K. James McMullen

War Words and Battle-Spears: The kesja and kesjulag in Old Norse literature

The spear is a weapon which does not normally receive an excess of praise in Old Norse

literature. Certainly, there are famed weapons like Gísli's Grásiða, or Óðinn's Gungnir, but on the

whole, it seems that for most medieval Scandinavians, a spear was – to borrow from Oakeshott – just a

spear. This, however, was not always the case and there is a particular type of spear mentioned in Old

Norse sagas, the kesja, which deserves some attention. Kesjur are used in numerous engagements, both

large and small-scale, in the sagas. Unlike other spears, the kesja forms part of a compound word –

kesjulag – which appears to refer to a specific type of fighting during large battles. Just what kesjur

were, and why they would have their own word for a specific type of combat, though, is uncertain.

The kesja appears in a large number of Old Norse texts - the Old Norse Prose Dictionary project

at Copenhagen lists twenty-nine separate texts which reference the kesja, in genres ranging from

contemporary sagas to romances and legendary sagas. It also occurs in Snorra-Edda, appearing in

Þattur IV of Skáldskaparmál, the Spjóts heiti,1 which provides a list of alternate words to use for

describing spears in poetry. Kesjur also appear in by-names, usually as an indicator of a particularly

fierce warrior, as is the case with Harald kesja, son of Erik Ejegod, the Danish king at the start of the

11th century. The wide variety of texts and circumstances in which the word appears suggests that the

kesja was a weapon which would have been both well-known and almost certainly instantly recognized

by the audience when hearing a poem recited, or a saga read.

1 Snorri Sturlusson, Edda, Sveinbjörn Egilsson, ed. (Reykjavik 1848) p. 115

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We will begin with an examination of the word kesjulag,2 rather than kesja itself, as the word

represents a specific use of kesjur – whatever they may be – during battles. The term kesjulag, a

compound of the noun kesja and the verb leggja3 means, literally, 'thrusting with a kesja,' however the

implications of it in the texts are rather different from what the direct translation implies. It is not

simply another way of saying 'Bjǫrn and Asgeirr stabbed many enemies with their kesjur,' but rather

there is a clear distinction made between between close combat where spears, axes, swords or other

weapons are involved, and the use of kesjur in kesjulag. There are two passages from Sverris saga that

make the distinction quite clearly. The first occurs during the sea battle at Nidaros:

“Sóttu Magnúss konungs menn fast at Óláfssuðinni, báru á þá grjót ok skǫt ok kesjulǫg. En

fyrir því at þeir stungu stǫfnum at kómu þeir ekki hǫggum við.”4

[King Magnús' men sought to press the Ólafsuð hard, bringing against it rocks and missiles

and kesjulag. And they could not come to hewing for the prows were turned.]5

In this example, the ships in question are still mobile, not yet brought close enough to one

another for boarding and the warriors must content themselves with hurling missiles and stabbing

at their enemies from a distance with their kesjur. Sverrir's men had manoeuvred their ship across

the bows of king Magnúss' ships, an early equivalent of 'crossing the T,' which allowed for the

majority of Sverrir's men to bring their weapons to bear, while only a relatively small number of

Magnúss' men – the ones who could stand in the prows of the ships – could respond to the attacks

made by Sverrir's men. Unfortunately for King Sverrir, the battle does not go as well as he'd

2 The only examples of the term kesjulag that I am aware of are in Sverris saga, though this does not mean that the term does not occur in other manuscripts.

3 As per the gloss in Cleasby & Vigfusson's An Icelandic-English Dictionary (Oxford, 1874) pp. 369 and 3774 Jónas Kristjánsson, Þórður Ingi Guðjónsson, eds., Íslenzk fornrít XXX: Sverris saga (Reykjavik, 2007) p. 865 All translations in this article are the work of the present author.

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hoped, the Óláfssuð is boarded, and the battle takes on a more conventional nature for sea battles

in the sagas.

Another example of the kesjulag occurs, this time on land, when Sverrir's men ambush a

group of King Magnúss' men while they attempt to relieve the broken Heklungar lines:

“En þeir er á skipunum váru heyrðu ganga lúðra ok heróp upp á vǫlluna Þá reru þeir at

landi ok settu upp merki sín, gengu síðan upp til þeira ok vilja duga sínum mǫnnum. En

fyrir því at myrkt var finna þeir eigi fyrr en flóttamennir hlaupa up á þá ok því næst mœttu

þeir kesjulǫgum ok sverðhǫggum Bierkibeina.”6

[...those on the ship, hearing movement, trumpets, and war-shouts from the field, rowed

their ship to land, set up their standard, and went to their aid. And because it was dark they

could not find their missing men and then next met they the kesjulag and sword-hewing of

the Birkibeinar.]

The Heklungar during this incident are apparently in loose order or possibly a column of

march as they advance to reinforce their allies and are not in a regular battle formation. The

ambush by the Birkibeinar would have caused a disruption in either of these formations, or –

while the Heklungar are not described as being in a shield-wall – there is the option that had they

been in a regular battle formation the Birkibeinar attacked them from behind or along a flank,

thus throwing them into disarray and allowing the kesjulag to occur. The kesjulag, at least in the

situation on land, also allowed the attackers to bring their kesjur to bear against their opponents

and to not only exercise the advantage of reach that is provided by a spear, but also maintain the

6 Íslenzk fornrit XXX, p.112

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option of using any additional weapons they had at hand. This tactical flexibility is evident

during the final battle during the bœndr uprising at Oslo, when the bœndr lines broke:

“Þá lugu lindiskildinir at þeim ok dugði ekki fyrir kesjulǫgum Birkibeina.”7

[Then laid they down their linden shields and they could not stand before the kesjulag of

the Birkibeinar.]

When the victorious Birkibeinar made their way into broken bœndr lines, they are

described as explicitly engaging in kesjulag, and not hǫggva, or hewing, with swords and axes.

This could be because the fleeing bœndr were moving too quickly for the Birkibeinar to get close

enough, or it could simply be that the author preferred to use the term when describing the scene.

What is clear, though, is that the Birkibeinar were unyielding in their attack on the defeated

bœndr, and that they were pursuing a defeated and scattered enemy, rather than a well-ordered

foe.

Now, the kesjulag was not the only way in which the kesja was employed. In fact there

are more references to it being used as a missile than in close combat. In Oddr Munk's version of

Óláfs saga, king Óláf is described several times as throwing kesjur at his enemies – and they are

described as hurling them at the king as well! We can see this clearly when...

“...hann barðisk undir merkjum, þá tók hann á lopti fljúgandi kesjur ok ǫrvar, svá vinstri

hendi sem hœgri, ok sendi aptr jafnt báðum hǫndum.”8

7 Íslenzk fornrit XXX, p.2608 Ólafr Hálldórsson, ed., Færeyinga saga, Ólafs saga Odds, Íslenzk fornrit XXV (Reykjavik, 2006) p. 267

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[...he (the King) was fighting under the trees, then he took the flying kesjur and arrows

from the air, with his left hand as much as his right and sent them back with both hands

equally.]

As well as when...

“...þá skaut Óláfr konungr til jarls báðum hǫndum þrimr kesjum skammskeptum.”9

[King Óláfr then hurled three short-shafted kesjur toward the jarls with both hands.]

In these scenes, Óláfr is clearly handling a sort of missile. However, what is important to note

is that the second section, when the King is purposely hurling missiles at his enemies and not simply

returning them, the kesjur are described as skammskept. It is an important element to note, as it

suggests that kesjur were not normally considered to be particularly short-shafted when compared to

other spears of the day, and such modification was possibly made in order to allow a warrior to carry

more missiles into a battle. Also worth noting is that the short-shafted kesjur would have likely have

been less accurate than their long-shafted cousins, as a longer shaft provides for better balance when

throwing over long distances. Also of note is that Óláfr was carrying three of these kesjur skammskept,

and that the kesjur heads were not getting caught or entangled amongst one another. Sverris saga also

includes numerous scenes where the kesja is mentioned as being used as a missile weapon, most

notably during the ambush by the bœndr during their uprising at Oslo, when Sverris' army is caught

unaware by the sudden hail of spears.

The saga's author also makes an important distinction that the kesja was a weapon commonly

9 Íslenzk fornrit XXV, p. 345

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carried by the semi-professional Scandinavian warrior rather than the impressed or volunteering

landowner. Prior to the Battle of Nidaros, Sverrir's army – such as it was – was composed primarily of

poorly-armed farm-labourers. When the king's party is approached by one of these supporters, it is

noted that the man – Eyvindr – carries no weapon other than a heavy tree-branch and, while such a

weapon would be of great value to the duellist or heroic warrior fighting in single combat with ample

room to manoeuvre, a soldier would find little use for it. As such, one of Sverrir's men – Hjarrandi

hviða – commends Eyvindr's bravery for wishing to face the enemy armed only with a great club, but

seems to realize the folly of allowing a man to be armed so in combat when he loans Eyvindr his own

personal kesja and hand-axe.

The loan of his personal weapons so close to battle suggests that Hjarrandi would have had

access to replacement equipment – after all, it would hardly do for him to go into battle alongside his

king while unarmed. The loan of the hand-axe would be in and of itself a significant reduction in

Hjarrandi's efficacy in battle should there be no replacement for it, but the gift of the kesja is far more

worth noting; it suggests a place for Eyvindr – possibly replacing Hjarrandi – within the front few

ranks of battle, where his kesja would be able to be used alongside others in a formation. Insofar as

Hjarrandi's replacement of his weapons is concerned, it is likely that the kesja would be a weapon

which would be of primary concern to replace, since – as a spear – it would be able to provide an

extension of Hjarrandi's range in battle. If he carried multiple kesjur, then it is likely that he could

participate in the initial bombardment of the bœndr troops as well as the close-in fighting.

It should also be noted that the kesja is found in all three major battle-spaces of the Viking Age;

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the individual duel, the massed land-battle, and the naval battle. It is a soldier's weapon, first and

foremost, and is most often employed in relatively large-scale conflicts, as is made evident in Ólafs

saga Trygvassonar, Sverris saga and Egils saga. It is also used in a naval context, when Egill attacks

the men on Rǫgnvaldr's ship. Egill also carries his kesja when he fights his duel against Berg-Ǫnnundr,

and both men hurl their kesjur at one another. This use of the weapon regardless of the environment

might simply be an affectation of Egill's, but it is not likely – after all, Berg-Ǫnnundr is also armed

with a kesja, and as he was leading a company of men to capture Egill at the time. It is likely that

Berg-Ǫnnundr would have chosen to outfit himself with weapons which would be best used not only

alone, but also in a group of men, should his group be forced to face Egill's group in a pitched battle.

The relatively common occurrence of kesjur in Old Norse texts dealing with military

engagements suggests that kesjur were both straightforward in design – being able to be made in great

quantities, and in a great number of forges of varying quality – as well as being an extremely efficient

weapon for use during large-scale battles. This efficiency is likely due to the multi-use nature of the

weapon, as kesjur are used as missiles far more frequently than other spears in the sagas. In Egils saga,

for example, Egill hurls his kesja against Berg-Ǫnnundr during their battle, who reciprocates in kind,

and the results provide us with a surprising bit of information; I'll get to that in a moment, however, as

Egils saga also provides us with a good amount of information regarding the kesja, especially

considering it is within the saga that we find what is in my opinion the finest description of a weapon in

Old Norse literature. Just prior to the battle of Brunanburh, we are given a description of the gear

which Þórólfr and his brother Egill are carrying into the fight. As well as the expected swords, shields,

armour, and helmet, we are also told that Þórólfr – who is armed identically to Egill – had

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“...kesju hafði hann í hendi; fjǫðrin var tveggja álna lǫng ok sleginn fram broddr ferstrendr,

en upp var fjǫðrin breið, falrinn bæði langr ok digr, skaftit var eigi hæra en taka mátti hendi

til fals ok furðuliga digrt. Járnteinn var í falnum ok skaftið allt járnvafið; þau spjót voru

kǫlluð brynþvarar”10

[...a kesja in hand; the feather (or spear-blade) was two ells long and the edges were forged

to a square point, and the top of the spear-blade was broad, the socket both long and stout,

the shaft was just high enough for the hand to touch the socket, and was extremely thick.

There was an iron spike in the socket and the shaft was covered in iron; these spears were

called brynþvarar (mail-piercers.)]

Now, given the lack of such huge spearheads in the archaeological record for the 10th through

13th centuries – bearing in mind that an ell was roughly 50cm in length, and thus two ells would be

nearly a metre long – it is almost certainly an exaggeration to suggest that Þórolfr's kesja had a blade so

large. However, the general description of the blade's geometry does provide us with a solid idea of

what we should look for in the archaeological record. While we may not find the monstrously large

swords-on-sticks that are described in Egils saga, we can look for long-bladed, broad-headed spears

with long sockets.

An important thing to note here is that Hjalmar Falk, in his Altnordische Waffenkunde, has made

a distinction between the kesja and the brynþvari, which he sees as a separate weapon all together.11

10 Sigurður Nordal, ed., Egils saga, Íslenzk fornrit II (Reykjavik 1933) p. 13611 Hjalmar Falk, Altnordishe Waffenkunde (Kristiana, 1914) p. 82

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Falk's proposed brynþvari is based on a spear from Nydam Mose, shown here, which has been dated to

the beginning of the 3rd century CE. This is, of course, exceedingly early for the artefact to be

considered as part of the arsenal of a warrior in the late 10th to early 13th centuries. I disagree with this

theory based on the fact that, were brynþvarar a separate class of spear all together from the kesja,

there would have been more reference to them in contemporary sagas, kings sagas, or family sagas. As

it stands, the word brynþvari occurs a handful of times in fornaldursögur and once in Konungs

skuggsjá, but in all of these occurrences it is neither described nor given any special significance.

Furthermore, kesjur are referred to as kesjur and not brynþvarar throughout the entirety of Egils saga.

It is likely, at least in my mind, that the term brynþvarar was used only as an authorial flourish and did

not refer to a specific type of spear, kesja or otherwise. Falk also appears to subscribe to the theory that

the kesja should have an analogue with Irish weaponry, as the Old Norse word has a potential linguistic

connection to the Irish word ceis.12 I agree with Falk's assessment that the word kesja may be related to

the Irish noun ceis, which means spear, but disagree with him as far as the transmission is concerned;

rather, I think that the word ceis was adapted from the Norse word kesja by the Irish, as there is no

mention of any Irish – or Scots – in the sagas who are armed with kesjur as far as I am aware. The

weapon appears to be a wholly Norwegian invention.

As far as what the kesja could be, though, we have to look at the description in Egils saga. The

first and most important element is that the spearhead is described as broad above, but above what?

Falk is right in thinking that the kesja – even if he refers to it as a brynþvari – was possessed of a

shoulder that flared out above the socket. He suggests that object 520 in Oluf Rygh's catalogue of

12 Falk, Altnordische Waffenkunde, p. 80

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Scandinavian artefacts could have been the kesja. If the saga author was referring to the width of the

blade at the point, then the kesja would be a rather poor weapon for piercing, as well as being grossly

unaerodynamic when used as a missile, so we can rule that out fairly safely. It is likely, then, that the

description of the kesja in Egils saga refers to a bulge in the blade, whether at the mid-point or closer to

the end of the blade itself. Both options would provide a degree of stability to the kesja as it was

thrown, as well as making it more easily wielded in one hand during battle. The question, though, is

what is the blade broader than? The safe assumption is that the blade is broader at than the socket, and

thus the shaft. This does fit fairly well with Falk's assessment of what kesjur may have been; he

interpreted the kesja as a distinct weapon from the brynþvarar as described in Egils saga, and

suggested that it was a spear similar to R520, as shown here. Furthermore, the physical appearance of

the R520 spear does not closely match the description of the kesjur in Egils saga, being relatively

short-socketed, and having a blades with a fairly consistent width and minimal flaring above the socket.

Instead, spears similar to 521 and R532a might be more likely candidates. These spears are also

classified in Jan Petersen's De Norske Vikingswerde as classes I and K, differentiated by the shoulder

joining the blade to the socket, as well as the decorations and method of affixing the spear to the shaft,

with I being affixed by nails, and K having a friction-fitting.13

The kesja as described in Egils saga has a relatively unique geometry; it is described as being

four-sided, which is a clear suggestion of a diamond cross section. Spearheads with diamond cross-

sections are relatively uncommon in Scandinavian finds from the early part of the period in question,

but become more frequent as time passes, and Rygh identifies three exemplars with relatively narrow

13 Jan Petersen, De Norske Vingswerde (Kristiana, 1919) pp. 31-33

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profiles and pronounced medial ribs, while still flaring out above the socket to agree with the

description in Egils saga.14 The examples in Rygh include a number of features which the kesja in

Egils saga is described as having; they are all wider in the blade than the socket, they all have relatively

pronounced medial ribs, and their sockets are all relatively long and stout. The only sticking points –

apart from the great size of the kesjur in Egils saga that prevent any of these from being identified as

kesjur is that the description given of the kesjur carried by the Skallagrimsýnir includes mention of an

iron spike in the socket. This could be a reference to an additional spike added to the spear, much like

the back-spike of a halberd or guisarme, but to the best of my knowledge no such artefacts have been

found in a Scandinavian context from the time in question. Instead, I would suggest that the iron spike

referred to in Egils saga is a nail affixing the spearhead to the shaft. This would provide a bit more

security for the head of the weapon in close combat situations than simply relying on a friction fit, and

it would have prevented the shaft from being removed by an enemy whose shield it was embedded in

when the kesja was being used as a missile. It also follows with the example given earlier in Óláfs

saga Odds when the king is carrying a trio of kesjur with him. Were the járnteinn a protruding spike, it

is likely that the king would have had some trouble in ensuring that the kesjur did not become

entangled and thus expose him to greater danger while attempting to engage his enemies. It would also

provide a great amount of aerodynamic drag, lessening the accuracy of the kesja when thrown.

These relatively narrow-bladed spearheads also agree with the description of Egill and Berg-

Ǫnundr's duel in Egils saga. When Egill and Berg-Ǫnundr hurl their kesjur at one another during their

duel, Berg-Ǫnundr's kesja bounces off of Egill's angled shield, while Egill's own is driven squarely into

14 These are identified as objects 521, 530, and 532s in Oluf Rygh, Norske oldsager, ordnede og forklarede. (Kristiana, 1885)

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Berg-Ǫnundr's, which is held parallel to Egill. This deflection is an important element of identifying

the the kesja as the flatness of shields from the period when Egils saga is set would generally cause a

spear with a wide blade to stick into the boards when it is stopped mid-flight, provided the shield was

not held parallel or nearly-parallel to the flight-path of the spear, while a quadrangular spearhead with

very small projecting edges would need to hit the timber directly or bounce off, as Berg-Ǫnundr's did.

Also, the use of kesjur as missiles, along with the specific mention of King Óláfs kesjur being

skammskept, suggests that the spearhead was relatively large, in order to facilitate a thick enough shaft

to be used in close combat, but light enough that the balance point of the kesja was not too far forward

when being used as a missile.

The next element of the kesja to be examined is the socket connecting the spear-head to the

shaft. The relative thickness of spear sockets is uniform throughout the candidates in Rygh, but it could

be that the saga author was simply embellishing this element of the weapon to set the Skalla-Grímsynir

apart from their compatriots. The length of the socket, however, is of great importance as a longer

socket provides more protection for the shaft of the spear, thus denying the opportunity for an opponent

to shatter the weapon and leave its wielder unable to attack effectively. The sockets of R521, R530,

and R532a are much longer than average, extending upwards of 18 centimetres in length, once the scale

has been accounted for. The length of the socket would then, suggest that these three spear-heads are

members of the typology under which the kesja would fall. Falk's choice of exemplar for his kesja is

possessed of socket which falls within the average range of all spears shown in Rygh, though it tends to

fall on the shorter end of the spectrum.

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With the assumption that R521, R530, and R532a are indeed the most likely of the previously

mentioned candidates to be kesjur, the question now is which typology do they fall under in Petersen?

Fortunately, Petersen has used the same exemplars as Rygh when generating his typology of spears and

we can find object R521 as the exemplar for his I-Type spears. The I-Type spears presented in Petersen

are approximately 66 centimetres – or just over an ell – in length, with the sockets making up

approximately a third of the total size. While these spears are certainly not as massive as the weapons

described in Egils saga, they do come close to the gigantic proportions of Þórólfr and Egill's weapons.

This great length does provide a number of advantages for the kesja and its wielder, the most important

of which is that it allows for a sizable distance to be maintained between combatants, while at the same

time limiting the likelihood of the spear-shaft being damaged or broken during battle. The I-Type

spearheads would also make admirable missiles, as their great length would add mass to the head of

the spear while their narrow profile would prevent any loss of aerodynamic qualities when it was

hurled.

There is also the relatively late arrival of the form in the context of Scandinavian weapons to

examine. The first occurrences of the I-Type spearheads occurring near the beginning of the tenth

century, which would place it well within the time frame of the Battle of Brunanburh, and it is not

inconceivable that the general form would have persisted through until the thirteenth century. The

great longevity of these forms should not be discounted, as weapons are not typically subject to any

great changes over the course of time, with swords being the great exception to the rule. Once a spear

form has been found which performs its task reliably and effectively, there is little incentive to make

any alterations to the basic profile. It is not inconceivable, then, that the Peterson I-Type spear, with a

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possible lengthening of the blade by the time of the writing of Egils saga, maintained a presence in the

armouries of Scandinavian nobles for such a long time.

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Associated Images (Scale provided in image, images not changed from original)

Falk's proposed kesja, from p. 80 of his work.Falk's proposed brynþvari, from p. 82 of his

work.

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Potential kesjur in Rygh's Norske oldsager, ordnede

og forklaerde, including the reference numbers

from his catalogue.

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Petersen types I and K spears, and likely kesjur. See

Petersen, pp. 31-33

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Bibliography

Cleasby, Richard, and Gudbrand Vigfusson, An Icelandic-English Dictionary. Oxford University Press,

1874

Falk, Hjalmar. Altnordische Waffenkunde. Dybwad, Kristiana, 1914

Jonas Kristjansson, Tordur Ingi Gudjonsson, eds. Sverris saga, Islenzk fornrit XXX. Hið íslenzka

fornritfelag, Reykjavik, 2007

Snorri Sturlusson, Sveinbjorn Egilsson, ed. Edda. Reykjavik, 1848

Petersen, Jan. De Norsk Vikingsverde. Dybwad, Kristiana, 1919

Rygh, Oluf. Norske oldsager, ordnede og forklarede. Cammermayer, Kristiana, 1885.

Sigurdur Nordal, ed. Egils saga, Islenzk fornrit II. Hið islenzka fornritafelag, Reykjavik, 1933

Ólafr Hálldórsson, ed., Færeyinga saga, Ólafs saga Odds, Íslenzk fornrit XXV. Hið íslenska

fornritfelag, Reykjavik, 2006

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