypt –– the hedge and the bee, the vulture and the uraeus, and

the red and white crown –– the scarab is not among these.

Secondly, it is certainly not obvious from the passages Lubetski cites (2 Chr 30:1, 6–11, 18,

25; 31:1, 5–6) that Hezekiah was trying to reunite Israel and Judah. The Chronicler is

specifically interested in the piety of kings according to the established cult in Jerusalem (Duke

1999: 122). That Hezekiah included people from the North in his attempts to reinstate the

Passover, destroy the high places, and promote worship at the Temple, does not mean he was

trying to unify the two countries, nor would the Chronicler be concerned with such political

aspirations (Riley 1993: 108).

Finally, Lubetski’s interpretation depends on an alternative translation of Hezekiah’s seal

that reads “Judah: Belonging to Hezekiah, son of Ahaz, King” rather than “Belonging to

Hezekiah, (son) of Ahaz, king of Judah.” He is able to defend this reading because the word יהדה

is out of order, at the top of the seal between the tips of the scarab’s wings (Fig. 7, 8). He admits

that it is not customary for Hebrew seal impressions to end with the word ‘king,’ but notes that

this would not be strange if it were Egyptian. He cites a “common titular address of an Egyptian

ruler,” which reads “Pharoah, life, prosperity, health, Lord!” (2001: 47–48). This comparison is

problematic. One cannot simply compare Egyptian customs to Hebrew customs, titular

addresses to seal inscriptions, and the word ‘Lord’ to the word ‘king.’ Moreover, Lubetski is

inconsistent. He stresses that “it is unthinkable that Hezekiah had Egyptian theology in mind

when he commissioned this seal” (49). Why then is it conceivable for him to have used Egyptian

imagery to promote Judean political ambition, and a Pharaonic address rather than a local

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Hebrew one? No Hebrew seals have been found that end with the word ‘king.’ Thus, Lubetski’s

argument is insufficient.

3.1.2 As a pro-Egyptian demonstration

Csaba Balogh (2011: 198–199) proposed the idea that the scarab was first used in Judah by

Hezekiah as part of his political alliance with Egypt. It was adopted because it was a popular

Egyptian symbol, not because of its religious symbolism. The choice of the scarab was purely

political, and demonstrated to the Assyrians both that Judah would not submit to them and that

the Egyptians were on their side. There was, in fact, a strong connection between Egypt and

Judah at this time; The Hebrew Bible records that Hezekiah sought the aid of the Cushite dynasty

in Egypt in order to counter the Assyrians’ power (2 Kgs 19:9).

There are several potential problems with Balogh’s argument that revolve around the

dating of scarab imagery in the Levant. Let us begin with a discussion of stamp seals.

Technically speaking, there are no royal seals prior to Hezekiah’s that contain solar imagery, but

it is also true that we have uncovered very few royal seals from Judah. There is a seal belonging

to the servant of king Ahaz that clearly depicts the sun disk, along with several other Egyptian

elements (Avigad 1997: 51 no. 5). Another, belonging to the servant of king Uzziah, who

reigned even earlier, displays a winged sun disk (Avigad 1997: 50 no. 3). These are both

connected to members of the royal administration of Judah. Keel and Uehlinger discuss the

fascination with Egyptian royal symbols among the elite of Judah as early as the 9th century

BCE, and reject the traditional view that Egyptian iconography was adopted by way of the

Phoenicians (1998: 265–281).

Balogh’s argument also rests on the assumption that all the lmlk jars containing depictions

of the winged scarab date to Hezekiah’s reign. This causes him to detect a rather sudden

11

elevation of the scarab from a foreign religious symbol to the most important symbol in Judah

(2011: 198). There is still debate over the origin of these jars, and the range is fairly significant.

The jars date to the end of the 9th century BCE (Vaughn 1999), or else to the end of the 8th

century BCE under Ahaz or Hezekiah (Lipschits et al. 2010). Scholarship does appear to favour

a later date, which would place Judah under the scope of Assyrian administration. Thus, Balogh

could be correct in that Hezekiah changed the status of the symbol from one of many accepted

Egyptian symbols to the royal emblem. However, there is likely a reason that this iconography

was adopted by the royalty, a reason that predates Hezekiah’s pro-Egyptian political stance.

3.2 Religious (Yahweh as Khepri)

It is unlikely that Judeans would have embraced such a symbol simply because they were

afraid of the Assyrians and sought to impress the Egyptians. The religious symbolism was well

known and would have been difficult to ignore. Some have noted that the imagery of the winged

scarab may have been adopted because of similarities between Yahweh and Khepri (Lubetski

2001: 48), which suggests that solar Yahwism was prevalent in Judah in the 8th century BCE

(Taylor 1993; Smith 1990). Though the political implications of scarab imagery in Judah should

not be overlooked, the religious implications are perhaps more compelling. Before dismissing

the notion that Judeans could have equated Yahweh and Khepri, there are a few interesting

connections that should be explored.

3.2.1 Yahweh as a solar deity

The solar characteristics of Yahweh are fairly widespread throughout the Hebrew Bible,

spanning from the oldest writings to the post-exilic material. Of course, one of the most archaic

passages is Deuteronomy 33:2, where Yahweh is said to have risen (זרח) from Seir and shone

12

forth (הופיע) from Mount Paran. The use of the verb זרח is particularly intriguing. Apart from

several references to Yahweh, it is used elsewhere in the Bible, with one possible exception, only

to describe the action of the sun (Taylor 1993: 89). Furthermore, the epithet El Elyon, literally

‘the highest god’ –– which with respect to elevation makes sense for the sun –– is used several

times to refer to Yahweh.P7F

8P El Elyon was a solar deity who used his rays as weapons to conquer

the forces of evil (Mowinckel 2004: 133). It is also clear in one passage that Yahweh is so

brilliant that no human being can look directly at him without consequence (Exod 33:18–20).

Furthermore, elsewhere it is said that Yahweh is a sun and shield (Ps 84:11), and a consuming

fire (Deut 4:24; Lev 9:24), though one could argue that these descriptions are strictly allegorical.

What is perhaps more intriguing is that in his solar form Yahweh assumes another aspect of

the sun god, that is, his role as judge. Šamaš was not only the sun, but was responsible for the

execution of judgment.P8F

9P Psalm 94 begins: “O Yahweh, god of vengeance, shine forth. Arise,

judge of the earth…” (v. 1–2). This description combines both the physical appearance of the

sun with the role of the sun god in the context of the ancient Near East (Gerstenberger 2001:

177). We can also see Yahweh assuming this role in the story of Sodom’s destruction (Gen 18–

19:28). According to Keel (Private communication, December 28, 2013), the two messengers

sent to Sodom to warn Abraham of the coming judgment parallel two members of Šamaš’ inner

circle who undertake a similar role. Note also that Yahweh and the two messengers appear in the

heat of the day (18:1). The narrator also makes a point to mention that the sun rose up over the

earth (19:23) and that fire rained down on the city “from Yahweh, from the sky” (19:24). This is

significant, as it seems to explicitly link Yahweh with the sun.

8 This is, of course, a foreign (Canaanite) epithet that was ascribed to Yahweh after the fact. 9 The reason for this connection is explained most recently and methodically by Piotr Steinkeller in his book

Of Stars and Men: The Conceptual and Mythological Setup of Babylonian Extispicy (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 2005).

13

Here we have looked at some of the most significant and compelling evidence that Yahweh

was interpreted as a solar deity, and perhaps raised several points that have not been discussed

elsewhere. For many more examples of Yahweh’s solar features, one should refer to chapter 3 of

Taylor’s extensive work on solar Yahwism (1993: 92–256).

3.2.2 Yahweh as a winged deity

There are more than a few Biblical passages that describe Yahweh as having wings, several

of which also involve the sun, bringing to mind both the falcon and winged scarab. Again, while

these could be understood metaphorically, it stands to reason that Judeans pictured Yahweh

according to the manner in which he was described, which would have rendered them more

receptive to scarab imagery.

One verse often quoted is Malachi 4:2: “For you who fear my name, the sun of

righteousness shall rise with healing in its wings.” The context here is the the day of judgment,

when Yahweh will burn those who are wicked and shelter his faithful followers from harm. The

imagery of the Egyptian winged sun disk likely lies behind this passage, as does the notion of the

sun god as judge. The majority of verses in which Yahweh is described with wings are found in

the Psalms (17:8; 36:7; 57:1; 61:4; 63:7; 91:4). This is intriguing because of the royal milieu of

the Psalms, as well as the fact that many of the Psalms are related to Egypt and the period of

captivity. Perhaps the best example of cultural continuity between Egypt and Israel is Psalm

104, which was certainly an adopted and reworked version of Akhenaten’s hymn to the sun disk

(Gerstenberger 2001: 224).

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3.2.3 Egyptian kheper and Hebrew היה

The etymological origin of the Egyptian word for scarab is the verb kheper ‘to come into

being’, or more simply, ‘to be’ (Assmann 2001: 60). It is interesting then that the word Yahweh

is also thought to come from a verb meaning ‘to be.’ To my knowledge, the philological

connection between these two gods has not been addressed by scholars. Yahweh’s name may

well be a Hebrew translation of an Egyptian idea, that is, it is possible that the name originates

with the figure of Khepri and reflects the importance of the sun in ancient Israel. It is perhaps

more plausible that a false etymology was given in order to equate the two gods after the fact. In

Exodus 3:14, the name אהיה אׁשר אהיה, “I am he who comes into being,” is given. This brings to

mind the cartouches of 18 P

thP Dynasty Pharaohs, which contain similar titles referring to the sun in

its rejuvenating quality (Assmann 2001: 60–61). That the image of the scarab is used in these

titles to represent the verb ‘to be’ is especially intriguing. Though this in itself does not prove

that Yahweh was seen as Khepri, it is certainly suggestive, and such a link between these two

deities certainly warrants recognition and further investigation.

4 Conclusion In addition to the lmlk jar handle impressions, the royal seal of Hezekiah depicts the

winged scarab, an Egyptian symbol likely derived from the winged sun disk. There are also

several seals belonging to servants of 8 P

thP century kings containing this imagery, suggesting that

Hezekiah was not the first of Judah’s elite to adopt it. The use of the winged scarab by the

royalty of Judah cannot be explained by cultural influence or artistic appeal alone. While it is

possible that it was adopted as a symbol of power or an allusion to the Pharaoh, the political

argument does not acknowledge the strong association of the scarab beetle with the sun god. If

15

there was no way to make the scarab compatible with their religious beliefs, the Judeans

certainly would not have chosen it to exemplify their kingship.

In view of the Hebrew Bible’s description of Yahweh in several passages as a god with

solar features, wings, and one whose name derives from a verb (היה) meaning ‘to be,’ we can

begin to comprehend the reasons the Judean royalty might have appropriated such a symbol.

The winged scarab effectively served the purpose of promoting the worship of Yahweh alone,

principally in his role as the sun god, over against the Assyrian deities to the North and other

Israelite deities such as Asherah and Baʿal.

16

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