Towards a Hermeneutic of Affirmation for Local Theologizing in Closed Access Communities

TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF AFFIRMATION FOR LOCAL

THEOLOGIZING IN CLOSED ACCESS COMMUNITIES

By

Emelito Acoba Yango

A Dissertation Presented to the

Faculty of the

ASIA GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THEOLOGYPHILIPPINES

In Partial Fulfilment of the

Requirements for the Degree

Doctor of Missiology

Program Coordinator:

Dr. Larry Caldwell

20 March 2009

ABSTRACT

Yango, Emelito2009 Towards a Hermeneutic of Affirmation for Local Theologizing in Closed

Access Communities. Asia Graduate School of Theology - Philippines. Doctor of Missiology. 258 pp.

The primary premise of this dissertation is to construct a hermeneutical approach

for local theologizing in the context of globalization. In particular, it is necessary for the

local contexts to move out from the shadows of theologizing based on a hermeneutic of

victimization to a transforming articulation based on a hermeneutic of affirmation. This

process includes dealing with the presence of colonial mentality in the collective

consciousness of people in a given society.

The dissertation outlines the current context where all hermeneutics are

constructed. This is the inter-related network between the global and local contexts. In

this study, the priority is to view the realities of the global context based on the lens of the

local contexts. In this process, the study re-discovers that the primal instincts in local

Asian cultures are precursors to postmodern conditions. Specifically, the study focuses on

three common themes/conditions: the “otherness” or alterity, decentredness or distortion

and diversity or plurality.

The study uses local narratives as case studies to give light to the subject at hand.

This includes descriptions of local socio-economic-cultural practices, local religio-cultural

discourses, individual stories. In addition, this study presents a collective articulation for a

theological construction to describe the core constitution of “insider movement” by

believers who are engaged in the movement.

In the end, this dissertation provides eight recommendations. These are topics by

which this dissertation can be extended and where new theological formulations, both

from the global and local contexts, can be constructed. More than anything, these

recommendations signify an admission that this dissertation is viewed as a starting point

for further constructing the framework towards a hermeneutic of affirmation.

Mentor: Timoteo Gener 295 words

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This personal journey of eventually achieving a D.Miss. has been lived out in the

context of the unconventional. Against the temptations to set aside a particular period of

time to concentrate only on my doctoral studies, I have resisted the urge to separate my

studies from concurrent front line mission work. As a result, my academic journey has

taken a back seat to my passion for serving at the front lines. The result is a happy

marriage. My academic pursuit has been better informed by my grassroots mission

engagement. Although it has been a longer journey than anticipated, it has only brought

wisdom to this journey.

I am indebted to some of my undergrad professors (Bill Wallace and Robert

Duez). They taught me to enjoy freely my engagement in contemporary missiological and

theological discussions and practices while always reminding me to be grounded. The

maturation of my capacity to think critically around the peripheries has been greatly

influenced by Charles Kraft and Dean Gilliland. They have personally given me guidance

and continued encouragement beyond the bounds of missiological studies.

Along the way, God sent me a very “genuine” peer-mentor and co-sojourner by

the name of Genaro Diesto. Genaro helped me re-discover the depth of the value I place

upon my Filipino being. In the process, he introduced me to the wonderful playground of

iii

negative theology where I found the underside in local theologizing. In truth, a great part

of the spirit and intent of this dissertation were germinated during my long conversations

with Genaro. Genaro had been mentoring me through my second tutorial and had agreed

to do the same for my dissertation. Sadly he passed away two and a half years ago. I will

miss celebrating this with him.

I’m also grateful to each one of my committee members for working with me

through my tutorials and showing a genuine interest in me. In the writing of this

dissertation, I will always appreciate the assistance of Larry Caldwell, who has facilitated

the administration of my doctoral studies and worked with me on my first tutorial. In the

midst of her unending busy schedule, I will always wonder how and why “Ate” Melba

Maggay chose to mentor me through my third tutorial. Her assistance provided me with a

closer look and opportunity to learn from her knowledge of theologizing in the context of

the Filipino culture. The wisdom that emanates from our discussion times was an added

bonus in my learning process. Graciously, Timoteo Gener accepted my request for

assistance when Genaro Diesto passed away. Timoteo has kept my theoretical and

philosophical “musings” very honest, which is a testimony to his scholarly approach. I

have learned, in turn, to account for my interest in philosophizing while being intently

missiological. I only wish I could have had more “actual” time to spend with Tim during

this journey. Finally, Richard Schlitt, my reader, has always been a trusted advocate.

I would also like to extend a word of appreciation to OMF International. The

organization has provided me with an environment in which to grow and mature in my

work as a servant of God’s Kingdom. At the same time, it was especially the field

iv

leadership in OMF-Philippines that has been more than encouraging to me as I pursued my

doctoral studies. That I could study and continue to engage in front line missions at the

grassroots level have made this journey fuller and more credible. To all those who have

been journeying with me this past ten years as ministry members of OMF-Malikha Urban

Poor Team (MUPT), each of you is every bit a part of the stories in this journey.

Last but not least, I give my love and appreciation to my wife, Kathy, for her

patience, understanding and willingness to journey with me. I realize deeply that there

have been more sacrifices on her part than I could list. I can only hope this has been a

worthwhile project for her as well. I also want to say “thank you” to my children, Ryan,

Jenna and Kenzie, who have given me “my leisure” in life throughout this journey.

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... i

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................. iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...............................................................................................vi

TABLE OF FIGURES ................................................................................................... x

INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1

Background to the Study ....................................................................................... 1Purpose of the Study .............................................................................................. 5Problem Statement ................................................................................................ 6Goals of the Study ................................................................................................. 6Significance of the Study ...................................................................................... 7Delimitations ........................................................................................................ 9Definitions ............................................................................................................ 9Assumptions .........................................................................................................15

CHAPTER 1 PRIMAL INSTINCTS IN ASIAN CULTURES: A PRECURSOR TOPOSTMODERN CONDITIONS ...................................................................................17

The Constancy of Asian Cultures and Religions .................................................. 18Deconstructing A Theory of Resurgence ..................................................... 18A Reconstruction for Interpreting Resurgence ............................................ 20A Response to Western Metanarrative ........................................................ 23

Primal Instincts in Local Asian Cultures .............................................................. 28Identifying Postmodern Conditions ............................................................. 30Examples of Primal Instincts in Asian Cultures .......................................... 35

Concept of Dependence in a Japanese Context .................................. 36Economics of Utang na Loob Among Filipinos ................................. 42

A Summary: The Japanese, The Filipino and Postmodern Conditions ...... 45

vi

CHAPTER 2 NARRATIVES OF VICTIMIZATION .............................................. 53

Stories of Theological Victimization: Matrices for Negative Hermeneutics ........ 55A Historical Subjugation of Muslimhood in the Philippines ....................... 57Stories of Global-Local Dialogues: Rejecting Subjugation of

Muslimhood ........................................................................................ 60Aburahim’s Story ................................................................................ 61Jasem’s Story ...................................................................................... 63Rasma’s Story .....................................................................................67A Summary ......................................................................................... 70

A Vehicle for Victimization, Subjugation and Hegemony: The Problem with Globalization ........................................................................................71Understanding Anthropology and Globalization ......................................... 72Socio-Economic Dynamics in Asia ............................................................. 75Two Case Studies: Globalization as a Way of Life in Asian Contexts ....... 80

Japanese Sushi .................................................................................... 80“Denominations of People” in Prehispanic Philippines ..................... 81Summary .............................................................................................83

CHAPTER 3 TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF VICTIMIZATION .................. 84

A Prospect for Local Theologizing in Asian Contexts ......................................... 85Theoretical Construction of a Hermeneutic of Victimization ............................... 89

The Matrix of Presuppositions ..................................................................... 90Language and Meanings in the Matrix of Presuppositions .......................... 100Summary ....................................................................................................1..10

Examples of a Hermeneutic of Victimization ...................................................... 113Hermeneutics and Gender Victimization .....................................................113Hermeneutics and Political Victimization ................................................... 116Hermeneutics and Socio-Historial Victimization ........................................ 117

A Summary: Delineating a Hermeneutic of Victimization .................................. 121

CHAPTER 4 NARRATIVES OF COLONIAL MENTALITY ................................125

Khalid’s Story: A Case Study on Rejecting Colonial Mentality by Believers Engaged in an Insider Movement .................................................127Towards a Collective Affirmation of an Insider Movement ........................ 130Implications from the Case Study ................................................................133

An Anatomy of Colonial Mentality ......................................................................135Decolonizing Filipino Colonial Mentality ............................................................ 151

On Changing the Filipino Consciousness ................................................... 154

vii

The Emergence of an Underside in Filipino Consciousness: WorkingAgainst Colonial Mentality .................................................................161

A Summary .........................................................................................................1..67

CHAPTER 5 NARRATIVES OF AFFIRMATION .................................................171

Local Theologizing in a Global Context: Case Studies on Diversity andDecentredness .............................................................................................1.72Musa’s Story ..............................................................................................1..73Aisa’s Story ................................................................................................1. 75Jurahman’s Story ........................................................................................1. 76

Conceptualizing a Role for Diversity, Alterity and Decentredness inthe Local-Global Dialogue ..........................................................................1. 78Alterity and Diversity in Theologizing ........................................................ 178Alterity and Decentredness in Theologizing ................................................ 180A Case Study for the Role of Alterity: Pasyon Pilapil ................................ 183A Summary .................................................................................................1.86

CHAPTER 6 TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF AFFIRMATION ..................... 189

Theological Factors Affecting A Hermeneutic of Affirmation ............................. 190Language and God-Talk ..............................................................................1.90The Message of the Euangelion: A Transforming Message ........................ 194The Global Connection: The Covenantal Condition for Being Called

God’s People ......................................................................................1.99A Case Study: A Hermeneutical Design by Believers Engaged in

Insider Movement .......................................................................................2.04On Dealing with Colonizing Partners ..........................................................205Owning God-Talk .......................................................................................2.06Rooted in God’s Covenantal Relationship .................................................. 209Intentionally Low-Identity ...........................................................................211Cultural Mandate and Economics ................................................................213

A Summary .........................................................................................................2..14

CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................... 216

Conclusion ..........................................................................................................2..16Recommendations ...............................................................................................2. 23

APPENDIX A ..............................................................................................................2.28

APPENDIX B ..............................................................................................................2.34

viii

News:

News:

APPENDIX C ..............................................................................................................2.38

REFERENCES CITED ................................................................................................2.44

VITA ...........................................................................................................................2..58

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 A SAMPLE DIAGRAM OF FILIPINO VALUE SYSTEM BASED ON A FILIPINO WOLRDVIEW CALLED ASAL ........................... 143

x

INTRODUCTION

Background to the Study

In 1981, I went to urban Japan for a summer as part of my field ministry

requirement. Armed with my Japanese ethnographic studies, I took to the task of

examining the Japanese culture. My hope was to construct a theology that would be

distinctly Japanese and which might help solve the problem of “Christianity is a foreign

religion” identity-crisis that has plagued the mission enterprise in Japan. As a church

planter in urban Japan from 1985-1992, the same task continued to face me. Perhaps the

most difficult part of spiritual transformation for the Japanese is convincing them that

Christianity is not a foreign religion. More often than not, converted Japanese are viewed

as an outcasts of society. They are seen as betrayers of the very distinct Japanese religious

construction where Shintoism and Buddhism are integrated in a seamless union from birth

to death.

To this end, try as the missionary enterprise in Japan has, decades later, the

situation remains unchanged. Christianity is still a foreign religion to the Japanese. The

problem seems to stem from a failure to engage the Japanese in constructing their own

local theological formulation. It is certainly not because attempts have not been made by

1

2

others. There have no doubt been very competent Japanese scholars and theologians

before, during and after my time in Japan who continue to engage in local theologizing.

The problem is centered in the “foreignness” of Japanese theologizing.

Theologizing remains a task for the learned. Those at the grassroots are expected to

accept the resulting theological product as part of their role of being good and submissive

disciples of Jesus Christ. What seems to be lacking is a hermeneutical approach which can

be owned and utilized by the grassroots for themselves. In a very hierarchical social

structure like in Japan, the task of theologizing will inevitably face a hierarchical division

between the “elite” and the grassroots.

When I began working with Muslim urban poor communities in Davao City,

Philippines, the first task I undertook was the examination of the historical development of

Christian missions among Muslims in this southern part of the country. From the arrival

of the Roman Catholic priests to current trends applied by Protestant evangelicals, I was

struck by the similarity with my experience in Japan. Christianity is a foreign religion. It

is acceptable for non-Muslim Filipinos but not for Muslim Filipinos. It is therefore no

small celebration when a Muslim shifts his/her spiritual allegiance to the person of Jesus

Christ. And, just like in Japan, such a “convert” faces the problem of being labeled an

outcast by his/her own community. In short, he/she becomes a foreigner in his/her own

community.

The task, it would seem, is to face head on the difficult question of sustainability.

That is, how can such a person continue to live in his/her community while remaining firm

in his/her new faith allegiance and yet avoid being an outcast? After all, an outcast can

3

leave no witness of God’s kingdom in place. How, then, is sustainability achieved? At a

2003 conference for Christian workers among Muslims, a good number of invited Muslim-

background believers (or MBBs, a term coined by missionaries) were also in attendance.

Unfortunately, many of these MBBs are now living outside of their communities.. In

short, they have left their communities because they could not sustain their faith allegiance

to Christ from within them. These MBBs also call themselves “Christians” as part of their

conversion from Islam to Christianity.

The task for them is to find new hermeneutical approaches which will enable them

to remain within their communities. This means for them a process of re-interpreting their

faith allegiance to Christ in a manner that will not be foreign to their respective

communities. To do this demands of them to engage in forming theological constructions

in which their faith can be sustained. This process of construction, with a priority on being

genuinely indigenous, however, requires a hermeneutical approach. This will provide

believers with a framework by which to interpret their “emerging” experiences of a faith

that places its allegiance in the message of the good news of the kingdom of God, and

lived out within their Islamic context. The starting point for this theologizing exercise,

must take the form of a “re-discovery” project to re-interpret their faith. It is at this point,

after all, where the presuppositions of theologizing are articulated, and from where the

greatest influences on the end product ultimately originate.

Seeds of Asian theological constructions have no doubt been germinating for many

years. Their growth happened, however, against the backdrop of a colonial incursion of

western theologies. During this time period, emerging theologies from the Asian

4

grassroots were always concerned to distinguish themselves from the more dominant

western theologies. This struggle for self-affirmation has been a core value to this

development. While a great body of written work has been produced in testimony to this

development, there is evidence that this development has been victimized. “Victimized”

theologies, as these may be categorized, constantly struggle against being dominated.

Inasmuch as the end products of these emerging Asian theologies claim not to

have been dominated, there has always been an inner struggle to sustain this position at the

local levels. It would seem that the end product has the look of the local context but the

inner-core has failed to manifest the type of valence attractive to the grassroots. Simply

put, there has been no deep level or worldview transformation. This failure indicates that

for local theologizing to truly avoid becoming dominated, the hermeneutical process

employed in the theologizing must be non-dominated as well. Otherwise, it is not the

theological end product only that is victimized by foreign domination but also the

hermeneutical approach to that theologizing.

In today’s postmodern context, the presence of globalization requires a paradigm

shift for doing theologies. A theology borne out of a sense of victimization is not

sustainable. A “victimized” theology will always be in a struggle to survive. Local

theologizing, however, cannot avoid the interaction and influence of other dominating

theologies in a global context. In fact, as part of its self-validation it must confront the

dominating dynamics of the global context. There seems to be no way out of this

interconnectedness and the necessity to confront it.

5

It is the contention of the writer that sustaining local theologizing requires

affirmation on its own, both in the local and global contexts. This means that for the

purpose of redeeming such a victimized past, there is a need for local theologizing to

recognize and articulate the victimization process it has been subjected to. This is

necessary in order to identify the consequences and pitfalls of its victimized past with a

view towards self-affirmation.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of globalization on local

theologizing within closed access communities. One implication from these effects

requires a process of re-discovering primal instincts in Asian cultures, especially among

Muslims in the Philippines. This re-discovering is made necessary by the focus on the

local in the context of globalization. This assumes that the resulting effect of the presence

of globalization in all Asian ethno-cultural contexts requires a process of self-validation

from within. Simply, the integrity factor of Asian theologizing in a global environment

demands that the end product comes from within rather than from without. Asian

grassroots theologies therein need to both assert and affirm for themselves that they can be

sustainable in a global context.

This is much more significant in closed access communities. Any emerging local

theologizing seems to require that it be deeply rooted within the local context. This is

necessary so as to avoid being classified as foreign and so that it will be accepted as a local

construction. The notion of sustainability indicates that a non-dominated theology is one

6

which can articulate a faith allegiance to Christ without leaving its local “rootedness.” In

so doing, this will demonstrate an affirmation of the integrity of a theologizing process

that is not dominated.

Problem Statement

The problem to be addressed in this study are issues of theological victimization in

closed access Muslim communities in the Philippines, while recognizing its implications to

Asian theologizing. The end result seeks local theologizing to affirm itself within its very

ethno-cultural context, where global engagement requires it to participate in postmodern

conditions.

In the process, this study will deal with the following issues:

1. rediscovering primal instincts in Asian cultures as precursors to postmodernconditions;

2. factors affecting a hermeneutic of victimization in a global context;3. decolonizing colonial mentality, especially in closed access communities;4. factors affecting a hermeneutic of affirmation.

Goals of the Study

Ultimately, this study posits that the primal instincts in Asian cultures are

precursors to postmodern conditions. This indicates that Asian cultures, particularly that

of closed-access Muslim communities, have been engaging in the dynamism of

globalization even before the term was constructed in the west. As a result, a hermeneutic

that recognizes this is a necessary condition for constructing local theologies. In turn,

7

these local theologies will exhibit characteristics which will reveal the global and local

interconnectedness in the theologizing process.

One of these characteristics points toward a theological construction process that

is cognizant of one of the theological strengths found in Asian contexts. This strength is

found in the diverse forms of grassroots story telling. In the course of this study, a

hermeneutical process that will help sustain an on-going theologizing process will be

provided. In addition, it is hoped that these forms will guard against the victimization of

theological constructions wherein a lone hegemonic model dominates.

Significance of the Study

The discipline of biblical interpretation has long been dominated by western-

oriented methodologies. The influence and impact of this domination is quite visible in the

theologizing processes practiced in cross-cultural ministries, i.e., overseas missions. Yet

even as the product is sought to be indigenous, the process by which it is outlined follow

the parameters and presuppositions of western-oriented concepts for doing theology. This

issue becomes more complicated when the present historical postmodern context of

hermeneutics demands diversities of voices. This demand does not necessarily seek unity

among these voices, but an unassuming recognition that each voice is a valid alternative to

each other. Although seeming to be fragmented, this is more a case of being in a

decentred environment where power is not garnered but rather shared.

In this light, the study brings an intentional inclusivity that seeks to construct a

space for voices engaged in grassroots-based hermeneutics. This study poses some hard

8

questions to all levels of the church-parachurch-academic systems concerning the

approach to discipleship via theological formulations. Needless to say, the individuals

comprising these systems are similarly challenged to both reflect and articulate

accordingly.

The study also intends to push the parameters for reconstructing conventional

exegetical approaches. This study asserts that these have long been modeled after the

philosophies arising from the age of modernity. While engaging in the process of

deconstructing these approaches, this does not mean, however, that no alternative will be

sought. Instead, a reconstructive process is also deemed necessary in order to provide a

hermeneutical framework for developing tools for use in formulating local theological

constructions.

This study aims, in effect, to clarify points of reference which recognize that the

presence of postmodern conditions is nothing new in local ethno-cultural contexts. These

points of reference will undoubtedly take into consideration the effects of globalization in

missiological issues. The expected impact is to provide a hermeneutical approach that

affirms for itself local theological constructions in Asian contexts.

On a personal level, this study is an integral part of a spiritual journey that yearns

for validation. It is a journey on which I have learned to question with respect (yet also

with a willingness to abandon) traditions and institutions within the conventions of the

Christian evangelical community. This has also been a journey in crisis. That is, there is

recognition and an exploration that the individuals and institutions which this study

critiques will also, and expectedly so, critique back. This will certainly bring tension

9

between myself and those who continue to work within traditional approaches. It is a

journey, nonetheless, that I have intently enjoyed. Hopefully, this journey will always be

engaged in the process of delineating what I hope to be an effective presence of the

Kingdom of God particularly among the Muslim communities in the Philippines.

Delimitations

The scope of this study focuses on the process of theological constructions among

Asian ethno-cultural contexts. While generalities will be stated, Muslim communities in

the southern part of the Philippines will be given particular attention. Validation of the

reliability of the findings will be based on two fields of research. One will be based on an

examination of specific Muslim communities in the southern island of Mindanao,

Philippines. The other will seek implications based on the conclusions reached in a

consultation that will represent the collective voices of these communities.

Definitions

Hermeneutics

The complexity of defining hermeneutics is signified by a statement from Richard

Palmer in his article “The Liminality of Hermes and the Meaning of Hermeneutics”: “To

exist hermeneutically as a human being is to exist intertextually. It is to participate in the

endless chain of interpretation that makes up the history of apprehending being” (1980:4-

11). The constitution of hermeneutics includes human beings who are interpreting their

10

“being” and engagement with the world around them. This engagement is based on the

interpretation of their contexts, their past and history, their interpretation of individuals

who had attempted to interpret for them their inter-connectivity to generations before

them, and so forth. It is against this backdrop that this term is defined in this study.

Conventionally defined as the theory (or science) of interpretation, this study views

hermeneutics as primary in the theologizing process especially in light of the postmodern

conditions operative in today’s world. This means that the process of interpreting texts or

stories is a priori to the epistemological importance of a given text or story. This

indicates as well that the process is more significant than the end product of the

theologizing process.

While the term “biblical hermeneutics” refers to specific hermeneutical approaches

to understanding biblical texts, this study views hermeneutics with a more inclusive scope

and character. That is, hermeneutical approaches found in different ethno-cultural

contexts are considered equally valid for utilization in interpreting biblical texts or stories

and cultural discourses and stories. As part of the hermeneutical process, the term

“exegesis” will be referred to as a specific methodology for interpreting or drawing out the

meaning of the text or story in the hermeneutical process. Furthermore, where the

singular term “hermeneutic” is used in this study, it is a referral to a very specific type of

an interpretational approach with its own presuppositions in a given context. For the most

part, however, the general term “hermeneutics” will be used to signify the general

reference to its broader meaning and understanding.

11

Translatability

In this study, the term “translatability” will be used instead of “translation.”

Though it is synonymous in meaning, the term “translatability” will take into account

historically-oriented dynamics involved in the process. The term “translation” normally

conveys the process of communicating a peculiar, if not foreign, form into a symbol

(verbal or written) that is easily deciphered by the local context to which it is being

applied. The translation of a symbol happens in two ways: one, from a foreign symbol to

a local symbol; two, from a local archaic symbol to a local contemporary symbol. There

is, however, a mutually exclusive correlation between translation and interpretation. That

is, all forms of translation are also forms of interpretation, but not all forms of

interpretation end up as translations unless the translation is presented in a new form or

symbol. In addition, translation seeks to communicate an approximate value of a

precedent form. There will be no distinction made in the study between conventional

translation and the practice of paraphrasing.

Grassroots

The word “grassroots” signifies a term designated to reflect the cultural and social

status (ascribed and/or prescribed) of people who are normally viewed to be crucial for

support to gain power but dispensable concerning matters related to the assertion and

sharing of power. The essential and key associating term in the usage of “grassroots” is its

relationship to power as defined above.

12

Epistemology

On the one hand, like “general” hermeneutics and exegesis, “epistemology” is the

theory or science of knowing. On the other hand, “biblical epistemology” underscores the

elements involved in the process of knowing God. As a process, the latter term requires a

frame of reference that leads to knowing God. This is, however, predicated by how the

biblical data is interpreted and subsequently translated within a particular context. As a

result, these activities in the epistemological process suggest that it is important to identify

areas of assumptions that may affect the shape of how God is known and what we may

know about God.

Theologizing

A synonymous term for theologizing is “doing theology.” The present participle

form is used to denote the dynamic process involved in this practice. Whereas theology

refers to the study of God, “theologizing” underlines an on-going activity wherein the end

product is not as significant as the process.

Victimized Theologies

“Victimization” of theological construction is a reference to the way in which non-

western theologies have been dominated by theologies constructed from the west. It is a

dramatization of the reactionary characteristic of Asian theologies viz a viz western

theologizing. It is also a description of the way local theologizing in Asia has been heard

by the west. In short, a victimized theology is viewed as an insignificant voice by the very

13

ones who victimized it. At times, the victimizers even go as far as to patronize it simply

because of the effort put forth to produce it. In the end, however, any product output by

the victimized will always be held against the standards of the victimizer.

Ethno-cultural Groups

The term “ethno-cultural groups” recognizes that the singular, unitary “national

culture” consists of different particular “ethnic groups.” Each of these “ethnic groups” has

its own specific and unique cultural patterning and process. For instance, in the

Philippines, the “national culture” is designated by the term Filipino culture. Yet, the

Filipino culture is only a representation of the pluralistic nature of what constitute a

Filipino. A Filipino could be ethnically Ilocano or Ilonggo or Mangyan or Manobo or

Bicolano or Caviteno — the list goes on. For each of these ethnic groups, they each have

their own respective unique cultures that differentiates them from other ethno-cultural

groups.

Postmodern Instincts/Conditions

The term “postmodern instincts/conditions” is not to be confused with “post

modernity.” The latter will be used in this study as a reference to the matrix in which

postmodern conditions are dynamically engaged in interpreting realities, both globally and

locally. Included in this engagement is the phenomenon called “globalization.” Within

“globalization” are references as well to the concept of decentredness, emphasis on “the

others” and diversity, including pluralities within pluralities. It is important to note,

14

however, that this study will limit its engagement in postmodern studies to identifying

specific conditions of post modernity. There will be an intentional avoidance of the term

“post modernism” or “post modernity.” Engagement with these two terms would mean

extending the scope of this study to the area of contemporary philosophy. This study has

no such intent. In this regard, this study will work within the framework of

anthropological language as it understands how specific postmodern conditions are

demonstrated primarily in local cultures.

Metanarrative

In philosophical discussion, a metanarrative refers to what is called “the”

overarching story that is characterized as an absolute means of truth. In fact, everything

that is part of a metanarrative is recognized to represent the truth(s) that a metanarrative

espouses. An example of this is the systematic construction of Christianity. This is more

heightened when this system is influenced by a philosophy of modernity that is borne from

the Enlightenment Period. It needs to be noted, however, that a similar systematic

construction of Christianity using postmodern conditions will produce a different system

— one that is characterized by a plurality of multiple stories that refuses to be subjugated

by one absolute overarching story. A more philosophical description of metanarrative will

be provided in the course of this study.

Closed Access Communities

15

Closed access communities are places where traditional missionary activities are

not permitted. This includes open sharing of the good news, church planting activities,

theological teaching and everything else related to the propagation of the Christian faith.

The term “communities” is preferred for this study instead of countries or nations. This is

to recognize that there are places in Asia where a nation may allow conversion to the

Christian faith. However, within local communities from within the same nation, religious

allegiance is indifferent to the Christian faith and will not allow such openness. An

example is found in the Philippines and Thailand, where religious freedom is a

constitutional right. Yet, in places where Islam is the faith of the majority, the community

prohibits conversion to the Christian faith. Another example is Indonesia where religious

affiliations are required to be registered, and yet conversion from one religion to another is

prohibited.

Assumptions

At the heart of this study is the basic belief that the “trickle down” theory of

economics can be said to be true as well of biblical hermeneutics. This means that biblical

interpretation continues to be the task for the exegetes who have been ascribed and

prescribed the power to engage in such task. The claim to this position of dominance,

however, will always be viewed with suspicion by those who have been dominated by the

findings proposed by such exegetes. In this view of suspicion lies the crisis of

hermeneutics. It is not really about educating the grassroots on how to do proper

exegesis; rather, it is always about ownership of the process. It is, therefore, in this

16

category where theological victimization happens. Until local theologizing learns to apply

affirmation from within, it will always be victimized.

CHAPTER 1

PRIMAL INSTINCTS IN ASIAN CULTURES:A PRECURSOR TO POSTMODERN CONDITIONS

One of the more influential western constructs that has affected local theologizing

in non-western contexts is the industrial revolution. Not to be overlooked is the existing

philosophical milieu of its time period, namely modernity. It gave rise to an appetite that

contributed to western imperialism. As history will demonstrate, the complexity of this

revolution opened nations, voluntarily or forcibly, to deal with the other nations of this

world. The nations comprising the continent of Asia surely was not spared. Like their

counterparts in Africa and South America, they suffered oppression from the effects of

colonization by western nations.

Current media and information technology advancement have a less intrusive or

overt colonizing effect. Although the terms of engagement have been redrawn, the

descriptive character of such an advancement is comparatively similar to the overt

oppressive nature of its predecessor. With globalization, clear cut boundaries have

become fuzzy if not untraceable and the powers that be are now faceless and quite

evasive. The latter can be a neighbour or as far away as one can imagine, or it can be

young or old, male or female, rich or poor, ally or enemy. In addition, globalization has

17

18

couched this advancement in the matrix of post modernity, although it should not be

assumed that globalization and post modernity are interchangeable terms.

The Constancy of Asian Cultures and Religions

Against the backdrop presented above, this study will first examine a phenomenon

which the west calls a resurgence of Asian religions. In the process, particular focus will

be given as to how local Asian cultures interpret and respond to this theory of resurgence.

It will be argued that what seems to be a resurgence to the western perspective is actually

nothing more than a constant dynamism in the cultural lives of Asian peoples. The theory

of resurgence that some western scholars have argued for, however, brings to light the

need to articulate this constancy. In so doing, it will be shown that the primal instincts in

local Asian cultures are precursor to postmodern conditions. That is, the former have

long existed even before the west constructed the conditions for post modernity. This

study will hence study two significant cultural values to give evidence based on Japanese

and Filipino cultures.

Deconstructing A Theory of Resurgence

Much has been written about the resurgence of Asian religions and cultures. The

underlying emphasis is obviously the term “resurgence.” Miriam Adeney, in a paper

presented at a research forum attended by OMF International workers, emphasized that

the resurgence of Asian religions and cultures as one of the trends in Asia with great

implications for mission.

19

Resurgent loyalty to Asian religions and cultures continues to breathe lifeinto social movements. In part, these are responses to threats coming fromtwo directions. At one end of the spectrum, globalization erodes nationalsovereignty. Cultural imperialism oozes over local people. At the otherend, ethnic separatism threatens national integration, as in Indonesia andthe Philippines. Christians may be persecuted under the guise of nationalintegration, as in Vietnam, Myanmar and India (2004:1).

Warren Beattie, in a plenary paper on globalization given at the same research forum,

echoed Adeney’s observation.

The idea of religious resurgence is surfacing as the most helpful term todescribe what has been happening in Asian societies at the end of the 20th

century ... it is reflected in population statistics and religion, but moreimportantly, it is seen in people’s consciousness and in the consciousness oftheir governments (2004:3).

To affirm the positions of Adeney and Beattie, however, begs the question “from whose

perspective is the resurgence being observed?” There seems to be an assumption that

Asian peoples have fallen victims to a form of cultural imperialism. Then, having realized

this, it is further assumed that Asian peoples are just now beginning to awaken and regain

an appreciation and a loyalty to their respective religions and cultures. Thus, the emphasis

on resurgence.

The contention of this study is that Adeney’s and Beattie’s view is not the case at

the local level or context. Lamin Sanneh provides an appropriate discussion on this

seeming resurgence of Asian religions and cultures. Instead of emphasizing this

resurgence, Sanneh starts from the viewpoint of Christian expansion (2003:14). Since the

Christian expansion is an initiative coming from the west, any discussion on the subject at1

The term “west” in this study follows the description of S. P. Huntington (1993). Accordingly, the term 1

“west” will refer to all those who view and identify with the west as their highest level of culturalgrouping and broadest level of cultural identity. This includes common objective elements (i.e, language,

20

hand must be heard as a western agenda. In this case, it is a western Christian agenda

concerning global evangelization. This is a necessary qualifier to understand this

particular discussion. It is indicative of a still pervading irritation in the relationship

between western and Asian assumptions. There is no resurgence. In fact, the constancy

of religious and cultural vigour remains in place deep in the consciousness of Asian

peoples as a whole. 2

Adeney and Beattie, if viewed as ethnographers, have overlooked the fact that any

description of religion and culture is ethnographic at its core. Their descriptions are

interpretations of what they have observed. This type of interpretation cannot be deemed

as an interpretation that is shared by the subjects about whom and about where the

observations were made. To assert otherwise is to impose a metanarrative based on the

ethnographers’ interpretations of the story/ies observed. In so doing, we must recognize

that Adeney’s and Beattie’s interpretations are only fragments of the total picture.

A Reconstruction for Interpreting Resurgence

As a research process, ethnography has one crucial difference from other data

gathering tools. Ethnography requires the observer to participate and engage in the daily

history, religion, customs, institutions), the subjective self-identification of people, and geographicalreference such as Europe and (Anglo/Francophone) North America.

Marcus and Fischer (1986:44) trace the history of interpretive anthropology and argue that: 2

While sophisticated in representing meaning and symbol systems, interpretive approachescan only remain relevant to wider readerships and can only be a convincing response to theperception of compelling global homogenization of cultural diversity if they can come toterms with the penetrations of large-scale political and economic systems that have affected,and even shaped, the cultures of ethnographic subjects almost anywhere in the world(1986:44).

21

life of another culture. Thus, before any interpretation happens, the local culture must

transition from being a target for observation to becoming an active participant through

mutual dialogue (Marcus and Fischer 1986:29). This participation is the necessary

requirement towards understanding the effects of globalization in local Asian contexts. In

this case, the local culture’s experiential self-understandings and the interpreter of a text or

action “construct an understanding that is inter-subjectively and dialogically” (Kurasawa

2004:25).

This is not to say that an interpretation akin to Adeney’s and Beattie’s is

completely false. Within the framework of their perspective, their articulation of a reality

is appropriate. What seems like a resurgence in Asian religions and cultures at a global

level, however, is actually a constancy of Asian religions and cultures when interpreted in

the local context. If anything perhaps, Adeney and Beattie have fallen victims to a

powerful temptation of prioritizing their commonly shared metanarrative. Through this,

they utilize interpretive anthropology at the expense of neglecting the voices from local3

contexts so as to allow the local voices to speak for themselves. They have failed, in turn,

to critique their own observations from the eyes of the local contexts upon which they

According to Marcus and Fischer (1986:25,26), 3

“interpretive anthropology is a covering label for a diverse set of reflections upon boththe practice of ethnography and the concept of culture. It grew out of confluence in the1960s and 1970s of ideas from the then-dominant version of social theory ... it operateson two levels simultaneously: it provides accounts of other worlds, from the inside, andreflects about the epistemological groundings of such accounts.”

22

supposedly based their interpretation. In addition, their resulting observation underplayed

the significance of cultural critique in the process. 4

Melba Maggay, a prominent Filipino theologian, shared in a personal interview

(2006) her regret that this type of oversight, intentional or unintentional, is common. Her

premise is that the western reading on the resurgence of Asian cultures and religions

makes sense only to the western lens. For them, it is “re-discovering” primal Asian

cultural practices. A resurgence of Asian cultures and religions, however, is not an Asian

phenomenon. In the local contexts of Asian cultures and religions, these have always been

practiced. There is no need for resurgence because they have always been constantly

present and practiced at the grassroots.

The argument for constancy, then, is a recognition of how deeply entrenched local

religions and cultures are in the minds of people in a given community or society. Western

observers, like Adeney and Beattie, are interpreting therefore for their fellow-westerners.

Asians, who are trained in the approaches of the west, are most likely to accept their

interpretation and deem it as an appropriate frame of reference (Enriquez 1992:58). This,

however, is a mistake. It perpetuates a presupposition that leads to a biased hermeneutic

supporting the idea of resurgence. This kind of process contributes to the victimization of

individuals. It victimizes because it imposes as a metanarrative, with some measure of

Chapter 5 of Marcus and Fischer’s book (1986) provides a thorough historical account concerning the 4

development of cultural critique in anthropology. The main premise places the onus upon the westernethnographer’s “marginal or hidden agenda of critique of their own culture” (111). Essentially, culturalcritique in anthropology is more than just an ethnographic presentation of a culture; in addition, it seeks“the effect of disorienting the reader and altering perception” of the cultural millieu where theethnographer originates (111).

23

authority, that such an interpretation of resurgence is the reality of the local context, when

those in that context do not confirm this to be so.

A Response to Western Metanarrative

One redeeming value of this hermeneutic of resurgence, however, is the

affirmation of the rootedness of Asian cultures and religions among the diverse ethno-

cultural groupings in Asia. It underscores the strength of the underside of Asian cultures5

and religions. In this underside, the grassroots are able to construct a movement to negate

the imposition of a metanarrative on the surface. As a contrasting response to the form of

metanarrative as represented by Adeney and Beattie, this underside becomes the matrix of

negative hermeneutics. That is, the underside becomes the environment in which to

formulate, design and articulate ways to counter the imposition of a metanarrative from

the surface or above. The challenge, consequently, for people like Adeney and Beattie, is

to comprehend the intent of this underside in order to allow for local theologizing without

victimizing it.

David Bosch (1983) observed that the stunted bonsai-like appearance of

Christianity in Asia is a result of arriving too late on the Asian scene. He concludes that

“its only hope lies not in trying to create (for instance) just an Indian Christianity, but ... a

Hindu Christianity” (478). Subsequently, he went on to argue that “there is today a new

See E. Acoba (2006). The underside is a reference to the environment or matrix where “victimized”5

cultures formulate and articulate a negating response to the overcoming power of hegemonic forces. These forces normally enter the local culture in the clothes of colonialism or cultural imperialism. Theconcept of underside will be further discussed in this study in the second and third chapters.

24

urgency to grapple with the entire issue” (478) of a Christian theology of religions.

Bosch’s point underlines the task of a Christianity that comes from the west. This task is

not for the existing local culture where religion already exists since religion is rightfully

already being practiced and entrenched in the local culture. Any “awakening” has to

happen on the side of western Christianity. This requires opening its eyes to the reality of

the status and position of religion in Asian local contexts. The view of resurgence is a

reality only when viewed through the lens of western Christianity. Meanwhile, the local

contexts have always been exercising primordial religious practices as part of their

spirituality.

Aloysius Pieris (1982) provides a critical discussion on this subject matter. In the

Asian local contexts, there is no resurgence but a continuing practice of religion in the

context of cultural experience. The totality of life at the grassroots is wholly permeated by

this. There is no separation of religion (as a method) and being (as the one who practices

the method). It could very well be that the intention of Adeney and Beattie, on the one

hand, is representative of their western colleagues. That is, to search for a methodology

or technique to deal with religious pluralism in light of Christian evangelization. In such a

case, the method is being separated from religion. This compartmentalizing is

undoubtedly a western thought process. Pieris, on the other hand, wants to impress upon

westerners that “method” cannot be severed from the goal in Asian theologizing

(1982:174).

[Method] is not a mechanical action, but a skill, an art. In our traditions, the art of doing a thing is itself the thing done. The goal of life, in Buddhism, is the art of living it. The perfection to be achieved is the style

25

of achieving it. The obvious corollary is that the Asian method of doing theology is itself Asian theology. Theopraxis is already the formulation oftheology.

In short, Pieris points out that the missing ingredient in a theology of religions is the

mutuality of praxis and theory. This defines the Asian sense of doing theology. There is

no method involved since the method itself is part and parcel of doing theology. This

means that any “God-talk” in Asian contexts is made relative to a God-experience. Since

it is in daily cultural experiences where God is experienced, religious and cultural

resurgence is not an Asian phenomena but a western phenomenon.

One example of this is Raimundo Panikkar’s The Silence of God (1989). In his

writing, Pannikar invokes God’s salvation in the context of humankind’s suffering based

on a Buddhist perspective. His work argues that God’s salvation is presentable within a

Buddhist tradition. It can provide help for Buddhists to understand God’s salvation. Thus

God’s answer is Buddha’s answer. This theological construct is centered in the act of

invocation, which is necessary yet impossible. It is necessary because individuals can

neither solve nor control all the factors that mold the totality of life. In this invocation,

one is engaged in the “raising of the heart in a plea for true love, the raising of the mind in

a quest for salvific knowledge, and the raising of the life of the individual in a cry for real

help” (xxi). We have a need to take refuge in something or someone superior to

ourselves. At the same time, this act of invocation is also impossible because as

individuals seeking to emerge separately above our peers, “we tumble into the void” (xxi).

This void eventually finds all of humanity falling victim to the temptation of power and

26

cynicism. This consequently makes it impossible to invoke God without placing upon

God a sense of obligation.

These seeming dialectical ideologies, which vie for the hegemony of the world and

of consciences, are deemed by Panikkar to be the “last phase of a historical dialectic”

(xxvi). That is, humankind’s response will need to transcend this or otherwise will end by

destroying history itself. In Buddhism, according to Panikkar, this dialectical response

recognizes the futility of any pretension to have an absolute form or symbol. As a result,

for Christianity to become comprehensible in Hindu religious contexts, it must assume

Hindu forms and symbols. In this sense, Pannikar is rejecting any over-arching hegemonic

ideology that represents a metanarrative theology at the expense of “the other.” 6

Construction of local theologies like Pannikar’s work are not warmly accepted in

the conservative evangelical sphere. The latter frowns on anything that smells of

syncretism, while the former demonstrates a constant reality in local theologizing among

Asian contexts. That is, Asian local contexts respectively hold a high view of the

significance that religion plays in everyday cultural life. This, consequently, demands from

a Christianity that is hegemonized out of the west to recognize the validity of primordial

or primal instincts existing within Asian local religious contexts. In so doing, it is required

to leave behind its colonizing characteristics as an interpretational tool. Moreover, there is

a need to convey a “faith-in-Christ” that is affirming of the dignity and

Cf. Caputo’s reading of Derrida (1997:52-53). According to Caputo, Derrida’s “the other” is a6

reference to those outside one’s perceived inner circle. Yet, this “other” is a negative representation ofGod, which then describes God as the exemplar of the “other.” Thus, to reject the “other” is to reject anegative representation of God.

27

integrity of the local contexts. Thus, what is deemed as a current resurgence must be

seen instead as an outlook of western Christianity or as an hegemonic reading on the

constancy of reality in the Asian context.

Of course, central to any discussion on a resurgence of primordial cultures and

religions is the demand to address religious pluralism. Like Pannikar, Charles van Engen

addressed this subject matter in his work Mission on the Way (1996). With postmodern

philosophy presumed to be the backdrop, his discussion attempted to outline the influence

of post modernity on theology and missiology. Unlike Pannikar who premised his work

on the a priori of the local context and its relevance to the Christian faith, van Engen

frames his thesis within the relevance of universalism to the Christian faith. Van Engen

also recognizes that this universalism requires a dialogue with religious pluralism He

summarizes his thesis as follows:

Are universalism and mission mutually exclusive? If by universalism wemean the range of topics used to defend religious relativity and pluralism,the answer is yes. But if we mean a Pauline culture-universality coupledwith faith-particularity, the answer is that they in fact support andencourage each other (1996:168).

In further delineating his thesis, van Engen sees that the missiological paradigm for a

theology of religions assumes affirmation in the Lordship of Jesus Christ. This identity is

three-fold. It conveys being faith particularist, culturally pluralist and ecclesiologically

inclusivist.

For both Pannikar and van Engen, the subject of religious pluralism is not a current

trend. Rather, it has been posited by primordial or primal local religious contexts all

along. Both Pannikar and van Engen have placed the burden of proof on the manner by

28

which Christianity resolves its relevance to these local contexts. The primordial Asian

local religious contexts remain constantly true to their identities and approaches to

religious pluralism. There is nothing resurgent in this. It demands upon Christianity,

however, to weigh its dialogical attitude on how to engage in the possible advantages

offered by religious pluralism. Consequently, being awakened to what is constant in Asian

contexts is not enough. In constructing a theology of religions, there is a need for western

Christianity to admit that it is a Christianity that has been imported from the west. As an

imported religion, it is thus required to engage anew in primordial religions which are

practiced in diverse local contexts in Asia.

Primal Instincts in Asian Local Contexts

It is thus significant to recognize that hermeneutics from the perspective of

western Christianity is encumbered by its own cultural myopia. There undoubtedly

remains a gap in both perception and perspective between western and Asian hermeneutics

when interpreting Asian realities. Larry Caldwell (1999) provides a thorough articulation

of this hermeneutical rift through the discipline of ethnohermeneutics.7

Caldwell (1999:31) defines ethnohermenuetics as follows:7

This is the heart of ethnohermeneutics, for ethnohermeneutics is Bible interpretationdone in multi-cultural contexts, as far as possible using the dynamic hermeneuticalmethods already in place in the culture, with the primary goal being to interpret theBible in ways that will be best understood by the receptor culture. The basic premiseunderlying the entire discipline of ethnohermeneutics is this: God is at work in eachculture drawing individuals from within each culture to Himself.

Caldwell further points out that ethnohermeneutics underline “assumptions that we must reassess [sincethese are] our underlying interpretation methods. All of us who interpret the Bible have a tendency to takethese underlying methods for granted” (23). It is these assumptions that ethnohermeneutics require thatwhat is made applicable to western contexts would be similarly afforded to other multi-cultural and non-western contexts. Otherwise, Caldwell argues that

... to make such an assumption today may make our biblical message irrelevant to the

29

The crucial issue that ethnohermeneutics seek to address could very well be attributed to

an inability of the West to let go of hermeneutical hegemony. That is, it continues to

expect local Asian contexts to interpret their own realities using interpretational tools from

the west. In response to this, however, the matrix of the underside in local Asian contexts

has emerged. This matrix contains common themes shared among the diverse peoples of

Asia; themes which are inherent to the local cultures of Asia. Incredibly, the primal

cultural instincts in this matrix exist in similar conditions to those found in the western

postmodern construct. 8

From hereon, this study will posit that the conditions characteristic of a western

construct of post modernity have always been inherent within the primal instincts of Asian

cultural practices. This is significant for the purpose of deconstructing the western

insistence on using the western lens to interpret Asian realities. Moreover, by

comprehending the scope and extent of these primal instincts, the local Asian contexts will

be provided with an interpretational framework to counteract western hermeneutical

hegemony. In the end, it is hoped that this framework will provide for an environment

wherein the “local” agenda generates the construction of local theologizing.

very people we are trying to influence with the truths of scripture. There may indeed beother valid interpretation methods available to us that will help the Bible come alive tothose individuals who do not share our particular theological heritage, training orworldview. As a result, both western and non-western Christians facing the complexitiesof making the Bible relevant in the Asian context need to face this question head on(25).

In this study, the term “conditions” will be replaced by the term “instinct” when referring to local Asian8

cultures. Originally a term coined by Melba Maggay, the latter is a more appropriate choice as it conveyssomething that could be naturally inherent in a given situation while avoiding any notion of beingsubjected to or subjugated by a more superior expectation from an outside force.

30

Identifying Postmodern Conditions

Gianni Vattimo describes post modernity as an experience of the end of history

(1991:xviii). Vattimo’s “end of history” refers to the era of modernity that was borne out

of the Enlightenment Period. This includes the philosophical underpinnings of an era that

shaped both science and religion of the west. It was propagated to the rest of the world as

the dream of a utopian ending to the history of humankind. The success by which it was

propagated is evidenced by its spread beyond the borders of western Europe and North

America. For Vattimo, however, the conception of post modernity centers around a9

western construct. Yet, he rejects the unitary manner by which western philosophy views

history in a metaphysical sense, claiming as proof its permeation by “Eurocentric

prejudices” (148, 151). He argues for a casting aside of all forms of foundation, from

theology to dialectics to philosophy, as a response to these “Eurocentric prejudices.”

Vattimo demonstrates this through his theoretical reading on the relationship

between epistemology and hermeneutics (149). He views the significance of a dialogue

between these two as an indication that the interpretation of “the being of essence” is core

to any post modern discussion. Simply put, epistemology refers to contemporary

anthropological encounter, such as culture and social relationships. Hermeneutics,

however, points to theological constructions. It is borne out of an interpretational

methodology. Vattimo argues that the tendency to utilize epistemology as the link to

Enrique Dussel (1995) does not disregard modernity as necessarily an evil philosophical condition, but 9

rather the condition by which South America was constructed. Simply, South America in contemporarytimes is a product or a construction of modernity from continental Europe.

31

connect the past to the present is to succumb to the temptation of modernity’s insistence

on metaphysics or a metanarrative. The result is a failed dialogue because “alterity,” or

the “otherness,” is lost (156) and once again overcome by modernity. At best,

epistemology survives but is contaminated and thus marginalized (162).

In post modernity, Vattimo asserts, the “language of overcome” that is dominant

in a philosophy of modernity must itself be overcome (171). The result makes it

insignificant whether or not anyone can say exactly when or in what guise a philosophy

and a culture will finally appear. This type of distortion, based on an understanding of the

German term verwindung (173), is the primary character of a postmodern matrix for

Vattimo. One implication of verwindung allows for “interpretation and distortion, or dis-

location, characterize not only the relation of thought to the messages of the past but also

the relation of one ‘epoch’ to the others” (180).

Moreover, Vattimo defines “thought” in post modernity as “a recollection, a

recovery, a re-thinking” (173). Through “critical overcoming,” the idea of thought’s10

progress and emancipation is closely related to a linear conception of history. But when

“critical overcoming” is distorted into the notion of verwindung, history itself can no

longer appear in a linear light (180). This leads to an emphasis on “alterity” (or

“otherness” which is inclusive of the huge range of cultural perceptions, methods, and

techniques). This enables interpretations which western modernity or enlightenment had

otherwise excluded. Simply put, alterity allows for the voices of others to interpret, and

According to Vattimo, “critical overcoming” is a critique against the philosophy of modernity where its10

presupposition to overcome has no internal mechanism to critique itself (172).

32

thus opens the door to the language of ambiguity. The meta-center that governs the

philosophy of modernity is instead replaced with a ubiquitous but decentred focus.

On anthropology and hermeneutics, Katryn Tanner (1997:58) contends that

“cultural shift to post modernity retains the self-critical function of the modern notion but

now the internal diversity of cultures is as much the fulcrum of self-criticism as any

external cultural others.” Accordingly, Tanner posits that very few of the aspects of

modernity’s understanding of culture have been discarded in post modernity. This

includes the ethnocentrism that pervades each culture. She also argues at the same time,

however, that a postmodern understanding of culture shows that cultures also find a

critical base via their internal diversities. In this light, cultures are not as bounded as it

was once assumed. This internal diversity demonstrates that cultural boundaries are fluid

and permeable (152). Cultural identity therefore is not a label used to categorize society;

rather, cultural identity is developed through the a task and process of self-criticism (155).

Hence, ethnocentrism is not an identity but rather a trait that must be subjected to cultural

criticism. That is, cultural identity is something that is being figured out and interpreted

(153).

The development of cultural identity as a task delineates further how a postmodern

understanding of culture differs to that of modernity. The emphasis on development

indicates a shift from epistemology to hermeneutics. This shift underlines the significance

of the process of interpretation over that of the product. An example of this is

ethnocentric identity. For Tanner, this is the point of decentralization in a post modern

33

understanding of culture. It is, however, the point of reconstruction as well. This11

reconstruction process shows a substantial revision and modification of cultural

consolidation, shared beliefs and sentiments. These serve to differentiate the functions of

culture and the self-critical function that are necessary for change and transformation.

Cultural consolidation underlines that the power of culture “can never be concentrated

solely in any one party’s hands” as compared to the power of coercion or brute force

(Tanner 1997:57).

In light of these things, the shared beliefs and sentiments move the consensus-

building feature of social living from a common focus of “agreement” to a common focus

of “engagement.” This type of engagement, as a function of culture, in turn, places the

emphasis on a cultural identity away from being a product of isolation (or individuation).

Tanner views this cultural identity as a “hybrid, relational affair, something that lives

between as much as within cultures” (1997:58). What follows is the need for

deconstructing ethnocentrism (or individuation) in order to allow for a construction of

cultural diversity (or hybridity). In so doing, through cultural criticism, i.e., critical

overcoming , it will show that differences among cultures are matched by differences

within cultures. Hence, the construction of cultural diversity results in a condition of

plurality not only among cultures, but of a plurality within cultures. This condition is

Decentralization or decentredness in this case may be appropriately read from the lens of verwindung11

(or distortion). Decentralization thus follows a process of distortion in which identity is critiqued as partof the development of culture. This process of critique is the point of decentralization, rather than anevent or a product.

34

indicative of the decentredness that Vattimo posits. In this condition of decentredness,

ambiguity is unavoidable.

As an alternative to ethnocentrism, there is the recognition, according to Tanner,

that “a culture includes its own alternatives and these more clearly represent unavoidable

challenges to one another” (1997:58). This recognition is not merely an epistemological

reflection but rather an attitude of self-criticism as well. As such, it heralds the fact that

cultural diversity requires cultural respect. This respect is necessary because “differences

among cultures are ... in a way matched by differences within cultures” (58). These

exhibit the complicated realities of the lives that people experience in culture. This further

disputes the notion from modernity that culture is homogeneous and consistent.

In the face of these complications (or plurality within plurality), Lee Cormie

coined the term “epistemological humility” (1994:361). Simply, such humility is an

attitude which assumes that each voice in a pluralistic context is valid and must be heard.

It rejects a dominant voice that features ethnocentrism. Thus, in the midst of contestations

between cultures and even within culture, the apex of knowledge is not what one knows

but rather one’s ability to demonstrate humility (362). This intentional attitude helps to

downplay any desire to be dominant, which is a feature of ethnocentrism.

To sum up, Vattimo and Tanner provide a postmodern understanding of culture in

the form of conditions that constitute the make-up of a postmodern matrix. These

conditions are not necessarily behavioural patterns and processes. Rather, they are themes

in the cultural matrix which are utilized to help individuals participate in cultural practices.

In brief, the conditions of engagement (viz a viz agreement), otherness (or alterity),

35

decentredness (or decentralization), plurality (or diversity) and ambiguity (or un-

boundedness or possibilities of alternatives) are focal themes in a postmodern matrix. In

addition, in order to guard against an abuse of power that seeks to overcome the “others,”

an intentional attitude of epistemological humility must permeate the postmodern matrix.

Accordingly, these same conditions provide the framework for theologizing in a context of

post modernity.

Examples of Primal Instincts in Asian Cultures

It is no secret that the majority paradigm that is used in this world originates from

western cultural views (Wheatley 1999:6). These paradigms are borne out of modernity.

History is full of stories concerning western practices which, in keeping with a philosophy

of modernity, have attempted to dominate global living. This domination is often

synonymous with colonialism. In this position of dominance, the “others,” who are

normally associated with non-western cultues, are demanded to comply with human needs

as perceived by the west. This being the case, it is deemed that control is the underlying

virtue of this practice.

The advent of post modernity as a construction of the west, however, historically

places any set of assumptions based on modern philosophy in abeyance (Marcus and

Fischer 1986:8) and constantly in the position of being critiqued, if not ridiculed, by the

“other.” It is a mistake, though, to assume that the conditions of post modernity are

designed to create a theoretical paradigm which will guarantee the liberation of non-

western cultural views from western control. Rather than a paradigm, post modernity is a

35

matrix that includes various thematic conditions as demonstrated by Vattimo and Tanner.

This matrix, in turn, offers a space for interpreting cultural discourses and experiences of

realities rather than determining a specific and determined set of cultural knowledge.

The next section of this study will argue that Asian primal cultural instincts are

precursors for western postmodern conditions. This means, essentially, that Asian cultural

instincts hold approximately similar values or conditions that characterize the western

constructed postmodern matrix. Hence, this study will examine two cultural contexts in12

Asia where the existence of these postmodern-like primal cultural instincts will be

demonstrated: the social structures of Japanese and Filipino cultures. The primal cultural

instincts in these two Asian contexts will then be compared in due course to postmodern

conditions previously alluded to. In the process, it will show that these two seemingly

opposite and diverse Asian contexts follow cultural practices in which they share common

cultural instincts with post modernity.

Concept of Dependence in a Japanese Context

John Clammer (2001:39) provides data about the Japanese culture to demonstrate that “in some sense,12

it [the Japanese culture] always had been postmodern.” This premise is viewed from a comparative analysisbetween the Japanese culture and postmodern conditions as follows (39):

...the apparent existence in Japanese culture of all those elements which appear in the liststhat postmodernists makes when attempting to characterize their subject - elements such asthe absence of metanarratives, the appearance of eclecticism and pastiche in contemporarypopular culture and the decentred nature of the self and society.

36

Takeo Doi (1971) places the heart of Japanese being in what he terms amae no

kozo (structure or anatomy of dependence). Amae, or dependence (Hadamitzky13

1981:284), is a behavioural process. Kozo, meaning anatomy or structure (Hadamitzky

1981:169, 215), represents the rules which govern this behaviour pattern called amae. At

the core of this concept, it is assumed that the collective group is predominant in Japanese

identity. In some cases this is referred to as groupism or collective community. Doi posits

that the Japanese concept of dependence cannot view the individual separately from the

group, while recognizing the existence of the individual nonetheless. This requires that an

individual’s social being to be inter-connected with others. This, in turn, requires

networking with not just another individual but with individuals who belong in a particular

social grouping or community. In the end, this group defines their collective social

identity by behaving according to the structure of amae.

The behavioural patterns of amae that are practiced in a social grouping provide

one with his/her own social identity. These patterns are shared to varying degrees across

the many possible social groupings in the Japanese culture. It can be argued that these

patterns form the basis of the complexity found in Japanese culture. Age, gender, position

in civil society, education, religious/social/economic affiliations are factors in any given

social structure that affect how a behaviour of dependence is demonstrated. In summary,

there is a plurality of social structures that require specific yet ubiquitous behavioural

patterns respective to varying situations. For a Japanese to opt for any other lifestyle

Doi argues that Japanese behaviour is centered around the concept of dependence. His book maps out 13

the structure how this concept of dependence impacts the complex networks of social relationships in aJapanese context.

37

results in being pushed out from the “inner-circle” to the “outer-circle” where the

individual will be considered an outcast (Doi 1971:44).

To illustrate, for example, let us say that I am Japanese and own my own house,14

where I live with my family of five, and work as a factory worker. Outside work, I am

the coach of a baseball team on one of the recreational sports team in the city. This team

is composed of players from different companies and who hold different job skills. At

work, I show respect and deference to my superiors (sempai in Japanese). As the

subordinate (kohai in Japanese) at work, this would be expressed in the manner that I

address and speak to them, using appropriate physical posturing and formal and honourific

language. Ingrained deeply within me is the attitude that this respect is necessary to

ensure the success of the company. And a successful company means the security of my

employment and long term economic well being. This is part of the desireable result

brought about by dependent behaviour.

In addition, the name of my company defines my immediate community or social

identity. I would always introduce myself as a person who “belongs” to my company.

Community care and mutual protection are fostered in my workplace through the concept

of eternal employment. While the west might view this as a benefit, in the notion of amae

no kozo, this binds me into a mutually interdependent relationship with my company. This

is not viewed as a work benefit but as an extension of my responsibilities at work. This

stems from the continuing economic viability of the company which then creates for me an

While the theoretical work of Doi is the primary reference for the matter at hand, I am choosing to14

draw from my personal experience of personal engagement and observation within Japanese culture inseveral Japanese community contexts over a period of seven years from 1985-1992. See Yango (1992).

38

ongoing, mutually interdependent community. In this community, my social well being

and identity find structure both within and without the structure of the workplace. In

another aspect of work, I am connected as an individual to my religious being. The

workplace, while respectful of one’s preference for religious affiliation, regularly conducts

religious ceremonies for the benefit of a successful business venture. In this case,

employment is, thus, not only about economics. It also provides a whole new set of

networks for social and religious consolidation.

As a baseball coach, however, I cease being the kohai. The staff, who help me,

and the players, regardless of their age, view me as their sempai. I am addressed by them

in the same way as I address my sempai at work, and I speak and address everyone on the

team in a language befitting a sempai towards his kohai. As the sempai, I assume the role

of the teacher and caretaker of the well being of those under me. This follows the practice

of Confucianism and Taoism, two philosophical guides to cultural life brought by Japanese

Zen monks who trained in China. It is these exercises for developing well being that

would allow me to utilize training techniques that I learn from work for use in my

coaching role. While the west will view these as religious exercises, to the Japanese, they

are life skills exercises. They foster social interdependence and maintain a healthy

dialogue between what is practiced within the structure of public behaviour and private

behaviour. Whether my team wins or loses is not the end all of competing. Grounded

into the collective mentality of my baseball team is the emphasis on how we demonstrate

dependence upon one another. This is the utmost goal of our existence as a collection of

individuals.

39

In the structure or anatomy of dependence, everything becomes interconnected.

Although at times the boundaries become fuzzy, maintaining the structure of sempai-kohai

points me towards appropriate interdependent social behaviour. The sempai-kohai

structure itself, however, is not all there is to amae. Verbal communication in the

relationship between sempai-kohai is very crucial. This communication process involves

comprehension of the behavioural concepts of ura-omote (back-front) and honne-tatemae

(explicit-implicit).

When deviant behaviour arises, for instance, the Japanese culture provides a means

to deal with the shame (haji in Japanese) that arises. Shame is not merely a personal

matter. As I represent the faces and beings of those in my family and in every other

relationship I have, my shame is also their shame. Yet, it is not necessarily the fear of

bringing shame to my relations that restrains me from deviant behaviour. Rather, it is

being found out by my relations that I have demonstrated deviant behaviour. When the

consequence of shame is evident, amae no kozo provides me with behavioural patterns and

processes whereby the deviant behaviour can be overlooked and relationships smoothed

out.

For instance, explicit or up-front oral and visual behaviour are acceptable for

children’s behaviour and/or peer behaviour. Implicit oral and visual behaviour, however,

where meanings are hidden behind what is said and/or done, are expected in sempai-kohai

relationships and other non-related, non-equal status relationships. When deviant

behaviour takes place, rather than mete out punishment, which has the effect of bringing

shame to the offender, forgiveness is extended instead. This places the offender under

40

more obligation (or indebtedness) to the offended party. This would keep the relationship

of dependence intact and no further shame is manifested. These are some characteristic

behaviours observable within the structure of amae.

It may seem strange that the Japanese culture allows for two seemingly contrasting

behaviours. Firstly, it requires concrete behavioural responses. Secondly, it has a

provision for ambiguous behaviour to prevent an extreme experience of shame. Either

way, the Japanese culture requires an individual to keep engaging with his/her collective

group. It is in this engagement that Japanese are grounded to the present, instead of being

encumbered by the past and weighed down by the burden of the future. As the Taoist

tradition says, “Live now and there will be no problem” (Watts 1995:105). In Zen

interpretation, this means

Things just do what they do. The flower goes puff, and people go this wayand that way, and so on, and that is what is happening. It has no meaning,no destination, no value. It is just like that. When you see that, you see it’sa great relief. That is all it is. Then, when you are firmly established insuchness, and it is just this moment, you can begin again to play with theconnections, only you have seen through them. Now they don’t haunt you,because you know that there isn’t any continuous you running on frommoment to moment who originated sometime in the past and will diesometime in the future. All that has disappeared. So, you can haveenormous fun anticipating the future, remembering the past, and playing allkinds of continuities (106).

To sum up, amae no kozo in Japanese culture underscores particular cultural

themes. These can be categorized as inherent assumptions in the culture or as part of the

Japanese worldview. One theme is collectivity or groupism. This is central to the

Japanese. It allows for individuation yet the identity of the individual is grounded in a

collective conscience. There is undoubtedly an abundance of networking relationships in

41

the Japanese cultural context. While very practical and concrete, there is a high degree of

ambiguity in these relationships. These ambiguities blur the lines between the self-being15

of an individual and the collective being of an individual who associates his/her identity

with his/her group affiliation. Thus, it is not extraordinary for a Japanese to have a

plurality of roles and affiliations which are hierarchically ordered, even in the religious

sphere. A Japanese can be a Shinto and a Buddhist, while at the same time, practicing

specific allegiance to a sect of Buddhism called Soka Gakkai (Clammer 2001:13). The

implications are great. This is like saying, “I believe in the power of the fox-god but I

don’t believe in god. As such, I can religiously practice a set of behavioural and work

ethics based on the myth of Mt. Fuji with my fellow group mates.” To the Japanese,

these behavioural ambiguities are borne out of cultural practices that are required by a

structure of dependence (or amae).

Ambiguity in the Japanese context is a reference to the multi-valent characteristic of Japanese15

behaviour. This means that there are several or indeterminate number of possibilities by which abehaviour may be understood. In the process, a behaviour can even be said to be “multi-value” even if ithappens in a similar context but a different time. This ambiguity masks the individuation of a behaviourand instead uses the collective group as a point of reference, thereby depending on the collective socialmilieu for an understanding of reality. Simply, Japanese behaviour are multi-layered. This includessocial, religious, political and even ecological relationships. John Clammer (2001) demonstrates this as he distinguishes the issues raised by nihonjiron (meaning,the essence of being Japanese). In his argument, Clammer states that “the basis of many, if not most,local epistemologies [in Japan] is religion (11), Accordingly, Japanese cosmologies “represent the deepgrammar of a culture and so any talk of difference or ... [other] constructs must ultimately make referenceto them since this is the location of basic ontological notions of self and being and hence of the Other andnon-being as well” (12). Thus, social ambiguity has its roots in religious ambiguity. In its ambiguousform, rationality is not essential inasmuch as the view “of Japanese society as an interconnected networkextending over space and time [which] creates in principle and conceptually a deep communitarianismthat is the source of local ideas of homegeneity” (15). Simply put, as long as a cultural behaviour boundsthe individual to the collective milieu of Japanese society, a multi-valent behaviour is acceptable. This concept is similarly espoused by Melba Maggay (2005).She writes, “Partly on the basis of our viewof how the spirit world works, we sense that everything on earth can be so negotiated, including trafficrules and governance” (43). The ambiguous correlation between the spirit world and traffic rules may notnecessarily be clear to non-Filipinos. For Filipinos, however, it is matter-of-factly accepted that what isapplicable in the religious world is also applicable to social inter-relationships.

42

Economics of Utang na Loob Among Filipinos

Rooted in the concept of utang na loob (loosely translated as indebtedness of

being) is the socio-psychological make-up of the Filipino. Emphasis here is placed on

defining “Filipino.” Violeta Bautista (2005) writes,

This understanding of who the Filipino is makes our task of identifyingattributes seem more formidable. The word can actually refer to a personof any socio-cultural-political background. At this point, it would behelpful if we bring to mind the concept of the statistical mean. Given a setof ten pebbles, we can measure the weight of each pebble and use suchweights to describe each of them. But should the need to describe thewhole group of pebbles arise, we can simply add the weight of individualpebbles and divide the sum by the number of pebbles in the group to arriveat the mean weight. The unique character of the statistical mean is thatthough it may not accurately describe all the elements in a set and there aretimes when it does not well coincide with any of the descriptions of individual members of the set, it is a figure that best describes the wholegroup ... [Describing the Filipino] functions like the statistical mean. It.gives us “a feel for the general attributes of a group, but it does not allowus to stereotype individual members of the group. (Bautista 2005:1)

It is necessary to be reminded that this discussion on utang na loob is part of a much

bigger theme. For the purpose of this study, however, the ethnographical depth implied

therein will be limited to this value called utang na loob.

According to Maggay (2005), utang na loob is borne out of the Filipino cultural

theme of kapwa (meaning, relatedness). On the one hand, kapwa demands the following

in a relationship. Firstly, one treats another as his equal, irrespective of the person’s

background, and secondly, one views relationships as important and demands that he/she

attends to all rules of propriety as a clear sign of his/her good will (Bautista 2005:3). On

the other hand, as a cultural value, utang na loob describes both affirmative

(thoughtfulness and graciousness in the lifetime of friendship) and negative (banking

43

favours) behaviours. These are clearly observable in the behavioural patterns and

processes of Filipino culture. For a Filipino to behave otherwise is to deviate and cause

disharmony in the relationship, with isolation resulting as an extreme consequence.

To prevent such deviation, utang na loob is conditioned by hiya (widely translated

as shame). To the Filipino, hiya is observed when “people are moved more by concern for

others’ welfare than by fear of group censure” (Bautista 2005:3). In order then to avoid

social constraint that leads to relational injury, social propriety is observed so that the

dignity and honour of both people who are encountering each other are maintained

(Maggay 2005). For good measure, hiya underscores the sense of “other-directed”

character of the Filipino in the context of relationship. This is akin to the concept of

alterity or otherness.

There is an ambiguity, however, that needs to be observed therein. Because of

hiya, it is possible that a direct appeal to collect one’s utang na loob from a friend may

never happen. The propriety necessitated by hiya would point the “debt collector” to

make his request in the form of asking a favour once more. In this case, the web of utang

na loob is endless. It binds individuals into a network of relationships with indebtedness

to one another. This is conditioned, however, by the need to practice hiya when

collecting on ones’s previous investments in this web of debts and favors. It should be

noted that the value of the debt is not central in the relationship. Instead, it is the need to

be in a relationship with one another that is central.

Simply put, there is to some extent a need to manage the economics of utang na

loob among Filipinos in order to maintain harmonious relationships. This is because

44

having harmonious relationships is valued more highly than exerting one’s individualism in

a way that finds no relatedness to other individuals or groups. This socio-psychological

make up is also affected by another cultural theme. Sakop (translated as the scope or

sphere of responsibility in this case) defines the extent within which one exercises utang na

loob and hiya. Failure to identify one’s sakop is to be negligent of the various group

associations which define the individual in a multiplicity of contexts.

It could be said that the Filipino has an intuitive sense of this multiplicity every time

he/she affiliates himself/herself with a particular group.16

Summing up, the Filipino culture, like the Japanese culture, is very much group-

centered. The individual finds his/her identity of self (or being) in association with a

collection of individuals who are bound by utang na loob. This association need not be to

everyone in the group but to the group as a whole wherein each member inter-relates with

the others. In turn, a web of relationships is spun that binds each one to the others for a

life time.

It needs to be noted that utang na loob is not only structured within the socio-

psychological make up of the Filipino. It has also great implications to the Filipino

religious being as well. The same horizontal values that structure inter-relationships with

people are also those which govern how a Filipino behaves in his vertical relationships

with spiritual beings. It is possible for the Filipino’s religious sakop to include a17

See E Acoba (2005) whose article centers on a theory of multiplicity that demonstrates diversity within16

one’s self.

Jaime Bulatao’s theory of “split-level Christianity” (1992) provides a discourse on how this behavioural17

practice is commonly shared at the grassroots level. This will be further discussed in the next chapter.

45

hierarchy of beings from different faith affiliations. In such case, the social identity one

might gain from a religious affiliation can create in him/her a sense of utang na loob to

that association. At the same time, the economic gain from another religious affiliation

can cause a Filipino to feel indebted as well to this other association. This being so, the

sense of utang na loob is not predicated by any allegiance to a religious institution.

Rather, it is predicated by the practicality or advantage gained by allowing oneself to incur

indebtedness to one or more religious institutions.

A Summary: The Japanese, The Filipino and Postmodern Conditions

In light of the scope of this study, the ethnographic descriptions of the Japanese

and Filipino psycho-social make ups as presented here are admittedly not comprehensive.

Their respective significance in the Japanese and Filipino social milieus, however, indicates

their influence upon cultural patterning and processing. There are comparative

commonalities evident in the range of behaviours stemming from the Japanese amae no

kozo and the Filipino utang na loob. Each is unique to its own cultural context, yet each

has similarly ubiquitous functions across culture.

As psycho-socio-religio-cultural values, they highlight the group-oriented psyche

in both cultural contexts. They provide different possibilities for individualized

relationships while always viewed in a collective context. The fuzziness in these

relationships allows for individual interpretations of either a cultural event or cultural

behaviour. The individual always accounts to the allegiance he/she holds to a particular

46

group. In addition, one can belong to more than one group while concurrently

demonstrating a different capacity in each role and/or status.

The behaviours which are dictated by each value place an emphasis on the other

individual: “for as long as I don’t injure (or shame) the other person, I don’t bring injury

(shame) to myself.” This sense of alterity requires an individual to always view oneself in

the context of others. The sense of one’s individualism points to a multiplicity of identities

and corresponding roles, including those tied to religious affiliations. The latter opens the

door to religious pluralism, yet this does not mean that the Japanese or the Filipino is

unable to identify the religious affiliation from which a particular spiritual gain originates.

The Japanese cultural value of amae no kozo and the Filipino cultural value of

utang na loob bring out distinctly common behaviour. They both show that the

individual’s vertical relationship to a spiritual being is just as fuzzy as his/her horizantal

relationships with others. An individual can have multiple allegiances to a number of

spiritual beings based on the gain accrued in that relationship. It can be said as well that

each religious/spiritual allegiance is central only as long as one is in active relation to that

spiritual being through the behavioural structure of amae no kozo or utang na loob.

One result of this leads to many possible centres of faith allegiance. Amae no kozo

or utang na loob can both pressure an individual to join or affiliate oneself with numerous

religious deities based on the extent of one’s amae no kozo or utang na loob. A Japanese

can concurrently pray to the “fox-god” at nearby shrine and appeal to their ancestors

before the butsudan exercising a spiritual connection based on amae no kozo. The18

Ancestral altar.18

47

baseline for these spiritual connections is the behaviour that emotionally binds the living

with the deity. In like manner, a Filipino who is sick and desperate for healing is often

pressured to seek assistance from spiritual mediums who are not necessarily sanctioned by

the religious institution he/she is affiliated with. In such a case, the pressure is even

greater when the pressure is applied by an individual where utang na loob is in place. Yet

even as one seemingly shifts his allegiance from one relationship to another, the seeming

“decentredness” which results does not create any conflict within the individual. This can

be better understood by acknowledging that there is a sense of “relative” absolutism in

each allegiance, albeit multiple. Conflict, however, occurs when a particular faith19

allegiance attempts to overcome the others by exerting itself above the others.

From a non-Asian perspective, such seeming decentredness looks like a concoction

of fragmented influences that are rooted in a very relativistic environment. To the

contrary, however, decentredness in Asian cultures does not mean being fragmented.

Implicit in Asian cultures is the underlying assumption that a plurality of centres exists.

This assumption ensures that alterity allows for a “press-pull” dynamic which is20

eventually reined in to the cultural matrix.

Melba Maggay (2005) depicts this type of relational dynamics between Filipinos and anitos (or lesser 19

beings). To appease what may be perceived as emotional anger from anitos, these can be bribed byofferings that have a reciprocal aspect. “The anitos get the offering due to them, and the people wranglesome sort of protection, or at least non-disturbance from them. Partly on the basis of our view of how thespirit world works, we sense that everything on earth can be so negotiated, including traffic rules andgovernance” (43).

See Mary Goodman’s theory of cultural press and pull (1967); cf. Kraft 1979:69-72.20

48

In so doing, alterity becomes part of the cultural make-up instead of posing a

threat to cultural conventions. In a way, alterity becomes a mechanism for self-critiquing.

The acceptance of alterity into the matrix of cultural worldviews/themes enables one to

become an “insider” within the cultural matrix. Refusal to become an “insider” means

exclusion from the cultural matrix and consequently results in a loss of ethnic identity. At

the most extreme of times, there is not even the possibility of a peripheral existence for

individuals within the matrix. In these cases, there is complete rejection.

What is evident in the primal instincts among Asian cultures can be viewed as

being mirrored by the western construct of post modernity. Within post modernity, there

is also a self-critiquing mechanism that ensures prevention of having one’s cultural identity

from being overcome. As alluded to previously, Vattimo calls this verwindung, while

Tanner understands this in the framework of processing interpretation. The actors in this

process are not the usual “I vs. other” dualism, or “ethnocentrism vs. excluded other,”

which traditionally pervades a philosophy of modernity. Instead, the more significant

aspect of self-critique in culture is borne from within the diversity of culture itself. This

means that the “other” is not outside “I” anymore but can even be found within “I”.

In this light, the process of interpreting leads to a plurality of “others,” thus the

acceptance of alterity. Yet this process is not inclusive of different perceptions,21

James Smith (2000) notes that in postmodern conditions, there is “irreducibility and21

incommensurability of worldviews, paradigms or language games that shape both knowledge and moralclaims” (165). This means that worldviews, paradigms or language games can not be reduced and/or cannot be compared with others. That each “other” becomes an alterity to the others means the respectivenarratives from each “other” reject a universal legitimization of a single, unitary story (165) (or what isotherwise known as metanarrative). The narratives of each “other” deligitimize any claims to a universalmetanarrative, in which the latter can certainly flourish in an environment where homogeneity of thepeople is utilized to create consensus to accept the metanarrative in view (167).

49

methods or even techniques. If any, alterity produces many more “others” which are in

need of being continually self-critiqued and guided by existing cultural worldviews. This

is so because interpreting cultural identity, as in figuring out who we are, requires a

process of deconstruction and reconstruction. In turn this produces “hybridity” between

and within cultures. Hybridity, in this case, is a conceptual construct that demonstrates

plurality within plurality. And all forms of alterity resulting in any reconstruction point

toward a need for engagement while the cultural identity is being figured out.

One alternative descriptive of postmodern conditions is a dynamism that may

seem ambiguous but is always engaging. This engagement is necessary for the very reason

that plurality produces more plurality. To the outside, ambiguity in post modernity seems

to result in a mixed up or confusing environment with no clear direction. At times, too

many centres in a given environment (or set) create a very fragmented picture. The

difference in what seems to be fragmentation in post modernity, when compared to

modernity, is that, on the one hand, in the former nothing is force-fitted to become part of

a uniform picture. Modernity, on the other hand, makes no secret that its end goal is all

about overcoming the other because it holds the metanarrative to a utopian ending. As

evidenced by the cultural narratives on Japanese and Filipino cultures, ambiguity does not

necessarily end in confusion and a breakdown in the cultural system. Cultural structures

like amae no kozo and utang na loob provide a wide-range of ambiguous behaviour which

are interpreted without confusion by the insider.

Moreover, decentredness in post modernity allows the concurrent existence of

diverse and multiple centres while intentionally avoiding the scenario of one overcoming

50

the others. Modernity works to get rid of diversity, while post modernity entertains

alterity and its process of sustaining “the others.” This is perhaps a strange theme but very

much articulated in both Filipino and Japanese cultures as has been demonstrated. The

emphasis on the collective group actually means that there is an allowance for the different

voices of alterity present in each culture. That is, the individual does not necessarily lose

his own voice. Instead, the individuals in a collective social group are provided ways to

exert their respective voices. In such manner, an individual’s voice is thus under the the

protection of “the others.” This helps to avoid being overcome by an “outside”

controlling voice.

It can be quite common as well for an individual voice to be marginalized by

mainstream society, which represents the global community. But expressed from within22

the collective local voice of “the others” such as one’s social group, the individual voice is

offered an entry point to global engagement. As a result, “the others” are constructing

different local centres in the global community. They are also finding innovative ways to

engage with the big players who exercise control over and within the global community.

In such a case, it is not so much anymore that the global meets the local; rather, the local

is now requiring the global to meet in the sphere of the local. From this perspective, the

global community has entered the matrix of decentredness. In this decentredness, the

many local centres or contexts have even become a plurality of diverse centres with

multiple focus.

Society in this instance can be a substitute to the environment that is called global community. This22

study will take a more detailed outlook on globalization in relation to the local in the next chapter.

51

In the light of the above, it is sufficient to surmise that all experiences at the local

context are affected by dynamics at the global level and vice versa. In the next chapter of

this study, it will be shown that this relationship is almost always tenuous at the local level.

More often than not, global forces exert their hold on power by controlling factors

affecting the global-local relationship. Particularly when economic and political factors

are applied in this relationship, there is normally a great imbalance pressed against the

local in this relationship. The result almost always favours the global forces. It is when

the local is overcome by the hegemonic power of globalization is the point when violence

happens. The translatability of this violence in the forms of language, economic or23

educational systems (or contexts) leads to experiences of victimization. The system in

which victimization is exercised is associated with the term colonization. In that system, a

colonial mentality develops within the consciousness of the people. This forcible change

consequently affects changes in the cultural worldview and thus the experience of violence

and victimization.

With this as a backdrop, the next chapter will further examine how this

victimization is processed in this global-local relationship. As a result, a specific

interpretational framework will be developed to provide a descriptive understanding of

James Smith (2000) provides a concise description concerning the issue of translation and23

translatability (166-167). Using Jean-Francois Lyotard’s interpretation of Wittgenstein’s theory onlanguage and language games in Just Gaming, Smith succinctly makes a distinction between the two. Heposits that language, or the visible forms of culture or “frameworks” of commitments (214), istranslatable, while language games, akin to worldview or paradigm, are not translatable. He argues that“to change games is to change rules and hence to change criteria for evidence, and so on” (215). Accordingly, it could be surmised that violence is a visible form of a system called colonization. Theparticular context, as in local culture, where this colonization happens could very well affect theworldview (or language games) of a culture but the rules or criteria have to be changed. When rules areforcibly changed by hegemonic powers, the consequence is an experience of violence.

52

victimization and how it consequently affects local theologizing. This will be called a

hermeneutic of victimization. Integral in this hermeneutical construction is to address the

issue of power in the hermeneutical process. In so doing, by articulating how the intent of

hegemonic powers affects the hermeneutical process, dynamics inherent in a hermeneutic

of victimization will be delineated.

CHAPTER 2

NARRATIVES OF VICTIMIZATION

In a globalized world, the terms of engagement have admittedly changed. While24

old terms are still used, conventional meanings have been replaced by contemporary ones.

Making the shift more complicated is the fact that the engagement between the global

village and local contexts has reached a state of virtual time, thereby affecting the

dynamics of communication. This means virtual communication, which in turn allows

shifts in relationships which make the present a series of interconnected “nows.”

Not lost in this engagement is the nature of the local contexts. In the global25

village, the project of a one-unified (or unitary) world has been replaced by a project of

networking diverse interconnected local contexts. While affirmative relationships between

the local contexts are integral to the totality of the networking process, an affirmation of

Stanley Grenz and John Franke (2001) provide a very helpful historical account as they trace the 24

development of theology after modernity. They started with the enlightenment foundation and moderntheology to contemporary non-foundational theologies framed around postmodern conditions (29-54).

Evangelical philosophers like Alvin Platinga (1983:73-74) and Nicholas Wolterstorff (1983:7)25

acknowledge the inevitability of our being situated in a particular community and the indispensable roleour respective communities (or traditions) play in shaping our conceptions of rationality as well as ourreligious beliefs. At the same time, they readily admit that this poses difficulty for any claims to universaltruth. Their common question is: What happens when these various local communities disagree as to therelevant set of paradigm instances for their basic beliefs? It needs to be noted that such a questionpresumes that a meta-paradigm is the standard being sought by philosophers like Platinga andWolterstorff.

53

54

plurality in such a diverse environment is equally important. This attitude, however, is not

an outright acceptance based on equality but predicated by power dynamics. Herein lies

the critical thrust of living in a globalized world. There would seem to be a split-level

manifestation by any power that is bent on exerting control in any given local environment.

While the terms of engagement have changed, the issue of power remains constant.

Effectively, this issue has been a negating factor in the process of re-interpreting

conventional meanings. By negating, this indicates that what is accepted at the surface

level may actually be rejected at the deep level.

In the sphere of postmodern theological construction, the end product, which can

be seen at the surface level, is not necessarily the life giving force. Instead, the energy lies

in the process of interpretation. No doubt, an end product eventually emerges. The

dynamism of the process, however, does not manifest itself in the product itself. It is

revealed, rather, in its transformative effect at the deep level structure of culture, where

worldview is resident. This is so because worldview is the locus where the unseen

expectation of the local is realized. At the same time, however, it is also where power is

actually sourced from and exercised. Ideally, the negation of power is an admirable

objective. Yet, for as long as power is present, the hermeneutical task is always burdened

by the exercise of power and the implications therein.

It is the premise of this study that the battle for control based on power in the

interpretational process results in victimized theologies. Consequently, victimized

theologies are borne out of a hermeneutic of victimization. In the process of interplay

between control and interpretation, this chapter seeks to investigate theories contributing

55

to a hermeneutic of victimization. It is hoped that this will outline causes and effects of a

hermeneutic of victimization. In addition, a theory of negative theology will be examined

to provide a methodological demonstration of a hermeneutic of victimization. As a result,

using a form of evidence-based research, examples of victimized theologies borne out of26

a hermeneutic of victimization will be presented. The proposed theory as stated

beforehand can be traced from first-hand stories gathered from the experiences of Muslim

believers who are affirming of their Muslimhood in the southern Philippines.27

Stories of Theological Victimization: Matrices for Negative Hermeneutics

Muslimhood is a state of common identity that binds together thirteen Muslim

ethno-cultural groups in the Philippines. Inherent in this identity is a religious allegiance to

Islam. This section will present a historical perspective of factors involved in28

understanding the identity of Filipino Muslims or their context of Muslimhood. Particular

focus will be given to the strategy of education in the colonial experience of Filipino

Also known as evidence-based practice, evidence-based research promotes the collection,26

interpretation, and integration of valid, important and applicable data, practitioner-observed, andresearch-derived evidence. It borrows heavily from empirical philosohy. It is premised by fourcomponents affecting the research process: 1) personal observation, 2) case studies, 3) empirical studies,and 4) meta-analyses or systematic review. For the purpose of this study, the components have been re-labeled as follows: 1) participatory-observation, 2) construction of case studies based on local narratives,3) gathering of empirical data based on individual articulations in a consultation forum, 4) a “local”analysis of empirical data presented in a consultation forum where a distinctly common voice emerged. For reference, see B.M. Melnyk and Fineout-Overholt (2005).

The terms “Muslim believers” is a reference to Muslims who have believed in the message of the good27

news of Jesus Christ, acknowledges that their salvation is based on the life and work of Jesus Christ andare committed to a life of transformation that will demonstrate the fruit of their relationship with theperson of Jesus Christ. In addition, they remain culturally Muslims and continue to practice Islamicreligious rituals.

See Appendix A.28

56

Muslims as one of the key factors. Two terms, namely ethnonationalism and subjugation,

will be critical in this study. In addition, first-hand stories from local accounts of

theological victimization will be reviewed. These stories were gathered based on the

methodology of appreciative inquiry. Finally, this chapter will seek to extrapolate29

evidence that the plight of those involved in local theologizing among the Muslim urban

poor communities of Davao City is also an Asian, if not, a global phenomenon.

In the context of closed access Muslim communities in the southern Philippines,

this chapter will look at three stories of Muslim believers that will demonstrate

experiences of theological victimization. Their collective experiences will provide the

matrices for the subject matter at hand. Their stories will show a common consequence

resulting from a clash between individuals. On the one hand, there are those who give

allegiance to a faith in Jesus Christ within the parameters of their Muslim culture and

Islamic religion. And on the other are those who view the former’s faith practices as

syncretistic and thus contradictory to traditional Christianity. At its core, the clash is

hermeneutically-oriented. That is, these stories will exhibit a refusal to conform to the

theological conventions or expectations of a traditional Christianity that is viewed as

western-oriented. The consequence at hand seeks to give testimony to the local believers’

volition to affirm the integrity of their Muslimhood. They view the conventions of

western Christianity as an extension of a colonialist past that seeks to overcome them with

a metanarrative that wants to dominate and deny their Muslimhood.

For further explanation of this methodology, see Appendix B, Appreciative Inquiry. 29

57

A Historical Subjugation of Muslimhood in the Philippines

Muslimhood is a reference to the state of being of Muslims in the Philippines. The

point of concern is not so much on the validation of the historicity of the Muslim presence

nor the propagation of Islam in the Philippines. Instead, the focus is on the historical

factors affecting the development of the Muslim peoples as citizens of the nation called the

Philippines.

Utilizing Brackette Williams’ theory on ethnonationalism, Thomas McKenna

(2000) views the Muslim experience of ethnic differentiation in the Philippines as an aspect

of a total system of stratification. In such a system, “the most powerful members of any

particular nation-state determine who, among persons of different tribal pasts, is

trustworthy and loyal to the political unit” (142). In the Philippine republic, only Christian

Filipinos are deemed entirely trustworthy and considered non-ethnic. Consequently, non-

Christian Filipinos, like the Muslims, are deemed culturally suspect and labeled ethnic.

The term carries with it an inherent connotation of being socially and morally substandard.

Moreover, the designation judges “ethnic groups” to be dangerously disloyal because of

their long history of armed enmity toward Christian Filipinos.

To give further evidence for his theory, McKenna provides an historical

accounting of how everyday politics and armed separatism have fanned the flames of

“ethnonationalism” in the Southern Philippines. Investigating Islamic solidarity and social

disparity in an Muslim urban community like Cotabato City, he cites some stories and

practices from Philippine Muslim politics. The result is a grassroots historical description

of the economic and political transformations undergone by Muslims in Cotabato. He

58

observes that in these periods of transformation, the state of being for Filipino Muslims in

Cotabato demonstrates the effects of the political integration process upon their

development. From their original status of autonomous local independence to becoming

subordinates under Spanish and American colonial powers, and finally to becoming a

separatist movement for independence under an independent state — their inner being has

always longed for some type of nationalism. In this search, McKenna underscores the fact

that education has been the critical vehicle used to achieve the incorporation of Muslims

into the rest of the Philippines. In fact, education was utilized by both the Spanish and

American colonialists and was then perpetuated by the leaders of the independent republic.

Simply put, education has been and continues to be the fundamental ground wherein the

subjugation of the Muslim identity towards Filipino nationalism takes place. The

consequence of this is the exploitation of the Muslim identity (McKenna 2000:91).30

This is particularly evident in the plight of Muslims in Cotabato. Education has

been used as a strategy with extreme cohesion from one colonial ruler to the next and

culminating in the emerging republic. The result has been a power relations that has put

Muslimhood under the yoke of the national identity. In a 1904 letter, General Leonard

Wood, the first governor of the Moro Province, wrote:

Our policy is to develop individualism among these people, and little bylittle, to teach them to stand on their own two feet independent of pettychieftains. In order to do this the chief or headman has to be given some

D. Schirmer and S. Shalom (1987:45-59) premise their thesis on the US policy for a colonial education 30

of the Filipinos to dominate anti-imperialist opposition to Philippine colonization. In short, themiseducation of the Filipinos sought a result that would bring failure of Philippine education whereby “anaive, trusting relations with foreigners, devoid of the capacity to feel indignation even in the face ofinsults to the nation, ready to acquiesce and even to help aliens in the despoliation of natural wealth (47).”

59

position of more or less authority under the government, but he ceases tohave any divine rights. (Gowing 1983:115)

Soon after that he again wrote:

... by 1905, the Bates Agreement was unilaterally abrogated by the UnitedStates in 1905 with the Sultan of Sulu retaining only colonial recognition asthe “religious head” of Sulu Muslims. The policy of indirect rule wasentirely abandoned in 1914 when the administrative act that inauguratedcivilian colonial governance in Mindanao and Sulu also explicitly repealedthe previous official recognition of the customary law of Muslimpopulations. (McKenna 2000:91)

This strategy, McKenna claims, constitutes “the root causes for the marginalization of

Cotabato Muslims in their traditional homeland and for the Muslim separatist movement”

(2000:44). Eventually,

... by the founding of the Philippine republic in 1946, they were politicallywell established with ties to the apparatus of national rule in Manila andable to command local allegiance on the basis of traditional social relations. This new Western-educated Muslim elite had also begun to develop a self-conscious transcendent identity as Philippine Muslims. That consciousnessderived not from opposition to American rule but rather from studiedadherence to its objectives (McKenna 2000:112).

The strategy of education is exploited further in postcolonial period, especially

during the Marcos regime. It was a regime that left a host of muddled consequences

borne out of one man’s dictatorial intent. The ensuing militant stance of the Muslim31

presence in the Philippines exposed the dictator’s intention. It uncovered the failed plans

of a dictator for selfish gain. As a result, it became public knowledge that the education

For further historical discourse on the events linking the Marcos regime to the blow-up of Muslim-31

Christian relations arising from the events of the infamous Jabidah Massacre. See Vitug and Gloria(2000).

60

provided to Muslim scholars was for nothing more than the subjugation of the rest of the

Muslim populace through these educated individuals.32

At the very front line of the rebellion even up to the present, are the Muslim

masses, who are the real suffering people. Incredibly, the rebellion is not even a religious

war. Rather, the war stems from a refusal by those in political power to acknowledge the

identity and give due respect to Muslims for being Muslims. The victims of this war, who

long for peace in their land, are inevitably the neglected communities who are always at

the battle front of a war. There is no doubt that the land issue continues to be at the core

of any armed struggle. The rebellion, however, now includes their fight for the right to

assert an identity that rejects being subjugated in a place they call their own land.

Stories of Global-Local Dialogues: Rejecting Subjugation of Muslimhood

This section will present three narratives in a case study format. These narratives

are based on three individual experiences by Muslim believers. These will demonstrate

how each has responded to pressures from those outside their Muslim context.

Aburahim’s Story

The current divide between the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic32

Liberation Front (MILF) hinges on an accusation that the MILF has labeled against the MNLF. Theaccusation states that the MNLF, by virtue of Nur Misuari’s agreement with the Philippine governmentthat produced the treaty called ARMM (or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao), has allowed itselfto be politically subjugated by the Philippine government. To the MILF leadership (as represented by thenow deceased Hashim Salamat and the current leadership shared by al-Haj Ebrahim Murad and al-HajGhazali Jaafar), this subjugation is tantamount to selling out to the political control of the Philippinegovernment and thus compromising the core objectives of Bangsamoro. Reference to this is based on“unpublished” personal interviews with high-ranking MILF commanders.

61

Aburahim’s story is about a Muslim believer who readily appreciated the assistance

he received from a missionary. The assistance allowed him to get his education and he

eventually trained as a translator. After his training, he worked as part of a translation

team and the missionary became his supervisor. As a maturing believer, however, he felt

that he had a better grasp of what type of translation his own ethno-cultural group needed

and how the team’s translation efforts could be more comprehensible to them. . He

wanted to incorporate into his translation process cultural methodologies that are used by

his ethnic group in addition to conventional translation methodologies. Moreover, he

wanted to explore community-based methodologies to help the translation process. His

story is an attempt to voice out an awakening desire

In one instance, there was a disagreement between him and another expatriate

superior on which word to use for the term “Son of God” from the vernacular. He

explained that the term by his “local” translation team had chosen would communicate the

metaphor of “son” more effectively than the missionaries’ suggested term. It would

especially address the incomprehensibility in Islamic religion of viewing God as having a

son. When confronted by his expatriate superior that the previous translation used the

traditional “word-for-word” correspondence-term, he remained firm with his translation

team’s decision. At which point, his superior asked him and his translation team to

reconsider the term with the expectation that they would change their translation. When

they returned a week later to submit their final work, his superior was surprised that the

term had not been changed. His superior asked him again why his translation team chose

62

continuously not to retain the term that had been conventionally used in western-based

translation.

Aburahim cited that the better translation is that which would utilize a cultural

designation for what is significant about being the son of God. He added that to his

people group, whatever term was chosen to represent “son of God” would have a more

significant impact if it were one that could symbolize the character of a father-son

relationship. A term such as this would also satisfy the cultural and religious expectation

of what this character ought to symbolize. So, the team rejected the plain vernacular

reading that conformed to the western translatability of the term “son.” Instead,

Aburahim’s team chose a term that represented a son who is “most loved by the parent

and put in a high position because he is the first born.”33

The more significant aspect of this choice is Aburahim’s hermeneutical process.

Not only did he translate the term to achieve a more culturally impacting reading and

culturally accurate comprehension of what a son constitute in his culture, he exerted what

he sensed would be best for his people group. In which case, he affirmed both the

integrity of his own translation skills and the cultural significance of his people group.

According to Aburahim, this choice was indicative of his refusal to subjugate his Muslim

identity. He did this, however, without necessarily denying the “rightness” of the34

It should be noted that the “correctness” of the cultural choice is not the point of emphasis here. 33

Neither is the exegetical method being questioned or analyzed for its “correctness.” Instead, the key pointis Aburahim’s attempt to find within his culture an indigenous hermeneutical methodology that wouldprovide an accurate cultural congruency in the process of interpreting the matter at hand.

The status of the “first born son” in Aburahim’s culture is what Aburahim seeks to assert and affirm in34

the manner he is interpreting the term in view. To lose this meaning in the process of interpreting theterm “son” is to be subjugated by a hermeneutical methodology that assumes the term “son” could not be

63

previous translation. Instead, his story is a story that negates by refusing to be overcome

by a relationship that seeks to dominate his Muslimhood. His story also negates because,

he and his team felt that their word choice added “salt and light” to their translation. In

the process, they constructed a translation methodology which could be characterized as35

affirming their Muslimhood without necessarily overcoming their western counterpart.

Jasem’s Story

The story of Jasem is about the right hand man of a community leader (or datu) in

a fundamentalist Muslim community. He had requested from his non-Muslim Christian

friends, a Tagalog translation of the Bible to read on his own. His reading brought him

face to face with the theme of the Lordship of Christ. As a result, he announced to a

group of Christian friends that his salvation is secured in the person of Jesus Christ.

As he continued reading the gospels, he never asked to be guided by any of his

Christian friends in a formal Bible study. Instead, he began to formulate his own

understanding of what his relationship with Jesus Christ should look like in a Muslim

context. In short, while happy to share the assurances of his faith in Jesus Christ with

others, he was focused on finding a way to live as a credible witness to his faith in Jesus

Christ within the context of his Muslim identity. In other words, he was not prepared to

translated in any other way.

The hermeneutical grid that Aburahim used in translating the term “son” might seem to take liberty in35

providing a very culturally-biased reading of the term. To the contrary, based in Aburahim’s culture, thetranslation provides the highest value one can accord to a “first born son.” In addition, this value is acrucial part in the worldview of Aburahim’s culture. In fact, there’s no greater status, ascribed orprescribed, in his culture. Short of being categorized ultimate, the significance of this value speaksvolume of how the people in Aburahim’s culture view the cultural realities which define the term “son.”

64

sell out his Muslim faith in exchange for the Christian religion, but he delighted in sharing

the spirituality of his new faith discovered in the gospels .

When asked if he would like to study the Bible by his Christian friends, his reply

was constant:

From what I’ve read in the Bible and how I have come to understand theteachings of Jesus in the Bible, my salvation is in Isa ... I am still a36

Muslim and I still believe in the teachings of the prophet Muhammad but Iwill begin to teach my people that the salvation of Isa al Masih is what37

they need because it says so in the Kitab Injil ... As a Muslim, I don’t38

think we can study and discuss freely the Bible together because it is theword of God and there are many mysterious things about it. But I can talkto you about what I read and the insights I gain and then hear yourthoughts.

As if to demonstrate concretely what his faith in Jesus Christ meant to him, he related the

following story:

Recently, I was asked by a religious member of my community, “Who isgreater? Muhammad or Isa al Masih?” I responded, “Jesus is the betterprophet. He offers salvation that gives us assurance. I also think the pillarsof Islam must be followed by Muslims as this is what makes us trueMuslims.”

Jasem had also given a copy of the same Bible translation that he had been reading to the

uncle of his wife, who was an imam in another Muslim community. He had also visited 39

his cousins in the city who are ustadjes and challenged them to teach the Injil to the 40

Arabic term for Jesus.36

Arabic term for Jesus Christ.37

Arabic term for the books of the Gospel.38

Arabic term for a local Islamic priest.39

Arabic term for Islamic teacher.40

65

students in their respective madrasa. He explained to them that since the Qur’an41 42

teaches about Isa al Masih and since the Injil is one of the holy books of Islam, they must

include them in their teaching as they are part of Islam. Jasem freely shared what he read

from the gospels and taught them his theological insights based on a very grassroots

hermeneutical reading of the gospels in his very own context.

In an explanation concerning the deity of Jesus Christ, Jasem demonstrated more

succinctly how he was formulating his interpretational approach to his gospel-reading as

follows:

The Bible teaches that Jesus and the Father are one. But Muslims have ahard time understanding the idea of Father, Son and Holy Spirit as oneGod. So, it is hard to understand that Jesus is the son of God. But as aman, Jesus is a better prophet than Muhammad and he offers us God’ssalvation.

To explain further, he added:

To Muslims, to say Jesus is Allah as it is another name for Allah gives43

recognition to the deity of Jesus without delving into the mysteries of God. We cannot ever understand the mysteries of God. So, when the Bible saysJesus and the Father are one, this is sufficient for me without necessarilyclaiming Jesus is a different person from the Father. Now, I still have ahard time understanding the Holy Spirit even though the Quran teachesthat the spirit of Allah is in all of his people.

There is no doubt that Jasem is processing his theological reflections in a manner that does

not follow the western tradition of linear reasoning. There is a seeming cyclical process of

interpretation that describes his theologizing. That is, as long as he arrives back at the

Arabic term for Islamic school.41

The holy book in Islam which Muslims believe contains the last and final revelation from God through42

the prophet Muhammad..

Arabic term for God.43

66

concept of “one God” that does not threaten his cultural and religious conception of a

“person-God,” Jasem is comfortable in reading “Jesus and the Father are one.”

It is this cultural convention that needs to be upheld and affirmed in Jasem’s

theologizing. In the course of his explanation, he did not argue that his case is better and

that even his non-Muslim Christian friends ought to comprehend the matter similarly. His

constant attention was on remaining true and credible to his cultural and religious

grassroots. In so doing, he was “locally” constructing a systematized way of

comprehending the subject matter without threatening the interpretational grid of his

fellow Muslims. One may surmise that Jasem was politely conveying the intent of his

personal pursuit to interpret the Scriptures. He has been steadfast in refusing to submit to

any intrusion by non-Muslim Christians into his hermeneutical grid. Likewise, inasmuch as

he acknowledges that he shares with them the same saving faith in Christ, there is also

something in his context that is guiding him to act in such a way as to ensure that he will

be a credible witness to his people. 44

For Jasem, the goal is to demonstrate that this entire theologizing exercise is

wholly his and comprehensible to other Muslims. This means that he has not been

influenced by others who would be seen as “foreigners” dictating to him what he should

know and believe. If anything, by the hermeneutical process he has undertaken, he is also

There is no doubt that Jasem’s assertion could certainly bring some “fearful” reactions to those outside44

his Muslim context. It would be understandably acceptable to question, “Will he submit if he is one dayapproaching heresy in one of his personal pursuit to interpret the Scripture?” While there would be toomuch prospecting and conjecture in providing a hypothetical answer to this question, it would suffice atthis point to mention that Jasem is not completely pursuing his reading of the Scriptures “only on hisown.” I have seen Jasem exhort religious leaders in his community and among his relatives to read theScriptures in order to teach the stories of Jesus since the content of the Bible are recognized in the Qur’an.

67

teaching his fellow Muslims that they can read the Bible using a method of interpretation45

that affirms their cultural and religious context.

Simply, Jasem’s interpretational process negates any other hermeneutical

methodology incongruent to his cultural frame of reference. Neither is his process based

solely in methods consistent with conventional evangelical hermeneutics, i.e., those which

follow western systematic theologizing. His process takes the burden of proof to ensure

that the translation is: 1) relational to his fellow Muslims, 2) cognizant of a different

interpretational framework familiar to fellow non-Muslim believers without compromising

correctness, and 3) culturally comprehensible to fellow Muslims in the way that it

addresses theological requirements with a focus on the critical shift of allegiance to the

Lordship of Christ. In short, affirmation of his Muslimhood is essential for Jasem as he

reads and interprets the Scriptures

Rasma’s Story

Rasma’s story is about a wife and mother of five children. Quietly, she has come

to believe in salvation based in a faith in Jesus Christ. As she makes sense of her

impoverished life and her new found faith, she reflects upon her life matter-of-factly.

Asked how she was doing recently, she replied with a contented smile, “As a Muslim wife,

this is my life and it is the life that Allah has willed for me at this time.” As she reflected

According to Pieris’ argument concerning the inappropriateness of separating method from religion or45

doing theology (see p.23 of this study), a cultural reading that is borne out of a religious experience isitself a method of doing theology in Asian theology. Thus, what may seem to be as a cultural reading isactually a hermeneutical method because it is what could be termed as “theopraxis” (or the formulation oftheology, cf., Pieris 1982:174).

68

further, she said that she does not necessarily expect God to provide her a life of

prosperity. Instead, she views God as one who will take care of her and her family within

the “lot” that He has given her, even in her impoverished state.

Clearly, Rasma’s story underscores the effect of poverty on her understanding of

God. Understandably, her Muslimhood is heavily influenced by Islam. After all, her

enculturation included learning the tenets of Islam and her conceptualization of God is

inherently Islamic. Her acceptance of poverty is not necessarily guided by something that

is intrinsic in her culture. Rather, Islam has taught her to how to deal with her poverty.

Deeply immersed in her cultural worldview, her outlook on poverty is greatly impacted by

her theological understanding of Allah and on what the Quran teaches about poverty.

This is a critical dynamism that must be recognized as appropriate for someone intent on

affirming Muslimhood in the context of poverty.

The Islamic teaching that God is in total control of all things, even within an

impoverished life, is undoubtedly providing hope for Rasma. It is a hope that gives her

confidence that God is pleased with her “submission to Allah” even in spite of her poverty.

It is a hope that allows her to say “inshiallah,” meaning “God’s will be done.” As46

The term inshiallah is very unique Islamic expression. While most westerners would read fatalism into46

the meaning of inshiallah, to Muslims, the term is an affirmation of their Islamic faith and a testimony totheir submission to the will of Allah. Muslims do not view inshiallah as a fatalistic expression but ratheran affirmation that their lives are being lived in submission to Allah and that no matter what, Allah willkeep and preserve them even if a life in poverty continues for them in this earthly life. No matter whathappens, they will submit and follow Allah as their ultimate belief is that Allah has compassionatelyallowed a different turn of events in their lives, even if it is not what they are expecting. Compared to the Tagalog term bahala na, inshiallah has congruency to bahala na. Contrary to itscommon English transliteration, “come what may” (that depicts a negative sense of fatalism, resignation,avoidance of responsibility, reliance on fate, and leaving things to chance), Jocano (1997:111) argues thatthe original and positive meaning of bahala na has been lost. Accordingly, he describes this primordialdescription of bahala na as follows:

bahala na is the inner strength to dare, to take a risk, to accept a challenge, to initiate

69

fatalistic as this may sound to evangelical theology, Rasma understands the reality of her

poverty in the context of her Muslimhood. Yet, this does not leave out the hope that there

could be an option outside of poverty. In fact, she prays for a way out. She also seeks,

even in small ways, to provide for her family together with her husband. But her

Muslimhood also provides her with a real picture of what it is to be a minority in a land

dominated by Christians. In such a land, access to equitable employment is still only a

dream. Discrimination (socially, economically, politically and even spiritually) is the

painful price she pays for her Muslimhood. Though she lives in a nation that proclaims a

policy of inclusivity for Muslimhood (even perhaps pretentiously), it is in her Islamic

theological view of God where she finds hope instead of pain.

When asked further what her faith based in the lordship of Jesus means to her

poverty, her reply reflected the Islamic hope that has been so much a part of her

worldview. She neither condemns the system that discriminates against her Muslimhood

nor does she harbour anger towards the Christian system of the nation that governs and

assumes ownership of her Muslimhood. Instead, she holds on to the hope of a different

life for her children while resigned to the “lot” that God has given her. When encouraged

to keep the hope that God will change her economic life, her reply rejected the notion that

somehow God will magically allow her to prosper. Still, although she would not deny

that God can indeed change her impoverished state, she continues to reject any

and move, to assume responsibility for an act ... bahala na serves as the code thatenables us to access the reservoir of psychic energy in diwa, so that we can draw from itinner strengthen and courage in time of need. As one informant has put it: “After wesay bahala na we acquire courage to dare all kinds of challenges. In face of this, webecome capable of decisive action. Without bahala na, it is doubtful whether we can doit during critical situations” (111).

70

suggestions that will tease her into hoping that her faith allegiance to Jesus will provide

economic deliverance. Her worldview based on her Muslimhood will not allow such false

hope to be raised. If anything, her worldview guides her to reject believing in a God that

would entice her to an economically prosperous life for the purpose of changing her faith

allegiance. For her, there is no credibility in such a faith.

A Summary

These stories underscore one common theme. In each actor’s identity is revealed a

tension between the satisfaction found in an allegiance to the person of Jesus and yet a

strong desire to remain Muslim. To underplay the latter would be to allow themselves to

be overcome by an outside force seeking to influence them to leave their Muslimhood.

The crucial subject that needs to be underscored is not that this is such a unique Muslim

experience. It is rather that for Aburahim, Jasem and Rasma, in the face of finding their

Muslimhood being subjugated by external power entities, they remained steadfast to keep

their Muslimhood uncompromised. To be overcome is to deny their ethno-cultural

identity and all the history it envelopes. Moreover, the crux of these stories points toward

the necessity for a methodology by which to merge these tensions. Such a methodology

would allow the possibility of seeming dialectical tensions without diminishing their

significance to each actor. These actors have already demonstrated they have survived the

victimization of a colonized past that exercised ethnonationalism. In their confrontation

with the proponents of ethnonationalism, in their own independent way, each has sought

71

affirmation of their Muslimhood in a somewhat hostile environment, one that is bent on

subjugating them.

They refuse to allow their stories to be overcome and deprivileged as they seek

affirmative ways to retain their Muslimhood while clearly demonstrating a change of faith

allegiance. They negate the factors that would victimize them in their faith allegiance to

the Lordship of Jesus. The effect of this negating experience subsequently affirms their47

Muslimhood. In the end, their stories reveal the wisdom of basing their personal

theological constructions on a method that enables them to affirm their Muslimhood in the

process of interpreting their faith in Christ in a Muslim context.

A Vehicle for Victimization, Subjugation and Hegemony:The Globalization Effect

The previous section is premised by an interplay on power between “majority” and

“minority” socio-political forces. In this relationship, the majority is representative of a

hegemonic force akin to ethnonationalism. It is a force that continues its attempts to

subjugate Muslimhood among the various Muslim ethno-cultural groupings in the

Philippines. To further develop the framework necessary to construct a hermeneutic of

victimization, it is appropriate to locate local theologizing against the backdrop of the

global context. This section will thus look at the effects of globalization in relation to the

matter at hand. It is hoped that this will demonstrate a two-fold interaction. One, the

It needs to be noted that the primary argument at this point in this study is to demonstrate how Muslim47

believers have responded to pressures that would lead towards a subjugation of their Muslimhood toexternal forces of power. The issue concerning how the change in faith allegiance of Muslim believers isviewed in the midst of their Muslimhood will be discussed later in Chapter 5.

72

local will be able to articulate how it can fully participate in the global without being

victimized further by global hegemonic forces. Two, while the local will be able to

participate as such, it will also need to deal concurrently with its history of past

victimization.

Understanding Anthropology and Globalization

Lamin Sanneh provides a succinct distinction between world Christianity and

global Christianity.

“World Christianity” is the movement of Christianity as it takes form andshape in societies that previously were not Christian, societies that had nobureaucratic tradition with which to domesticate the gospel. In thesesocieties Christianity was received. And expressed through the cultures,customs, and traditions of the people affected ... “Global Christianity,” onthe other hand, is the faithful replication of Christian forms and patternsdeveloped in Europe. It echoes Hilaire Belloc’s famous statement, “Europeis the faith.” It is, in fact, religious establishment and the cultural captivityof faith (Sanneh 2003:22).

The clarity of Sanneh’s distinction underlines the precarious relationship of Christianity to

global dynamics. For one, because it is a religion for the whole world (or termed as global

religion), there will be a diversity of stakeholders over its message. In turn, these

stakeholders represent their respective local constituencies. Secondly, Christianity is a

religion that seeks to propagate its message with a global appeal through institutional

means. Consequently, there will always be the temptation to propagate the agenda and

characteristics of the established institution rather than the message of the religion. In

both instances, it is clear that the Christian message must deal with the consequences

arising from globalization.

73

The history of globalization is not a major concern in this study project. It

assumes that both depictions and practices of globalization have been in existence from

time immemorial. It emerged when two distinct environments, local and global, became

interconnected with each other (Schultz & Lavenda 2005:363). The relationship has

produced both positive and negative results which are very much centered on who

controls the power in the relationship (365). In short, the phenomenon that is

globalization has been in existence throughout the different eras in world history (363,

364).

Anthropological studies of globalization aim to show how globalization processes

exist in the diverse contexts of the present realities of particular societies. The extent of

this connectivity even affects changes in worldview of local cultures. The emphasis in this

articulation is on the pluralities of loci where globalization happens. This emphasis is48

indicative of the expansive impact globalization has on these contexts. The impact, in

turn, points to an interdependent consequence. This implies that everyone continues to

live and engage in their respective local contexts. At the same time as well, their

phenomenological worlds (or experienced local realities) have become global (Inda and

Rosaldo 2002:2,9). Globalization could be very well defined as “reshaping local

Nina Schiller and Georges Fouron (2002) provide an ethnographic description concerning the effects48

and implications of migration, transborder identities and long-distance nationalism. Their study furtherobserves how globalization has undermined the stability of conventional nation-states because of theambiguous and contradictory practices associated with such basic concepts as national identity andcitizenship. As a result, their observation has indicated a shift from conventional concepts to a concept ofpeople accepting what is termed as flexible citizenship observing the cultural practices of postnationalethos. That is, there is a culture that consists of mobile global citizens (174) who submit to thegovernmentality of the capitalist market while trying to evade the governmentality of nation-states foreconomic, social and religious reasons (190).

74

conditions by powerful global forces on an ever-intensifying scale” (Inda and Rosaldo

2002:2). In addition, these forces have no intention of letting up. The local context faces

a stressful demand from external global forces to engage.

There is, in effect, no other choice but to engage in varying degrees. Simply, at its

core, globalization is, according to Noam Chomsky (Fox 2001:19), “a set of processes

which embodies a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and

transactions - assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity, velocity and impact -

generating transcontinental or inter-regional flows and networks of activity.” Hence, the

resulting activities have molded a world full of movements and mixtures, contacts and

linkages, and demanding cultural interactions and exchanges. At the same time, inclusive

in this intensity, is the reinforcement of old constraints by global forces (Kearney

1996:198). Engagement in globalization beckons the participant to either view this49

engagement from “above” or “below.” The view from above necessitates siding with the

hegemonic forces which dictate a metanarrative reading of globalization. The view from

below pulls the participant toward prioritizing the agenda of the local context in the face

of controlling global forces. In this light, for the purposes of this study, globalization will

be viewed from the bottom (or the local context) rather than from the view of the

controlling global forces.50

Walden Bello (2001) addresses the effects of global issues in Asia with a chapter using the Philippines49

as a case study of what seems to be a neoclassic tragedy of a country attempting to engage in theglobalization process; cf., Featherstone (1990) on globalization, modernity and post modernity.

In a forum on Alternatives to Globalization in 1998, the Development Academy of the Philippines50

examined the critical themes of social transformation in the face of globalization. In particular, issuesfrom grassroots workers movements to women’s movements to marginalized societies includingindigenous people to political socialism. The plenary sessions were no doubt attempts to engage the

75

The anthropological emphasis of this study places the priority on local Asian

contexts as each engages with globalization. While descriptions of the many ways each is

engaged are inumerable, because of the scope of this study, the discussion will from

hereon be delimited. Undoubtedly, the breadth and depth of any discussion on

globalization cannot ever be exhausted. The same can be said of its correlative impact on

local theologizing. This delimitation, however, is not for lack of evidence but, rather, in

order for the discussion to focus within the boundaries of the interests of the study. The

primary focus will put stress on a view of globalization from the cultural lens of the local

contexts.

Socio-Economic Dynamics in Asia

A view of globalization from below or from the lens of the local contexts will need

to be able to address the threats posed by the hegemonic forces of globalization. These

forces can come from economic, social, religious centres where control by these global

forces are initiated. The local contexts engagement with these forces will demonstrate

whether the global forces are overcoming the local contexts or not.

Jeremy Rifkin, in his work, The End of Work: The Decline of the Global Labor

Force and the Dawn of the Post-market Era (1995), provides a good backdrop for the

changes being exhibited in the community and economic dimensions in Asia. He argues

that due to the development of a market economy initiated during the Industrial

powers of homogeneous globalization viz a viz local community engagements in the global village. Cf.,M. Chossudovsky (1997) and N. Perlas (2000).

76

Revolution, people’s worth has been measured by the market value of their labour (xviii).

This had begun to change in what he calls the “post-market era.”

In the post-market era (dominated by the context of post modernity), the value of

the commodity of human labour has become insignficant (11-14). This is much more so in

an ever more automated world. Accordingly, the post-market era is defining human worth

and social relationships in a new way. These dimensions have become the reference points

for formulating the post-market paradigm. The new age of global markets and automated

production has exhibited a road that leads toward a near-workerless economy, thus the

distinct possibility of “the end of work.” Rifkin surmises that contemporary society, both

global and local, is tasked to develop a work-paradigm that will bring social

transformation. This means giving re-birth to the human spirit. If not, society, as it has51

been known by all humankind will come to an end.

Concerning social transformation, Alan Saw U, a Burmese theologian, wrote in

1977:

Rifkin’s view of social transformation presupposes a future where a growing number of people around51

the world will be spending less time on the job and have more time on their hands (247). Accordingly,Rifkin does not discount the eventual and undeniable negative effects of the price of progress on humanrelationships. He focuses instead on finding alternatives towards social transformation in a post-marketera. This social transformation begins with “unused human labour” (291). This means that in a marketeconomy (he calls this the Third Industrial Revolution) that is amenable to the substitution of machinesfor human input, social transformation will be based on the idea that

the social economy is centred on human relationships, on feelings of intimacy, oncompanionship, fraternal bonds, and stewardships — qualities not easily reducible to orreplaceable by machines. Because it is the one realm that machines cannot fully penetrateor subsume, it will be by necessity, the refuge where the displaced workers of the ThirdIndustrial Revolution will go to find renewed meaning and purpose in life after thecommodity value of thier labour in the formal marketplace has become marginal orworthless (292).

In such transformation, the death sentence that the end of work might spell on human labour couldactually be the beginning of a great social transformation. For Rifkin, this will herald a rebirth of thehuman spirit, where the future lies.

77

‘Saving Act’ calls for ‘Socializing Act’ and ‘Socializing Act’ in turn callsfor ‘Socializing Love’ - a love that has concrete social concerns for othersaround us. It is a kind of love that will enable us to treat all as our equals.This type of love demands justice. It is not a simple love but a ‘JustingLove’ - a love that does justice to others. Then this love will move us towork in cooperation with one another for the common concern of buildinga just human community. In brief, the Gospel requires of us to work in andfor justice (74).

Thirty years later, the same struggle for social action arising out of impoverished

communities is still evident in Asia. It almost seems that poverty is a staple of Asian life

in spite of economic growth due to technological advancement in the region. In effect,

Saw U’s statement seems to be a prophetic voice as long as social justice is separated

from the economic equation in the region. Complicating this economic picture in the

Asian region is the reality of globalization. There is no doubt that there is wealth in the

region. The sad reality of both urban and rural poverty, however, indicates that the52

socio-economic impact of globalization is experienced differently by the “haves” and the

“have-nots.” To Saw U, the locus of this difference is the “just divide” where “justing

love” can happen.

Walden Bello (2004) provides an example of the correlation between social and

economical growth. Bello assesses one main reason why Japanese investors avoided the

Philippines during the period of 1985-93. This avoidance was much more pronounced

since this was the time when Japanese investors were at the height of utilizing

globalization to their advantage. During this period, the rise of the yen made production

Richard Barnett and John Cavanaugh (1994) provide examples of how the global distribution of 52

American pop culture has resulted in consumption markets in Asian societies like the Philippines, Japan,Thailand, China and even Iran.

78

in Japan prohibitive because of the cost of labor. It forced the Japanese to move their

manufacturing operations to low-wage areas in China and Southeast Asia. The Japanese

decision to avoid the Philippines points to the social impact of an Aquino administration

that chose to pay for past debt by going into more debt.

Filipino families living below the poverty line in 1991 came to 46.5 percent- a marginal reduction from the 1985 figure of 49.3 percent. Incomedistribution actually worsened with the share of income going to the lowest20 percent of families falling from 5.2 percent to 4.7 percent, while thatgoing to the top percent rose from 36.4 percent to 38.6 percent. True,income inequality was also growing in our neighbors, but, unlike in thePhilippines, rapid growth was pushing down poverty levels and bringingmore people into the market. From the perspective of Japanese investors,the Philippines appeared to be a strategically depressed market - one notworth sinking a lot of investment in (Bello 2004:22).

Bello’s assessment gives credence to the view that Rifkin and Saw U recognize: economic

growth has a direct correlation to social growth. They are mutually interdependent.

Particularly in Asian contexts, economic growth is required to address social concerns.

Perhaps the theoretical issues behind the matter at hand are best illustrated by a

story. The following account will hopefully provide, as well, a picture by which the local,

without discounting the global contribution, is able to prevent subjugation and further

victimization. Mahatma Gandhi flaunted the Indian peasant fabric called khadi as a

symbol of anti-colonial rebellion against Britain. Symbolically, Gandhi “globally”

popularized this indigenous cloth material as a way to break India’s dependence on British

cotton factories (Goddard 2006). It has since become the catalyst for a push towards an

independent Indian cotton textile-making industry. Economically speaking, India had been

79

exporting its raw cotton to the west only to re-import clothes made from Indian cotton.

Gandhi had reversed the process.

Hence, while Britain and India continued their participation in globalization, the

Ghandian dream emerged. This demonstrates that liberation from colonialism requires the

partnership of social and economic sub-systems in the Indian cultural system. For Ghandi,

his rebellious stance intentionally insisted upon global forces from the west to abide within

the cultural processes of the local Indian cultural processes. Gandhi did not outrightly

reject the colonial powers. Rather, he recognized the role they played in the global

scheme of things. Yet, he still required of them to leave behind their colonial garb when

they entered the local scene.

In summation, the theories of Rifkin, Saw U and Bello provide very distinct

themes that are common among Asian local contexts. In the same manner depicted by the

Ghandian rebellion, engagement in globalization is unavoidable. These themes are present

everywhere within the diverse local contexts of Asia. These commonalities reveal the key

factors affecting local theologizing in Asia. At the same time, they are not intended to be

seen as a provisionary metanarrative that links one Asian local context to another. Each53

Edward Craig (2000) defines metaphysics as a two-fold inqiry. One aims “to be the most general53

investigation possible into the matter of reality” (567). A second “seeks to uncover what is ultimatelyreal, frequently offering answers in sharp contrast to our everyday experience of the world” (567). Aristotle’s “first philosophy” is a prime example of questions asked in metaphysics and what is soughtthereof. Gregory Currie (2000) defines narrative as the “means by which a story is told, whether fictional or not,and regardless of medium” (610). A historical narrative is one of these means. Accordingly, Leon Pompa(1996) provides two aspects towards understanding the notion of historical narrative. The first is “that thenarratives integrate different parts of the past as parts of a temporal whole” (435). A second aspect is the“notion that it is a configuration” (436). The former is expressed in the idea of a narrative sentence, whilethe latter is characterized by how narratives express their truth. It is presupposed by Pompa, especially in a philosophy of history, that a narrative goes beyond theexplanatory value of its contents to a form of understanding (436). Consequently, claims to the objectivity

80

local Asian context has its own distinct narrative bound to its unique ethno-cultural

history. These common themes are hence shared across the Asian region and practiced by

diverse ethno-cultural groups of people participating in the everyday cultural life of its

own specific community.

Two Case Studies: Living with Globalization in Asian Contexts

Japanese Sushi54

Take for example the western narrative describing the phenomenon of “sushi.” To

the ordinary Japanese, “sushi” is a national staple food. There is an art to catching the

right type of fish, an art to the right way the fish is prepared, an art to the way it is

presented, and an art to the way it is tasted and digested. There is also the mythology

entrenched in the history of each local Japanese culture that explains how the fish is a part

of the Japanese being. In effect, “sushi” to the Japanese represents more than just food or

of large-scale historical accounts “must be relativized to the metaphysical perspective upon which theyrest” (438). In short, within a philosophy of history, there is an “imposition of an ultimate limit upon thekind of objectivity to which history can aspire” (438). The notion of metanarrative is derived when the definitions for metaphysics and narrative arecombined. Long entrenched in the philosophy of modernity, it is viewed as the over-arching story thathistory follows in a linear fashion and would eventually end in a utopian state. In this case, a philosophyof history is consequently used to “legitimate knowledge” (Lyotard 1985:xxiv) with the intent to exercisecontrol and power as history unfolds itself. As a result, an explanation of all things are “consigned to thegrand narrative in the same way as truth” (xxiv). For proponents of the modernity project, however, theimposition of limitation upon a narrative remains unrecognized (thus Lyotard claims postmodern asincredulity towards metanarratives [xxiv]).

Theodore Bestor (2005) investigated the tuna trade in USA. In the process, he articulated a description54

of the local and the global, which normally falls into the category of abstraction to most people. UsingBestor’s article as a background to this discussion, I have combined my own ethnographic study onJapanese culture to his article as references to this discussion.

81

folklore but also a way of life. It affects the socio-economical dynamics of a given

community, especially those whose livelihood is tied to fishing. In addition, the art of

catching a fish and the art of preparing “sushi” are practiced as both cultural and religious

processes. To their western counterparts, “sushi” is no more than a delicacy that has

found an affinity to the western palate. While there are economic implications for those

whose companies are dealing in fisheries, in general, “sushi” is just another food. It is

considered a phenomenon by those in the west but not to the Japanese.

“Sushi” of course is particular to Japan. The Koreans have their own version of

“sushi” with its own emphasis on the significance of the food to its cultural identity. The

same can be said of “bulad” (dried fish) to the Filipinos. The significance of a common

cultural item, such as fish, to the cultural identity of the individual and society as a whole

is undeniable in these local contexts. This commonality is a shared theme in Asian

cultures. Not lost in this commonality, nonetheless, is the unique indigenous significance

of each to its respective local context. In short, a particular theme maybe shared by many

diverse local contexts, while the narrative explaining the theme is very unique and

particular to each culture.

“Denominations of People” in Prehispanic Philippines

Citing Philippine ethnographic work written by French, German and Spanish

authors, Juana Pelmoka (1996) observes that the findings of these authors arrive at

differing conclusions. “Despite their differences, all concurred regarding the racial

ethnology of the Philippine archipelago. It showed that the Philippines had never been

82

inhabited by a single group of people, specially in historical times” (32). There were a

variety of tribal or ethnic groups of people before the Spaniards claimed to have

discovered the Philippine archipelago. Yet, while these diverse “denominations of people”

produced perplexity to the ethnographers, these same “denominations of people” were

practically identical (33). Still among the authors that Pelmoka investigated, it is clear that

the origins of these “denominations of people” were not identified to have derived from

one single shared source. The concurring voice among these authors points out that the

inter-marriage between races (or ethnic groups) and the continuous immigrations of

different races to the islands brought a sense of commonality to these “denominations of

people” (33).

This demonstration of social interconnectedness between various ethnic groups in

prehispanic Philippines heightens a phenomenon that is normally thought to be western.

That is, long before the term “globalization” became a western construct, it was and has

always been part and parcel of Filipino culture, both prehispanic and contemporary. In

this social interconnectedness, each ethnic group continues to both affirm and assert its

own unique culture. At the same time, each continues, as well, to share commonalities

which make them identical to each other. There seemed to be, among these

“denominations of people,” a willingness to share in a collective social culture while

guarding their own particularly unique traits. In this sense, there is already an historical

precursor to what Jan Pieterse terms “hybridity” (Pieterse 2004:110).

83

A Summary

In light of these case studies, participation in globalization is a given reality among

Asian cultures. The threat posed by hegemonic powers that generate the phenomenon of

globalization will no doubt continue to burden the socio-economic dynamics of the local

contexts. There are, however, cultural responses to the cultural stresses brought on by

global forces from the west. These responses do not mean disintegration of the primordial

culture in a given local context or capitulation to the subjugation sought by these global

hegemonic forces. Instead, they are adaptive responses that bring about socio-economic

transformation in the local culture, while the core themes are retained. If any, these

adaptive responses are required to sustain these core cultural themes while exemplifying a

type of hybridity in relation to global participation.

In like manner, doing theology locally in Asian contexts will require a view of

globalization that insists on viewing global realities from the engagement at the bottom in

the globalization process. This means a re-reading of phenomenological realities

consistent with the local contexts. In addition, it requires that new terms of engagement

be drawn up to ensure that the integrity and dignity of an engagement in globalization

from the bottom is affirmed. Otherwise, those in the bottom structure of the globalization

process will always be victimized and will eventually either resist or withdraw from full

participation. Consequently, the local contexts will inevitably construct a negating matrix

to counter the processes of globalization.

CHAPTER 3

TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF VICTIMIZATION

In the previous chapter, narratives of victimization were presented using case

studies from Muslim believers that depict resistance against powerful forces that seek to

subjugate their sense of being or Muslimhood. In the process, while it is at the local

context that the victimization happens, the study has presented evidence that a vehicle for

victimization, subjugation and exercise of hegemony utilizes the scope of globalization.

As a result, the study argues that doing theology in Asian contexts will require a view of

globalization that intentionally views global realities from “the bottom” instead of from

“above.” In this chapter, both the narratives and the evidences therein as presented in the

previous chapter are the entry points to build a framework towards a hermeneutic of

victimization. A hermeneutic of victimization, however, should not be viewed as solely a55

As proposed in this study, a hermeneutic of victimization presupposes that the experiences of55

victimization is integral to the construction of an interpretational framework for understanding reality. Itwill be further discussed later in this chapter that any type of hermeneutic can victimize the “others” whenhegemonic power with the intent to overcome is exercised in the interpretational process. It can thus besaid that it is possible that all hermeneutics have the capacity to victimize when hegemonic power isinserted in the process. In this case, such interpretational process could be called a victimizinghermeneutic (or a hermeneutic that victimizes). The proposed “hermeneutic of victimization,” however,is a particular interpretational process that centers around the local experiences of victimization amongdifferent peoples at the hand of hegemonic powers. Central to this experience is the relationship betweennarratives and hermeneutics. In addition, while the local refers to the local context, the term “hegemonicpowers” is not necessarily associated with global forces only. It could very well be that the existence ofhegemonic powers at the local level adds to the experiences of victimization by their fellow-local people.

84

85

local phenomenon. The state of affairs in Muslim urban poor communities in Davao City

can be compared with its similar counterparts in other Asian contexts, whether urban or

rural. In like manner, doing theology in a Muslim urban poor community in Davao City

can be correctly assumed to include a web of relationships that connects the result to

Mecca, to urban poor Manila and even to an urban poor community in Thailand, for

example. This correlation between the local and the global provides possibilities for

extrapolating the relationship further. In this section, a framework that will demonstrate

this web of relationships and particular characteristics that will describe a hermeneutic of

victimization will be examined. It is essential to keep in mind that this framework will be a

guide for interpreting current realities in local contexts where a history of victimization has

been experienced in the past and present.

A Prospect for Local Theologizing in Asian Contexts

C. S. Song argues that Asian spirituality is the “third eye” that is missing in the

hermeneutical process of western theological construction (1979:11). In what he calls

“third eye theology,” he provides a methodological support for the inter-connecting web

of relationships between similar local Asian contexts. He utilizes local stories from

different Asian contexts to demonstrate that the common themes of oppression,

deprivileging and violence represent the Asian hermeneutical scope. They are stories of

falling victims not only due to anthropological and political circumstances, but to the

religious and theological impulse to overcome the grassroots.

86

In both his books, Theology From the Womb of Asia (1986) and Third-Eye

Theology (1979), Song deals with the relationship between the suffering God and a

suffering humanity with reference to theological narratives from various Asian

experiences. He cites for instance, Shusaku Endo’s Silence (Chinmoku 1966). It is a56

classic Japanese novel about the story of a missionary Catholic priest who suffered

persecution from a feudal ruler during the Tokugawa era. In the midst of the persecution,

Japanese converts died agonizing deaths (suffering of humanity) while God seemed to

keep his silence. Unable to bear God’s silence and the continued suffering of Japanese

Catholics, the missionary priest recanted his faith (suffering God). Yet as he dealt with

God’s silence, he found peace again with the God he betrayed through the witness of the

persevering faith of Japanese Catholics in the midst of their persecution. In the end,

through the eyes of Japanese spirituality, he found a new form within which to retain the

Christian message he had sought to bring to the Japanese.

Comparatively, it is worthwhile to mention Kazo Kitamori’s The Theology of the

Pain of God (1965). Kitamori’s theological premise arises from the Japanese experience57

of the second world war. It is not unlike western theologizing as he absolutizes God’s

wrath as His essence. Unlike most Asian narratives, however, Kitamori’s “pain of God,”

as observed by Song, is without recourse to a peaceful salvation (1979:60). Thus, this

A personal review based on reading the novel in both Japanese and English.56

For Kazo Kitamori, his theological treatise called “the pain of God” arises from his experiences of 57

the second world war. His theologizing included reading the gospel message in the midst of such chaosand destruction. Thus, for him, God is in pain because of the terrible pain the world is going through inthe confusion and horror of war. This leads him to an interpretational process that centers on the notionthat “the heart of the Gospel was revealed to me as the ‘pain of God’” (1965:19).

87

“pain of God,” while alluding to His final glory, is defined mainly by a response of silence

to humanity’s pain and suffering:

An absolute being without wrath can have no real pain ... The pain of Godis his love — the love is based on the premise of his wrath, which isabsolute, inflexible reality. Thus the pain of God is real pain, the Lord’swounds are real wounds (Kitamori 1965:27).

That the silence from God’s pain is based not on pure love but on the premise of his wrath

is Song’s contention with Kitamori’s theology of God’s Pain. (Incidentally, reading God’s

wrath in this absolute way incorporates a view of tsurasa or pain that is quite contrary to

the Japanese Buddhist concept which always speaks of pain in relative terms.)

According to Song, on the one hand, the manner in which Kitamori “internalizes

God’s work of salvation within God himself” (1979:60) is born out of the theological

traditions of the west. Song likens Kitamori’s work to that of Jurgen Moltmann’s “the

crucified God” (Moltmann 1974:152).

The cross, according to Moltmann, is the division of God from God to theutmost degree, while the resurrection is the union of God with God in themost intimate fellowship. But the cross and the resurrection have takenplace within God, or between God and God. ... This is a clear example oftheology constructed and developed on what I call “the internalization ofsalvation within God himself” (1979:61).

For Song, his contention is not that Kitamori constructed his theology using a very

Japanese experience. The experience is real. The problem for Song is that Kitamori is

using a western framework to interpret a Japanese experience. Thus, while the narrative is

uniquely Japanese, Kitamori’s hermeneutic is western-based. For Song, this represents

and evokes the need to search for a local Asian spirituality.

88

Song’s analysis of Chinmoku, on the other hand, has a historically different

response. Those who recanted were deemed as traitors for turning their backs on God.

Yet, the same offending people later came out of hiding when Japan reopened its doors to

the outside world in 1865. They came out looking for the icons of the Catholic faith,

telling stories of their Christmas and Lent celebrations, and recalling the life of the priests

who had led them to a new faith in Christ. Thus, inasmuch as Silence is a sad recounting

of tragic stories of that time, Song concludes that God continued, after all, to speak in the

hearts of those “crypto-Christians” who were thought to have left the faith. Simply, they58

had learned to evaluate their faith according to their immediate context. In due course,

and while outwardly performing acts of recantation, they had saved their lives and

preserved their faith in the matrix of their spirituality. Such is the manner by which

negative hermeneutic can be in praxis within the context of the global Asian experience.59

It is worth noting at this point that while the immediate application of this study is

focused on Muslim local contexts in the southern Philippines, these local contexts also

share vital thematic experiences and articulation with their Asian neighbours. These

include political, historical, gender, social and cultural commonalities in which

Japanese who converted to Christianity and managed to survive religious persecution during the58

Tokugawa era.

From a historical perspective, John England’s edited work called Living Theology in Asia (1982)is a59

collection of diverse Asian theological writings based on grassroots experiences of Asians from differentcontexts. The writings basically demonstrate a congruency with the premise of Song’s third-eye theology. While this collection of various articles written by different Asian theologians is dated, the essence of theirindividual discourse based on their grassroots experiences continues to ring true even now. The samethemes which gave birth to different theologies in Asia two decades ago are still the same themes thatcurrent local Asian theologizing is addressing. Issues of God’s perspective on human suffering andstruggle toward full humanity resonate similarly across the diverse local Asian contexts. Simply said,these local Asian theologians have focused their individual theological journey within the matrix of anAsian collective cynicism against the hegemonic power from the West.

89

victimization happens along their respective hermeneutical journeys. Yet, while each one

has unique manifestations locally, there is a global thematic reality that inter-connects each

local community. For this reason, this project is as much about the Asian context as it is

about a local context in the Philippines.

Theoretical Construction of a Hermeneutic of Victimization

Hermeneutics, as a theory of interpretation, often carries with it the conventional

assumption that it is a servant to epistemology. The conventional idea that knowledge is

the end goal of interpretation, however, has long been in dispute. The works of Gadamer

and Nietzche argue with clarity that there is no such thing as “objective” knowledge,

where knowledge can be ascertained as absolute and irrefutable. In addition, for example,

the line drawn between evangelical conservatism and evangelical liberalism even affirms

that there are presuppositions in the construction of knowledge. It would be

counterproductive for this study to ignore the dilemna that presuppositions affect the

interpretational process.

In the course of examining different hermeneutical theories in this section of the

study, emphasis will be placed upon the different presuppositions in each hermeneutic.

While causal factors will be significant, the effects resulting thereof will be deemed a

priori to an understanding of a hermeneutic of victimization. This study will also assume

that Segundo’s hermeneutical circle is valid.

90

The Matrix of Presuppositions

Victimization is an organic process conceived and constructed through victimizing

experiences. The environment of its conception is its very matrix. Determining the

dynamics of this matrix is essential to comprehending the gravity of this experience. In

short, the state of affairs within this matrix will demonstrate the cause and effect nature of

victimization. In the case of hermeneutics, the dynamics of victimization are no different.

The significance of a matrix within which victimization is borne is that it provides the

context wherein which culture will eventually either continues to be oppressed or find

emancipation. Simply put, the matrix is where the DNA of each story of victimization is

imbedded. While all levels of victimization long for emancipation, a delineation of the

constitution of its matrix is required before any liberation may take place.

In his book The Fall of Interpretation (2000). James K.A. Smith posits a thesis

which states that a “creational hermeneutic” finds hermeneutics to be a constitutive part60

of creation (22). Since creation has been pronounced good by God, it follows that

hermeneutics is also good. Creational hermeneutic celebrates humanity, but also laments

its rupture at the fall because of its belief in a good creation. At the heart of the thesis is a

recognition of pluralities in God’s creation (especially of humankind). It is cognizant of a

space wherein the infinite love of God reflects the good of His creation. In turn, this

goodness allows for God’s creatures to speak, sing and dance in a multivalent chorus of

tongues (184).

According to Smith, “creational hermeneutic” states that “hermeneutics is constitutive of creaturehood60

but also, as created, is structurally good” (2000:23).

91

In Smith’s survey (2000:23) of the contemporary hermeneutical discussion, he

identifies three interpretational traditions. He calls the first tradition the present

immediacy model, which is congruent to evangelical hermeneutics (20). The second he

terms the eschatological immediacy model, which is espoused by Pannenberg, Gadamer

and Habermas (21). And the last interpretational tradition he calls the violent mediation

model, which is as shared by Derrida and Heidegger (22). His presentation does not deal

with what constitutes hermeneutics per se. Instead, he argues that each model is an

“interpretation of interpretations” (19). These are based on a presupposition that

questions whether interpretation is a consequence of the fall of humankind or constitutive

of creation.

Smith’s thesis exhibits how presuppositions are critical factors in theologizing.

While there is nothing new in this (cf. Gadamer), he pays more attention to a greater61

critical factor in hermeneutical engagement. He points out that the presupposition of

one’s model of interpretation is ultimately the origin from which other interpretations are

deprivileged. The evidence he gives demonstrates the violence of interpretation.

Heidegger also espouses and corroborates this position. This is a violence that assumes62

Cf. Gadamer (1989). Here Gadamer attempts to demonstrate that the Enlightenment rejection of61

religious authority in favour of reason is really a rejection of one authority for another, of one tradition fora different tradition (276). In short, the Enlightenment’s “prejudice against prejudice” is prejudice itself.

In Being and Time (1962), Heidegger argues that to understand the meaning of being, one needs to62

interrogate human beings about the meaning of their own existence. He designates dasein as a term ofreference for “to be there” in which “dasein” understands himself in relation to other things and people.Dasein is thus always engaged in “everyday circumspective interpretation. [That is,] whenever somethingis interpreted as something, the interpretation will be founded essentially upon fore-having, fore-sight,and fore-conception. An interpretation is never a presuppositionless apprehending of somethingpresented to us” (191-192). Thus, every interpretation is a decision for a way of conceiving, a way ofreading, either with finality or with reservations.

92

power by claiming a monopoly on the interpretive process and thereby denying the

plurality that is vitally constitutive of God’s creation.

To this end, Smith’s work provides credence that such violence of interpretation

results in a state of victimization. It is a victimization that affects the inferiority of those

who dare to interpret outside the normative power of tradition. This is given support by

the relationship between Heidegger’s dasein and the “other community/tradition.” In the

world of conservative evangelicalism, this violence is presupposed by a view of

hermeneutics which says that this violence is a consequence of the fall of humanity

(2000:25). In turn, it is believed that there is a need to redeem hermeneutics in the

present. Yet this notion of redemption implies the necessity to eradicate interpretation

because it is tainted by sin. Any interpretation tainted by sin, after all, has no place either

in creation or in relationship with God. The result, however, leaves people “deprivileged.”

Concretely speaking, this happens when one is interpreting a Scripture text and fails to

arrive at the same epistemological product that is commonly shared by a more powerful

and traditional particular hermeneutical community, such as those belonging in

conservative evangelicalism. In this case, the former is perceived to be wrong by the

latter. In addition, the former’s interpretational process and end product are deemed

inferior and not trustworthy compared to the latter. At its core, the inferiority is believed

to be a consequence of sin.

Against this violence, Smith’s provides an alternative construal of creation. In this,

hermeneutics is constitutive of creation and thus always good although violence is

possible. This latter is a result of being tainted by the fall of humanity. Smith also affirms

93

the goodness of hermeneutic as constitutive of creation. Hermeneutics therefore is a

creational task even in finitude (Smith 2000:23). Thus, its basic constitutive nature is, in

effect, a gift from a creating God to all of His creation. In such a matrix, hermeneutics is

not only borne out of one’s own personal presuppositions. It is also informed and heavily

guided by one’s choice of interpretational model (Smith 2000:19). Even Smith himself

admits that his creational hermeneutic assumes the tenets of his presuppositional stance or

the presuppositions of his hermeneutical model.

The presence of a matrix of presupposition, however, is not the critical

contribution from Smith’s arguments to the subject at hand. Rather, it is that the specter

of violence in the interpretation process brings out a fearsome picture of victimization in

which the hermeneut is directly engaged (Smith 2000:24). The worst fear in the

interpretational process is perhaps not the construction of a wrong propositional

knowledge. Instead, it is the fear of intruding into and disempowering the dignity and

integrity of the people for whom the hermeneut seeks to interpret. This is descriptive of

cross-cultural contexts where a hermeneut often is interpreting cultural forms which are at

times non-existent in his own sphere of cultural context or reality. Intrusion happens in

this case when the hermeneut insists his/her own interpretational product upon the local

community. This is done even when confronted of its incomprehensibility in the local

cultural context. The insistence is based on a belief that the hermeneut’s hermeneutical

product is the only way to understand the meaning of the text in view. Avoiding then such

a dehumanizing potential of hermeneutics becomes one of the critical tasks in the

94

interpretational process. For Smith, it is important to affirm the goodness in the

interpretation process.

The hermeneutical structure of creation is good; it produces goods: aplurality of interpretations and a diversity of readings. The sin of Babel wasits quest for unity – one interpretation, one reading, one people – whichwas an abandonment of creational diversity and plurality in favor ofexclusion and violence; and “the ravages of hatred have an ominoussameness.” Plurality in interpretation is not the original sin; it is, on thecontrary, the original goodness of creation: a creation where many flowersbloom and many voices are heard, where God is praised by a multitudefrom “every tribe and language and people and nation” (Rev 5:9), singingsongs in a diversity of tongues, even worshiping through a diversity oftheologies (2000:33).

Clearly, interpretation is inherent in creation. And because creation is good, hermeneutics

is originally good. It is this goodness that mandates all hermeneutical engagement with

the task of creational interpretation.

A hermeneutic of victimization also presumes that something can go wrong with

the interpretational process. On this subject matter, Brian Walsh (1995) records an honest

discussion of what can go wrong with a hermeneutical model. Working as a faculty

member at the Institute of Christian Studies, he examined the Christian Reformed tradition

of a hermeneutic based on an ethos of creation. In due process, he engaged his fellow

faculty members in a consultation. He claimed that this particular tradition had gone awry

because it had stopped serving the crisis experiences of faith communities founded in the

redemption of Christ and those communities without as well.

The consultation exposed the struggle felt among the participants. They were

faced with considering the replacement of an ethos of creation with another ethos to guide

their hermeneutical presuppositions. Only one presupposition, however, was set firmly for

95

them. That is, whatever ethos was to be adopted had to be both relevant and affirming of

the creation narrative. The consulting participants remained faithful to the integrity of the

ethos of creation. Where they agreed there were insufficiencies, was where they

concentrated their efforts to clarify and add to their ethos. In the consultative process, the

integrity of creation as integral to their hermeneutical process was affirmed. To this, the

construction of an ethos of compassion was added (Keesmat in Walsh 1995:162).

Simply, a world in crisis must be met with an integrity of creation in an ethos of

compassion. Otherwise, as the group had come to recognize, their theology would

become invalid and useless. In the end, the result still affirms what is locally normative but

shiftes the interpretational process to emphasize the need for attending to the reality of

suffering. In so doing, Walsh was able to demonstrate how a hermeneutical

presupposition wrestles to avoid victimizating those whom they seek to engage.

The issue of relevancy to a world that seems to have changed constantly its

paradigmatic models in a very short a time, is a theme that also defines the nature of the

crisis of interpretation in contemporary times. James Olthuis (1997), presupposing the

conditions of post modernity, views this crisis as indicative of the breakdown of what was

once acknowledged as truth: universal reason. He traces the emphasis on knowing

universal reason as a perpetuation of the presupposition of modernity borne out of the

Enlightenment project. As a result, not unlike Smith, Olthuis claims that the emphasis on

knowing or epistemological prioritization results in the exclusion of others; in other

words, a systematic attempt by modernity’s universal reason to exclude faith (9).

Signifying an identity for these “excluded others,” he introduces a theory of “Other-wise.”

96

By “Other-wise,” he refers to “be(ing) ethically wise with respect to the other, and to

honor the other who is too often excluded from the cultural discourses of power and

influence” (9). He also calls these “other-wise” the “suffering other.”

The shift that postmodern conditions has introduced to the hermeneutical

discussion underlines the greater significance of the interpretation process over that of

epistemological determination. It would be easier perhaps for Olthuis to disregard the

contributions of modernity upon epistemological theory. He recognizes, however, that the

epistemological significance of the Enlightenment period is valid even today. He

conditions this by arguing for an imperative condition. That is, any epistemological

presupposition must effect an understanding of a God who can be traced in the face of the

suffering “other” (8). Humankind’s task is therefore to sojourn together in the “wild

spaces of love.” In these “wild spaces of love,” power-over the other is replaced with63

“knowing-otherwise” that takes the risk of loving the “other,” the risk of meeting in

mutuality. In short, what has previously resulted in victimization can actually be averted

to produce a hermeneutic that is non-violent.

This hermeneutic of affirmation is certainly the objective of the editors involved in

writing Theology Without Foundation (1995). They argue for a non-foundational

approach to epistemology, foundationalism being a theory about knowledge. Using the

Building on Levina’s model, the theme of mutuality is central to Olthuis’ concept of “wild spaces of63

love.” “The dance of mutuality is always drenched in vulnerability and risk because it is a non-coercedmeeting of two free subjects in the wild spaces of love” (1997:147). He calls for a vision of love thatwould be central to a demonstration of caring instead of curing symptoms. He further calls this the“beautiful risk” of knowing other-Wise. This latter concept is given full demonstration in his book, TheBeautiful Risk (2001), where he explains that healing occurs through loving relationships that involvecare, compassion and connection.

97

foundationalist metaphor of “knowledge as a building,” Nancy Murphy (McClendon)

observes:

Two other problems undermine (note the metaphor!) the foundationalistproject. One is the belief that are in fact usable for purposes of justificationoften turn out to presuppose beliefs that belong to the higher stories. Forexample, my belief that I am now seeing a blue book depends onbackground knowledge that I am viewing it under normal lightingconditions. Thus the foundationalist picture of linear reasoning (bottom totop) is an oversimplification; and if one of the rationales for having afoundation was to avoid circular reasoning, this is a devastating criticism(Hauerwas et al 1995:11).

The violence of presupposition in this observation points to the victimizing nature of an

epistemology borne out of a philosophy of modernity. The victimizing nature of a

foundationalist approach relies on the presupposition of a metanarrative with emphasis on

a unitary and universal discourse. McLendon and company insist on the abandonment to

claims of universal discourse or metanarrative, where reason powers over the “other”

individual and community.

The thrust of the argument above points to a paradigmatic shift away from the

Enlightenment project. Still, the argument does not deny the historicity of the various

structures descriptive of faith. Namely, contemporary evangelical faith undoubtedly has

been served well by structures that are influenced by modernity. And for a good period of

time, they served the faith to become contemporaneous, relatively speaking that is. The

point of contention though is the current “now.” Thus, while a paradigm might have

served well before, it does not necessarily mean it still serves well now. Still, the view at64

The concept of Christendom is a good example. During the period of the Crusades in church history,64

the term was widely accepted. It served the church’s mission and purpose during a particular period oftime regardless of the value that current church tradition accords it in the present. Currently, the churchas a whole has separated itself from the term but has maintained in its fervour to carry out its missionary

98

hand posits a view that does not necessarily destroy these structures. Rather, it seeks to

recover the importance of community, epistemology, linguistics and ethics. It is within

these categories that the local contexts are interpreted according to their functions within

the diversities and ambiguities inherent in these contexts. As a result, it makes the

understanding of Scriptural narratives comprehensible. In particular, Scriptural truth

claims may find congruency with the local worshiping communities.

Reflecting on the African roots of African Americans, Theophus Smith (in

Cochrane 1999) observes that the experience from slavery to emancipation in the African

context is not an abstracted and metaphysical event. To the contrary, their practices and

corresponding discourses are born out in narrative modes of experiences akin to the story

of the exodus in the Old Testament.

It is through the stories that a people tells itself, and tells about itself, thatits practices become internalized, definitive and formative for theircharacter. In this regard, the sacred story of black Americans is the storyof a pharmacopeic people whose enslaved ancestors received the divine giftof a prescriptive repertory or formulary, the Bible. With this formulary wehave been empowered to prescribe for ourselves, and for othercommunities, healing models and processes for treating our own afflictions,and those of our nation and the world. The signal figure in that formularyis the Christ figure: a model for curing oppression and violence that enablesus to embrace (to save) our enemies rather than destroy them. God grantthat our theologies too may assist in rendering us even more proficient inecstatic realizations of that model. (Cochrane 1999:139)

Accordingly, even Olthuis’ “wild spaces of love” (2001) can be applied appropriately in

this setting. His term gives an affirmative appraisal of the historical narrative based on the

experience of African Americans. It also rejects the presuppositions of the Enlightenment

task.

99

project which has had a wide influence over colonial practices around the world. One of

the consequences of such practice is slavery, be it in the inlands of Africa or the cotton

farms of southern USA or the sugar plantations in Negros Occidental of the Philippines. 65

In effect, it ignores the metanarrative demanded by foundationalists because it seeks to

address the total needs of this particular ethno-cultural people group. Such affirmation

essentially gives validation to the very context of their stories of oppression and violence.

This, in turn, has become their theological starting point towards a healing model

This matrix of presuppositions helps to delineate the context where victimization is

experienced. It also describes the role that hermeneutics play therein. According to

Smith’s creational hermeneutic, the activity of interpretation is good because it is part and

parcel of God’s creation. Engagement in hermeneutics, therefore, is a necessary

component to being God’s creation. This sets the rules of engagement in this matrix of

presuppositions. This engagement prioritizes the significance of “the other.” This is so as

not to dominate and overcome “the other.” To do otherwise is to do violence to “the

other.” In turn, this type of victimization has been demonstrated through the rise of

reason above all things during the Enlightenment period.

A hermeneutic of victimization has both global and local manifestations. The critical point in65

comprehending a hermeneutic of victimization as this chapter seeks to demonstrate is the “use” of power. In this particular study, however, the relationship between evangelical modal and sodal structures andMuslim believers engaged in what is commonly known as “insider movement” in missiological studies isfocal. There is no intention, however, to marginalizal other manifestations of a hermeneutic ofvictimization in the global scope. Moreover, it needs to be noted that this study is an attempt to engage inthe subject at hand within the framework of postmodern conditions. With this in mind, it will serve thereader well to remember the selected postmodern conditions which this study is developing in due course. These themes are: alterity or others, hybridity or plurality (including plurality within plurality) anddiversity or multiplicity.

100

In addition, it is equally significant to examine vital factors affecting hermeneutics,

i.e., a hermeneutic of victimization. These factors are language and meanings, which are

inherently significant in the interpretational process. In the next section of this chapter,

these factors will be discussed to demonstrate, on the one hand, how hegemonic powers

through the utilization of metanarrative can continue its victimizing influence in the

interpretational process. On the other hand, the ensuing discussion will also show how

postmodern conditions help to negate the advance of hegemonic powers in the

hermeneutical process. This is necessary so as to prevent the interpretational process from

becoming a vehicle of victimization itself.

Language and Meanings in the Matrix of Presuppositions

Stanley Grenz and John Franke (2001) agree that the demise of foundationalism is

inevitable in a post modern context. At the same time, they raise the issue of what happens

to the foundationalist presuppositions in such a context. By demise, the question is, “Is

foundationalism overcome by a non-foundational approach or can it still actually be

practiced?” In which case, if it is overcome, the follow-up question would be “Is a non-

foundational approach that frowns on the use of power and control as happens in

foundationalism going to utilize power likewise to dominate others?” In their attempt to

clarify the issue of power and control in hermeneutics, Grenz and Franke propose a

methodological perspective called “beyond foundationalism.” In this attempt, they remain

very affirming of the significance of a metanarrative which conservative evangelicals still

101

cling to as a form of orthodoxy. At the same time, they want to shed some light on the

strengths of non-foundationalism.

“Beyond foundationalism” is an affirmation that the local contextuality of

theologizing is the product of theological reflection coming from a particular Christian

community. They also equally affirm that despite this local nature, a theology has a66

global sense. This happens firstly because such theologizing explicates the ecumenical

faith of the church throughout its history and on behalf of the church throughout the

world. Secondly, they argue that all theologizing is public. This means it carries an

implicit claim that such theologizing is “for all.” This means that theologizing invites a

wider response just as it is offered as contribution to the wider public conversation among

the universal Christian faith community (Grenz and Franke 2001:26).

For Grenz and Franke, this type of methodology, i.e., beyond foundationalism,

may foster a “generous orthodoxy.” It is a generosity that allows for the recognition of a

metanarrative on the one hand, while on the other hand also recognizes local contexts.

Yet, as attractive as this methodology seems to be, it also includes a requirement to affirm

what Grenz and Franke call “eschatological realism” (2001:273)67

Eschatological realism carries significant implications for theologicalmethod and our understanding of theology. Through the use of linguistic

See footnotes on page 47.66

Grenz’ and Franke (2001) holds onto a position that is similar to Wolfhart Pannenberg’s theological67

agenda. Pannenberg (1972) argues that theological formulation does not need to be coherent, yet heappeals at the same time for a type of realism that is grounded in a foundational definition of God (11). Grenz and Franke explains this ambiguity through a theoretical exposition that constructs a synthesis ofexistential dynamism and metaphysical philosophy, which they call realist metaphysics (2001:45). Interestingly, this is similarly shared by George Lindbeck (1984:74) who argues that Christian faithestablishes the ground rules for what constitute Christian thinking, speaking and living which is set inlocal communities, where expressions of the Christian faith are relatively demonstrated.

102

models and under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, the Christian communityconstructs a particular world for human habitation. For its part, theologyexplores the world-constructing, knowledge-producing, identity-forming“language” of the Christian community. The goal of the enterprise is toshow how the Christian mosaic of beliefs offers a transcendent vision of theglorious eschatological community God wills for creation and how thisvision provides coherent foundation for life-in-relationship in thispenultimate age as we anticipate the glorious fullness of the eschatologicalnew creation.

Simply put, eschatological realism seeks to construct one definitive Christian community.

Under this Christian community, the entire mosaic of Christian beliefs are still presupposed

by one definitive theology. In essence, the Christian community in view provides the

environment where a hegemony of metanarrative is cultivated. Moreover, the theology68

the is presupposed in this Christian community remains a static form in its confessional

state instead of a being dynamic action to be participated in and constructed.

As a methodological perspective, therefore, beyond foundationalism does not

necessarily foresee the demise of foundationalism as inevitable. It seeks instead to

reinterpret foundationalism using the language of the postmodern context. At its core (or

foundation), however, it maintains the presuppositions of the Enlightenment project. This,

in turn, is based on the philosophy of modernity and one that is bent on controlling all

theologizing activities by the premise of metanarrative language. In short, the emphasis on

language has become its tool with the effect that the generous orthodoxy it purports to

While the focus of this study is on heremeneutics, the problem of metanarrative is at the crux of the68

issue. The epistemological divide between modernity and postmodernity may be best summed up by theinfluence of metanarrative on knowledge, i.e., a claim to provide universal legitimation through consensus(Lyotard 1984:23-27). Assertion of any form of metanarrative presupposes universal reason. And whilecurrent evangelical thinkers openly question “universal reason,” none are too quick to disregard it (Grenz& Franke (2001:47). To postmodern theological thinkers, this inability to disregard results is an

imposition of an epistemology that powers over other theological constructs (Olthuis 1997:143).

103

espouse has actually become a conditioned generosity. As in Wittgenstein’s theory, it is

back to the language games. 69

Accordingly, the complexity that surrounds “beyond foundationalism” can be

traced to a view of hermeneutics that centers around language as posited by Paul Ricouer.

Expounding on Ricouer’s theory, Don Ihde argues that the hermeneutical task is to

decipher the multiple significance of a text. In so doing, the location of the hermeneutic

problem takes its specific shape in words which have symbolic significance. For instance,

having a metaphorical structure. This symbolism has within itself a structure of meaning

“in which a direct, primary, literal sense designates in addition another sense which is

indirect, secondary, and figurative and which can be apprehended only through the first”

(Ihde 1974:xiv). This entails the necessity of a surface meaning and a less obvious deeper

meaning. In this structure lies the conflict of interpretation for Ricouer according to Ihde.

That is, contrary to the insistence of the modern project towards one sole primary meaning

resulting in a metanarrative account, it gives affirmation to the multiplicity of meanings

derived from any type of hermeneutical project (Ihde 1974:64).

What may have seemingly been an affirmative correlative between Grenz and Franke’s theory of a69

“world beyond foundations” and Olthuis’ “wild spaces of love” (2001) is actually a demonstration of thecomplexity to keep the hermeneutical task from being a victimizing tool. Wittgenstein’s “languagegames” is used by Grenz and Franke to support the hegemony of metanarrative (2001:52). That is, intheir attempt to interpret “language games” within the framework of a nonfoundational framework, Grenzand Franke posit that while postmodern thinkers are using the language game, they insist that anonfoundational theological methodology can lead to statements about a world beyond foundations. Theproblem with Grenz and Franke’s position, however, points to their understanding that a nonfoundationaltheology demands consensus. Yet, it is this insistence on consensus that Lyotard’s position disagreeswith. For Lyotard, Wittgenstein’s “language games” seek to avoid consensus in relation to interpreting atext. Lyotard, (in Smith 2000:165-166) argues that the insistence of modernity upon legitimationthrough consensus using the language games is not possible because the “incommensurability of languagegames recognizes there is no consensus.”

104

This finds a theoretical construction that is congruent with Charles van Engen’s

theory of fuller knowledge. Van Engen claims that “the continuity of progressive

revelation indicates the deep, fuller and more complete self-revelation of God down

through history” (van Engen 1989:81). Van Engen demonstrates this by inter-connecting

the covenants God had previously established throughout the history of humankind

beginning with Adam. He calls this a series of hermeneutical circles (81). Accordingly,

the dialogue between text and context produces a different (or more complete) but not

necessarily unique knowledge about God’s revelation. As each covenant proceeds from a

previous one “over time the eternal God becomes progressively more completely known

to God’s people” (82). In this case, the meaning of the text remains the same throughout

history. In addition, the knowledge accrued throughout is progressive and fuller than

what was revealed in the covenants preceeding it.

For Charles Kraft (1981), the dialectical sequence between text and context

produces different meanings but remains true to a constant message. Of foremost

importance in this message is the information, which is the raw material from which

messages and meanings are constructed (1981:135) and are represented by forms and

symbols. The message consists of the “structuring of a body of information in a way

appropriate to the ethnolinguistic context within which it is transmitted” (1981:135). This

message remains “constant” throughout history. The meaning is the “structuring of

information in the minds of persons” (1981:135). His theory presupposes that the

meaning “is frequently encoded into messages that are transmitted by communicators to

receptors who decode into messages and, under the stimulus of those messages,

105

restructure meanings in their own minds” (1981:135). In short, the “constancy” of God’s

message (from Adam to the present) implies that the message does not change within

human experience. This message, which Kraft views as constant, however, is interpreted

by finite human beings in different historical and cultural contexts. It is in these contexts

that different meanings interpreted from the one “constant message” are constructed. In

comparison, Ricouers’ multiplicity of meanings is celebrated as pluralities of meanings for

Caputo (2000). Caputo’s theory of “more radical hermeneutics” is a confession of

necessity to understand that our hermeneutical situation is not a search for the “absolute

secret” (2000:3). It is a process of tracing and reading signs in our structures, thus

producing a multiplicity of meanings. To do otherwise is to make the search for the

absolute secret a priori to all hermeneutical tasks. Consequently, this violates all other

claims to knowledge about the “absolute secret.” Thus, instead of pursuing the absolute

secret, Caputo proposes a hermeneutics of friendship (2000:65).

This friendship constitutes a relation that exceeds knowledge, called non-

knowledge. By non-knowledge, Caputo constructs a hermeneutic of non-knowing that

puts any claim of knowing the essence of human being into question. This signifies a

certain hope for something else or “otherwise,” be it negative or positive (2000:5). This

perspective of non-knowledge is based on three specific areas: gender, science and ethics

(2000:127). His objective is to apply non-knowledge into these areas in order to produce

not confusion but an opening. It is an opening for direction instead of a confession of

ignorance. This direction does not exclude new possibilities from voices outside the

traditions where these instances or affairs have been typically confined.

106

These possibilities thereof depend upon taking a “hermeneutic turn.” Caputo

explains

that the point of scientific discovery is to gain an angle of entry into aphenomenon, adopt a revisable construction where the rules begin to beshaky and no method has yet been determined, all for the purpose of takinga ‘fresh cut’ into things (151).

In the end, the overly prescriptive ethical accounts which claim to know The Secret of

human behaviour are negated. This is what Caputo calls the end of ethics (172) in

reference to human behaviour. On the one hand, its purpose is to maximize and optimize

the possibilities of human flourishing. On the other hand, it hopes to minimize violence by

allowing for the invention and acceptance of new forms and things to come that are not

foreseen. In the process, a form of negative theology emerges. It is negative in the sense

that like Derrida’s negative hermeneutics (Caputo 2000:30-31), there is a demand to be on

guard whenever a claim to grasp the Essence or the Absolute Secret is made. Thus,

through Caputo’s hermeneutics of friendship, instead of pursuing The Secret of human

behaviour, possibilities are sought to create an environment of non-violence.

In brief, Caputo’s “more radical hermeneutics” is based on non-knowledge. This

does not refer to some fanciful ability to make a clear, clean or absolute start, or to get

back to a place of some imaginary zero degree and to begin anew from there. Rather, it

confesses the necessity of reading the traces, following the tracks, and reading the signs.

Then, in the end,

...we are left to laugh through our tears and praying like mad, since forevery astute-looking individual who rises to proclaim that the constraints ofour conditions have been surmounted and wishes to announce thediscovery of The Secret, a complaint will be lodged. Thus, begins the

107

tragic-comic conundrum of life and death again where one constantly asks“ Whom shall I make my complaint? (12; cf. Kierkergaard 1983:200-201).

On the other side of the spectrum that is in contrast to Caputo’s theory, Grant

Osborne (1991) rejects the abandonment of fixed meanings. In what he calls

hermeneutical spiral, Osborne views sound biblical interpretation as a movement between

the horizon of the text and the horizon of the reader. This movement spirals nearer and

nearer toward the text’s intended meaning and its significance for today (1991:14). As a

whole, Osborne argues the necessity of relying on traditional exegetical tools - grammars,

lexicons, dictionaries, word studies, atlases, background studies, periodical articles,

commentaries - in order to deepen one’s knowledge base. These are necessary in order to

unlock what he calls the “in-depth” message under the surface of the text (7). On the one

hand, Osborne allows for contextual research as part of the hermeneutical process. On the

other, the task of interpretation is completed only at the level of original intended

meaning. Accordingly, this original intended meaning is foundational to the metanarrative

that is foundational to biblical theologizing (7).

Osborne’s spiral, however, does not refer to a spiral of multiple meanings gathered

from the text when read in different contexts. The movement of spiral in Osborne’s

hermeneutic is, rather, a search for the Absolute Secret (using Derrida’s language) that

eventually ends in a hermeneutical circle based on a plain-dimension different from the

hermeneut’s. The intent of Osborne’s hermeneutical spiral is to remind all hermeneuts that

all biblical theology must eventually meet in the same hermeneutical plain or circle. This is

regardless of the plurality and diversity of contexts. Essentially, Osborne’s hermeneutical

spiral is merely a perpetuation of conventional answers to theological inquiries. These

108

answers could have easily been provided by conservative theologians like himself. To do

otherwise, according to Osborne, would be to engage incorrectly in the theologizing

process.

Juan Luis Segundo proposes a methodology for an approach which attempts to

relate the past and present in dealing with God’s word. He calls this the “hermeneutic

circle.” He defines it as follows:

It is the continuing change in our interpretation of the Bible which isdictated by the continuing changes in our present-day reality, bothindividual and societal. “Hermeneut” means “having to do withinterpretation.” And the circular nature of this interpretation stems fromthe fact that each new reality obliges us to interpret the word of Godafresh, to change reality accordingly, and then to go back and reinterpretthe word of God again, and so on (Segundo in Ferm 1986:65).

Segundo includes two preconditions to this methodology. The first precondition is that

“the questions arising out of the present be rich enough, general enough, and basic enough

to force to change our customary conceptions of life, death, knowledge, society, politics

and the world in general” (65). The second precondition is

“if theology somehow assumes that it can respond to the new questions withoutchanging its customary interpretation of the Scriptures, that immediatelyterminates the hermeneutic circle. Moreover, if our interpretation of Scripturedoes not change along with the problems, then the latter will go unanswered; orworse, they will receive old, conservative, unserviceable answers” (66).

Accordingly, Segundo posits that where these two preconditions are not accepted,

theology will remain a conservative way of thinking and acting (66). “It thus becomes the

pretext for approving the existing situation or for disapproving of it because it does not

dovetail with guidelines and canons that are even more ancient and outdated” (66). The

109

main crux of Segundo’s hermeneutic circle in relation to theologizing is not so much with

content as with the method used to theologize in the face of real-life situations.

Following the thrust of Segundo’s point on the significance of method, the

characteristic controlling nature of conservative theologizing fits the description of one

who seeks to overcome any attempt to theologize. In fact, Segundo’s theory provides for

a series of hermeneutic circles which would be reflective of how God’s story is

experienced in different life situations. While Osborne’s hermeneutical spiral may seem70

to be progressive at first glance, in the end, it remains closed to new theologizing voices

whose methodologies include presuppositions that are different from his own. In effect, it

can be surmised that Osborne’s fundamental intent is to maintain an oblique past that

supposedly holds the Absolute Secret for the present and future. Echoing Segundo,

however, David Bosch (1983:493-496) writes,

The issue as to whether we should use the Bible deductively or inductivelyis really, therefore, a non-issue. We are, whether we like it or not. Andwhether we know it or not, involved in a two-way interpretative process.This “hermeneutical circle” ought not to be a vicious circle. But one inwhich a dynamic and creative dialogue takes place between “text” and“context.” Without the context the text remains ambiguous and misleading.. . . These facts (of indigenization in church history) should not upset usunduly. If we take the incarnation seriously, vastly different forms ofindigenization and contextualization are to be expected and applauded. Asa matter of fact, the Bible itself is an example of contextualization.

In view of the arguments presented in this section, the constitution of language and

meanings in the matrix of presuppositions is significant for one very particular reason. It

describes distinctly the victimizing character of an epistemological claim for a grand

This is comparable to Charles van Engen’s view of covenantal revelations as a series of hermeneutical70

circles (1989:81-83).

110

unitary universal discourse. This is important to recognize as it articulates, although in

negative language, a “non-knowledge.” For Caputo, “non-knowledge” results when71

each “hermeneutic turn” opens up new possibilities from voices which are otherwise

drowned by the overcoming power of a metanarrative discourse. Yet, even if there is that

possibility of a unitary metanarrative discourse representing a language that seeks God,

the allowance for a plurality of interpretations resulting in multiple meanings celebrates the

intent of God’s creation, i.e, Smith’s creational hermeneutic. It is the latter that provides

the hope for theologizing, especially at the local level. When this hope is realized,

emancipation from a hermeneutic of victimization will turn God-talk from an experience of

victimization to an affirmative experience.

A Summary

It would be too easy to summarily distinguish the dynamics of presuppositions,

language and meanings in the hermeneutical process as a tug-of-war between two

polarities. One polarity represents the centrality of the text, while the other the centrality

of the reader. The discussion of different theories as presented above reveals the co-

existence of several very different objectives in the realm of the hermeneutical world. The

dynamics of presuppositions, language and meanings in the hermeneutical process is an

ethical dynamism. It is ethical because its primary significance is the play on power that a

hermeneut exhibits (Smith 2000:177).

In very simple terms, “non-knowledge” is knowledge that does not seek absolute sense in which the71

power of those who espouse it can portray (even pretentiously) it as absolute and consequently use it toovercome others.

111

In turn, this power is in constant interaction with other hermeneuts who are

equally at play. To matter-of-factly posit a paradigm that all hermeneutical exercises must

spiral towards a metanarrative that holds the story of the Absolute Secret violates those

who hold to different hermeneutical paradigms, presuppositions and even methodologies.

It violates because it presumes that the authority of a metanarrative will make all other

local narratives, stories and discourses complete. In such a case, this metanarrative is

actually overcoming “the others” as represented by local narratives.

Furthermore, inherent within this presupposition is that such metanarrative will

liberate the local metanarratives from the limitations of local hermeneutical

methodologies. In short, such authority is saying that it has a far better and superior

mechanism in humankind’s search for the Absolute Secret. This presupposition of

authority to have the power to impose a metanarrative over local ones also seeks to limit

those who can actually perform the hermeneutical task. Such a hegemonic attitude, thus,

inhibits the hermeneutical processes by binding hermeneuts in the local contexts rather

than emancipating them. To the contrary, this attitude prevents the creation of a

“liberative” environment.

Whether one holds on to a paradigm that is fixed upon a static metanarrative or a

paradigm that encourages constant transformation is not really the ethical responsibility in

the hermeneutical process. The ethical responsibility of the hermeneut lies in determining

that one’s hermeneutical approach does not violate other hermeneuts through the exercise

of power. As pointed out by Lee Cormie’s (1994) concept on epistemological humility, it

is thus possible that a victimized “local” hermeneut who does not practice epistemological

112

humility could end up using a hermeneutic of victimization that also victimizes other

“local” hermeneuts.

In this case, it could be said that the hermeneutical approach is both a hermeneutic

of victimization and a hermeneutic that victimizes. The former provides an

interpretational process towards understanding reality. The latter, however, depicts the

attitude on power and control by the hermeneut in relation to other hermeneuts. In effect,

if the ethics of power is usurped by the hermeneut, the very interpretational method he or

she is using ends up controlling other hermeneuts and overcoming them. It, thus, needs to

be recognized that inherent within any interpretational methodology is a hegemonic

objective that seeks to deprivilege other hermeneuts. To dominate over one hermeneut,

while utilizing the dynamics of presuppositions, language and meanings, is to equally

demonstrate a hermeneutic of victimization. Without heeding “epistemological humility”

that Cormie espouses, there is no “liberative” value in a hermeneutic of victimization. In

this state, a hermeneutic of victimization is in danger of becoming a static methodology

that only expounds another framework for negative theologizing and nothing more. In

fact, a static state can easily be institutionalized that a cycle of hegemonic interpretational

methodology spins off what is originally designed to bring both global and local forces to

engage in the realities of the subject at hand. Cormie’s condition, however, opens up a

way to move beyond the negative senses of a hermeneutic of victimization. That is, an

attitude of humility points all hermeneuts to the God who created goodness in the exercise

113

of interpretation. The same Creator is the same God who demonstrated how to deal with

power as all hermeneuts engage in the practice of interpretation.72

Examples of a Hermeneutic of Victimization

The practice of deprivileging others who interpret in a manner that does not follow

a metanarrative imposed by a hegemonic hermeneutical approach is historically verifiable.

It is not a new phenomenon but one that represents a centuries-old struggle. It

encompasses theological, political, gender and socio-historical scopes. Its dominating

attitude victimizes the deprivileged through hegemonic hermeneutical constructions. This

section will examine examples of these constructions in order to demonstrate the results of

a hermeneutic of victimization.

Hermeneutics and Gender Victimization

In her book, Texts of Terror (1984), Phyllis Trible examines four suffering

women in the Bible. She argues that these women suffered as victims at the hands of the

power that was wielded by the power-gender males in their particular ethno-cultural-

historical context. These women are Hagar, Tamar, an unnamed concubine and the

daughter of Jephthah. Accordingly, Trible traces a common theme among these women.

She claims that these women are linked by a pain which was caused by the man (or men)

who was closest to them. Her thesis lies within this theme, which she calls the “point of

See Appendix C. This is a reflection on a Christocentric reading concerning how the incarnation of72

Christ is a possible basis for dealing with power in interpretation.

114

these stories.” In these stories, she posits that women, not men, are suffering servants and

Christ figures.

Critical to her argument are stories throughout the Bible of forgotten women. It is

these forgotten women, of the great stories, which were the ones to suffer. In this light,

Trible looks not only at the storyline but gives attention to hidden meanings, repetitions,

or symbolic usage of specific words and phrases. She also brings to light parts of

individual stories that have so often been forgotten or overlooked. She uses these tools in

an effort to show people that these women suffered because the men in their lives were

either unwilling or too filled with selfish emotion to help them. In short, each experienced

violence as their personhood was interpreted by the power-gender (which is normally

represented by males). In addition, Trible notes that this is not necessarily because of their

respective ethno-cultural contexts but by virtue of the sin of self-preservation.

In re-telling the stories of these women, Trible shows the death, destruction and

suffering they underwent and reveals that they were left not triumphing but, rather, still

limping (5). In this enclave of terror, she demonstrates that throughout the Bible, women

were oppressed and tormented by the men who should have taken care of them. She also

indicates that these women underwent these struggles even though their only intention was

to do good. In the process, Trible provides a clear demonstration of how theologizing

borne out of victimization can emerge from a hermeneutic based on the rhetoric of

sexuality.73

In God and the Rhetoric of Sexuality (1978) Trible chooses to use rhetorical criticism, where she places73

the methodological clue to her hermeneutics upon the text itself. While she views that a proper analysis ofthe forms in the text will yield proper articulation of meaning, she argues that the emphasis in themethodology is a recognition that the Bible is a literature and thereby not needing to be proved as

115

The examples of each women she cites in her book depict the intention of her

hermeneutics. Hagar returned to her family at God’s command only to receive more

suffering. Tamar thought not of herself but of how she could save her brother from sin.

The unnamed concubine returned to her master to be forsaken once again. Jephthah’s

daughter returned to her father only to be sacrificed. Each knew the horrible ending that

awaited her, yet they still did what they faithfully committed to do because of their

understanding of what was good.

In these demonstrations of good, Trible provides evidence that the Bible is a book

of stories about “dominated” women. They suffered violence not at the hands of their

enemies but at the hands of the power-gender in their inner circle. Ironically, these power-

gender males were expected to protect and take care of them. As a result of their

suffering, these women are central actors in these biblical stories who represent Christ-like

figures (2-3).

Hermeneutics and Political Victimization

In The Tears of Lady Meng (1982) C. S. Song proposes doing theology with

the intention of demythologizing the safety of presupposed traditions. Based on a

literature. She further makes the distinction that a literary reading of the Bible is different from a readingthat focuses on extrinsic factors such as historical background, archaeological data, compositional history,authorial intention, sociological setting or theological motivation and ensuing presuppositional results (8). She also utilizes symmetrical structure based on the concentric circles used in the Wisdom heremeneuticaltraditions (1984: 42-43; cf. M. Kolarcik (1981).

116

Chinese folktale, he constructs a theology that wrestles with the political ethic of the cross

of Jesus (63). His interpretational methodology is neither analogical nor analytical

(characteristics which are typical of western hermeneutics). His hermeneutic argues that a

political theology located in the spaces created by stories of spiritual power in the context

of suffering is the locus where God gives the power – ethic of truth, love and justice (65-

66).

The character of Song’s hermeneutic is grounded in a story of victimization where

a dominant political power is once again imposing itself. Similar to the end achievement

of Trible’s female biblical actors, the willingness of Song’s Lady Meng to sacrifice herself

left an impact that outlasted the Emperor’s rule. The Emperor, who is supposed to be the

defender of the people of his kingdom, treated them instead like grass and weeds. The

ending of the story may seem tragic like all stories of victimization. Lady Meng’s violent

death, however, gives birth to a theological construct that is more than a metaphor.

Song’s hermeneutical construction of a political theology based on this story is thus an

exhibition of how hermeneutical violence may be overcome while affirming the good in

hermeneutics. Simply, without reconstructing history, it is possible to move beyond the74

consequences of hermeneutical victimization, and possibly lead to a liberating conscience

that ultimately validates and frees both the victim and her community.

Articulating a similar construct, Virginia Fabella (1980) provides a prophetic stance that continues to74

be current in its applicability. She posits that the centuries of colonialism and more recent manifestationof neocolonialism (in a postmodern context) demonstrate the ongoing struggle towards a liberatedconsciousness among the oppressed and poor communities Asia: a “truly liberating theology mustultimately be the work of the Asian poor, who are struggling for full humanity” (157). In turn, thisfullness of humanity would reflect the rootedness of doing theology in the history and struggle of theoppressed.

117

Hermeneutics and Socio-Historical Victimization

In reexamining historical developments in the Philippines, Luis Camara Dery

(2001) demonstrates how a historical accounting by a particular local social structure

actually victimizes other local narratives. He posits that a reading of history that unfolds

at the level of the local inhabitants among the grassroots depicts a perspective from the

bottom. This differs quite starkly in comparison with the historical perspective of the elite

or of metropolitan Manila. His historical re-examination looks at a variety of historical

developments from the kinship origin of the Filipino people to various local historical

accounts. This includes the stories of the Bikolanos, the Pangasinan, the Moro

communities in Luzon and Visayas, and those involved in prostitution in colonial Manila

and even the myth of “peacetime” prosperity.

His re-examination indicates that a “history of the powerless, the inarticulate, the

poor” still has to be written because they have not been treated fairly by past and present

historians (xiii). It so happens that most historical accounts of Philippine history are

written by the education class of Philippine society. For this reason, he argues that the

current state of affairs in historical accounting in the Philippines still lacks a voice that

relates the history of the inarticulate. In short, the demand is for the powerless to speak

for themselves rather than have the powerful, though local, speak for them. Dery’s hope

is that in getting such a “view from the bottom,” the precolonial identity of the Filipino

people before it fell victim to its historical and cultural colonizers (Dery 2001:167), may

eventually be re-discovered.

118

Lambert Zuidervaart (1994), examining Theodore Adorno’s theory of “negative

dialectics,” provides a supporting theory that recognizes Dery’s struggle concerning75

polar opposites. Zuidervaart’s methodology utilizes a discussion of Adorno’s theory based

on a logic of aesthetics in the process. Accordingly, Adorno delegates logic “not simply

to the patterns, principles or categories of (his) arguments but rather to all of these matters

together with the substantive considerations behind them” (48). In Adorno’s “negative

dialectic,” his arguments are dialectical in the sense that they affirm unavoidable tensions

between polar opposites. In turn, this opposition constitutes their unity and generates

historical change. The dialectic is negative, however, in the sense that it refuses to affirm

any underlying identity or final synthesis of polar opposites. Thus according to

Zuidervaart, inasmuch as Adorno “continually points to a possibility of reconciliation, the

main oppositions that occur between the particular and the universal, and between culture

in a narrow sense and society as a whole, refuse to affirm each other so as to seek a

definitive form of synthesis” (53). Simply, there is an undermining character in each pole

that seems to exert an independent power or authority over the other while validating each

other nonetheless. In a hermeneutic of victimization, the issue of power has underscored

its role in the process of victimizing. Adorno’s “negative dialectics” certainly

acknowledges this. He adds, however, that the opposing polarities in a power relationship

does not necessarily have to overcome each other, but rather the act of validating the

other could usurp the victimizing result of a power that seeks to dominate.

Negative dialectics is Adorno's magnum opus on epistemology and metaphysics. It appeared in 1966.75

Aesthetic Theory, his other magnum opus on which he had worked throughout the 1960s, appearedposthumously in 1970.

119

Applied particularly in the Philippine context, Jaime Bulatao’s Split Level

Christianity (1992) names these main oppositions as the Christian and the pagan existing

within one personhood:

...one characteristic of the split-level type of Christianity is the convictionof the fitness of each of two objectively inconsistent thought-and-behavioursystems. A second characteristic is the fact that the inconsistency itself iseither not preceived at all or is pushed into the rear portions ofconsciousness. At most it is taken for granted and simply “forgotten.” Thus, the feeling of inconsistency does not arise. Neither is there a feelingof hypocrisy. Consequently, there is no particular drive to make onesystem conform to the other, either by a change in behaviour or by theelaboration of a conceptual system capable of somehow reconciling both. Both systems are left to co-exist without disturbance and without guilt(25).

While Adorno would not identify either the process or methodology to achieve

reconciliation between polar opposites, Bulatao is able to point out the source for such76

reconciliation in the Filipino cultural context:

...the inconsistency remains unconscious or only semiconscious, so that theindividual himself remains at peace with himself. The only possibleoccasion for his becoming upset is when the authority figure should“discover” the existence of the split. Such a piercing through of themasking surface level is capable of arousing hiya to an intense degree, acalamity which must be avoided at all cost. Accordingly there arises a thirdcharacteristic of the split-level, namely a need to keep the authority figureat a distance (25).

The gap between the Christian authority figure and the common masses is identified along

an imposition of power. This power belongs to the elite, a point which is echoed in Dery’s

argument. Accordingly, in order for the authority figure to enter the dialectical process,

According to Zuidervaart, Adorno does not view his negative dialect as a method and then apply it (as76

in, present in action) wherein his theoretical arguments are dependent on a method (1994:54). In short,Adorno’s method is not meant to be abstracted from the text. Instead, Adorno’s originality seeks toaddress pertinent categories and criteria for philosophical inquiry.

120

he/she has to enter without any power except that which is given to him/her by the

common masses. This means a willingness to give up much of the “power” which

historical and cultural evolution has vested in him/her. Otherwise, the authority figure will

continue to victimize the masses through the exercise of his/her hegemonic power.

Benigno Beltran, a Jesuit priest, is a vivid example of Bulatao’s authority figure.

Although a religious authority figure, he has been able to provide a reconciliatory process

for addressing polar opposites. His missional work, recorded in his book The Christology

of the Inarticulate (1987) provides a concrete study of inquiry highlighting Fabella’s thesis,

Dery’s struggle, Adorno’s theory of negative dialectic and Bulatao’s process.

Foremost to Beltran is to address the issue concerning “how Christological

concepts and categories can be understood within Filipino patterns of thought and

expressed in the various Filipino languages” (ix). In his response, Beltran utilizes a

scientific methodology to produce a critical theological reflection. Using this

methodology, he made inquiries from the trash heap gatherers of the original Smokey

Mountain in Tondo, Manila. The result of his inquiry brought him to the conclusion that

Filipino Christology must see history as promise in order to deepen the understanding of

human destiny (17).

To the garbage dump workers, the image of the Crucified Christ is expressed in

the reverence and tranquility of their faces. This is so in spite of being immersed in their

quasi-animist, spiritualist worldview. As such, rather than be compelled to articulate their

faith using the concepts and categories of western Christianity (as demonstrated by those

in the educated institution of their faith), they become articulate scavengers in the garbage

121

dump in Tondo. Their Christological articulation finds space in the joy, the courage and

the hope for divine mercy that they radiate in the midst of their misery and degradation.

A Summary: Delineating a Hermeneutic of Victimization

In summation, a hermeneutic of victimization is a consequence of theological

hegemony in the interplay between control and interpretation. It recognizes the presence

of presuppositions in the interpretational process. These presuppositions are based on

hermeneutical propositions which are borne into matrices where power seeks to dominate

via the propagation of such presuppositions. In turn, this process of propagation insists

that language and meanings follow the conditions of uniformity and conformity, which are

major tenets of the philosophy of modernity. In such light, the methodological process in

interpretation can be controlled and systematized while speaking a language that seems to

represent God. Yet, instead it follows the agenda of a controlling power that seeks to

preserve conservative theologizing. It could be said therefore that theologizing is a

product of a hermeneutic of victimization when the hermeneut refuses to deal with or

overlooks the power issues inherent in theologizing.

The problem, however, is that the contemporary state of affairs in hermeneutical

methodology is conditioned by post modernity. As presented in Chapter Two, primal

instincts in Asian cultures, in particular, share similar and congruent conditions with those

of post modernity. Postmodern conditions have changed the environment of the matrix

wherein presuppositions are born. In Asian contexts, these conditions are nothing new.

Yet, while these conditions allow for a recognition of modernity and its presuppositions,

122

they do not necessarily hold them in higher regard compared to other epistemological

constructions. Instead, these conditions give validation to all epistemological and

hermeneutical constructions. This includes political, gender, religious, socio-historical and

theological. This also includes negating modern constructs whereby a different form of

dialectic emerges. It is a dialectic that will not allow the hermeneutical process to be

victimized by a dominant hegemony which seeks to deprivilege “the others.”

A hermeneutic of victimization does not happen in a context that is isolated from

other contexts. Like all interpretational processes, it is very much involved, engaged and

participatory in the global community. In this regard, a hermeneutic of victimization will

always have to deal with global factors affecting the local contexts. Equally affected as

well is the response of the local contexts to global hegemonic factors. This response will

give an indication of whether a hermeneutic of victimization is liberative, especially as

espoused by Cormie’s epistemological humility. For even if the interpretational

methodology gives light to the experiences of victimization, if the response indicates an

interpretational attitude that victimizes other interpretational process, any “liberative”

ending is still far from sight.

A “liberative” ending, however, does not mean that a hermeneutic of victimization

can be transformed into a hermeneutic of non-victimization. It should never be mistaken

that the liberative objective in a hermeneutic of victimization indicates there is linear

progression towards a better ending. To the contrary, a hermeneutic of victimization

stands on its own. As alluded to earlier, it is an interpretational framework to reflect on,

analyze and articulate experiences of victimization. In this particular study, theological

123

victimization has been the focus. Yet, a hermeneutic of victimization can also be a vehicle

for further victimization depending on how it responds to the condition set by

“epistemological humility.” This attitude consequently leads to participation in hegemonic

power that overcomes “the others.” This being the case, even if a hermeneutic of

victimization is applied within an environment of epistemological humility, the primary

content of its narratives will always be stories and discourses of victimization. This

implies, therefore, theologies which utilize a hermeneutic of victimization will be negative

theologies.

In summation, the theoretical constructions in this chapter provide a general

framework for understanding the theologizing conditions in closed access Muslim

communities in the southern Philippines. The manipulation of the education of Muslims

demonstrates the historical subjugation of Muslimhood in the Philippines. Three stories

were presented in order to exhibit the victimization factors involved in this subjugation.

At the same time, these three stories breathe a very insistent negating dynamism that

refuses to be subjugated in response to hegemonic advances. Last but not least, a

hermeneutic of victimization can be traced in the collective Asian experience. While

domination by the powerful is a common theme, the response of negation, normally found

in the underside of a local context, is an equally common theme. The fact that these two

polar strands of daily living in Asian contexts are co-existent is nothing new. The more

significant reality is the constant refusal to be wholly dominated by those assuming to

represent the grassroots.

124

As presented in this chapter, the current state of global-local relationship is

sensitive against attempts by global forces to overcome and dominate the local contexts.

The Asian experience in this regards is overwhelmed by periodic experiences of

colonization. It is thus necessary to provide some space for an articulation of this type of

victimization. In part, this is a necessary exercise that will hopefully lead to a “liberataive”

and redemptive experience where healing can happen. From hereon, this study will

attempt to articulate a methodology for decolonizing the resulting colonized mentality

borne from this type of victimization.

CHAPTER 4

DECOLONIZING COLONIAL MENTALITY

A hermeneutic of victimization provides a local community with an interpretational

framework to reflect on, analyze and articulate its narratives and discourses of

victimization at the hands of hegemonic powers. These narratives, however, are borne out

of experiences where two polarities are in opposition to each other. These narratives

become stories of victimization when one of these polarities gain control over the other

and thus overcome the other polarity. It is the dynamics involved in this process of

overcoming which will be the focus of this chapter. It is the contention of this study that

before any true liberative experience can happen, the articulation to a claim of being

victimized by a hegemonic power is not enough. Equally important is the articulation of

how the victimization happened. In this chapter, these narratives of victimization are

viewed from the experience of colonial mentality.

Accordingly, this chapter will examine in particular the colonial mentality

found among Filipinos. The process in view is to provide an anatomical description of

colonial mentatlity through historical and cultural examples for the purpose of

decolonizing the Filipino mentality. The result will, in turn, seek to offer a process for

framing the Filipino colonial experience. It will show that an emerging environment called

125

126

the “underside” provides a place for articulating how the local culture responds and reacts

to the colonial experience. It is hoped that the different possibilities for framing a

response to colonial mentality in the underside will provide also the resources for a

construction of a hermeneutic of affirmation. An example of one particular response to

the colonial experience will be presented in a case study format.

Comparatively speaking, then, Filipino culture cannot be termed a homogeneous

or monolithic culture in the same manner that the cultures of Japan, Korea and even

Thailand can. Yet it is this trait that makes Filipino culture a gold mine for anthropology.

Within it are diverse cultures with their own respective linguistic symbols representing

phenomenologically distinct yet related worldviews. If the Filipino culture were a research

laboratory, it could easily produce a generic design of Asian cultures. Each culture can be

very distinct from the others and yet share so many commonalities at the same time.

Similar to the Filipino culture, Asian cultures consists of a multiplicity of distinct ethno-

cultural groupings which share many cultural instincts yet each refuses to be bound by one

overarching story. This concept is significant to this study. The focus on this issue would

hopefully assist other Asian cultures towards decolonizing themselves from the hegemonic

powers of globalization.

This chapter will also demonstrate the critical effect of hegemonic power in the

phenomenology called colonial mentality. In the previous chapter, it was presented that

the local community’s attitude on power in relation to the interpretational process can

result in at least two possibilities. One is that it can use power by producing a

metanarrative to overcome other local narratives, and thus victimize “the others.” The

127

other is that it can opt out to be liberative by choosing to exercise epistemological humility

in view of the other local narratives. While the topic of power is admittedly wide-ranging,

this chapter will view power as a valuative dynamic in the interpretational process. This

means that “power” will be viewed as an ethical value in which the attitude that is

exercised in using it will be the condition to assess whether an interpretational process is

liberative or not. In the end, this will also hopefully point towards a need to construct a

hermeneutic that will provide a different framework for reflecting on, analyzing and

articulating the victimizing experiences of colonial mentality.

Khalid’s Story: A Case Study on Rejecting Colonial Mentality byBelievers Engaged in An Insider Movement

Khalid is a Muslim believer. He grew up in traditional Muslim culture in77

southern Philippines. He upholds the teachings of Islam and worships according to the

Islamic faith. He adheres to the claim that Muhammad is a prophet of Allah. At the78

In this study, the term “Muslim believer” will be used in reference to a person who is a proponent of an77

insider movement (IM) approach. The individual’s religio-cultural identity remains descriptive of aMuslim who belongs in a particular ethno-cultural group and continues to observe Islamic religious ritualseven as the individual claims to have shifted allegiance to a faith in Isa al Masih. To protect the identity of these individuals, the ethno-cultural group of the individual will remainanonymous. Thus, it should be noted that even as the ethno-cultural group of individuals are notrespectively mentioned, this does not mean the significance of context is overlooked. In addition, alldesignated proper names will be pseudonyms as well.

Arabic term for God.78

128

same time, he bases his salvation on the teachings of Isa al Masih. He finds support and79

evidence for this salvation from within the Injil and the Qur’an. 80 81

Khalid also has a da’wa’ of at least ten believers. He continues to live with82

fellow Muslims, earning his livelihood among them and serving his community’s needs

whenever resources are available. Khalid also supports the struggle, together with other

fellow Muslims in the Philippines, to regain control of land areas from the government of

the Philippines. They claim this land to be rightfully theirs due to its possession and

ownership by their ancestors. They call this land Bangsamoro.

Previous to his current situation, however, Khalid has had plenty of experiences

working with Christian organizations. He worked in translation and radio programming/

broadcasting for several Christian organizations. It needs to be noted that despite his

allegiance to Isa al Masih, not once has he claimed to have “become a Christian” or

worshiped in a Christian church throughout those years.

About three years ago, Khalid, together with his wife, came to a decision to leave

his work as the head of a Bible translation team. He had reached the limit in an

unresolved issue with his Christian employers concerning decision making over some

linguistic nuances in their ethnic language and the best environment and context for

verifying the translation work of his team. He wanted to do his translation work from

Literal meaning in Arabic to Jesus Christ or Jesus the Messiah.79

Arabic term for “the gospel” according to the teachings of Jesus Christ.80

The Holy Book of Islam.81

Arabic term for fellowship or group of believers. In this study, believers are those who have entrusted82

their salvation to Isa al Masih and have committed to follow/obey his teachings.

129

within a Muslim community. His main intent in this was to make the translation maximally

comprehensible to his specific target community.

His employers nonetheless refused to agree with this strategy. One reason for this,

as cited by his employer, was their own incapacity to oversee the translation work in a

Muslim community. The employers were afraid for their safety if they were to be

identified as Christian missionaries. Another reason was their employer’s refusal to cede

authority concerning decisions over linguistic nuances of Khalid’s ethnic language to local

translators. Khalid’s argument on this latter point was that as local translators who live in

an Islamic context, his translation team could shed on more light regarding the linguistic

nuances of their own language than their missionary counterparts .

Previous to this experience, Khalid also worked as a radio programmer and

broadcaster. The contract he worked out with the funder of the radio program stated that

he would be in charge of the production and programming. When new management took

over at his place of employment, it was decided without consultation to change both the

design and emphasis of the program. In due time, the new leadership management hired a

new programmer. Khalid was subsequently relegated to function only as the broadcaster.

Khalid, at this point, contacted the funder of the program and explained the unfortunate

turn of events. After the funder consulted with the Christian organization where Khalid

worked, the funder decided to withdraw his support from the organization. Sadly, Khalid

left soon thereafter.

130

Towards a Collective Affirmation of an Insider Movement83

As presented beforehand, Khalid’s experience provided two case studies. One is in

relation to his work as a translator, and the other concerns his work as a radio

programmer and broadcaster. These two experiences left unquestionably indelible marks

on Khalid. They concern the dominating type of relationships he has had with foreigners

who seek to evangelize Muslims. In the two years since entering his current situation,

Khalid has been able to gather other like-minded Muslim believers who have undergone

similar experiences in foreign-dominated relationships. In all these situations, the local

believers were requesting an equal voice in the decisions about their own people. It is

when non-Muslims exerted their authoritative voices without giving due respect to the

voices of the Muslim co-translators that the time came for these believers to leave these

relationships.

Incredibly, even though these believers have left their formal relationships with

foreign and local missionaries, they continue to feel indebted to these individuals.

According to general characteristics of Filipino Muslim cultures, no matter how bad a

relationship turns out, recipients of a donor’s goodness are expected to remain in gratitude

to the donor. On the one hand, these believers have already chosen to physically separate

themselves from people they viewed to be “colonizers.” On the other hand, they remain

attached to them through cultural obligation as an expression of their gratitude to them.

In a consultation held in April 2008 and December 2008 among these like-minded

believers, they agreed upon a protocol on how to evaluate the intent of a foreign/local

From hereon, the term “insider movement” will be referred to as IM.83

131

missionary who might ask to partner with them. They determined to be suspicious of84

anyone who offers them resources with conditions. They agreed to affirm their right to

choose with whom they would partner. In short, they have determined that they will set

the agenda instead of being stringed along by the agenda of outsiders.

This agenda is in relation to the paradigm of the insider movement (or IM) to

which these believers have committed themselves. The conditions of this paradigm are the

same as those which Khalid has practiced in his own life. These believers have chosen to85

remain Muslims and worship the One Supreme God named Allah according to Islamic

religious tradition. They read the Qur’an, the Injil and the rest of the Bible. They have

entrusted their salvation to Isa al Masih, strive to obey his commands and strive to live

according to his teachings. They serve their fellow Muslims because this is the calling of

Allah in their lives. In serving their fellow Muslims, they want to bring the presence of

By partnership, the term connotes a voluntary participation in the relationship. A partnership based on84

employment, where the missionary provides employment to a Muslim believer, recognizes all theemployment protocol that apply in such a relationship. This is not a voluntary participation but rather arelationship based on contract. The type of partnership in view here is not based on an employment contract. Rather, it is members ofthe missionary community who are offering development assistance to Muslim. This assistance, however,does not come free. In exchange, the believers are required to allow the missionaries access to enter theircommunities and utilize these believers to accomplish the former’s evangelistic strategies regardless of thecost on the latter. Of course, all along, the believers have known that without them, the missionarieswon’t be able to raise funds that would also include their personal support needs and, as well as, raisetheir credibility for the mission work they claim to be engaged in to their supporters. This is the bone of contention between these two communities. From the believers’ perspective, thenon-transparency of the missionaries concerning the usage of funds they supposedly raise for workingwith Muslims and their non-trust to let the believers do the work of both evangelism and discipleshipwithout micro-managing the mission of the kingdom fo God — these are the sources for the suspicion thathas risen among these believers.

The lifestyle that Khalid has been observing is no different from the lifestyle that other IM believers in85

other parts of the world have chosen for themselves. In a consultation facilitated by Common Groundsconsultants in 2007, different individuals from eastern Europe, middle East and southeast Asia sharedcommonalities in their respective approach to what constitutes an insider movement paradigm.

132

God’s Kingdom among them, which is what Isa al Masih taught his disciples to do. As a

whole, these groups of Muslims have remained legally and socio-religiously within their

local Muslim communities while coming to an understanding of faith in Isa al Masih.86

Thus, despite being labeled unbelievers by foreign missionaries and local church87

workers, they continued to affirm themselves nonetheless. They have determined that they

will not be victimized again by the agenda of outsiders. They also agree that they

will continue in their commitment to serve their fellow Muslims. They will do this in a

manner that will allow them to demonstrate God’s Kingdom as Muslim believers in Isa al

Masih. In like manner, they affirm that they will work through the dynamics of trusting in

Isa al Masih within the traditions of Islam. They will also strive to obey the teachings of

Isa al Masih within the cultural patterning and processes of Maguindanaoan culture.

Simply, these are the essentials of what they term the insider movement (or IM).88

In Appropriate Approaches in Muslim Contexts (2005:400), John and Anna Travis re-present their86

original conceptualization of the C1-C6 continuum (400). They provide ten premises (403-410) forconsideration in an attempt to answer the question: Can a Muslim follower of Christ retain all Muslimpractices? These premises are meant to engage both theoretical and theological perspectives of whatconstitutes an insider movement approach. This article also provides more examples of IM in other partsof the world. In relation to this study, however, inasmuch as the Travis’ provide supporting data to this study, thethesis of this study is not to define and delineate what constitutes an insider movement. Rather, it is theexamination of the hermeneutical process for those engaged in an insider movement approach whichremains central to this study.

IM believers (or believers who are following an IM approach) refuse to be called Christians and will87

deny having become Christians. This is a very distinct trait of IM believers. One of the reasons for suchrefusal is indicative of their sensitivity to the history of victimization Muslims have experienced underChristian rule. This is because being called a Christian is to allow oneself to be under the authority ofChristian governance.

Interestingly, the essentials which the IM believers delineatede in the consultation, as cited, follow the88

same premises that the Travis’ outlined in their work, Appropriate Approaches in Muslim Contexts(2005).

133

Implications from the Case Study

Firstly, the historical experiences of colonialism require articulation. This is the

responsibility of those who have undergone this experience. That colonialism imposes a

colonial mentality upon one’s consciousness is a key part of this articulation. For

adherents to the IM paradigm alluded to previously, while they would listen, there is no

need for the colonizers to articulate what they have done. Instead, it is up to the

individuals in IM contexts to remove the trappings of what a colonial mentality has done

to each one respectively.89

Secondly, cultural norms continue to play a part in the relationship between

colonizer and colonized. The chief intent, of course, is to avoid and prevent the trappings

of a colonial mentality from affecting further the colonized individual. A common cultural

theme, however, among the diverse ethno-cultural groups in the Philippines is the feeling

of “reciprocal” obligation , i.e., return goodness, to those who have contributed to one’s

wellbeing. This sense of obligation allows for the possibility of reconciliation in Philippine

culture.

Reciprocal obligation, however, does not mean an obligation to keep a

relationship. In Philippine culture, and more specifically in Muslim cultures, there are

degrees of relationships. In this case, it is possible to resign away from a previous

relationship. Yet, the “resigning” individual could never forget the reciprocal obligation

inherent in that relationship. In the cases of Khalid and other IM believers, while choosing

This will be further discussed in this chapter. See section “On Changing Filipino Consciousness.”89

134

to stay away from relationships with those whom they view as colonial outsiders, they

remain respectful to these individuals.

Thirdly, Khalid and other adherents of an IM approach have chosen to follow a90

lifestyle that is radically different from the lifestyle of their colonizers. There is no doubt

that there is a deep appreciation for the spiritual truths the latter have taught to the former.

But, to continue on the path that the colonizers had designed for them would mean

choosing to remain subjugated by a colonial mentality. Instead of taking this path, Khalid

and other IM believers have chosen to stay within the religious traditions of Islam and

their own cultural norms as Muslim people. Within this context, they commit to living a

life of obedience according to the teachings of Isa al Masih.

They have also chosen theological terms that are Arabic in nature. In so doing,

they seek to communicate the truths of the gospel of Isa al Masih with reference to both

Qur’anic and Biblical principles. Subsequently, they have utilized hermeneutical tools

which have a close affinity to both their religious and cultural traditions. More91

significantly, they have produced their own translations of different portions of the

Scriptures using a combination of Kraft’s theory on dynamic equivalence translation

(1981) and Shaw’s theory of transculturation (1988, 1989).

It is critical to understand that the choice is in keeping with traditions that has been in their religious90

cultural make-up for at least eight centuries and counting. This is, of course, assumes that Islam enteredwhat became known as the Philippines in the early 1200's. What may seem as recent intrusion from theArabic world of Islam into the Islamic sphere in the Philippines hardly counts as being imposed byoutsiders.

Hermeneutically, the story of the miraj (or ascension of Mohammed) has been developed as an91

interpretational tool to shift the significance of the experience from Mohammed to Isa al Masih withoutrelegating the status of the Mohammed as a prophet of God. Culturally, the theme of “power encounter”has been used to tell stories from the Injil. These and others will be further discussed in the next chapter.

135

Last but not least, they have set the tone of their agenda concerning who can

become partners with them in their IM journey. They refuse to just accept without

question resources from outsiders which could come with “strings attached.” Rather, they

require “inquiring” partners to abide by the conditions they set forth in observance and

agreement with the IM paradigm. Incredibly, they have been able to forge new partnering

relationships with those who are willing to journey with them in their IM paradigm. Sadly,

their previous partners continue to assert their own traditional paradigms and refuse to

acknowledge the indigenous path of these IM believers.

From hereon, this study will delineate a framework for understanding the effect of

colonial mentality on IM. The framework hopes to bring out dynamics that will describe

the anatomy of colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness. In turn, these dynamics

will be examined for the purpose of decolonizing such mentality with a view to changing

the Filipino consciousness accordingly. Prior to these, however, it is necessary to discuss

the impact of the underside in relation to colonial mentality.

An Anatomy of Colonial Mentality

The problem of colonial mentality is not limited to Filipino society alone. It is also

common to other societies and cultures which have experienced the oppression of

colonialism. As a mentality, it may be seen as a contradicting force to a people’s

worldview. In other words, it is a consciousness that induces people to place a negative

valuation on its own society and culture. Yet because of its pervasive influence on

culture, it often characterizes the way people look at themselves within society (self-

136

identity). Similarly, it also affects the way societies collectively see themselves in relation

to other societies.

In short, a colonial mentality is not a worldview but a face of a worldview. So,

even in today’s contemporary cultural climate (both global and local), it should be taken as

a given that globalization has become a means for exporting, transporting and normalizing

a colonial mentality. This should not surprise anyone nor should it be viewed as92

something new as in the form of neo-colonialism. Crudely said, it comes with the

territory. It could be viewed that colonial mentality may even seem to function in a way

that is similar to worldview. It is not, however, as comprehensive in scope as is

worldview, which deals with the assumptions of the systematic totality of a people’s

cultural conceptualizations. A colonial mentality, at its core, is a marginalized

consciousness as Leny Mendoza Strobel articulates it (2001:viii, ix).

In the Filipino language, they describe themselves as ang Pilipinongnawawala sa sarili, the Filipino lost within him/herself. This “lostness” asa result of colonialism is both accepted and repudiated, resulting in thecommon description of this phenomenon as “split-level consciousness,”“ambiguity,” or a “schizophrenic king of existence.”

For Renato Constantino (1974), colonial mentality among Filipinos is the result of 450

years of Hispanic and American colonization. The resulting consciousness is expressed in

an intellectual captivity where people developed a warped sense of values and a distorted

Anthony Giddens (1990) demonstrated how changes in global communication technology have made it92

easier, cheaper and faster to move peole and things around the world than ever before. They also made itpossible to stretch social relationships of all kinds over huge distances that previously would have beenunbridgeable. These and together with the cultural domination of the west with enforced social changes(Beidelman 1982:2) have perpetuated the normalization of western dominated practices which wereimposed on non-western societies through colonialism. Consequently, “local” lives were forever altered(Gledhill 1994:74, cf. Schultz and Lavinda 2005:67)

137

picture of their own reality. Consequently, lack of ethnic pride produces a cultural93

inferiority complex towards the colonizers. Moreover, there is an inabilty to articulate or

manifest a strong sense of ethnic identity. According to Strobel, this stems from

“...lacking the critical awareness of the forces of domination andoppression that shape attitudes, values and behaviour in the colonized. This lack of awareness among colonized peoples results in mimicry of thecolonizers’ attitudes, values and behaviour while their own indigenousvalues keep subverting and betraying this mimicry” (ix).

In the Filipino context, this colonial mentality could very well be a poster child for

western colonialism. It has certainly exhibited itself in many forms. As alluded to above,

Filipinos have culturally looked down upon their own culture as inferior, and is therefore

to be rejected. In its place, the foreign culture of its oppressor is viewed as superior and

thus to be desired. This presumed superiority of western culture finds its primary export

vehicle “through western schools, (where) such western perspectives have led many non-

westerners to look up to western societies and to look down on their own” (Kraft

1996:5).94

Intellectually then, colonialism has produced elite graduates from its educational

system. These, in turn, accept and reproduce the intellectual framework and the historico-

See reference on Renato Constantino’s paper (1974). 93

Kraft’s observation will be shown to agree with one of the contentions in this paper that94

western colonial education in the Philippines was a major contributing factor in the development of theFilipino colonial mentality. In like manner, Caldwell (1999) appeals for a re-evaluation of westernconstructed exegetical methods as these are universally applied to non-Asian contexts. His appeal stemsfrom realizing that “perhaps the hermeneutical methods that work so well in my own cultural context maynot work as well in another cultural context. It was only when I was confronted by individuals for whomhistorical-critical tools were oftentimes irrelevant and/or incomprehensible that I realized that historical-critical tools may not be the “be all and end all” of proper Bible study and that western methods are not necessarily universal” (27).

138

philosophical formulations of the west. A sad demonstration of this is in the manner that95

the Filipino colonial mentality belittles and marginalizes the intellectual contributions of its

Asian neighbours. In turn, this colonial education has created consequences for the

economic life of the Filipinos as well. Filipino culture has become a consumer society of

things that are foreign and western. This has resulted in behavioural practices that imitate

the culture of its oppressors, as they wilfully prefer foreign goods to local items. Such

practices lend Filipinos to go to great lengths to fulfil the common dream to “go abroad.”

Taken to the limit, this can be viewed to include, figuratively speaking, “consuming” the

country from which the foreign goods come. 96

In terms of religion, Roman Catholicism was introduced by a colonizing Spain to

the Philippines. The form of Christianity that has since evolved has largely accommodated

itself to the local culture which primarily practices folk religion. This form allows for a

possible exhibition of syncretism which at best is very superficial. In such a case, Roman

Renato Constantino (1974:45-48) provides historical data on how the American government designed95

to use the Philippine educational system as a means to embed a perpetual colonial grip over the wholePhilippine society. Moreover, Constantino is highly critical of the consequences of colonial educationwhich resulted in “a citizenry amazingly naive and trusting in its relation with foreigners, devoid of thecapacity to feel indignation even in the face of insults to the nation, ready to acquiesce and even to helpaliens in the despoliation of our natural weatlh” (49).

P. C. Morantte (1984) wrote about his Filipino writer friend, Carlos Bulosan. In this particular book,96

Morantte detailed the conflict within Bulosan who viewed himself as a Filipino citizen but muchenamored by his “love affair” with “Lady America.” Disclosing this lament, he echoed the struggle of aperson torn to find himself in strange land he loved within:

America is a land of wonders in which everything I in constant motion and every changeseems an improvement...I am battling for my life...I am battling for a resurrection of adynamic dream tht was once the periscope of my life, for the flowering of a little promisingbud that I had once inside me. This may sound incongruous to many people...because theydo not understand the chemistry of the sensitive mind, the fatalities of an over-sensitivepersonality, the despair and the hope of a dreamer in a strange country, the loneliness of aman without a country... (100).

Bulosan’s experience finds affirmation in the writings of Rodel Ramos (1994), a Filipino immigrant toCanada, and Leny Mercado Strobel (2001), a Filipina immigrant to the USA.

139

Catholocism has altered the forms but barely touched the deep-level meanings of culture

of the belief-system of the people by controlling religious institutions (Karnow 1989:52,

cf. Constantino 1974:5).

Similarly, the Protestant faith arrived in the Philippines accompanied by American

political colonialism. There are also consequences stemming from this religio-political

marriage. It has since produced an evangelical Christianity that remains largely committed

to the imitation of western evangelicalism, i.e., American in particular. Filipino97

evangelicalism could be very well viewed as an alien religious superstructure that is

superimposed upon an animistic substructure. The very nature and design of this type of

Christianity has thus failed to address the ultimate concerns of the people.

In particular, rooted historically in American colonialism, evangelical Christianity

in the Philippines exhibits corresponding characteristics of colonial mentality. This

colonial mentality, however, exists largely in the mind of the Filipino inasmuch as the

Filipino may seem to be as nationalistic as ever. Empirical evidence, nonetheless, points to

Wallace Radcliffe, responding to the blatantly imperialistic design, known as Manifest Destiny, of97

McKinley’s administration towards the Philippines, spoke with few compunctions,“Imperialism is in the air; but it has new definitions and better intentions. It isrepublicanism ‘writ large.’ It is imperialism, not for domination but for civilization; not forabsolutism but for self-government. American imperialism is enthusiastic and beneficialrepublicanism. Imperialism expresses itself by expansion. I believe in imperialism becauseI believe in foreign missions. Our Foreign Mission Board can teach Congress how to dealwith remote dependencies. . . . The peal of the trumpet rings out over the Pacific. Thechurch must go where America goes” (as quoted in Miller 1982:18).

The consequence of the zeal that accompanied Radcliffe’s proclamation continues to echo today incontemporary Philippines. Walk in any typical evangelical church on any given Sunday and it is almostlike one is attending a church worship service in the west, especially the States. More incredibly, thesame can be said of evangelical churches in Japan. The only difference is the medium of communication. Otherwise, everything in the both the content and intent of the church worship service has a feel of thewest.

140

Filipino evangelical Christianity as a by-product of colonial mentality (Schirmer and98

Shalom 1987:17). Simply defined, it is a religious consciousness that has been greatly

influenced by the western experiences of the Philippine culture.

There are indeed complexities within the Filipino colonial mentality as a socio-

cultural phenomenon. This may be best comprehended through an understanding of the

antithetical relationship between western influence and the Filipino subconsciousness. On

the one hand is the traditional Filipino worldview that remains wholly intact. On the other

During an interview of then US President William McKinley on November 21, 1899, the following98

account was recorded by one of the members of the delegates from the general missionary committee ofthe Methodist Church, General James F. Rusling, but did not publish it until three years later (Schirmerand Shalom 1987:22):

The truth is I did not want the Philippines, and when they came to us as a gift from thegods, I did not know what to do with them ... I sought counsel from all sides––Democrats aswell as Republicans––but got little help ... I walked the floor of the White House night afternight until midnight; . . . I went down on my knees and prayed Almighty God for light andguidance more than one night. And one night late it came to me this way ... : (1) that wecould not give them back to Spain––that would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2) that wecould not turn them over to France and Germany––our commercial rivals in theorient––that would be bad business and discreditable; (3) that we could not leave them tothemselves––they were unfit for self-government––and they would soon have anarchy andmisrule over there worse than Spain’s was; and (4) that there was nothing left for us to dobut to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianizethem, and by God’s grace do the very best we could by them, as our fellow-men for whomChrist died.

McKinley’s decision and the resulting religious impact of his Manifest Destiny upon Filipinoevangelicalism shows the “intentional” changes that American politics had planned for the subjugation ofthe Filipino people. It is not hard to follow the extrapolation of such intentionality and posit that Filipinoevangelical Christianity is a by-product of colonial mentality. Similarly, Melba Maggay (1999:16-17)provides a description of how American Protestantism have permeated the Filipino religiousconsciousness through the means of the educational system soon after the Americans replaced theSpaniards as colonial rulers. Paulo Freire (2000:153) further provides a theoretical framework that views the intention to colonizeand the passion to dominate the invaded party by cultural invaders (i.e., colonizers) is to mold others totheir patterns and their way of life:

Cultural conquest leads to the cultural inauthenticities of those who are invaded; they beginto respond to the values, the standards, and the goals of the invaders ... the invaders desireto know how those whey have invaded apprehend reality — but only so they can dominatethe latter more effectively. In cultural invasion, it is essential that those who are invadecome to see their reality with the outlook of the invaders rather than their own; for the morethey mimic the invaders, the more stable the position of the latter becomes.

141

hand, are the resulting changes in the Filipino consciousness due to its exposure to the

cultural imperialism of the west. This relationship, while outside the realm of worldview

structure, lives through the basic core assumptions that delineate grassroots realities of the

Filipino being.

It is undoubtedly true that Filipino consciousness outwardly seems to welcome the

changes brought about by western imperialism. This very same relationship, however,

elicits, as well, an admission to the negative effects of this mentality on the Filipino

consciousness. Essentially, the colonial mentality resident in Filipino consciousness uses

traditional Filipino core values in order to perpetuate itself. In this manner, it could very

well be said that colonial mentality is an alien resident in the Filipino consciousness, but it

could mask itself as being a Filipino value. The truth of the matter though is that it is an

unwelcome resident.

In summing, the Filipino consciousness is a product of the Philippine value-system,

which belongs at the worldview level of the Filipino being. It is this level that has

remained unchanged, as alluded to previously. Despite the thick layers of foreign cultural

additions heaped upon Filipino culture, the core values that distinguish it from others are

still very much evident.

142

Philippine value-orientations are still predominantly those of a traditionallyrural society: personalism, nonrationalism, particularism. Harmony withnature and with people is more important than mastery. Conflicts areavoided rather than resolved. Loyalty to one’s group, unquestioningobedience to authority, resignation in the face of difficulty, reliance onsupernatural forces or fate are valued more than self-reliance, autonomy,systematic planning, and scientific experimentation. Personalism attachesgreat importance on the warmth and closeness of reciprocal ties, loyalty topersons, family and kinship obligations, and smoothness of interpersonalrelations (Espiritu et al. 1976:72).

In the limited scope of this study, Figure 1 will provide a sample framework of one

particular value-system in the Filipino culture. It points out a major theme in the Filipino99

value-system and major behavioural elements evident in socio-cultural interactions in

general Philippine society in general. Yet, although it is distinguishably Filipino, the

colonial mentality in Filipino consciousness actually attempts to usurp these values in

order to reside within. Jocano (1999:63) provides an illustration of this as follows:

Our current claim to individualism is not part of our traditional culture. It isderived from the Western influenced formal education we received whenwe were young. In schools, for example, we were trained to becomeindividualists-i.e., taught to value independence and self reliance. This neworientation is later reinforced by our exposure to Western-influenced mediaand the nature of the businesses we are engaged in as adults andprofessionals. Thus, we encourage individualism, i.e., a mind-your-ownbusiness attitude, in our professional workplaces. But we disdain it in ourpersonal and community affairs.

There are other equally good representations or models of Filipino culture based on ethnographic99

studies of the culture. F. Landa Jocano has produced two volumes, Filipino Value System: A CulturalDefinition and Working with Filipinos: A Cross-Cultural Encounter, which provide detailed diagrams ofthe Filipino value system. One of these diagrams is borrowed for this study as seen in Figure 1.

143

FIGURE 1

A SAMPLE DIAGRAM OF FILIPINO VALUE SYSTEM BASED ON A FILIPINO WOLRDVIEW CALLED ASAL

(Jocano 1997:62)

ASAL(character)

DAMDAMIN(emotional standard)

DANGAL(moral standard)

SUPPORTIVE NORMS

hiyadelicadeza

amor propioawa

SUPPORTIVE NORMS

pagkabahalagalang

utang-na-loob

SUPPORTIVE NORMS

hiyadelicadeza

amor propioawa

KAPWA(relational standard)

SUPPORTIVE NORMS

pakikisamapakikitungopakikiramay

144

Another example concerning how colonial mentality is pressed into the Filipino

consciousness is depicted in a study by an American scholar named Lynn Bostrom, who

compared the Filipino term bahala na with American fatalism. Assessing Bostrom’s

study, Virgilio Enriquez (1992:71) describes the study as follows:

Bostrom compared Filipino bahala na with American fatalism. She,wittingly or unwittingly, wrote that knowing the possible deeper meaningsof bahala na is “not so significant as the fact that it is definitely anexpression of fatalism.” Fatalism here is being understood as a passiveacceptance of the turns in the patterns of life, indicated by a dislike forplanning and taking responsibility for one’s actions. Bostrom furtherasserted that bahala na “permeates the people’s daily existence andinfluences their habitual activities. One’s resignation to his fate is expectedby other members of society.” Bostrom again speculates that bahala na isan escapist value which “serves as a reliever of tension and a reactionagainst the social structure,” and that it is “more strongly supported bysociety in the Philippines” and “may well be related to the fact that more ofthe country is rural” and lacking in (Western) education.

In response to Bostrom’s study, Genaro Diesto (2003:140) comments:

The error of disregarding the deeper meanings of a Filipino cultural value issomething that colonial scholars of the past often committed, andunfortunately is still being done today. Bostrom could not be more wrong.For the deeper meaning of bahala na is indeed significant. What Bostromfailed to consider is that bahala na is an altitude that signifies strength anddetermination by the Filipino in the face of obstacles.

The examples above, indeed, give witness to the presence of colonial mentality in the

Filipino consciousness. They also demonstrate its perpetuating effect which has been used

by colonizing forces to sustain its overcoming power over the local culture even in the

present.

In one sense, this colonial mentality may be likened to a sieve where it retains

semblances of everything within its residency. This means that while it is actually foreign

145

to the environment, the characteristics of that environment (which is represented by the

culture context) mask the true nature of the sieve. Yet just as a sieve could very well be

taken out of its environment, the same is true of colonial mentality. It is possible that

colonial mentality could indeed be removed from consciousness, although it would be at

great stress to the socio-cultural milieu.100

Of course, it needs to be noted that the objective for this type of extraction will

most likely induce a yearning to return to pre-colonial Filipino culture. The complexity

inherent within such an objective, however, needs to question the necessity of such an

objective. That is, “If one can return to pre-colonial Filipino culture, then what do we do

with the 450 years of colonial rule by the Spanish and Americans over the Filipino

peoples?” To make this a primary task, however, would require peeling away centuries101

of behaviours learned from Filipino colonial rulers. In the end, the question would extend

to “What do we do then with those years of colonial rule?” Short of imposing a very

hegemonized re-education of the Filipino public consciousness, extraction could102

possibly open the doors for revisionist historical accounting. What seems a good idea at

first, opens the door to power-hungry elements in society, even locally. Thus, the

In this study, this is demonstrated by the Marcos’ regime.100

It needs to be noted that pre-colonial Filipino culture assumes the inclusion of Islamic constructs in the101

culture. The development of the datu system which was in place already by the time the Spaniardsreached Manila gives evidence to this. See Pelmoka (1996).

After Martial Law was imposed by the then President Ferdinand Marcos in 1972, the Filipino public102

consciousness was re-shaped by Marcos’ emphasis on the reforms necessary to build on what he called“the new society.” The experiment, as suspected by opposition figures, lasted beyond 3-5 years and keptthe Philippines under Martial Law until 1981. This did not end, however, the dictatorial regime ofMarcos, which also meant the continuing re-education of the public consciousness. For reference, seeSchirmer and Shalom (1987:163).

146

yearning to be “liberated” from the oppressive power of colonial mentality would be

replaced by another colonizing power. Ironically, in this scenario, the colonizer would

come from the local context.

In contemporary times, traditional contributors to colonial mentality in the

Philippines, such as political and military institutions, have been joined by more diverse

perpetrators of cultural imperialism. The traditional discourse on cultural imperialism has

developed primarily outside of anthropology. In general, anthropologists excluded it from

their ethnographic research. As it became evident, however, that the voice of cultural

imperialism purported to describe what was happening to the people they studied, they

could no longer ignore its impact on culture (Inda and Rosaldo 2002:13,14). This means

that the work of anthropologists is now affected by western music, fashion, food,

technology and economy which do not fit the traditional discourse of cultural imperialism.

In many of these instances, the western-centered orientation of cultural imperialism has

seemed to by-pass the west entirely. In these cases, cultural forms and practices move

from one part of the non-western world to other parts of the non-western world (Schultz

and Lavenda 2005:380). Movies in India have been popular for decades in northern

Nigeria, while Mexican soap operas have large followings in the Philippines.

A more contemporary construct towards framing colonial mentality in the Filipino

consciousness considers the hybridity factor in the culture. The plain meaning of hybridity

or cultural hybridization is cultural mixing (Schultz and Lavenda 2005:382). For103

Genaro Diesto uses the term “synthetic culture” in an unpublished paper (1995:13). He defines103

synthetic culture as a “complex mixture of native and assimilated external cultural influences resultingfrom contact with various other cultures.”

147

members of a social group who wish to revise or discard cultural practices that they find

outmoded or oppressive, hybridity talk is liberating.

Choosing to revise or discard, borrow or invent on terms of one’s ownchoosing also means that one possesses agency, the capacity to exercise atleast some control over one’s life. And exercising agency calls intoquestion charges that one is succumbing to cultural imperialism or losingone’s cultural ‘authenticity’ (Schultz and Lavenda 2005:382).

Yet, just as hybridity could be seemingly liberating, it still does not necessarily solve the

problem of how power is exercised. That is, the effects of hybridity are experienced

differently by those with power and those without power (Friedman 1997:81). In much

the same way as cultural imperialism is critiqued,

cultural hybridization is unobjectionable when actors perceive it to beunder their own control, but cultural hybridization is resisted when it isperceived by actors themselves to be potentially threatening to their senseof moral integrity (Werbner 1997:12).

In short, the threat of cultural hybridity is greater for those with less power. They feel

unable to undermine the fragile survival structures on which they depend in unwelcoming

“hybridity” settings.

It is easy to conceive, subsequently, that cultural hybridization can turn the

experiences of “hybridized elites” into a hegemonic standard. They can suggest that class

exploitation and racial oppression are easily overcome or no longer existing. The

possibility to dismiss or ignore non-elite struggles with hybridity can spark confrontations

and spiral out of control. Peter van der Veer (1997) cites the furor in Britain over the

publication of Salmon Rushdie’s novel, The Satanic Verses. Rushdie is an elite, highly

educated South Asian migrant to Britain. He experienced cultural hybridity as a form of

148

emancipation from oppressive religious and cultural restrictions. His novel contained

passages describing Islam and the Prophet Muhammad. From his elite point of view,

Muhammad embodied “transgression” that was liberating. But migrants from South Asia

in Britain are not all members of the elite. Most South Asian Muslim immigrants in

Britain are blue collar workers. They saw The Satanic Verses not as a work of artistic

liberation but as a deliberate attempt to mock their beliefs and practices. “These

immigrants, who are already socially and culturally marginalized, are thus doubly

marginalized in the name of an attack on ‘purity’ and Islamic ‘fundamentalism’” (van der

Veer 1997:101-102).

The colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness demonstrates its rootedness in

both experiences of cultural imperialism and hybridity. The former is largely a

consequence of the 450 years of colonial history. The latter is the effect of globalization

and unresolved colonial consequences. Whereas the former pitted the colonial rulers

against Filipino nationalism, the latter has divided the diverse Filipino socio-cultural

consciousness wherein the elite become the standard bearer of cultural hybridization. In

both cases, the issue of power that overcomes the marginalized in society demands

considerable attention.

Another possible construct towards framing a structure for the colonial mentality

in the Filipino consciousness is to consider the concept of multiplicity. It has already been

demonstrated that hybridity affirms the impact of globalization on “primal” cultures. An

inevitable outcome of this impact is “seen to be the cultural homogenization of the world,

with the accompanying unwelcome consequence of dooming the world to uniformity”

149

(Inda and Rosaldo 2002:13,14). Globally, individuals will undoubtedly participate both in

the local socio-cultural life of their society and in the seeming unitary-cultural practices of

globalization. They will, however, reject being defined as conforming as one-unitary

entity to a uniform pattern because of a need to control their part in society. These104

individuals, in effect, will be ill-defined as conformist to this uniformity. This being the

case, the issue of control is not necessarily a negative dynamic in society. It points instead

to an endless permutation of possibilities. As a result, there could be multiplicities of

individual contexts and even multiplicities of cultural practices for different individuals

participating in the same context. Essentially, this only adds to the ever growing105

diversities in contemporary society.

This dynamism called diversity is a filter for viewing both the individual and

collective experiences of colonial mentality in society. E. Acoba calls this a participation

in multiplicity (24). This recognizes a “multiplicity of Filipino contexts reflecting diverse

local and personal contexts that together make up collective Filipino experience, locally or

globally” (27). Colonial mentality in Filipino consciousness, in this case, could not be

defined only by a geographical border. Rather, where the Filipino consciousness is present

Kathryn Tanner (1997) points to the development of the “cultured individual” in Germany where a 104

substitute for “a lost or threatened meaning to life [is] expressed in Christian discipline” (4-5). Ultimately, such individual becomes his own second creator:

Culture in the sense of spiritual, artistic and intellectual refinement provided humanpersons with a model for self-control once the more traditional restraints of social moresand religion could no longer be taken for granted.

E. Acoba (2005) provides a description of the concept of multiplicity. The concept is based on an105

understanding that any particular system is comprised of multiple components or layers (24). In society,each individual participates in a multiplicity of contexts. It could thus be surmised that each individualhas learned to participate as well in a multiplicity of behavioural practices which would be appropriate percontext. Effectively, it could be surmised that there is a correlation between the processes of multiplicityand cultural hybridity.

150

there will emerge as well a multiplicity of “occurrence” of that colonial mentality. That is,

this concept of multiplicity allows for both individuation and collectivity of expressions

rooted in a colonial mentality.

The focus on multiplicity is not to deny the historicity of the colonial experience.

The stories of one’s personal colonial experience is only one of the many sources

describing colonial experiences from a diversity of individuals in a given socio-cultural

context. Moreover, the multiple layers of colonial experience from these stories recognize

that there are also multiple processes for dealing with the consequences of colonial

mentality. In turn, each multiple layer of colonial experience and each multiple process for

dealing with it are all interconnected. A concept of multiplicity, therefore, is not to view

the colonial experience as an exclusive narrative but rather as inclusive narratives.

Likewise, multiplicity could very well address the problem of power inherent in

any discussion of colonial mentality. Acoba (2005) writes that “every story resists being

systematized and refuses to be overcome by another individual’s stories because each one

is grounded in a dynamic participation of life. So, one story gives substance to the

another” (30). Accordingly, viewing colonial mentality as a uniform experience would be

an erroneous presupposition. The multiplicity of its articulation could instead provide a

conceptual construct to avoid what Heidegger calls “violence” involved in overcoming

others by other stories. That is, an emphasis on multiplicity is also a remembering of the106

See reference on Heidegger’s view of dasein in Heidegger’s New Beginning, in Postmodern Platos by106

Catherine Zuckert.

151

colonial experience and its consequences. Subsequently, it could very well act as a

deterrent for controling power abuse.

From hereon, the task at hand, however, is not to delineate further the negative

effects of a colonial mentality. Suffice it to say, there is no denying that this consciousness

has normalized itself in the Filipino being. In the next section, the foxus will be on a

process for decolonizing this colonial mentality.

Decolonizing the Filipino Colonial Mentality

As a consciousness, negative dynamics pervade the term “colonial mentality.” A

colonial mentality is characteristic of societies where people have experienced the

oppression of colonial rule. In the case of the Philippines, this is exhibited through the

tendency of the people to consider their being (personhood, culture and all) as inferior to

that of their former colonial rulers and respective cultures. Consequently, the indigenous

culture is considered undesirable and tends to be left abandoned in favor of the perceived

superior culture.

The dynamics inherent within a people’s consciousness are illustrated by the

totality of the social image by which that people, society or culture views itself.

Moreover, this consciousness is used for comparative purposes. The people of a given

society compare this totality of their image in relation to other peoples, societies or

cultures. Compared to a definition of worldview, consciousness is less comprehensive in

scope (Kraft 1981:53). It is limited to a social self-conceptualization relative to other

cultures and peoples. It does not comprise, as does worldview, the core basic

152

assumptions of a systematized totality of the conceptions of a culture. Simply,

consciousness is how a given society views itself in relation to another.

The term “decolonizing” is a reference to the task of “un-learning” colonial

mentality. It could be viewed as a method of deconstruction although not synonymous

with deconstruction itself. Deconstruction is generally associated with Jacques Derrida.

The degree to which the term is comprehended, however, based on theoretical

formulations by those attempting to interpret Derrida, vary widely. It is not the intention

of this study to discuss these theoretical formulations of deconstruction. Instead,

deconstruction will be used as a methodological construction. The particular task in view

is termed “decolonizing.” It will be sought to provide this study with a framework for

considering possibilities towards dealing with the consequences and impact of colonial

mentality. 107

Decolonizing does not seek to destroy the narrative of the oppressive colonial

experience throughout Philippine society. In fact, the methodology desires to re-tell the

colonial narrative for the purpose of exposing its oppressive intent. Strobel (2001:87)

writes,

Decolonization is the ability to narrate one’s story in a manner that makessense and makes meaning out of all the experiences of the past. To locateone’s personal history within the history of the community is to find therelationship between the self, the nation , and the narration. The story ofthe self contains the narrative of the nation. To tell one’s story is to allow

Please see Chapter 2 for discussion on John Caputo’s theory of non-knowledge and hermeneutics of107

friendship (2000:94-95). Accordingly, Caputo’s theory places the burden of proof on the non-violenceaspect of a hermeneutics of friendship as opposed to the violent effects of an “overcoming” theory thatseeks to absolutize its position of knowledge. This study paper will utilize the dynamics of Caputo’stheory with its corresponding expectations.

153

the fragments of consciousness to be sutured, allowing the narrative toflow again.

The means of decolonizing therefore is not found in the destruction of the colonial

narrative but within the power of knowing the colonial narrative. Paulo Freire (2000) has

argued that liberation begins with the naming of the world. In the naming comes an108

epistemological recognition of one’s history. Thus, in the knowing, the narrative will not

be brought back to life, but rather reconfigured, i.e., re-told, by the marginalized (or

oppressed by the colonizers). In so doing, transformation is a prime objective in the

process of decolonizing.109

The eventual hope is that the power in knowing will lead towards a new narrative

that has learned to respond in opposition to against other colonial narratives in the context

of globalization. It is thus imperative to “remember” in order to construct a new110

narrative. “Remembering is never a quiet act of introspection or retrospection. It is a

painful re-membering, a putting together of the dismembered past to make sense of the

Freire (2000) posits that the oppressed need to be able to name the social and political structures that108

dominate them and keep them silenced (172-175). The oppressed need to become aware of how thedominating structures create the marginal and inferior “other.” This then leads to a cultural action whichcan “oppose the divisive action of the dominant elites and move towards the unity of the oppressed” (175).

Fernando Segovia (2000) argues that a process of decolonizing and liberation by way of both 109

theoretical/methodological diversity and sociocultural diversity has been witnessed over the last quarter ofa century in the discipline of biblical criticism. In his work, he posits what he calls a “postcolonial critic”in which the goal in biblical criticism “is not merely one of analysis and description, but rather one oftransformation: the struggle for ‘liberation’ and ‘decolonization’” (132). This is congruent to Freire’s theory of “conscientization” (2000) which is rooted in his concept ofcultural revolution. “Conscientization” is the deepening of the attitude of awareness characteristic of allemergence” (100). In addition, “as the cultural revolution deepens conscientizacao in the creative praxisof the new society, people will begin to perceive why mythical remnants of the old society (i.e., colonizedhistory) survive in the new” (159). In the end, this process seeks a transformation that is based on thecriteria when the oppressed become “ the subjects of being for itself” rather than “objects of the invaders”(160-162).

See discussion on Caputo’s non-knowledge in the previous chapter.110

154

trauma of the present” (Bhaba 1990:206). In this “re-membering,” it is the event of

transformation that is awaited. The “re-membering” is a constructed dialogue to

“transform the present, in particular, the unequal power relationship between dominant

and dominated, rather than to create nostalgia for a past. The stories of our lives can then

be used to create a larger narrative for a community’s identity” (Strobel 2001:53).

Decolonizing, therefore, is the unraveling, i.e., a form of deconstruction, of a construction

process largely through the aid of one’s memory and the reconstruction of the historical

and indigenous narrative (Strobel 2001:51).

In the light of the above, this section will firstly examine the process of changing

the normative conceptualization of colonial mentality in Filipino consciousness through the

method of decolonizing. Secondly, in an effort to sustain changes in the Filipino

consciousness against colonial mentatliy, the factors which contribute to the construction

of an underside will be delineated. In this process, dynamics inherent in a hermeneutic of

affirmation will begin to unfold.

On Changing the Filipino Consciousness

The task of decolonizing colonial mentality signifies an attempt to reconfigure the

Filipino story in relation to her colonial experience. Part of this reconfiguration is to view

colonial mentality as abnormal or alien within the Filipino consciousness. The non-

monolithic nature of Philippine culture would suggest that the existence of such mentality

has multiple implications, i.e., linguistic, social, religious, economic, etc.

155

For instance, Vicente Rafael (2000) argues that the colonization of the Filipino

language resulted in colonized idioms. This would thus indicate that the legacy of colonial

mentality can be traced in the Filipino language. In fact, Rafael (2000:210) contends that

the translatability of colonial power through language “involves not simply the ability to

speak in a language other than one’s own but the capacity to reshape one’s thoughts and

actions in accordance with accepted forms. It thus coincides with the need to submit to

the conventions of a given social order.” As an example, Rafael cites a story in Jose

Rizal’s novel, Noli Me Tangere. The story is about a sermon delivered by a priest named

Father Damaso. The priest begins with a biblical quote in Latin, followed by Spanish, then

in the vernacular, Tagalog. As the sermon is delivered in Spanish, the people in

attendance would fish out words and phrases from the sermon. Subsequently, they would

arbitrarily assign them to their own imaginings:

... [it is] as if out of a barrage of unreadable signs the church goers arestruck by recognizable words, then proceed to spin out discrete narrativesthat bear no relation to the logic and intent of the priest’s discourse”(Rafael 2000:11).

The meaning and the intent of this priestly discourse was marginalized. This

marginalization is not so much directed at the position of authority held by Father

Damaso; it is his sermon which becomes a place wherein the colonial authority can be

confronted. In short, the process of listening-through-fishing “is suggestive of the

conditions that permit subjugation and submission to exist in the first place” (Rafael

2000:3). Intertwined in the Filipino colonial experience are concurrent scenes of

subjugation and subversiveness in which the Filipino seeks stability to reconfigure his/her

story.

156

Indeed, the period of colonial rule in any context produces incredible moments of

instability. It is during these moments when social discourses which are informed by a

plurality of interests are reordered to become new cultural norms within a stable hierarchy.

Unfortunately, during colonial rule, cultural norms are set by the colonial masters. On the

one hand, this brings a stable hierarchy that would benefit colonial rulers. On the other,

as demonstrated in Rafael’s example of listening-through-fishing, the colonized have

constructed another layer of experience by which to subvert the colonizers. 111

Conversely, there are social controls within all cultures which press upon the

people to avoid deviating towards colonial mentality when instability happens. This is

more evident in monolithic or homogeneous cultures. For instance, Japanese culture

designates a term, gai, to mean “outside or foreign” (Hadamitzky & Spahn 1981:82) In

combination with other words like people or country, it readily provides both the speaker

In cultural anthropology, the theory of “press and pull” within culture is attributed to Mary Goodman111

(Kraft 1979:69-71). That is, on the one hand, culture pulls us towards culturally normal activities throughcultural enticement; on the other, culture presses us by exerting pressure that operates as warning orpunishments for deviant behaviour. In the case at hand, the act of subverting is viewed as culture pull. The incentive is to sustain indigeneity. The act of “listening-through-fishing” is referred to as culturepress. In this case, it is true that the Latin language was incomprehensible and was certainly an overt wayof subjugating the local language. The act of listening becomes a public demonstration that the men couldpossibly be allowing themselves to fall in the trap of subjugation, especially that they kept following thepriest. Thus, while this type of listening could consequently lead to deviant behaviour against the localculture, the fishing (which is actually a culture pull, i.e., incentive) counters any desire to deviate. Inshort, the men were able to subvert the subjugation attempt by the Spanish priest as they kept pretendingto understand, even as they were constructing a very different narrative than what was intended by thepriest. This is, of course, no different than what Ashis Nandy (1983:84) argues:

The oppressed are also constrained to fight back because of their fear of freedom. Consequently, persons in colonized societies have to cultivate the self-protection whichthe victims often show when faced with an inescapable situation: a slightly comicalimitativeness ... an uncanny ability to subvert the valued skills or traits which mayensure their adaptation to the system, an overdone obsequiousness which seek to limitthe target of ingragation, and a stylized other-worldliness which can disarm those whosee it as a denial of self-interest.

157

and the listener a clear comprehension of terms like foreigner or foreign country.

Accordingly, gai refers to the status of a person viewed in contrast to the Japanese being.

Any terms, therefore, which are combined with gai are assumed to be non-Japanese or

foreign. Consequently, to be non-Japanese means to be treated with suspicion and thus

abnormal or foreign. This linguistic feature in the Japanese language demands that the

Japanese constantly repel any advancement of colonialism within the Japanese

consciousness. One example of this is the arrival of the four “black ships” from112

America headed by Commodore Matthew Perry, who sought to force the Japanese to

open its doors to the west (Francis and Nakajima 1991:13). The Japanese accommodated

the arrival of the black ships yet the Japanese consciousness was never subjugated by a

colonial mentality.

Similarly, the Filipino consciousness is very mindful of such a distinction

concerning outsiders. Like a mirror image of the Japanese language, there are linguistic

designations for outsiders in the Philippine culture. Outsiders are categorized by the term

labas, and insiders are associated with the term loob in relation to the Filipino being

(Strobel 2001:60). The over four hundred years of colonial presence, however, has sullied

the Filipino consciousness. It has been subjugated to a colonial mentality by its long

history of colonial rule. For sure, there are some strong nationalistic movements which

have waged war against this colonial mentality over the years. The on-going fight,

however, against the colonial mentality only demonstrates the deep rootedness of this

John Clammer (2001) provides an in-depth discussion on the nature of nihonjinron;112

meaning, theories of Japanese uniqueness. The very mention of this term in Japanese elicits emotional,spiritual, social and physical responses underlying the “proud” attitude of the Japanese to think that theyare uniquely different from others.

158

mentality. Currently, semblances of these nationalistic movements have found residence in

the “underground” to negate the external impact of such a mentality. This on-going113

concern alone gives recognition to the normality of a colonial mentality in the Filipino

consciousness.

One process of culture change requires the Filipino consciousness to reject the

admission of colonial mentality into the Filipino being. Admittedly, this would take a

period of time or even a generation to achieve. Yet without this particular culture change,

the Filipino consciousness will continue to be victimized by hegemonic rule, be it from

within or without Philippine society. As demonstrated in previous sections, to a good

extent, there is enough cultural “press and pull” within Philippine culture to resist and even

reject the abnormal presence of a colonial mentality. And even if this mentality insists on

being considered normal, as demonstrated by examples from Jocano, Enriquez and Diesto,

it has never found affirmation in Philippine society.

In this comparative valuation of the cultures of Japan and the Philippines, it may

sound naive to recommend that the Philippines follow the lead of the Japanese. Based on

what can be learned from the Japanese, the task towards “reconfiguring” the colonial

mentality from the Filipino consciousness is two-fold. The first task is the responsibility of

each individual belonging to a particular ethno-cultural group. Each member of each

ethno-cultural group would need to wholly seek the outright rejection of a colonial

mentality within him/herself. The problem in the Filipino context is that even if this is

possible, it remains questionable if the baggage of past history can outrightly be cast off

For review, see discussion on negative hermeneutics in Chapter 2.113

159

and forgotten. A second task is to affirm one’s own ethno-cultural group while also

affirming the rights, dignity and integrity of all the other ethno-cultural groups in the

Philippines.

As naive as this recommendation might look, the process has already been

historically validated. James Cochrane (1999) writes about the very painful process

undertaken by South Africans in dealing with the atrocities, consequences and

victimizations of apartheid. That process which was watched by the global community

brought Cochrane to examine the asymmetry of power. He cites the work of Jean and

John Comaroff, who studied the encounter between the Barolong Boo Ratshidi and the

British. In particular, Cochrane observes the part that consciousness played in the

Barolong Boo Ratshidi colonization experience (1999:92) resulting in the Anglo-Boer114

South African War in 1899:

They show in their study of the encounter between the Tshidi and the Britsthat resistance occurs in a spectrum of consciousness. It must beunderstood along an analogous and parallel continuum of actions.

In Of Revelation and Revolution, Jean Comaroff and John Comaroff (1991:31)

write:

At one end is organized protest, explicit moments and movements ofdissent that are easily recognizable as “political” by Western lights. At theother are gestures of tacit refusal and iconoclasm, gestures that sullenly andsilently contest the forms of an existing hegemony ... For the mostpart, the ripostes of the colonized hover in the space between the tacit andthe articulate, the direct and the indirect. And far from being a merereflection - or a reflex expression - of historical consciousness, these actsare a practical means of producing it.

For full reference, see Jean Comaroff (1985).114

160

Briefly, the thrust of Cochrane’s work underlines the focus on responsibility in regard to

the perspectives and voices of the colonized, the dominated, oppressed and marginalized

groups.

Almost a century later, Nelson Mandela oversaw the very painful but healing

reconciliation process in order to end the reign of apartheid over South African

consciousness (Baker 2002). The process required taking responsibility to speak the truth

and hear the truth. These truths were spoken by those who advocated for apartheid and

those who suffered because of apartheid. In the end, a “spectrum” of consciousness

resulted in an action to formally end apartheid. This has come to be referred to as

Mandela’s call for a nation to move forward away from the constraints, injustices and

colonial mentality brought by and induced by apartheid. Popularly known now as “ubuntu

philosophy,” it is rooted in Mandela’s recognition that an injury to one is an injury to all

(Hallengren 2001).

The colonial mentality resident in the Filipino consciousness lies perhaps

somewhere between the Japanese and South African responses to colonization. On the

one hand is the collective resistance and rejection of foreign elements by the Japanese

culture. On the other is the proclamation of indigenous affirmation based on Mandela’s

philosophy of reconciliation to end South African apartheid. These two options could

very well be the actions necessary in order to “reconfigure” the presence of a colonial

mentality in the Filipino consciousness. It merits the question, however, if there is even

any precedence for these among the diverse ethno-cultural groupings in the Philippines.

161

The Emergence of an Underside in Filipino Consciousness: Locus for Working Against Colonial Mentality

The presence of colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness has shown to

victimize the Philippine culture in relation to outside hegemonic powers. This has been

demonstrated in the institutions of education, economics, religion and society. Colonial

mentality has even convinced outsiders in its pretentious state that the colonial mentality is

a deeply rooted value, integral to the Filipino worldview structure. For instance, most

foreign visitors to the Philippines are amazed at how easy it is for them to adjust to

Philippine culture in general. There is a confident assumption that there is a great deal of

commonality between their western cultural realities and the Philippine culture. As a

result, cultural sensitivity tends to be left behind in their plane upon debarkation.

In the face of witnessing cultural mistakes committed by foreigners, Filipinos do

not outwardly demonstrate ill feelings. In this case, there are two dynamics at play for the

Filipino. On the one hand, there is the cultural pull of pakikisama, awa and galang115 116 117

(see Figure 1). These values provide incentives for appropriate behaviour. On the other,

there is the negative effect of colonial mentality. This elicitsforces a reactive behaviour

based on the feeling that one is a subservient partner in such social interaction.

Filipino term meaning “to be concerned about, to be supportive of, and to be helpful at all times”115

(Jocano 66).

Filipino term meaning “pity, compassion, mercy, charity, kindheartedness and sincerity” (Jocano 79).116

Filipino term meaning “respect” (Jocano 82).117

162

In addition, there is the cultural press related to the value of hiya. The primal118

behaviour of the Filipino is not to bring shame to either party during a particular social

exchange (Jocano 1997:74). In the case of colonial mentality, “shame” points to one’s

inferior sense of self worth opposite the historically-forced superiority of the social partner

at hand. This should not be mistaken, however, for an inferiority complex. To do so is to

irresponsibly neglect the history of victimization of the Filipino because of colonial rule

by Spain and America for over 450 years. The Filipino, regardless of inner ill feelings,

bows and resigns in silence since this is the behaviour based on and required by primal

cultural norms expected of hiya (Jocano 1997:74).

The silence that is practiced, called hiya, finds residence and articulation in the

underside. To some extent in this case, it can be said that hiya literally takes residence out

of sight precluding any external expression. To the foreigner, the Filipino appears meek

and subservient on the surface, albeit some foreigners find this silence dishonest at times

(Jocano 1997:73, 74). The bottom line, however, is that the silence is a product of the

colonial mentality. The Filipino within the confines of the underside, is thinking from his

silence: Sige lang, makakarma ka rin (Go ahead and keep up that behaviour. The

principle of karma will eventually catch up to you, i.e., “one day, I will have my day”). In

this case, the cultural pull (or incentive) of hiya takes solace in the belief in a karmic

principle.

It is recognized in this study that the prevalence of colonial mentality in the Filipino

consciousness has gravely affected even Filipino to Filipino social interactions. It even

Filipino term meaning “shame, shyness, timidity and embarrassment” (Jocano 73).118

163

affects the Filipino social structure as well. One clear demonstration of this is the manner

by which people outside the domain of urban Manila, i.e., Visayas and Mindanao, refer to

Manila as “imperial Manila.” Another demonstration is the rise of the sense of “privilege-

ness” among the more affluent sectors of Philippine society, which the middle-class

hungrily imitates. There are, no doubt, more examples which could be added to this.

Suffice it to say, these examples show how colonial mentality has gravely infected the

Filipino consciousness. Worse, with the growth of cultural hybridity in the Philippines, it

has entered the multiple levels of the Filipino social milieu both at home and abroad.

Simply then, what can be said about the foreigner-to-Filipino behaviour can also be said

about Filipino-to-Filipino behaviour. One of the effects of a colonial mentality is that it

encourages the mirroring of the behaviour of outsiders instead of the behaviour borne out

of primal Filipino culture. 119

One of the impacts that globalization has had on local cultures is the phenomenon

of cultural hybridity. This is much more so evident in the Philippine socio-cultural120

Virgilio Enriquez (1992:58) observes,119

Most of the American-trained social scientists did not only appraise the data that came inbut also stood in judgment of their worth and importance, using American categories andstandards. The supposedly Filipino values or concepts were lifted, as it were, from thecultural milieu and examined according to inappropriate alien categories, resulting indistorted and erroneous appraisal of indigenous psychology.

Consequently, it is not surprising that it is not only the colonial writers but many Filipino writers andscholars themselves who have been inflicting on Filipino culture an injustice through the massiveinfluence of colonial education on the minds of these scholars which then predisposes them to embrace thecolonial viewpoint in studying and explaining the Filipino psyche in the same manner. Enriquez adds(1992:57-58):

The massive influence of the United States of America on education, religion, commerce,politics, and the mass media predisposes the Filipino to adopt the colonial viewpoint instudying and explaining the Filipino psyche.

For more discussion on cultural hybritidy, please see references on Pieterse (2004) and Tanner (1997).120

164

milieu. Intermarriage between couples from two different ethno-cultural groups is one

cause. Another may be traced to situations when people from two or more different

ethno-cultural groups live together within the same geographical location. The fact that

the Philippine culture is non-monolithic or non-homogeneous adds to the richness of

cultural hybridity among Filipinos. Each distinct ethno-cultural group within the

geography of the Philippines intersects with mainstream Philippine culture. The resulting

social interaction produces interesting variations of cultural hybridity in the Philippines.

No doubt, such cultural hybridity can easily create a hotbed where colonial

mentality may take root. And it has. In spite of this, it should not be mistaken, as often is

the case, that the presence of colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness is warmly

welcomed. As alluded to previously, the seeming assimilation of colonial mentality in

Philippine culture does not mean it is part of the Filipino worldview. The value of social

acceptance, local or foreigner, demands upon every Filipino to show some form of121

conformity even to outsiders. It must be recognized at the same time that such acceptance

has its limitations especially in relation to foreign matters. When that acceptance is deemed

to have been abused, e.g., when attempts are made by foreigners to subjugate the

welcoming culture, patience turns into resignation or silence wherein hiya begins to take

over. In turn, this silent resignation turns to the underside where the agenda to subvert the

“foreign matter” becomes a consuming objective.

The Filipino value for this is called kapwa, which means “of the same nature, of equal status, a121

partnership, a shared orientation, ... (our) consciousness of reciprocal shared identities” (Jocano 1997:61).

165

This underside is the place where people whose society is feeling the negative

effects of colonial mentality begin their work of decolonizing the influence of foreign

matters in their culture. The term nationalism has become a counterpart to colonial

mentality. Whereas nationalism is an affirming term for indigenous peoples, it is a

threatening and un-welcoming term to outsiders. In the case of Philippine society, there

are many more methods which have been used by Filipinos throughout its history to

counter the subjugating intent of colonial mentality. In the end, however, there is one

objective to which these methods aspire; namely, that Filipinos from each ethno-cultural

grouping will affirm their own dignity and integrity, with or without the recognition of the

outsiders. F. Fanon calls this “national culture.” He theorizes that the development of a

national culture would be a turning toward anything that affords a secure anchorage

(Fanon 1963:217). Inherent within this is the development of cultural practices that would

resist the imposed identity from the outside.

The national culture is also a theme that Virgilio Enriquez (1992) utilizes to

construct what he calls an indigenous psychological movement. Enriquez traces the

historical background of the Filipino indigenous psychological movement. He then

correlates its relationship to the formation of a national consciousness and a national

culture. The basis for this indigenous psychological movement is Enriquez’ insistence on

the use of Filipino language to articulate Filipino values (Enriquez 1992:30). For instance,

the Filipino concept of self or kapwa refers to a shared sence of inner self or “I am a part

of you and you are a part of me” (Enriquez 1990:60). Accordingly, indigenization

happens when it departs from the western-imposed psychological models that were used

166

to explain cultural identity in the past. For Enriquez, indigenization can be summed up as

an attempt to reclaim Filipino cultural values by centering the Filipino self in reference to

the “other” without creating rigid boundaries between that self and other.122

Likewise, the correlation between indigenization and language for Enriquez is

affirmed by Lamin Sanneh. For Sanneh (1990:3), he takes translation beyond the narrow

and technical bounds of textual work: “It struck me as fairly obvious that missionary

interest, say, in the vernaculars of Africa touched on the affected cultures in a very

profound way.” In a sense, missionary adoption of the vernacular represents the adoption

of indigenous cultural criteria for the missionary message. The good news, subsequently,

is a piece of “radical indigenization far greater than the standard portrayal of mission as

Western cultural imperialism” (Sanneh 1990:3). In this case, the foreign missionary,

whose behaviour mirrors the colonizing practices of their time, actually acts as vernacular

agents. In the process, while mixed with colonial practices, this has brought cultural

invigoration (or revitalization), social renewal, intercultural dialogue and even a moral

courage for anti-colonialism.

In retrospect, these are a result of the missionary effort to bring the gospel in the

vernacular through the work of translation. Especially evident in the history of mission in

Africa, missionary translation was instrumental in the emergence of indigenous

movements. Ironically, these indigenous movements also evolved into indigenous123

Enriquez’ notion of “re-claiming” is akin to Maggay’s (2006) notion of re-discovering primal Filipino122

culture.

Sanneh (1990:122-123, cf. Hayford 1971:327) cites an example of how a group of Ghanaians, called123

Fante Confederation, who were educated in local-funded African Christian mission schools as early as1871, produced a constitutional document in the vernacular. This document was designed to prepare

167

movements of resistance to colonialism. In turn this gave birth to a concept of

indigenization that Sanneh calls the translatability of the message of the good news.

Meaning, indigenization is only possible when the local language is recognized. Thus,

away from the external surface that is dominated by western colonial mentality, the

underside has provided the space in which to articulate in the vernacular for the local

culture.

A Summary

Decolonizing the colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness necessitates

historical, cultural and religious articulations. The victim of a colonial mentality is

primarily responsible to take the onus for this articulation. Whether the

victimizer/colonizer articulates it or not is immaterial as can be seen from the Japanese

experience. This is in contrast to the South African experience, however, which

compelled the victimizers/colonizers to articulate their actions because it was a vital part

of the healing process needed for reconciliation.

The following story is part of Khalid’s journey towards an emancipating

experience from the colonial mentality he had struggled with in his relationships with

Christians who might mean well but non-cognizant of their colonial attitudes.

Africans for local government. Eventually, this confederation was succeeded by the Reference Group, abody of Fante Christians. In turn, this group adopted a series of measures in support of giving their peolethe gospel in their own vernacular. The implication of this historical event underscores how themissionary thrust, although perceived as a colonial project of foreign missions, ironically, becomes alsothe agent for change that is conceived and implemented by local indigenous people.

168

About a year and a half ago, Khalid was invited by Bill (pseudonym) toattend a consultation on Muslim work in another country. Bill used to beKhalib’s boss when he was working as a translator for a Christianmissionary organization. Bill had offered to pay for Khalib’s airfare andaccommodations. Khalid accepted the invitation. During the consultation,it became clear that as Khalid consulted with different individuals, theparticipants were divided into two groups. The division was caused bydifferent comprehension of what constitute an insider movement.

In a conversation with Bill one evening, they touched on the paradigm ofinsider movement. In the course of the conversation, it became clear thatKhalid and Bill were in disagreement.

In the course of the conversation, finally, Khalid remarked that despite allthe goodness that Bill had contributed to his well being, Bill’s authoritarianattitude had failed to show respect towards Khalid’s contribution to thework of God’s kingdom. Khalid continued to give details on how Bill’sattitude could be likened to a colonizer. For Khalid, this was theopportunity he was looking for to articulate his perspective of therelationship with someone he recognizes as a good but misguided friend.

At the end of their conversation, Bill asked to pray with Khalid and, in theprocess, asked for forgiveness for offending Khalid.

This was not necessarily the turning point for Khalid concerning the consequences of the

colonial mentality in his consciousness. That point came long before this conversation

with Bill. But the story demonstrates the power of articulation. In this case, Khalid

articulated who he is to himself, who he seems to be to Bill and how he intended to

proceed with such an oppressive relationship. The power is not so much in what was

articulated. Rather, it is the fact that the articulation ascribed importance and preeminence

to Khalid’s self worth, i.e, his dignity and integrity, as a Muslim believer.

Any discussion of a colonial mentality entails, as well, a discussion on the effects of

the utilization of power on social and cultural factors. The exercise of power by those

outside a particular ethno-cultural grouping over those in this local ethno-cultural

169

community will easily lead to the birth of a colonial mentality. Once this mentality

becomes set in the consciousness of people, its negative ripple effects on the rest of

society are hard to stop. Although it is possible to avoid an infectious onslaught of

colonial mentality upon a consciousness, colonial mentality eventually sets in when power

is used to overcome the other. The power that a people group can assert for itself,

however, is through the knowledge that its inherent sense of dignity and integrity is

sufficient to affirm themselves. To conclude, as in Foucault’s assertion that power is

knowledge, power which is based on a knowledge of self affirmation becomes the124

driving force for a hermeneutic of affirmation. 125

Osborne and Loon (1997:126-127) observe that Michel Foucault’s contribution to sociology is his124

theory of refusal of all meta-narratives or grand theories about society and history. This refusal centersaround his arguments that knowledge is produced and utilized in a society. As a result, he posits, andpresents his evidence accordingly, how power and discourse are linked to knowledge. Along the way, thistype of knowledge works its way through structures in society where power structures in society utilizethis knowledge. Essentially, “power is knowledge” means that a power structure uses knowledge to createa meta-narrative that constructs a discourse and social process based on that knowledge.

Admitting to the limited scope of this study, it needs to be noted that the “knowledge of self 125

affirmation” could be used by local voices to overcome other voices in the local context. This possibilityhad been alluded in the previous chapter. “What constitutes the local context” is another matter ofconsideration. It is appropriate to ask the question “how are immigrants categorized within the discussionof the local context?” In many cases, there is a tendency to isolate and even de-categorize immigrants asnon-members of an ethno-cultural group because they are not physically present within the ethno-culturalgroup anymore. As alluded to in this study, immigrants don’t necessarily feel the same way. It couldvery well be surmised that, in this case, the “local context,” by virtue of de-categorizing or re-categorizingthe immigrants as non-members of their ethno-cultural group is victimizing a sub-category of the localcontext. Another matter for further discussion is the possibility of global theologies. This matter raises theissue for theologizing in the global context. Presupposed in this matter is a discussion on how powerdynamics influence the theologizing process, which is not that different from local theologizing. Thesignificance herein is the matter of placing the burden of proof on local theologizing to consideraffirmative contributions from global theologies upon local theologizing. For reference to this type of discussion, Timoteo Gener (2001) has begun an initial inquiry he calls“indigenization from within” and “indigenization from without.” A congruent discussion to Gener’sarticle (which has its roots in Virgilio Enriquez’ [1992] concept of cross-cultural psychology) is MelbaMaggay’s contextualization from without (2005:40).

170

From hereon, this study will look at theological factors affecting the construction

of a hermeneutic of affirmation. The particular context at hand is that of Muslim believers

engaged in an insider movement. A case study based on field research will be presented to

demonstrate the application of this paper’s thesis. It will examine the dynamics of an

emerging religious movement called insider movement.

CHAPTER 5

NARRATIVES OF AFFIRMATION

As in the previous chapter, the process of decolonization signifies an attempt to

articulate the history of victimization among local communities who have been overcome

and “invaded” (using Freire’s term) by hegemonic forces. In most cases, these are global

forces imposing themselves on local cultures. The aim of the decolonizing process is to

transform a society which has previously been colonized. This transformation includes the

re-telling of history with a view to re-configure the local narrative in a “liberative” manner.

This dynamic, in turn, distinguishes the decolonizing process from a hermeneutic of

victimization. For Paulo Freire, however, not all transformation is development

(2000:161). He conditions this to the relationship that dependency has on (local) society

and the metropolitan (or global) society. The hope, according to Freire (161-162), is

when the dependency at the local society lifts the “being for itself” as a subject instead as

an object for the “invaders,” the liberation of the oppressed is at hand. This study

contends that this moment of liberation is akin to what this study proposes as a

hermeneutic of affirmation.

In this chapter, the framework towards a hermeneutic of affirmation will be

discussed. It would show that theologizing in a global context requires the local context

171

172

to have the capacity to withstand the inevitable onslaught of hegemonic forces. In the face

of this, the local context will be deemed to be responsible to prepare itself for both

positive and negative effects caused by these hegemonic forces. In the light of these,

three different individual stories in three different socio-cultural contexts will be presented.

The stories will underscore the themes of diversity, decentredness and alterity (or

“otherness”) in relation to the task of theologizing in these contexts. Based on these126

themes, theological factors will be delineated to provide a framework for a hermeneutic of

affirmation.

Local Theologizing in a Global Context: Case Studies onAlterity, Diversity and Decentredness

The following stories will give evidence to the role of alterity (or “otherness”),

diversity and decentredness in theologizing in a global context. These are stories of

individuals in different Asian Islamic community contexts. In each case, alterity is127

representative of the local grassroots power engaged in globalization. In addition, these

stories will demonstrate a very comfortable desire for partnership with global powers who

are willing to be transformed. Transformation for these global partners will mean a

process of being deconstructed in order to be reconstructed using the premises of

postmodern conditions. In the end, such partnership is expected to bring mutual

transformation of each upon the other.

The terms diversity, decentredness and alterity have been discussed in Chapter Two and Chapter126

Three. For particular reference, please see pp.28-33.

Due to the sensitive nature of the data to be presented, pseudonyms will be provided.127

173

Musa’s Story117

When Musa was in college, he had the opportunity to teach his mother tongue to

western students. One of these students was a university teacher. In the course of their

lessons, personal stories were related mutually. When the student learned that Musa had

been reading the Injil, they began to talk more around Musa’s spiritual journey. 118

Eventually, Musa related his faith in the salvation of Isa al Masih . Musa was expecting119

the student to tell him to join a church and fellowship with other believers outside his

Muslim context. To the contrary, the student encouraged Musa to stay away from non-

Muslim churches and find other believers in his Islamic community while continuing with

his Islamic religious practices. While bewildered by such advice, Musa listened. His

ensuing journey would reveal to him the wisdom of such advice.

When Musa finished college, he returned to his hometown. Finding work

opportunities in his profession to be minimal, he found a job in another town but

continued to return to his hometown for the weekends. During these weekend stays in his

home, he found opportunities to share his faith with his mother and a sister (who later

came to believe as Musa did). He also began to meet other Muslims who shared his faith

while continuing to practice Islamic religious practices. Ten years later, Musa facilitates

regular monthly gatherings for these believers who come from different nearby-

communities. These gatherings include activities for fellowship around the study of the

Based on unpublished testimony given by Ibn Dan at Bangkok, Thailand, March 2007.117

The book of the Gospels.118

Jesus Christ or Jesus the Messiah.119

174

Injil and translated portions of the Scriptures, as well as social networking to pray and

encourage one another. Their gathering place is outdoors in view of the public in order to

ward off suspicion. Meanwhile, their numbers continue to grow primarily through

personal networks.

One of the more intriguing characteristics of Musa’s group is the inclusivity of the

Qur’an to their studies. While their Scriptural studies focus on the biblical teachings,120

they use the Qur’an in a complementary manner. In short, the Qur’an gives evidence to

the scriptural narratives and teachings. It is a common practice for these believers in Isa

al Masih to practice their faith within the religious context of Islam. In this context, they

present the message of the good news about Isa al Masih from their readings about him in

the Qur’an. It is also significant to note that while individuals in the group have contacts

with western Christians, the latter are non-factors in their gatherings for studying the

Scriptures. They do not extend any invitation to their western Christian friends nor do

they rely on these friends for support and affirmation. Their gatherings have no formal

structures except for recognizing the efforts that Musa puts forth to facilitate the

gatherings. Outside these gatherings, daily lives are lived in the contexts of their ethno-

cultural-religious activities. This includes participating in their local community’s social

and economic practices while observing Islamic religious practices. They share their faith

based on the teachings of Isa al Masih with fellow Muslims while affirming their

Muslimhood. They show their respect to the Prophet Mohammed and view the Qur’an as

a religious narrative that tells the message of the good news of Isa al Masih.

Islamic holy book.120

175

Aisa’s Story121

A year ago, Scott told the story of Aisa. Scott and Diane had numerous122

discussions with Aisa about the message of the good news of Isa al Masih. The turning

point for Aisa came after experiencing a vision that brought an answer to prayers for

healing prayers she had been offering to Isa al Masih. One day, Aisa asked permission

from Scott and Diane to use their home for a meeting with a number of her Muslim friends

so she could tell them about Isa al Masih. As it turned out, she was asking only for the

use of their home, not for them to be present in the group. While completely taken back

by the request, Scott and Diane agreed. Soon their home became a regular meeting place

for such gathering.

Aisa had begun a movement which, a year later, included more than a hundred

faith believers in Isa al Masih without the inclusion of Scott and Diane. From being the

primary people who brought the message of the good news of Isa al Masih, Scott and

Diane are now on the periphery of the movement with supporting roles as coaches and

consultants. In fact, to this day, they have yet to join any of the large group gatherings.

The group has now grown so big that people have organized into smaller groups to reach

out to their neighbouring communities presenting the realities of a salvific faith in Isa al

As related by John Travis at a consultation in Bangkok, Thailand, March 2007.121

Scott has been working as a bible translator and his wife, Diane, has been involved in women’s122

development projects in an Asian Islamic community. They have seen Muslims shift their faith allegianceto a salvation faith based on the teachings of Isa al Masih while continuing to live their lives participatingin and observing Islamic religious practices. During these years, no conventional Christian church hasever been built, yet the number of believers continues to grow, even if so slowly.

176

Masih without the threat of leaving their Muslimhood. These outreaches include prayer

for the sick, provision of assistance to the poor and regular social engagement toward

building deeper relationships. This means they will continue to live in their communities

with their ethno-cultural identity as Muslims intact. In addition, they can observe Islamic

religious practices with their respective communities.

Not lost in their regular gatherings, however, is the practice of prayer and studying

scriptural teachings from the Injil. The Old Testament books of the Pentateuch and the

Psalms and Proverbs are studied as well. Their studies of Scriptures are grounded within

their local cultural ways of understanding the narratives in the scriptures. While they are

aware that there are groups of Christian churches outside their community, they avoid any

contact with them. Yet, they warmly welcome the presence of Scott and Diane as

members of their own families. For them, Scott and Diane are their points of contact to

the other Christian communities around them. Aisa and the members of this movement

that continues to develop, however, do not identify themselves as Christians but, rather, as

Muslims who believe in Isa al Masih within the context of the Islamic religion.

Jurahman’s Story123

Jurahman, together with a fellow Muslim follower of Isa al Masih, recently

facilitated a gathering for twenty six Muslim men and women interested in studying more

about Isa al Masih. The participants came from different Muslim ethno-cultural

This story is a retelling of the account shared by Jurahman (pseudonym) via email correspondence123

with the writer of this study.

177

groupings. A number of the participants were new to their circle of Muslim insider

believers. They were also joined by two Muslims brothers from another country who

helped facilitate the group studies. The focus of their study was the book of Mark, which

is one of the books in the Injil.

Initially, a number of people in the group voiced their perplexity to the group why

they are studying about Nabi Isa instead of Nabi Muhammad. When explained that124

Nabi Mohammad himself pointed people to Nabi Isa as written in the Qur’an, the

questions stopped and all proceeded to learn about Nabi Isa as taught in the Injil, more

specifically from a translated version of the Gospel of Mark in their own ethno-cultural

language. In the course of the study on the Gospel of Mark, some of the new participants

began to direct questions to the two facilitators from another country. The questions

concerned their attempt to understand the concept of the “kingdom of God” in Mark’s

gospel. Following this came questions on the identity of the Pharisees and how these

types of religious people were also represented in their mosques today, adding a high

degree of relevancy to the participants’ studies. One of the last questions that was raised

out of the study on the Gospel of Mark was about the manner in which one ought to pray,

with open or closed eyes. By the end of the four-day gathering, many of the participants

were expressing that the study on the Gospel of Mark brought them closer in their

relationship to Allah, and they were encourage to persevere in their devotion and

obedience to the words of Isa al Masih in the Injil.

Means prophet.124

178

The organizers of this event were very thankful for the provision from Allah to

make this gathering possible. To the organizers, resource partnerships with fellow non-

Muslim brothers and sisters in Isa al Masih were valued tremendously. Without their

silent but supportive partnership, the gathering would have not been possible.

Conceptualizing a Role for Diversity, Alterity and Decentredness inthe Local-Global Theologizing

The following discussion is an attempt to provide a theoretical base for the role of

diversity, alterity and decentredness in theologizing, both local and global. In the course

of this discussion, it is hoped that these same themes will provide the values for a

hermeneutic of affirmation.

Alterity and Diversity in Theologizing

Making alterity a priori in both cross-cultural and inter-cultural relationships

means ceding local theologizing to the local indigenous community. With this premise,

Kathryn Tanner (1997) correlates theology with culture. Her assertion is that theology is

to be viewed as a form of cultural activity (Tanner 1997:63). Thus, the theological

activity in culture is also subject to historical and social conditions. While seemingly

bounded because of context, this theological activity is a creative force. Tanner points125

out that creativity in theologizing leads to novelty and change. This creativity, however,

especially if given free rein, is likely to become a source of disagreement or conflict in

Culture boundedness for Tanner is different from cultural forms framed within sharp boundaries.125

179

theological judgments about what it means to lead a Christian life (156). Tanner contends

further that even so, the case for diversity in theological judgments is positive and need

not be hidden. In this creative and diverse environment for engaging in theological

activity, the postmodern shift in this culture-theology correlation gives theological

judgments “greater interpretive leeway ... by making its exercise seem genuinely creative”

(Tanner 1997:161).

While Tanner does not necessarily use the term “alterity,” she speaks of the intent

of alterity. It revolves around the conflicting character of cultural processes that leads to

diversity. For Tanner, diversity is “the product of the effort to be a Christian in different126

cultural contexts” (1997:157). This implies that “what it means to be a Christian should

not look the same from one cultural context to another ... one lives a Christian life

differently depending on the cultural materials with which one has to work and the

challenges to the Christian faith specific to that context” (1997:157). Inevitably, this

affects the way “thinking theologically” is constructed. She posits that cultural processes

open new possibilities for theology such as diversity. On the one hand, there are127

alternatives both for theological diversity and for approaches to contextualization. On the

other hand, there are also dialogues among different levels of culture centering on

Alterity is synonymous with the concept of “the others.” Subsequently, focusing on “the others” is to126

be cognizant of the diversity inherent about “the others.” That is, when “the others” are included, thepossibilities which “the others” signify opens a milieu for diversity. The inter-relationship between thesetwo dynamics are always mutual. To include one is to include the other, and to exclude one is to excludethe other.

Tanner (1997:156-175) argues that diversity in theological judgments is a necessary premise towards127

achieving the goal of working through the meaning of true discipleship. This task requires dialogueinstead of monologue in order to strengthen Christian discipleship.

180

Christianity’s own local cultural identity. These cultural processes then provide a re-

conceptualization of cultural identity, continuity and the boundaries necessary in the

theologizing activity at the local context. Thus, for Tanner, culture benefits theology, i.e.,

culture helps in the acquisition of theology.

Tanner also argues that such a notion sets up new questions and directions for

theological research. This type of influence, however, is often implicit and un(self)-

conscious; meaning, the full expression gained from such capacity is still hidden (Tanner

1997:162). To undo this hiddenness, she suggests that the postmodern shift in

anthropological understanding of culture is the locus of promise wherein culture becomes

a decisive tool for theological study (1997:161). Accordingly, she argues that this does

not necessarily deny the contributions that modernity has provided to an anthropological

understanding of culture. In fact, even in her critical analysis of modernity and cultural

anthropology, she admits that very few of the aspects of modernity’s understanding of

culture have been discarded. In fact, the categories used in modernity are still used in post

modernity even as modernity is being deconstructed.128

Alterity and Decentredness in Theologizing

In this process of deconstruction, the shift moves from a unitary view of religion to

a view of religious diversity with its correlating theological constructions and multivalent

meanings. The former is represented by the influence of a metanarrative assumption in

Margaret Wheatley (1999) discusses the process of deconstruction and reconstruction through a128

presentation of chaos theory and quantum mechanics.

181

modernity. The latter is indicative of decentredness in post modernity based on a diversity

of interpretations. Terrence Tilley (1995) identifies four themes that factor into129

understanding the effects of post modernity in the theologizing process. These are:

1. constructive theologies (signifying emphasis on diversities andmultiplicity of theological constructions);

2. postmodernism of dissolution (or deconstruction);3. postliberal theologies (reconstructions of previously deconstructed

theological traditions); and 4. communal praxis (theologizing happens among people of a community

that represents a local context).

These themes provide possibilities of approaches to theologizing to help bring the reader

to see what he/she has always seen in a new way. Tilley posits that postmodern theories

attempt to set new approaches for understanding, creatively transforming, and proclaiming

the Christian faith in a post-age. The focus is not on the end product itself. It is instead

on an honest attempt to engage the reader to reflect critically in a new way. This new way

is to internalize pluralism (Tilley 1995:166) in such a way that the divine “otherness” of

God presumes a “remarkably present-as-radically-other to us in the worlds in which we

live” (168). This concept of plurality is the place, according to Tilley (1995:168), where

“amazing grace and divine joy can be healingly present and where the one who is present

as radically Other to us is present paradoxically in solidarity with us.”

This type of critical reflection holds the power to stimulate local theologizing to

assert an influence over the homogenous force of globalization. Theologizing in a global

context presents upon the local context, as well, a challenge to formulate new institutions

Tilley (1995:155-168) provides these themes as ways to categorize general patterns of postmodernism129

in contemporary theology. He presents a summary of these themes in the concluding chapter of his book.

182

to support it. Nicanor Perlas (2000) provides an account of how the culture of local civil

society, especially in Asia, has demonstrated its participation in the creation of

globalization. At the institutional level, Perlas recognizes a tri-polar system: global civil

society, government and business. In basic anthropological terms, this would be130

represented by the social and cultural life of civil society as it participates in the political

and economic systems of society. The engagement of civil society in these areas is the

countervailing force in globalization. Meaning, it is the engagement of local contexts, i.e.,

communities, where individuals or groups of individuals who are interacting with one

other in a common action can actually overcome the elite character of globalization that is

bent on homogeneity. In brief, this is the manner by which power can be exerted by local

civil society upon globalization.

This enforcement of local power upon globalization, however, brings tension to

the homogeneous character of globalization. When the globalizing forces, however, fail to

recognize the power exerted by local civil society, i.e., the “other,” the result is a negating

movement such as that of the underside. Similarly, according to Perlas (2000:143), local

theologizing can definitely engage and stand on its own in a context that is still ruled by

hegemonic voices. This is so even when the latter seems to be driven by an elite

hegemony that seeks to interpret God’s narrative in a particularly homogenized fashion. 131

Perlas (2000:xxv) tells a story line that brings global civil society, government and business into what130

he calls a tri-polar world inhabited by three global powers.

Robert Schreiter (1986) examines the relationship between global and local theologizing. While he131

argues strongly for the domain of local theologizing, his one constant is the presence of the churchcommunity in the theologizing process. This relationship differs from integrated theologizing. He evenviews the current relationship as blurring the lines between the traditionally opposing dialectics ofsyncretism and synthesis.

183

This is particularly evident as demonstrated by Reynaldo Ileto in his book, Pasyon and

Revolution,

A Case Study for the Role of Alterity: Pasyon Pilapil

Accordingly, Reynaldo Ileto (1979) focuses on the utilization of pasyon. Pasyon

is derived from local Filipino articulations arising from the reading and dramatization of

the story of Jesus Christ especially as part of the various rituals during the Holy Week. In

particular, Ileto reviews the social, religious and theological climate of the time when a

particular pasyon entitled The Casaysayan nang Pasiong Mahal ni Jesuscristong

Panginoon Natin (Account of the Sacred Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ) was first

published in 1814. Among the rural folk, this was popularly known as Pasyon Pilapil,

because of their unsubstantiated conviction that this pasyon was originally written by a

local priest named Mariano Pilapil. 132

The traditional pasyon has been standardized by a pasyon published by Gaspar

Aquino de Belen in the eighteenth century. De Belen’s pasyon was praised for

communicating Christian doctrines in a meaningful and accurate way.

Christ, Mary, Judas, Peter, Pilate and other figures from the NewTestament are portrayed by the poet as though he were the first man to telltheir story. Without falsifying the portraits in the Bible, Aquino de Belen,whether by temperament or art, avoids the stereotype characterizationscreated by pietistic tradition, and sees the characters as though they werehis own countrymen (Lumbera 1968:639).

Bienvenido Lumbera (1993:389-440), argues that recent scholarship has established that Pilapil132

merely edited the 1814 text, the original author of which remains unknown.

184

Comparatively, Pasyon Pilapil “begins with an account of the creation of the world and

concludes with a glimpse of the Last Judgment based on the Apocalypse of St. John”

(Ileto 1997:12). For choosing to deviate from the conventional, Pasyon Pilapil was

soundly criticized by Aniceto de la Merced, another local priest. De la Merced argued

that Pasyon Pilapil was incoherent, repetitive, had faulty scholarship and was written with

the inaccurate use of language (Ileto 1997:13). Consequently, de la Merced published his

own version of the pasyon entitled El Libro de la Vida (The Book of Life). Ironically,

despite its neat and polished versification, it never threatened the popularity of Pasyon

Pilapil.

Ileto points out that the popularity of Pasyon Pilapil is not due to its literary or

theological articulation. Rather, it stands out “mainly as a mirror of the collective

consciousness” (Ileto 1979:13). Ileto (14) traces that the history of various editions of the

original text of Pasyon Pilapil as the source of this collective consciousness:

... in the course of being continually memorized, copied and disseminatedby professional readers and passion play actors, [it] experienced varioussubtle changes. This was aided by the practice of privately circulatingmanuscript versions of the pasyon which often contained doctrinal errors. Whoever published the 1814 text saw the need for a properly editedpasyon incorporating changes introduced into de Belen’s work as the lattercame in contact and interacted with several generations of performers,copyists and audiences. For example, the extraordinary development ofscenes in which Mother Mary plays a dominant role has to be attributed tothe society’s preoccupation with the bonds between mother and child. Authorship is irrelevant in the case of the Pasyon Pilapil because it bearsthe stamp of popular consciousness ... it is beyond doubt that a text like thePasyon Pilapil was, for all purposes, the social epic of the nineteenthcentury Tagalogs and other lowland groups.

The factors which support the argument that a work (or text) like Pasyon Pilapil adds to

the proposition of Perlas underlines the strength of popular and collective consciousness.

185

It is within this phenomenon that prevailing social values and relationships are probed

beyond their limits by the masses, who could otherwise have been seen to be too docile

and accepting of the status quo. De Merced’s pasyon never gained mass appeal while

Pasyon Pilapil was embraced by the masses. Yet, this pasyon was not simply sung, heard

or celebrated by the Tagalog masses in the nineteenth century. As Ileto 1997:22)

describes it:

It was lived, both individually and socially, during Holy Week andoftentimes beyond it. Furthermore, its meaning went beyond the doctrineof Christ’s redemption of man by his passion, death and resurrection ...For traditional Tagalog society, Holy Week was an annual occasion for itsown renewal, a time for ridding the loob (core being) of impurities, fordying to the old self and being reborn anew, and through its many socialevents, for renewing or restoring ties between members of the community.

The strength of the Pasyon Pilapil underscores how a local grassroots movement

overcame the critique of the elitist-ruled status quo. In spite of these critiques, the Pasyon

Pilapil was affirmed as an authorized pasyon by the Roman Catholic Church. Indeed, on

the one hand, there were the discriminatory intellectually-driven voices against it. On the

other hand, a local text such as Pasyon Pilapil continued to emerge as a valid voice of the

masses because it represented their collective social, religious, theological and even

economic consciousness.

This being the case, Pasyon Pilapil has assumed the role of alterity and provided a

diverse interpretation of pasyon. The elite sector of the religious institution sought to

discredit the construction of Pasyon Pilapil for the reason that it was seen as a distorted

version of the biblical narrative. This distortion was an affront to the metanarrative they133

This is a reference to the discussion on verwindung in Chapter 1.133

186

sought to impose in their goal to overcome the theologizing attempts by those at the

grassroots or local level. In their success in retaining the construction and sustaining the

use of Pasyon Pilapil the voice of the “other” in the local context was affirmed. In

Pasyon Pilapil, the “other” had found representation in the theological reflections

symbolized within the pasyon. Yet, these are not merely representations of the

theologizing capacity of the local context. Pasyon Pilapil, ultimately played a role in

initially becoming a matrix for developing local articulations of theological reflections

among the masses. Eventually, over time, the theological transformation it brought to the

masses became a matrix for affirming the development of local theologizing.

A Summary

The primary constitution of the framework needed to construct a hermeneutic of

affirmation includes diversity (with emphasis on plurality and multiplicity) and

decentredness (with emphasis on capacity for ambiguity). These two factors are constant

values to alterity (or “the other”). In practicing these values, alterity becomes the subject

“for itself” and who lifts its own being from a relationship of dependence that characterize

most (if not all) development projects initiated by those outside a particular local

community. The case studies of Musa, Aisa, Jurahman and Pasyon Pilapil provide134

Development projects are normally vehicles for transformation. This means that something changes in134

society when a development project is implemented successfully. Development projects, however, are alsonormally restricted according to the conditions set by their respective funders. Whether the facilitator ofthe development project is an outsider or insider of a local community, power resides outside this localcommunity. This is the reason that mainly factors into the term “empowerment.” That is, thedevelopment project empowers the community. When this empowerment, however, comes from theoutside (with all the restrictions and expectations demanded by the funder), the transformation is equallyrestricted. In development projects, the condition that funders ask is “Is this development project

187

evidence that an individual or a community could lift the “being for itself” and become the

“subjects” instead of being “objects” for the outsiders to empower. When this happens,

the desired “liberation” by local communities from their “invaders” will be realized.

Paul Freire (2000:161) espouses a theory that all development is transformation

but not all transformation is development. While examples abound to give evidence to the

former, Pasyon Pilapil is a good example of the latter. The crux of Freire’s theory

underlines the importance of prioritizing transformation over development if the

transformation is to be sustainable. In the cases presented in this chapter, the development

of local theologizing points towards sustainable religious and spiritual transformation in

the lives of its practitioners through on-going theological reflections, albeit eventually

ritualized by the religious institution in some cases.

From hereon, this study will further delineate the constitution of a hermeneutic of

affirmation. It will specifically focus on the development of a particular mission

movement called insider movement. Specific focus will be given to theological factors

affecting a hermeneutic of affirmation within this particular type of insider movement.

Based on these theological factors, a case study will be presented that will demonstrate a

hermeneutical design by believers in this insider movement.

sustainable?” To the funders, this means that after the initial funding from them, will the recipientscontinue the “funding” of the project by themselves. In most cases, however, development projects ceaseits transforming effect because the development project has a timeline when it is concluded as successful. Soon after their conclusion, development projects slowly loses its transforming effect and eventually dies. According to Freire’s theory, it is the transformation that needs to be sustained. This is only possiblewhen new developments in this “matrix” of transformation happens. These new developments do notneed to be restricted by financial donors. Instead, because it is the subjects of transformation who willdesign the various developments in their respective communities, and who will own both theresponsibility and power to these developments. In this sense, empowerment happens within the subjectsof a given community themselves. Simply put, the community empowers itself. It is insiders empoweringother insiders. In which case, power is coming from among and within the local.

CHAPTER 6

TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF AFFIRMATION

This chapter will outline theological factors affecting a hermeneutic of affirmation

in the specific context of a particular type of insider movement. These factors, admittedly,

are based on presuppositional preferences of Protestant evangelical modal and sodal

structures. These preferences (or categories) are selected specifically to address the

matters of: 1) theological language, 2) the gospel message of Jesus Christ, and 3)

ecclesiology.

The space of the ensuing discussion in this study will be no doubt limited. It is

hoped, however, that each category will demonstrate how the insider movement in view is

able to correlate its theological constructions with a particular division of the Christian

church tradition. In a sense, this will provide a theoretical discussion of matters related to

the subject at hand. The result of this theoretical construction will, in turn, provide the

categories to present how a particular insider movement community has constructed a

hermeneutical design to guide the movement.

189

190

Theological Factors Affecting A hermeneutic of Affirmation

As alluded beforehand, the theological factors which will be discussed in this

section are based on what is expected to be significant concerns by Protestant evangelical

modal and sodal structures. This does not necessarily mean that particular pressure from

these structures are forthcoming. It could very well be but the intent in selecting these

limited factors is to show an attempt how a particular type of insider movement can

continue to engage in theological articulation with a religious tradition. Thus, more than

being an apologetical approach, this section is designed to articulate plausabilities in this

relationship. By plausabilities, this refers to areas of engagement where there may very

well be points of differences yet these are not enough to sever relationships. In this case,

the focus is theological.

Language and God-Talk

In like manner that Enriquez (1992) argues about the use of local language to

express and articulate local realities, a hermeneutic of affirmation requires that the

language of choice used for addressing matters about God be the local language. God-

talk, in any given culture, normally follows the tradition of indigenous religious concepts

and practices. The corresponding effect is that all forms of God-talk in a given society are

made more comprehensible. This is because the language used follows the same form of

articulation as that of the society’s own indigenous religious concepts and practices.

191

In God-talk, concepts are viewed as fundamental forms of thought, or mental

capacities which we employ in our interaction with each other in the world. Concepts135

also form the basic elements in our speech as they are expressed in our words. Essentially,

concepts consist of thought, speech and action in forming a well-knit unity in human life.

This being the case, our concepts are expressed not only in what we say, but in all our

actions in the various areas of our life (Brummer 1992:34).

In light of the above, religious concepts are no exception, since various thought

forms or concepts are all related to each other in the unity of life. In fact, they are

ordinary concepts which are used in a specific area of life, namely, the area of faith and

religion.

When we relate to God through words and actions in the liturgy, or whenwe think or talk about God and our relationship with him in doing theologyor in preaching, we are using the same concepts that we use in our thinkingabout each other and in our relationship with each other. We speak aboutGod and with God in personal terms (Brummer 1992:34).

Hence, one might say as with Alasdair MacIntyre that the “language of the Holy Spirit is

New Testament Greek” (1957:176). Similarly, the languages of God-talk for Yakan

Muslims are their indigenous language, Yakan, and Arabic. The same is true for the

language of God-talk for Filipino Roman Catholics, Filipino Protestant evangelicals,

Japanese Shinto-Buddhists and Singaporean Hindus.

Granted that this principle may sound very simplistic and basic. In reality,

however, language is the arena wherein Christian theological orthodoxy claims

Charles Kraft (1981:180) delineates the formation of concepts as a dynamic model in vital touch with 135

reality so that they can relate properly to life, cf. Peter Geach 1957).

192

guardianship of God-talk. Local indigenous language is relegated normally as good only

for worshiping God in the “mother” tongue. To use local indigenous language to136

define God, however, is deemed insufficient. Orthodoxy believes that there are biblical

languages or terms which are insufficiently translatable into the local language. This is to

say that, on the one hand, orthodoxy acknowledges that the local indigenous language

must be the language for worshiping God. On the other, orthodoxy admits that it is

difficult to surrender its “own” theological language.

One example of this is the insistence of a missionary who was working in a137

translation ministry to assert his view over those of the local co-translators. This

individual insisted that there was no equivalent translation for “Hallellujah” in a local

Muslim religious language. When a team of local translators recommended the use of the

Arabic term, Alhamdullillah instead, the same missionary rejected their proposal. His

primary reason points to his fear that by using an Arabic term, this would compromise the

intent of the original language used in the New Testament, which is Greek.

Peter Rollins recognizes that, for orthodoxy, the idea of theology is the place

where God speaks (2006:xiii). He argues that “we must seek, not to speak of God, but

rather to be that place where God speaks” (2006:21). Similar to MacIntyre’s proposition,

Caldwell (1999) provides several examples of how western hermeneutical methodologies are expected136

by western mission practioners to be sufficiently applicable into non-western contexts. An extrapolateddiscussion of this observation will definitely show that there is a limited usage for “local” language whenit comes to the subject of articulating theological constructions. In this case, Caldwell’s theory onethnohermeneutics provides an environment towards more investigative discussion on the subject at hand.

As told by Kalib, a Maguindanaoan Muslim believer who led a translation team of Maguindanaoans137

under the oversight of foreign missionaries working for a foreign mission organization in the field oftranslation.

193

he further posits that the Spirit used New Testament Greek to speak of God. In the same

way, no one ought to be denied their right to speak of God in their local indigenous

language. In addition, Rollins (2006:19) recognizes that the language from which speech

and action originate fails to define God:

This approach involves an important re-articulation of the relation betweenour understanding of God and God as God really is. The primary problemwith idolatry is not that it falsely claims to have a connection with God butrather that it falsely claims to understand the God that it is connected to. Yet this does not mean that our definition of God are somehowunimportant – indeed, they remain vital – it is only that we must recognizethe extent to which these reflections fall short of that which they attempt todefine and always reflect something of the one who makes the claim. If wefail to recognize the term “God” always falls short of that towards whichthe word is supposed to point, we will end up bowing down before ourown conceptual creations forged from the raw materials of our self image,rather than bowing before the one who stands over and above thatcreation.

At the very least, what may be deemed as theological orthodoxy is nothing more than

theological musing. In such musings, we reflect on how we think rather than on what we

think. This underlines the corelation between language and theology. It is not about the

correctness of a way of defining God. Instead, it becomes a way of seeing language and

theology as a loving response to God (Rollins 2006:xii).138

In light of the above, God-talk happens where local theologizing is present. In

local theologizing, the task is for people to tell stories; not about who they think God is,

Robert Barron (1998) posits that the focus of transformation is in seeing things in a new light. In138

particular, it is not the in the articulation of defining God but in experiencing God as the basis fortransformation. He constructs a theology based on the story of the blind man, Bartimaeus, who refused tobe stopped and cried out, “Son of David, have pity (mercy) on me.” Barron writes that this is the “voice tothe prayerful groaning of the whole people of God for release from the imprisonment of the smallsoul...That is the summons that echoes from the very depths of one’s own being, the call of the magnaanima, the invitation to rebirth and reconfiguration (8).”

194

but rather how they respond lovingly to the God they experience. In this case, linguistic

colonization ceases. There will be, hence, no more victimization by a mentality that

accuses them of having no capacity to do God-talk in their own language. Instead, this

indigenous emphasis on theologizing instead begins to root itself anew in the

consciousness of the people. Whether theologizing happens as they read the Scriptures or

while articulating their experiences with God, theological constructions will be solely

within the domain of the local and the indigenous. Their God-talk will then be affirmed by

their consciousness, their culture and their very own personhood.

The Message of the Euangelion: A Transforming Message

The Greek term euangelion has evolved from its original secular usage to be

understood solely as a religious term. It has in fact become a well used term to describe

one of the central objectives of the Christian church in particular. In addition, it could be

said that it has been institutionalized as vital to the church’s existence. This is evident in

theological terminology and among it mission activities. Lost in the translation of

euangelion, both literally and figuratively, is the history associated with the term. In

English, it is translated as “gospel” or “good news.” Simply put, in a traditional Christian

church context, it is associated with the mission of the church, which is to proclaim this

good news to all the peoples of the earth. In so doing, the salvation message of God

through the work of Jesus Christ becomes available. Those who receive this salvation

commit their allegiance to Jesus Christ.

News:

News:

195

Lost in the history of euangelion is the fact that it is “the very same term that the

[Roman] empire reserves for announcements of military success and pronouncements from

the emperor” (Walsh and Keesmat 2004:75). In the historical and cultural contexts of the

New Testament, the term euangelion is borrowed and applied to the context of an

emerging and multiplying group of believers. Jesus and his followers, including Paul, used

the term to describe an announcement that differs from the conventions of this time

period.

In John 1.15, Jesus announced “Behold, the time is near. The kingdom of God is

at hand. Repent and believe the good news.” No doubt, the intention of Jesus was to

announce a new thing. The Greek term that is used over and over in the New Testament

is kainos; meaning something new but which speaks of continuity in the midst of change

(van Engen 1989:86). This new, however, is very different from the way euangelion was

used conventionally during his time, i.e., in a military context in service of the emperor.

This difference underlines the fact that the message proclaimed by the euangelion of the

kingdom of God is radically different from that of the euangelion of the emperor or

Caesar. This gospel of Jesus has “something deeply subversive ... (that) the fruit of the

gospel (of Jesus) is rooted not in military might and economic oppression but in the

practice of justice and sacrificial faithfulness” (Walsh and Keesmat 2004:75).

The transforming message of the euangelion, therefore, lies in its original

historical context. Primarily used as a noun, the life, breath and intent of the term was not

on the verbal proclamation of the euangelion per se to the peoples of the world. Rather,

the euangelion of Jesus is a message that describes radical living against the conventions

196

and traditions which sought to serve someone else other than Jesus. The mission of the

disciples of Jesus Christ is to announce an euangelion that is centered around the kingdom

of God in Jesus Christ. It was not political or military in nature. It was also never meant

to define the mission of the church itself. In so doing, the term has misrepresented the137

core of Christ’s call to salvation and radical living. Simply put, to repent and believe in

the gospel centers around a life that is transformed by living out the radical message of the

good news.138

A hermeneutic of affirmation demands constancy in the gospel message. That is,

for each context where there is repenting and believing in the good news, the focus is on

the transforming work of the euangelion of Jesus Christ. In view of this, the great

commission that Jesus Christ left his followers cannot be diverted away from this

constancy. It is therefore incorrect and inappropriate for Christian evangelical churches

and mission organizations to perceive in the great commission a mission to convert people

into Christianity. The correct message is centered around the transforming effects of the

message of the good news in the lives of God’s creation.

This study distinguishes that the inclusivity which is inherent in defining the disciples of Jesus Christ137

does not necessarily include them in the construct of a church that makes an exclusive claim on who couldbe a member of the body of Christ. Thus, while the conventional understanding of church and disciples ofJesus Christ view these two entities as a single category, this study contends that such an assumption, asexperienced by IM believers, victimizes them instead of affirming them.

See Barron’s explanation (1998:6-8) of repent (metanoiete) and believe (pistes) in relation to the138

transforming work of the good news, which is in itself the message of the good news.

197

For local believers in particular who are living in the context of closed access

communities, conversion to Christianity as a religion is not an affirming option. This139

type of conversion leaves so much room for abuse, oppression and perpetuating the

colonizing attitude by the dominant religious tradition in view. Equally unaffirming is the

type of conversion that demands the offering of a sacrifice to prove one’s allegiance to a140

supreme being. The type of conversion that leads to a hermeneutic of affirmation centers

on a life of transformation. The Greek term epistrophan denotes turning from a life of sin

to a new life with God. The term is only used once in the New Testament. It is

synonymous with the term metanoeo which means “to go beyond the mind that you have”

(Barron 1998:4). Its English transliteration is metanoia, which is the same term used in

Mark 1.15. In this usage, the essence of metonoia signifies a description of change or

transformation.141

It must be noted at this point that it is both a “biblical and theological” mistake to

require the followers of Jesus Christ to extract themselves from their local contexts. By

context, this includes the scope of ethnic, social, religious, linguistic and cultural contexts

in each local community. It is even more grave to teach these believers to call themselves

“Christians” and require them to join a Christian “church” to prove that they are followers

The Greek term for this type of conversion is proselutos. It is used four times in the NT, cf. Mt 23.15,139

Acts 2.10, 6.5, 13.43. It refers to a Gentile who had become a Jew. It is never used to refer to a followerof Jesus.

The Greek term for this type of conversion is aparche. It is used twice only in the NT, cf. Rom 16.5,140

1 Cor 16.15. It basically means first fruits or beginning of sacrifice.

It has been pointed out in the discussion on decolonization that the end goal of decolonizing is141

transformation. It could be surmised that decolonizing could very well be a form of metanoia. That is,the process of decolonizing has a common objective that metanoia brings upon a life that is repentant andchanging,, and believing in the euangelion (or good news).

198

of Jesus Christ. To impose these things is to act like the misguided Jewish believers in the

New Testament who were exhorted by St. Paul to stop placing such an extra burden or

condition on the new believer (Acts 15.10). These are not essential requirements of the

euangelion of Jesus Christ. Instead, these are procedural checks and balances by mission

and church institutions to appease the conventions of their funding donors. The truth of

the matter is that there is no dynamic of affirmation in these practices. There are,

however, the oppressive dynamics of colonization and victimization.

Charles Kraft underscores three significant processes in transformational culture

change. These are reconceptualization (or reinterpretation), rehabituation and

revitalization (1981:349). In a hermeneutic of affirmation, the individual being

transformed has experiences of the good news. These lead him/her to undergo a

metanoeic conversion (or repentance) from his/her old ways to a new life experience, i.e.,

the new creation in 1 Cor 5.17. This is evidenced by the constancy of transformation in

the lives of those claiming to be followers of Jesus Christ. The basis of this transformation

is clearly the euangelion.

It is at this point that an individual, such as an IM believer, begins to reinterpret for

him/herself the genuine realities of euangelion in context. In addition, the transforming

effect of the euangelion is causative. On the one hand, there is the continuing participation

of the individual in his/her local indigenous culture. On the other, he/she is developing

new cultural patterning and process in his/her behaviour, which are affecting changes in

the cultural worldview. These changes, however, while introducing something new to the

culture, are not creating dissonance between the individual and society.

199

As a whole, the process of change presented above is borne from being affirmed by

believing in the transforming effects of the good news of Jesus Christ. To IM believers,

this is significant because they can construct worldview changes by themselves. In this

case, there is therefore no need for the conditions premised by the conventions of

evangelical Christian churches and mission organizations.

The Global Connection:The Covenantal Condition for Being Called God’s People

One of the more negative critiques thrown at local believers involved in IM who

live in closed-access contexts is the inability to produce “church-like” structures. In

particular, the lack of physical structures for worship and fellowship results in them being

demoted to the status of non-believers. For these local believers, the term “church” is not

even a term they use in relation to their faith. Instead, especially those in Muslim and

closed access contexts, they continue to worship in the mosque or local indigenous

religious structures. That their worship includes the traditions of the local religion, i.e.,

Islam, aggravates further the sensibilities of conventional evangelical Christian structures.

It is indeed very difficult for the latter to reconcile the seeming ambiguities inherent in the

example cited above. In this regard, a term that has always held captive evangelical

Christian structures, especially conservative ones in fear, is syncretism. Yet, as this142

In the 1974 Lausanne International Congress on World Evangelization, five of the seven printed pages142

of the plenary address focused on the dangers of syncretism in the process of ethnotheologizing. This wasa reaction to a voice of concern from elements of the conservative side of evangelicalism against theacademic development of contextualization as a discipline coming out of Fuller Theological Seminary -School of World Mission. According to the congress, syncretism was said “to occur when critical andbasic elements of the Gospel are lost in the process of contextualization and are replaced by religiouselements from the receiving culture; there is a synthesis with this partial Gospel” (Douglas 1975:1227).

200

study will show, it is possible that someone who claims to belong to the people of God

through faith in Jesus Christ can continue to worship using indigenous worship forms.

The conundrum surrounding these Christian modalities and sodalities evokes a

historical dissonance in the outsider. Most traditional conservative Christian structures

presume that all Christian churches include the same characteristic doctrines and practices

as those that they themselves have prioritized as part and parcel of what they call church.

Yet these are the same things which IM believers consider to be within their right to

construct, e.g., their form of worship. This dissonance also puts into question, for the

outsiders, the legitimacy of considering IM local believers as people of God in Christ. It

could very well be, however, that the dissonance stems from an inability of those

entrenched in conservative Christian modal and sodal structures to think beyond their

traditions. They seem unable to hear the words of Jesus in Jn 4.19-25. In this passage,

Jesus was very clear when he explained to the Samaritan woman that

“true worshipers shall worship the Father in spirit and truth; for suchpeople the Father seeks to be His worshipers. God is spirit, and those whoworship Him must worship in spirit and truth."

Accordingly, it is hard to fathom how proponents of traditional conservative Christian

modalities and sodalities are bent on questioning the authenticity of the faith of IM local

believers. Jesus, in one sweeping statement, rendered all forms of worship useless unless

Charles Kraft traces the fear that syncretism seems to elicit especially among conservative evangelicalsto a lack of understanding of forms and meanings. Kraft (1981:81-99) discusses in detail the role of formsand meanings in the contextualization process. Kraft views a separation between forms and meaning. Accordingly, indigenous local forms may possibly be retained for as long as new meaning(s) replaces anold meaning that is not congruent to biblical interpretation. Most conservative evangelicals woulddisagree and would purport a view that religious forms, in particular, should not normally lose theiroriginal meaning.

201

God is worshiped in spirit and in truth. The story of the Samaritan woman did not show

Jesus questioning the genuineness of the woman’s tradition to worship God in her ethno-

cultural place of worship. Even during the post-Pentecost period, Jewish believers

continued to worship and fellowship in the synagogues. IM believers thus feel it is

unmerited for the Christian outsiders to require the creation of “church-like” structures in

order to validate a declaration that IM believers qualify to be counted among the people of

God.

Another appropriate inquiry to the matter at hand is the examination of the

concept of “community of faith” among IM believers. . It is essential for these local

indigenous believers to articulate a connectivity between their community of faith and

other communities of faith existing globally. Of course, the underlying common ground

among these communities of faith is their allegiance to Jesus Christ and the metanoeic

impact of the message of his good news. It is not important that their community of faith

be validated to those outside the IM context. Rather the focus is to demonstrate its unity

with them around the story of Jesus Christ and his transforming gospel message.

Paul Hanson (1986) formulates a concept of God in relation to humankind within a

covenant of promise and commitment. He posits that, in this type of relationship, God

seeks an appropriate “triadic” response in the context of community. This triadic notion

of community consists of three constants: worship, righteousness and compassion

(Hanson 1986:70). Accordingly, these responses are intended to be the faith community’s

witness to the fact that they are God’s people. It requires participation mainly by the

people of God within the community of faith in view. At the same time, God’s people

202

who belong outside this faith community are welcomed to join in participation within

them.

Equally significant is that a triadic response allows for independent expressions of

God’s new covenant without neglecting its connection to the past. For Hanson, all

communities of faith, i.e., those grounded in an allegiance to the Lordship of Jesus Christ,

have their historical birth within the notion of covenant. Beginning with the Abrahamic

covenant, the historical community of faith was born into a relationship with a covenanting

God. In Abraham’s case, by faith he submitted himself and his family to God’s143

covenant. Likewise, all communities of faith are tied together forever by a covenantal

relationship with God. This tie links these communities regardless of time and their

respective contextual distinctives.

In his relationship with humankind, God even makes provisions to draw his

creation to himself. Through covenants with humankind, he has made “God-reality”

sensible. Subsequently, the framework of a covenantal relationship commits a

transcendent God to the reality of humankind. Hanson calls this dynamic transcendence

(1978:22).

[It] is discovering at the heart of all “reality” a universal purposefulnesswhich encourages translation of the dynamism of the past into thechallenges of the present so as to equip the contemporary community of

This is congruent to van Engen’s theory on fuller knowledge which he bases on Andrew Walls’143

pilgrim principle: “...although in each context something deeper and fuller is revealed, yet that is only inrelation and in continuity with what has gone before” (1989:87). It could be said then that the covenantsin the Old Testament are a series of hermeneutical circles which act as periods of historicalcontextualization. At the same time, these series of covenants culminate in becoming the “new covenant.” Van Engen interprets the “new” in “new covenant” using the Greek term “kainos” which signifiescontinuity in the midst of change (cf. Jn 13.34, Mk 12.29).

203

faith to participate in the unfolding of a kingdom of righteousness andpeace.

In short, on the one hand, God is a transcendent being. On the other, he has also been

actively engaged with his creation throughout history. This dynamism is demonstrated

through his covenantal relationship with his people. The provision of the eternal covenant

in Jeremiah provides a marker for determining who will be called his people. That is, “I

will put my law in their minds, and write it on their hearts. I will be their God, and they

will be my people” (Jer 31.33).

A community of faith that demonstrates Hanson’s formulation in a closed-access

context has no need to seek validation from outside its immediate context. Accordingly,

observance and engagement by a faith community in God’s dynamic transcendence are the

expressions of those who are truly God’s people. These expressions commit the

community to an obedient life before God. Effectively, this gives witness to God’s eternal

covenant with his people (Hanson 1986:471).

A hermeneutic of affirmation therefore does not seek validation from outside one’s

community of faith. Rather, those from within the community of faith are claimed by God

himself through his covenantal relationship with his people. Those who belong to a

particular community of faith are in this relationship and will always be God’s people.

They give testimony to this for as long as they worship him, live their life in righteousness

and engage in compassionate actions towards God’s creation.144

E. Yango (2003) uses a hermeneutical construct based on a covenantal paradigm to delineate what 144

constitute a community of faith in three Muslim contexts. Relying heavily on works by Paul Hanson,Elmer Martens and Walter Brueggemann, Yango concludes (26):

a theology of community in the kingdom of God allows for both God’s community of faith (i.e.,within) and communities without to participate in a covenantal relationship with God to different

204

A Case Study:A Hermeneutical Design by Believers Engaged in Insider Movement

In April 2008, a group of eighteen (18) IM believers convened for a consultation in

partnership with OMF-Malikha Urban Poor Team (OMF-MUPT). The consultation145

was designed to define and delineate the dynamics of an insider movement among them.

The consultation was planned, organized, and facilitated by IM believers themselves. In

partnership, the funding for the consultation was resourced by OMF-MUPT. Even so,

members from OMF-MUPT were invited only as guests to listen and observe during the

various meetings over the 4-day consultation. For this consultation, it also happened that

the participants came from one particular ethno-cultural group. This meant that the

primary means of communication was the language of this group.

In the course of the consultation, five critical issues were addressed. One was the

matter of the colonizing attitude they perceived among their traditionally minded Christian

friends who had expressed a desire to partner with them in their respective communities.

A second was their ownership over how to express biblical terms in their indigenous

language. A third was how they could assert their identity as IM believers in spite of

extents. The former bears with it the burden of proof to be witnesses to God’s covenant for thepurpose of extending the benefits of the covenant to the latter. This is conditioned, however, by theextent to which the latter continues to choose wilfully to bless and journey with the former.

The crux of Yango’s work indicates the existence of an ecclesiological structure although not necessarilyin like manner to that of conventional ecclesiological structures. Rather than placing an emphasis on theterm “church,” Yango emphasizes the presence of God’s community of faith within the structure of theKingdom of God.

It needs to be noted that although this consultation happened recently, the various data gathered from145

this consultation were borne out of grassroots experiences of IM believers over a period of 5-10 years. Theconsultation assisted the data gathering for this study paper in that it provided the venue and environmentfor the stories from these experiences to be told and re-told. It should not be viewed that the consultationitself is the focus of the research. Rather, the focus remains on the experiences of these IM believers who were able to articulate their stories in their vernacular through a consultation format.

205

being viewed as non-believers by those from traditional Christian church and mission

organizations. A fourth was the working through of a protocol to identify what

constitutes a believer. This was important because in their unique context, a low-identity

profile is necessitated. Finally, a fifth critical issue engaged them in an attempt to relate

their identity in their respective communities as workers of God’s Kingdom with their own

personal economic realities.

On Dealing with Colonizing Partners

As personal stories were shared, it became clear that the participants were

concerned about the effects of colonial mentality among them. For some, this was

heightened by relationships with outsiders who used a traditional model of discipleship

with them from the start of their association. At the same time, however, the outsiders

neglected to view these local believers as equal partners in mission engagement among

their people group. For some, they cited the cultural pressure to feel loyal and obligated

to retain a relationship with those among whom they felt had used and abused them.

Some IM believers still worry about how to respond to inquiries from communities of

Christians, or outsiders, who want to assist them as ministry partners in their communities.

There is a high degree of suspicion towards these groups due to the local

believers’ previous experiences with outside Christian organizations. In the course of their

discussion, this sense of suspicion actually assisted them in setting a criteria for weeding

out potential partners where colonial victimization might result. This attitude of distrust

may be said to be an inherent “sense” within a hermeneutic of suspicion. There is

206

currently an incredibly heightened sense of suspicion among those engaged in insider

movements. This type of suspicion is akin to Friedrich Nietzsche’s hermeneutic of

suspicion. In particular, this sense of suspicion has produced a lens of distrust against146

traditional hegemonic powers. Foremost in this list of hegemonic powers under suspicion

are traditional evangelical Christian churches and mission organizations.

In the process of their discussion, the local believers in this consultation decided to

draw parameters around their relationship with outsiders. They agreed that they would

still invite and allow outsiders to work as partners with them in their respective

communities. However, a list of conditions was created to help them determine the

hegemonic tendencies of a requesting partner. Mainly, they delineated suggestions on

how to read the signs which could indicate whether the partnership would come with

“strings attached” and which would place the IM believer under the domination of the

partner.

Owning God-Talk

At the consultation, there were four participants who continued to be involved in

bible translation in their own ethno-cultural language. One of them was Khalid who had147

The concept of the will to power is central to Nietzsche’s philosophy. He argues that this will to power146

is at work in all sorts of human behaviour and valuations. Consequently, Nietzsche’s hermeneutic ofsuspicion appeared to attack almost everything that has been considered sacred. In particular, his suspicionis centred in his experience with religion and morality, which during his time dominated modern westernculture (Kaufmann 1999:716). Nietzsche’s theory on “meaning” is also helpful in understanding the depthof his hermeneutic of suspicion. He posits that all the propositions of logic and mathematics are not truthsbut rather extremely useful tools for coping with life. Consequently, behind metaphysics, religion andscience there is a hidden agenda. This is the goal of power (Cooper 1996:707).

See Chapter 5.147

207

undergone training in dynamic equivalence translation as well. There were several others

who had received training using the inductive method. Suffice it to say, there was no

shortage of resource people when it came to upholding the Bible as the word of God.

One of the more critical issues the consultation addressed was the relationship of

the Bible to the Qur’an. As a paradigm, IM requires the inclusion of cultural-religious

factors. IM believers are born culturally Muslims. An inseparable and vital component of

Muslimhood is following the religious tradition of Islam. This includes the salat (prayer148

five times a day) and recognition that the Qur’an is the holy book given to the prophet

Muhammad. Their rituals of prayer and worship are Qur’anic provisions which are

further delineated in the Hadith. To IM believers, their religious language is expressed149

using their local indigenous language and the Arabic language. The latter, of course, is the

base language of the Qur’an. In order for it to be comprehensible, God-talk to Muslin

believers cannot be separated from cultural-religious factors.

The term Allah is matter-of-factly accepted by IM believers as a name for God. It

is synonymous with the Old Testament term el, which is a generic reference for God in

Hebrew. In fact, the name has more cultural significance than theological. That is, being

an Arabic reference for God, it raises the significance of Arabic in their religious language.

And while traditional evangelical church and mission organizations are threatened by use

of the term Allah, IM believers are very comfortable with this term for God.

This study recommends Encountering the World of Islam (2005) as a practical resource148

material helpful forunderstanding Islam as an ideology and a religion.

The Hadith is a collection of sayings and traditions of the prophet Muhammad. It is regarded as a149

complementary document to the Qur’an and never contradicts the Qur’an (Braswell 1996:82).

208

A second term is more theologically oriented. It concerns finding the right

representation for the term Isa al Masih in an IM context. The closest transliteration of

this is Jesus the Messiah. In some cases, the transliteration is Jesus Christ (or Jesus, the

Son of God). Strictly speaking, in traditional Christian churches, the terms Messiah and

Christ are two different designation or names for Jesus. To IM believers, however, the

two are theologically interchangeable.

IM believers recognize that the term Isa al Masih denotes that Jesus is the saviour

of humankind. They further articulate that the prophet Jesus is also given the name

Kalimat allah, which literally means the Word of God. In addition, the Qur’an teaches

that this Kalimat allah comes directly from the breath (or ruh) of Allah. In the light of

these two beliefs, IM believers feel it is appropriate in their context to interpret Kalimat

allah as to mean the son of God. In effect, this makes the prophet Jesus the son of God.

As a result, the text Isa al Masih is better understood, theologically, when translated Jesus

Christ or Jesus, the son of God.

A third issue that the participants addressed is the relationship between the Qur’an

and the Bible. The general position among traditional evangelical Christian churches and

mission organizations is that the two are vastly different religious documents. The former

is seen to be inferior to the latter. To IM believers, the issue involves socio-religio-

cultural and theological factors. The Qur’an, as the primary religious book in Islam,

cannot be segregated from everyday life of Muslimhood. Its oral recitation during various

socio-religious rituals builds cohesion in the community. As well, the reading and

209

preaching of Qur’anic passages during the salat and weekly worship time gives evidence

of its theological significance to the life of a Muslim community.

The Bible, to IM believers, is wholly accepted as the word of Allah. It holds a

greater significance to their faith in Isa al Masih than the Qur’an. This should not be

read, however, in the same manner by which traditional evangelical Christians look down

upon the Apocrypha as inferior and thus exclude it from the canon. For IM believers, the

Qur’an holds socio-religio-cultural significance in their everyday lives. At the same time,

the Bible provides them with stories about God from which they can construct theologies

affecting their daily lives.

When each holy book is placed on top of the other, IM believers recognize that the

Qur’an cannot carry the weight of the Bible but the Bible can carry the weight of the

Qur’an. This does not mean the Qur’an is inferior and not trust-worthy. Rather, it

signifies that every truth found in the Qur’an can be weighted by and found in the Bible.

The same cannot be said, however, of the Qur’an. As far as its cultural influence in the

daily living, the Qur’an is not an inferior book. When biblical truths are weighed upon

and examined in light of the Qur’an, the latter does not have the capacity to contain and

support them. This implies that there will always be theological differences between the

two holy books.

Rooted in God’s Covenantal Relationship

One of the more incredible realities of IM believers is their desire to serve their

own people in word and deed. Beyond partaking in Islamic religious rituals, they maintain

210

the discipline of reading the Bible and the disciplined commitment to live out its teachings.

Several participants also shared that they oversee their own da’wa’. They meet150

regularly with their respective da’wa’ to learn more biblical values and discuss the

application of those values. During these meetings as well, they share and consider ways

in which they could serve their communities. Where there is an appropriate need to

provide references from the Qur’an, the leader would discuss the correlation between the

teachings of the Bible and the Qur’an.

A da’wa’, however, does not constitute every activity that institutionalized

traditional Christian churches have packed into their church concept. In other words, a

da’wa’ should not be compared with a traditional church concept. Yet, it does serve as a

format for gathering for fellowship around food. Local believers learn from biblical

teachings and are trained to live righteous lives. They also discuss applications of what

they learn for both their personal and community life. In the community where an IM

da’wa’ exists, their identity is very much accepted. They meet publicly without offense to

other Muslims. This is primarily because they are able to uphold the genuineness of their

words by their concrete deeds. At times, even when the name of Isa al Masih is

mentioned, they are seen as being community and religiously oriented.

The crux of the matter is that this concept of da’wa’ follows the triadic response

that Hanson outlined, as previously presented. The act of worship also takes place among

adherents of a da’wa’. There is a commitment to live disciplined lives exemplifying that

they are living obedient lives as commanded by Allah. They exercise compassion as

Arabic for community or fellowship of believers.150

211

evidenced by their deep desire to serve the needs of their communities, which in most

cases are impoverished, and they do so as resources are available. These things being so,

there is no need for them to seek validation by the outside traditional evangelical Christian

churches and mission organizations. In fact, they have no urge to seek such validation.

Suffice it to say, following Hanson’s theory, the dynamics of a da’wa’ are rooted in a

covenantal relationship with God.

Intentionally Low-Identity

In recent years, there has been an increased emphasis on the role of suffering by

believers in closed-access communities. In a good number of cases presented in various

literature, there is one common theme. That is, unless one is suffering in these contexts of

closed-access communities, the local believers are seen as not being bold enough to be

witnesses for Isa al Masih. This emphasis could also very well imply that unless one

raises his/her identity as a follower of Jesus Christ in closed-access contexts, one is not

willing to sacrifice life for God.

For IM believers, there is something invasive about this emphasis. As it was

discussed in the consultation, they questioned the contexts from where the proponents of

this emphasis come. If these are outsiders and belonging to a western context, they raised

the question of whether westerners would adopt the same standard for themselves. That

is, “would they actually live up to their emphasis if they are themselves were living under

the duress of a closed-access context?”

212

The common voice in the consultation points to a desire to live in their

communities with what they term a low-identity with a high-impact. This means that most

of IM believers live and work like everyone else in their community. At the same time, a

good number of them are engaged in development programs for the benefit of their

communities. This often happens through their own initiative. At other times, it happens

in connection with an organization that has been invited to serve with them in their

community. Incredibly, about half of the participants in the consultation are members of

MILF. This type of affiliation helps in keeping the profile of their identity on the low151

end of the scale. This degree of intentionally incarnating the good news into their every

day lives has allowed them to engage in high impact activities. As a result, they are able to

continue to share the stories of the good news to help transform individuals and their

community as a whole.

The IM believers in the consultation acknowledged that the popularity of the

theme of suffering is a western ideal. It is the outsiders who seem to believe that suffering

should be a mark of one’s allegiance to Jesus Christ. Consequently, the participants in the

consultation viewed this emphasis as nothing more than another example of colonizing.

For IM believers, the capacity to read the signs of a colonizing mentality advanced by

outsiders is a good indication that they are also competent in affirming themselves in their

context.

Refers to Moro Islamic Liberation Front.151

213

Cultural Mandate and Economics

The final issue that the participants discussed was the correlation between the

cultural mandate in Gen 12.1-3 and the economic reality found within Muslim

communities.

Now the LORD said to Abram, "Go from your country and your kindredand your father's house to the land that I will show you. I will make of youa great nation, and I will bless you, and make your name great, so that youwill be a blessing. I will bless those who bless you, and the one who cursesyou I will curse; and in you all the families of the earth shall be blessed"(Gen 12.1-3).

The discussion centred around the oppressiveness of the current state of economics in the

majority of Muslim communities in the Philippines. The participants expressed their

compassionate desire to fully engage in bringing both material and spiritual blessings to

their communities. Their sadness is rooted in the fact that they have limited if no capacity

at all to bring God’s material blessings to their people. There was whole-hearted

agreement that the mandate in Gen 12.1-3 has great implications to the movement. This is

in terms of how many more might be added into the kingdom of God if they were able to

bring some blessings in the form of economic relief to their community.

To the outsider, this could sound as though a faith response would be conditioned

by fulfilment of a material wish. If so, it borders on patronizing of the intent of the

mandate in view. This would be far from the heart-felt sadness among these IM believers.

Generally speaking among Muslim cultures, anyone who preaches about the goodness and

blessings of Allah is expected to follow up their words with credible deeds. In street

language, “you talk, then walk the walk but better yet, walk the talk.” The integrity of

what they preach about Allah through the stories of Isa al Masih is only credible if they

214

can produce tangible fruits of their preaching. And because they are engaging the people

in their communities through religious God-talk, their integrity is very much at stake. Yet,

due to the poor economic conditions of Muslim communities in the Philippines, these IM

believers have a very hard time bringing blessings of God according to the promise in Gen

12.

There is much temptation to “sell out” to the outside Christian churches and

mission organizations. After all, these are waiting for opportunities to be invited in as

partners but, unfortunately, they come with unveiled “strings attached” conditions. There

are two choices for the IM believers. On the one hand, they can enter into a relationship

that victimizes them while providing material blessings to their respective communities.

Or, on the other hand, they can affirm their own integrity and dignity despite unfavourable

circumstances. The former begs them to revert and subordinate themselves to

relationships that victimize their Muslimhood. The latter demands of them to patiently

wait and trust that God will bring credible ministry partners who understand the dynamics

of their closed access context.

A Summary

A hermeneutic of affirmation based on theological factors centres around the

integrity and dignity of the individual in relation to his/her Muslimhood. Muslimhood is an

identity guarded and maintained by those in IM communities. They live it out daily in

truth. It is not merely a strategy of manipulation or a cover for non-transparency of

identity. The credibility of their Muslimhood encompasses engagement in their particular

215

ethno-cultural Muslim environment and in the religious tradition of Islam. It is possible

that the former could function completely outside the religious tradition of Islam. The

latter, however, needs to exist in culture so it can provide that culture with additional

ideology for the development of its cultural patterning and processes. This is the locus of

a hermeneutic of affirmation, especially in closed-access communities.

A hermeneutic of affirmation is also informed by the type of hermeneutics utilized

in any given culture. In turn, a local indigenous hermeneutical approach can be used and

applied in doing local theology. This engagement places it in opposition to traditional

evangelical Christians who seem to think that the domain of theology is under their

ownership. In a variety of ways, this chapter demonstrated how IM believers from a

particular ethno-cultural group in a closed-access context sustain an affirming view of

themselves. This has become necessary in order for them to be able to stem the tide of

would-be ministry partners, whose offers of assistance come with conditions that favour

their outside agenda.

216

CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Conclusion

The primary premise of this study is to construct a hermeneutical approach for

local theologizing in the context of globalization. In particular, it is necessary for the local

contexts to move out from the shadows of theologizing based on a hermeneutic of

victimization towards a hermeneutic of affirmation. This process includes dealing with the

presence of colonial mentality in the collective consciousness of people in a given society.

A hermeneutic of victimization is a consequence of theological hegemony in the

interplay between control and interpretation. Presuppositions based on hermeneutical

propositions are borne in matrices where power seeks to dominate via the imposition of

such presuppositions. This process of imposition insists that language and meanings

follow the conditions of modernity. In such light, the methodological process in

interpretation can be controlled and systematized while speaking a language that seems to

represent God.

The problem, however, is that the contemporary state of affairs in hermeneutical

methodology is conditioned by post modernity. Postmodern conditions have changed the

217

environment of the matrix where presuppositions are born. While these conditions allow

for a recognition of modernity and its presuppositions, they do not hold it in a higher

regard compared to other epistemological constructions. Instead, it gives validation to all

epistemological and hermeneutical constructions, i.e., political, gender, religious, socio-

historical and theological. This also includes the negating of modern constructs whereby a

different form of dialectic emerges. It is this dialectical process that will not allow the

hermeneutical process to be victimized by a dominant hegemony that seeks to overcome.

This theoretical construction finds its credibility within the theologizing conditions

of closed access Muslim communities in the southern Philippines. The manipulation of the

education of Muslims demonstrates the historical subjugation of Muslimhood in the

Philippines. Three stories were presented to exhibit the victimization factors involved in

this subjugation. At the same time, these three stories breathe a very insistent negating

dynamism that refuses such subjugation.

Last but not least, a hermeneutic of victimization can be traced in the collective

Asian experience. While domination by the powerful is a common theme, a dialectic of

negation is equally so. The fact that these two polar strands of daily living in Asian

contexts are co-existent is nothing new. The more significant reality is the constant refusal

by those representing the grassroots to be wholly dominated in the face of global

hegemonic forces.

In the light of the above, a globalization that is practiced under the tenets of

modernity is different from a globalization where the rules of engagement change from

one context to another as predicated by the conditions of postmodernity. The exercise of

218

power, especially that which is imposed by colonial powers, needs to be decolonized by

those in local contexts in their engagement with globalization. These local contexts must

not give priority to the agenda of these colonial powers, even while it is imperative that

they participate in the global experience. The priority for these local contexts is, instead,

to raise their own respective agenda and questions without attempting to balance their

global engagement. In this process, they are seeking to affirm for themselves the validity

of their agenda. Their agenda resists and at times rejects the unitary metanarrative that the

colonial powers expect to be a priori to the rules of engagement. Their questions seek a

paradigm shift to gain a voice in determining how the rules are formulated. That is, the

globalization process will be required to recognize and give respect to the diversity of

voices emerging from local stories. After all, these are the bases from which the

framework for participating in globalization is initially articulated. These same processes

follow that of local theologizing in a global context.

Resisting the oppressive nature of colonial powers, however, requires articulating

the local experience in the context of globalization. This is necessary because these

articulations are still part of the local stories where the theologizing process begins. And

the theologizing process can only be validated when it is based on realities of the local

journey. This study has presented the unfolding journeys of individuals at the grassroots

in several different Muslim communities through their own local stories. The truths

emerging from these stories are not limited to their own experiences, but are corroborated

by the journeys of many others as well. Their stories are merely a microcosm of the bigger

picture in Asia.

219

The relationship between local stories and theologizing is multi-faceted. One

aspect of local Asian theologizing that this study attempted to demonstrate is that

theologizing in Asian contexts feels very much at home in the matrices of postmodernity.

Asian cultures share many cultural themes present in the conditions which are core to

postmodernity. Such affinity is demonstrated in the areas of plurality and diversity,

decentredness and an emphasis on alterity or otherness. In contemporary reality, the local

expressions of these primal cultural themes (using anthropological language) or worldview

conditions (using postmodern language) have undeniably generated an impact on the

global context. The degree of this impact has forced the global players (with their

corresponding powers) to understand the local contexts within the framework of the local.

Simply, globalization is nothing more than a playground where the fields encompassed by

it are defined by a multiplicity of parameters represented by diverse and plural local

contexts. The process of local theologizing in a global context observes a framework

common with this.

An example of this process of local theologizing was very evident during the end

of the particular consultation alluded to in the previous chapter. The participants began to

talk about the presence of Isa al Masih in Islamic discourse. Their discussion turned to the

story of the miraj. The miraj refers to the ascension of the prophet Muhammad.

According to the story based in the Qur’an and the Hadith, his ascension was a journey

into the “seven windows” leading to paradise. In each window is a prophet, to each of152

whom he must answer the question: How do you enter this window? Only when he has

In some cases, this is also referred to as “seven heavens.” 152

220

answered the questions correctly will each successive window will open. This will allow

him to move to the next window until he passes through the last window. Each window is

guarded by the following personages:

1 window Adamst

2 window Jesus (with John the Baptist)nd

3 window Josephrd

4 window Idristh

5 window Aaronth

6 window Mosesth

7 window Abrahamth

The miraj is significant to Islamic discourse since it contains the story about the salat (i.e.,

the practice of praying five times a day). This is when the prophet Muhammad reached

the window of the prophet Moses. The account relates that Moses encouraged the

prophet Muhammad to make a request to the prophet Abraham concerning reducing the

amount of salat to be practiced daily.

To IM believers, the significance of the miraj story is two-fold. The first is the

presence of Isa al Masih in the 2 window. The miraj holds each individual Muslimnd

accountable to Isa al Masih. In the Qur’an is a discourse on seeking the “straight

path.” This straight path is also the path of the Kalimat Allah, i.e., word of God. Since153

the Kalimat Allah is another reference to Nabi Isa (or prophet Jesus), IM believers deduce

that it is important to understand this straight path. In particular it must be understood

that to follow the straight path requires obedience to the teachings of Isa al Masih. The

second significant point of the miraj is that all the prophets in the discourse are written

For references, see the followin Qur’anic passages: 1.6, 6.153, 42.52, 23.50, 43.61.153

221

about in the Tawrat, Zabur and the Injil. These holy books are also contained in the154 155

Bible. Thus, to learn more about these prophets, it is necessary to read these holy books.

The miraj is a story unique to Muslims. It is part of their own religio-cultural

story. It depicts a journey that each will take on his/her way to meet Allah. Its

importance lies in the fact that each Muslim needs to know the answers to the questions

posed by each prophet. The presence of Nabi Isa in the miraj account makes it vital for

not only IM believers, but all Muslims, to learn about him. It is equally important for them

to learn about the lives and roles of the other prophets as servants of Allah in order to

understand better the purpose of each in the discourse. In brief, the miraj account,

provides the IM believers a very unique narrative for use in any Islamic discourse with

their fellow Muslims. It provides a way for them to point fellow Muslims toward the path

of obedience, i.e., straight path, required by Isa al Masih. It is also unique because it is a

narrative that only Muslims can use. To those outside the Muslim context, the miraj

account is a foreign narrative that has no context for them. Only IM believers can tell the

miraj narrative without breaking the integrity of local culturo-religious traditions. In this

one unique Islamic narrative, IM believers are able to affirm the dignity and integrity of

their spiritual journey without giving up their Muslimhood.

A hermeneutic of affirmation thus belongs in the underside of a theologizing

community that has been victimized by a colonial mentality. On the surface of this

underside are the concrete consequences of the victimization. These consequences are

Refers to the Torah.154

Refers to the Psalms.155

222

borne out of a colonial mentality that has wreaked havoc in cultures and societies like

those of the Philippines.

A hermeneutic of affirmation is the elixir needed to correct the damage, i.e., heal

the disease, of this colonial mentality. The elixir represents the cultural and theological

voices of the local indigenous believers like the IM believers and others in similar closed-

access contexts. These are the ones who are constantly engaged in local theologizing that

is uniquely their own.

A hermeneutic of affirmation is also a hermeneutic of negation. It becomes the

negating polar force guarding against that which has become normative in a colonized

culture. While seemingly violent, this negating force seeks to extricate the life of the

colonial mentality from the consciousness of a given society. In the case of this study, the

Filipino consciousness is the subject of this focus.

The endvision of a hermeneutic of affirmation will only be achieved when the

normative sense of colonial mentality has finally been done with. This does not mean

complete eradication from memory or historical experience. The emphasis, rather, is the

decolonization of its normative influence in the consciousness of the people. If this

happens, Filipinos may then be able to re-discover their primal culture. This possibility

offers the hope that what was intentionally destroyed by pretentious Hispanic and

American colonial masters can be restored in a transformative manner by a hermeneutic of

affirmation.

223

Recommendations

This study is admittedly limited within the scope of the thesis that has been

presented. With this limitation in mind, recommendations will be given for developing

further some of the other subject matters considered in this study. It is hoped as well that

the scope of this study will be extended by others seeking to understand the issues herein.

Recommendation #1. There is a need to understand better how the theory of

“cultural hybridity” has impacted the definition for what constitutes the Filipino identity.

This is significant for the reason that in the dialogue between globalization and the local,

the resulting ambiguity may mean a need to reconfigure categories of the Filipino identity.

In effect, this requires a new articulation for each category. This, of course, has

implications to local theologizing. It would seem that the same impact that “cultural

hybridity” has on local culture affects in a similar manner the process of local theologizing.

Recommendation #2. Admittedly, the constitution of an insider movement is still

in its organic stage in the Philippines. This means that any emerging structure to this

movement is still very fluid and unpredictable. As this study has shown, while the

movement is beginning an enriching theological journey, the movement will need to be

very intentional in its engagement with other global mission structures. How this further

develops is, of course, dependent upon the will of the those in the movement. At the same

time, however, it would serve those in the “other” global mission structures to network

and “inter-connect” with the movement as it grows. It is hoped that the concept of

“otherness” as presented in this study will be a point of reconciliation towards the

development of this relationship.

224

Recommendation #3. One implication that a hermeneutic of affirmation raises is

the burden of proof that is placed upon the shoulders of those who choose to use it as a

framework for theologizing. In the case of those in the insider movement, this means that

there will be expectations of them to articulate what is entailed in their theologizing. If the

goal of theologizing is one of transformation, then there is a responsibility upon them to

articulate how the movement is transforming them in their journey as disciples of Jesus

Christ. In particular, this could include both theological and missiological articulations on

Christology, ecclesiology, missional engagement and biblical studies. The burden of proof

is not an apologetic task but rather a demonstration of intentional engagement with the

wider body of communities of faith. IM believers are quick to clarify that these

articulations are not burdensome tasks just because they are being demanded of them. To

the contrary, they are borne out of a deep desire to share in the global communities of

faith the wonderful and transformative work of God’s Spirit in their lives, both collectively

and individually.

Recommendation #4. The construction of a hermeneutic of victimization in this

study suggests that there is an existing historical problem concerning the exercise of

power and control over the theologizing process. That is, there is a persistent divide

between western theologizing and local theologizing in Asian contexts (in particular,

Muslim contexts in the Philippines). It has been mentioned in Recommendation #3 that a

hermeneutic of affirmation places a burden of proof upon those in the insider movement.

Likewise, there is an equal a burden of proof upon western theologizing to demonstrate a

paradigm shift concerning the issues of hegemonic exercise of power and control. The

225

paradigm shift is to give witness to a transformed attitude of humility and a willingness to

share power and control of the theologizing process, especially in local theologizing. Such

transformation requires articulation as well.

Recommendation #5. A partner to hermeneutics is exegesis. This partnership

signifies the correlation between the process of interpretation and the production of an end

product called “knowledge.” It is, thus, imperative that inasmuch as this study argues for

constructions of hermeneutics that will observe the presuppositions of the grassroots

contexts, a corresponding construction of an exegetical approach to be used at the

grassroots level will also need to be developed. In this study, the use of local discourses

or narratives has provided the parameters for a hermeneutic of victimization and a

hermeneutic of affirmation. The exegetical task would point towards further examination

of both cultural and theological factors affecting the method for interpreting these

narratives. In so doing, this could provide the exegetical task with a starting point for

constructing local exegetical approaches which would be both comprehensible and user-

friendly to the grassroots practioner.

Recommendation #6. The “end-value” of local theologizing is not the production

of knowledge at the local level but rather the growth of the disciples of Christ Jesus

among the diverse communities of faith that represent the Kingdom of God. The

transformation sought by all theologizing is centered in the making of “mature” disciples

of Jesus Christ. This being the case, it is imperative that this study be extended in order

to address the developing spirituality in any given context where local theologizing is

practiced.

226

Recommendation #7. There is a need to further extend the discussion of the

global-local relationship concerning local theologizing. This study certainly prioritizes the

dynamics of local theologizing as it is engaged in the dynamics of globalization. Simply

put, this paper posits that all theologizing is local. Within this notion, it could be argued

that the global is also another manifestation of the local. This being so, since the local also

includes the global as part of its context, it is also a necessary task to converse around the

possibility of what constitute global theologizing. It could very well be that the

conversation can be extrapolated to more concurrent conversations which would then

create a plurality of “horizons” for interpretation. These conversations or horizons would

include: global-local, local-local, local-global/local, global-local/local, global-local/global,

etc. The permutation of the conversations will certainly be multiple, diverse and plura. Of

course, this is not surprising when factors dealing with alterity and decentredness are

considered. These conversations or horizons would also include the voices of immigrants

who continue to live according to their primal ethono-cultural practices even as their

nationalities may have change.

Recommendation #8. Inasmuch as the local is the emphasis on an insider

movement, the role of the outsider will need to be further delineated. This role will need

to address two crucial issues in the process. One is to deal with how the outsider (and

his/her representing modal or sodal structure) grapple with the issue of power in relation

to Muslim believers engaged in the dynamics of an insider movement. A second issue is to

articulate a framework concerning how the outsider intends to assist the growth of a

community associated with an insider movement paradigm. The first issue will hopefully

227

provide the values of what an emerging partnership looks like. The second issue will

provide a detailed and transparent strategy of the outsider as to how he/she intends to

assist Muslim believers in the areas of community transformation, spiritual formation,

constructing a worshiping community, biblical studies, translation resources and being

missional-minded. Researching for the purpose of examining existing approaches by

individuals and organization who are closely working with individuals in communities

engaged in an insider movement paradigm will provide valuable data on “good practices”

that will impact the recommendation at hand.

APPENDIX A

MUSLIM-CHRISTIAN RELATIONS IN MINDANAO:HOPE FOR A BROKEN LAND156

Undoubtedly, the spiritual condition of Muslims in Mindanao has generated much

interest. The thirteen Muslim people groups in this southern island of the Philippines can

easily be described as unreached. Globally, Muslim people groups have been categorized

as unreached due to the very restrictive, resistive and seemingly "anti-Christian" stance of

Islam.

This article seeks to present a concise, though not necessarily comprehensive,

historical development of Islam in Mindanao Island. It will also trace current

Muslim-Christian relations. In the end, it hopes to provide a prophetic voice to the

current spiritual condition among Muslim peoples in Mindanao.

The Historical Development of Islam in Mindanao

The earliest documentation of Islamic presence in Mindanao can be traced back to

the early 13 century. It arrived through the contacts made with local peoples by Muslimth

This historical account is intended to demonstrate through history the victimization process of156

Muslimhood account in the Philippines, especially Mindanao. The article is written by the writer of thisstudy project to give a backdrop that is presumed in this study.

228

traders from neighboring islands as they searched for trading partners and markets for

their goods. Islamic presence arrived in a peaceful way. It brought welcomed economic

benefits for the people. In turn, local "datus" (community leaders) entered into economic

alliances with Muslim traders by offering their daughters in marriage. With minimal effort,

Islamic presence and influence grew among the local people.

By the mid-16th century when the Spaniards arrived, Islam in Mindanao was well

entrenched among various people groups, especially those living along the shorelines. It

had even extended its influence and acceptance among the people groups in the north. In

Manila, there were already several influential Muslim datus.

The arrival of the Spaniards, however, began the eventual bitter relationship

between Muslims and Christians. Still wounded from the losses in the Crusades to

Muslims in Africa and Eastern Europe, the Spaniards wished to redeem Christianity’s

losses by propagating their faith in a fleshly, vengeful way. War was not only relegated to

armed conflicts but also to stories of truth, half-truth, and outright lies portraying the

Muslims as butchers of people. Herein grew the stories that Muslims were barbarians and

traitors. The Spaniards gave the Muslim peoples the misnomer "Moro," which they had

previously applied to their Moorish conquerors.

The End of a Peaceful Era

Thus ends the period of peace between the various Muslims and non-Muslim

people groups in what became the nation of the Philippines. Roman Catholic monasteries,

229

acting both as church posts and reminders of colonial rule, were established all over

Mindanao. Over time, these only reinforced deep-seated hostilities.

By the time the Americans took over the imperialist role at the end of the 19th

century, armed conflicts between Muslims and the colonialists were common events. In

fact, the Americans designed an automatic revolver called the Colt 45 which could shoot

successive bullets to ensure an enemyís death. This was their solution to their conflicts

with determined Muslims who fought to the death.

Although unconquered, the Muslims retreated to limited geographical enclaves. In

1969, with the Marcos administration searching for ways to bring Muslim insurgency

under its control, the Jabida massacre was exposed. This exposé revealed government

military cover-up in the murder of 23 Muslim military recruits from the south. The

resulting cry for justice gave birth to the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). This in

turn became the only political and military alternative for all Muslims.

After years of escalating armed and political conflicts, the plight of Muslim

Filipinos drew international attention and gained acceptance by the Organization of Islamic

Countries (OIC). As a result, the Autonomous Regions of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM),

was established. Viewed as a political extension of the Filipino federal government,

however, it was rejected by more militant Muslims.

Consequently, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was established as an

alternative voice for Muslim Filipinos who rejected the MNLF as being too conciliatory.

As both groups continue to exist today, the MILF can be described as more militant, more

politically aggressive for separation, and more religiously conservative (demanding

230

imposing Shariya or Islamic law) than the MNLF. More recently, a peripheral and

tolerated but more militant Islamic group, called Abu Sayaf, has come to being. It has

intermittently shifted the focus away from the demands of the MILF.

Muslim-Christian Relations in Mindanao Today

To most Muslim Filipinos, especially at the grassroots level, all non-Muslim

Filipinos are "Christians", plain and simple. Thus, "local" conflicts are universalized. As a

result, for Muslims, Christian relations are screened from stories of anger and hatred. In

this light, peaceful relations are thus always central to Muslim-Christian relations.

At the organized and leadership levels, dialogues between Islamic, Roman

Catholic, and mainline Protestant leaders have been continuous. But an

Islamic-Evangelical dialogue has been non-existent at this level. At the grassroots level,

however, local churches have developed points of reference for entering into peaceful

relations for the purpose of peace bridging with Muslims. For evangelical groups who are

more focused on oral evangelizing, strategic attempts have resulted by finding

"Jesus-in-Islam." Various contextualized or inculturation models have been developed

ranging from worship styles to conceptualized interpretation of what a Muslim believer

would be like.

In some areas, "new" Muslim believers are beginning to search for ways to

theologize their own faith. At another concrete level, innovative approaches to link

Christian communities to their Muslim counterparts have found a friendlier reception via

community development activities. The dynamics therein, i.e., community organizing,

231

project implementation, problem-solving, resourcing funds, etc., have all provided

opportunities for relationship building for the purpose of peace bridging, whereby

Christian values are visibly demonstrated.

Still, the bigger picture shows that there are gaping holes in Muslim-Christian

relations. Some churches are still suspicious of Muslim intentions. Some are overtly

discriminatory against Muslims. Others are just simply oblivious and unconcerned about

the spiritual plight of Muslims. In this state, they indicate their anger, and hope for God ís

condemnation upon their Muslim neighbors.

Current Spiritual Season in Mindanao

It is not an overstatement to say that the landscape in Mindanao is divided in spite

of the advances in some Christian initiatives to build credible relations with Muslims. The

very restrictive, resistive and anti-Christian nature of Muslim attitude to Christianity has

been a constant reality in this landscape. Moreover, while the division shows hope for

reconciliation, the land is suffering. And a suffering land is ground for continuing

destruction.

In this environment of suffering, both Muslims and Christians are losing out to a

common enemy: forces of destruction. For their part, Christian faith communities in

Mindanao must shoulder in humility the burden of proof that aims to counter these forces

of destruction. Be it political, military or spiritual, our people of faith must strive to

nurture what has been gained in their relations with Muslims, granted that the seeds of

reconciliation are still being sown. Only in this nurturing can harvest and reaping happen.

232

Centuries of hatred, anger, pain, and suffering cannot be simply wiped out overnight.

Admittedly, in the past decade, concerted efforts seeking to bring reconciliation between

Christian and Muslim communities have germinated. But patience, forbearance, and

humility must predicate this.

In the end, our hope is that God’s faithfulness will bring about the fruits of

transformation in the broken land of Mindanao. The church must definitely recognize its

brokenness in this broken environment. The church needs to feel the pain of separation

from her Muslim half-brothers and half-sisters. In turn, she must be compelled to seek

them out, build relationships of reconciliation, and only then can she credibly introduce

them, with integrity, into the family of the Kingdom of God.

233

APPENDIX B

APPRECIATIVE INQUIRY

A Brief Description(Material based on The Thin Book of Appreciative Inquiry by Sue Annis Hammond)

Appreciative inquiry was developed in the mid-70s by David Cooperrider at Case

Western Reserve University. The notion is derived from an application of the

“appreciative eye” to business related matters. It assumes two aspects. One, the

appreciative eye assumes that in every piece of art there is beauty. Two, to the

appreciative eye, organizations are expressions of beauty and spirit and organizations are

viewed as organic. This means that all parts of an organization are defined by the whole

and one cannot take an organization apart to study its pieces.

The core of appreciative inquiry includes six critical components to the inquiry

process:

1 we look for what works in an organization;

2 the tangible results of the inquiry process is a series of statements thatdescribe where the organization wants to be, based on the highmoments of where they have been;

3 the statements are grounded in real experience and history, thus peopleknow how to repeat their success;

234

4 when the appreciative approach is applied to the objective, participantsare asked to share examples of what it feels like and looks like to betreated with dignity and respect;

5 instead of taking away a list of don’ts and a policing mentality,participants leave inspired to re-create those circumstances in as manysituations as possible;

6 Appreciative Inquiry is a generative process. It is like a moving targetand is created and constantly re-created by the people who use it. It isa thought process where every participant makes a contribution, and isencouraged to read, dream and experience.

In the course of an inquiry, assumptions play a role in this process of inquiry.

Assumptions (or worldview) are the set of beliefs shared by individuals that comprise a

group. These cause the group to think and act in certain way. What a particular group

focuses on becomes a reality to that group. Thus, reality is created in the moment and

there may be multiple realities in due course.

This being the case, the act of asking questions of an organization or group

influences the group in some way. People have more confidence and comfort to journey

into the future (the unknown) when they carry forward parts of the past (the known). If

the past is to be carried forward, appreciative inquiry proposes that what is best about the

past is to be carried forward. This is important to the construction of new values as value

differences between the old and the new can create displacement and discord in the

process of change. In addition, appreciative inquiry recognizes that individuals in groups

utilize language to create their reality.

235

An Application

Below is an enumeration of missiological implications based on the effects of

utilizing appreciative inquiry to this study project. A corresponding column of questions

provides a guide to the manner by which the data/stories in this study have been gathered.

Missiological Implications Construction of Questions

1 learning and affirming whatcan be appreciated in thepresent situation or context

1 What aspects of Muslimhood are integral toyour spirituality?

2 What aspects of Christian spirituality arecomparable to your Muslimhood?

2 envisioning change andapplying learnings andaffirmations to the vision

1 How has your faith in Jesus affirmed yourMuslimhood?

2 In what ways have your Muslimhood beentransformed based on your faith in theLordship of Jesus?

3 integrating the vision into thecommunity

1 In what ways have you continued toparticipate in your community?

2 What aspects of your faith in Jesus affirmyour Muslimhood to your community?

3 How has your community affirmed yourMuslimhood?

4 recognizing the learning,affirmation, change andintegration are ways of life inthe global village

1 How has your Muslimhood, which is basedon a faith in the Lordship of Jesus, affectedyour community involvement?

2 What aspects of your community involvementbring changes or transformation to yourcommunity?

3 What strategy plans would you involve yourcommunity in towards a transformation oftheir Muslimhood?

236

For the purpose of this study, appreciative inquiry provides the guidelines to

conduct a questioning process without leading towards a directed end. In short, it avoids

being controlling and dominant. The replies are always open-ended which are conducive

to a continuation of the story telling.

The dialogue that ensues is intended to trigger a tension. It assumes a dialectical

methodology on the part of the listener (i.e., the person asking the questions), while

affirming the emerging spiritual journey of the story teller (i.e., the emerging believer).

The dialectical tension is between facilitating an environment in which to ask questions for

the purpose of gathering data and resisting a counteraction upon hearing some non-

conventional data which may otherwise produce a negative apologetical attitude.

237

APPENDIX C

A THEOLOGICAL REFLECTION: AN EVANGELICAL PERSPECTIVE ON DEALING WITH ISSUES OF POWER

The current conventional model in the hermeneutical process places the hermeneut

at the apex of the process. In this role, the hermeneut becomes the central actor. Still,

while there is recognition that part of the hermeneutical process includes the target

community of the hermeneut and the work of the Holy Spirit, the spotlight remains in the

hermeneut. The hermeneut is not only the main actor, he/she is also the director, the

producer, the script writer and the editor. In short, the current conventional model

prioritizes the presence of the hermeneut over those of the other participants in the

hermeneutical process. As a result, the greatest value in the hermeneutical process is

belongs to the hermeneut over the others. Consequently, there is much power that is

placed on the hands of the hermeneut. The impending problem from this development

underscores the ethical requirement upon the hermeneut. A misuse of power though

means deprivileging others. This includes marginalizing, discriminating and overcoming

“the others.”

The issue of power as stated above is a microcosm of a bigger problem when

correlated with conventional evangelical response to the development of insider

movements globally. The issue of power centers around what constitute the scope of

238

theologizing, conversion, translation, biblical interpretation and ecclesiological dynamics.

And too often, the ending becomes a lose-lose situation for both the church and IM

communities, with the church institution taking the brunt of negative criticism. The

question that is being reflected herewith is a matter for the church to consider concerning

how to deal with issues of power.

Phil 2:5-11: A Christocentric Consideration

Commonly known as the “kenotic” passage, the key term in the passage focuses

on the act of “emptying” that Jesus accepted upon himself. Jesus could have certainly

seized his rightful equality with God and remained in such position of ultimate power.

Instead, he chose to give up such power and intentionally chose to take the form of a

human being. That he chose to do so with full knowledge that he will suffer the cruelest

form of death during his lifetime is indeed most incredible. In spite perhaps in the seeming

chaos surrounding his decision to give up his deity, the totality of his experience

exemplified nothing but the value that perhaps God requires upon His creation the most:

humility.

The incarnation of Jesus Christ from the highest position of deity into the sphere of

“sinful” humanity is indeed defined by his attitude of humility to obey even to the point of

death. Essentially, Jesus gave up his power of deity to become powerless, which is

attested by his status at birth. The incomprehensibility of such choice is echoed by the

seeming reign of chaos even during his birth. It is a birth that should have been a grand

239

event because God had chosen to be with his creation in human form. Yet, instead, he

was born in a lowly manger which definitely is not emblematic of power.

Perhaps it will serve the conservative evangelical church community to start with

this attitude of humility as it seeks to build a relationship with Muslim believers engaged in

an insider movement paradigm. In taking this attitude of humility, the evangelical church

community is giving testimony to a life of obedience in Jesus Christ. It is an obedience, in

turn, that does not seek to delve into any power issue, but rather it is an obedience that

seeks to enter a relationship powerless. Ultimately, the attitude of humility that is evident

in obedience to Christ Jesus is the transforming power within an incarnational initiative. It

is power that seeks to “walk with and work among” Muslim believers in insider movement

communities.

Acts 15:1-12: An Ecclesiastical Consideration

Addressing a particular complaint that they were preaching a different gospel,

Paul, Barnabas and company were forced to face the church council in Jerusalem headed

by Peter. The complaint came from by a certain group within the emerging church-

institution. It stemmed from a disagreement concerning the practice of circumcision

according to the law of Moses as a condition for one’s salvation among non-Jewish

believers of Jesus Christ. Along their way to Jerusalem, however, Paul and company

described to other believers the manner by which people from other ethnic groups were

turning about their lives to obey Jesus Christ as they believed the message of the gospel.

Finally, when they reached Jerusalem, they reported the many things that God had done

240

with them among the people of other ethnic groups. As they were sharing God’s

blessings, believers who chose to carry on their Pharisaic tradition stood up and argued for

a condition as an added requirement to salvific faith. They had, of course, previously

argued with Paul and company about the matter at hand. After much debate in front of

the council, Peter eventually made the statement that would forever affect the constitution

of the emerging church institution (v.9): God made no distinction between us and them,

cleansing their hearts by faith. He then followed this truth-statement with an exhortation

that places the burden of proof upon those who were complaining against Paul and

company (v.10), “Why do you put God to the test by placing upon the neck of the

disciples a yoke which neither our fathers nor we have been able to bear?”

There are two critical church values involved in dealing with power issues from

this passage. I refer to these as values rather than Scriptural truths since Peter, on behalf

of the Jerusalem council, used an ethical responsibility to clarify an interpretation of a

doctrinal belief:

You know that in the early days God made a choice among you, that Ishould be the one through whom the Gentiles would hear the message ofthe good news and become believers. And God, who knows the humanheart, testified to them by giving them the Holy Spirit, just as he did to us(vv.7,8).

The first value is with respect to the breaking down of division between Jews and Gentiles

as one comes to a salvific faith in Christ. The second value is a reminder to avoid adding

conditions and requirements which are not found in the Scriptures. Accordingly, it would

seem that the burden of proof is upon the Christian church institution to guard against

241

those who would use power based on religious status against marginalizing other

believers.

Interestingly enough, years later, Paul found himself writing to the communities of

faith in Galatia about the very same issue that Peter addressed in Jerusalem. Paul

expressed his frustration concerning how some believers in Galatia had been persuaded by

others who were posturing a “different” gospel (Gal 1:6-12). This “different” gospel had

added conditions and requirements to salvific faith in Christ Jesus. These are: 1) others

were forcing Gentile believers to keep Jewish customs (Gal 2:4), 2) others were adding to

the gospel the need to observe the Law and exert human effort in order to receive the

Holy Spirit (Gal 3:1-3), and 3) the practice of circumcision is justified by keeping the Law,

which is really the continuing crux of the issue at hand (Gal 5:2-4). In essence, this

“different” gospel preached that salvation in Jesus Christ requires grace by faith plus

circumcision. In turn, as response to this, Paul expounded on a social ethical value that

has since been part of the evangelical church tradition (Gal 3:23-29):

Now before faith came, we were imprisoned and guarded under the lawuntil faith would be revealed. Therefore the law was our disciplinarianuntil Christ came, so that we might be justified by faith. But now that faithhas come, we are no longer subject to a disciplinarian, for in Christ Jesusyou are all children of God through faith. As many of you as were baptizedinto Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ. There is no longer Jew orGreek, there is no longer slave or free, there is no longer male and female;for all of you are one in Christ Jesus. And if you belong to Christ, then youare Abraham's offspring, heirs according to the promise.

Both the events in Jerusalem and Galatia were predicated by power issues which seek to

reinterpret the content, message and conditions of the gospel. It is a credit to the wisdom

of Peter and Paul to call outrightly those in the church who sought to overcome other

242

believers by either using their status as power or overcome others believers through their

“misleading” exposition of the gospel.

A Summary

I believe that it is the evangelical church’s responsibility to walk and work with

those who have chosen to live a missional life according to an insider movement paradigm.

The church needs to exercise, however, an affirming and non-discriminatory relationship

with believers in this particular context. The intention will to practice humility gives

witness to an attitude that imitates the incarnational love that God has provided to His

creation. In fact, it could be surmised that power issues in the body of Jesus Christ can

find mediation when humility is exercised mutually. Humility can further redeem broken

relationships caused by the use of power to overcome others.

243

REFERENCES CITED

Acoba, E.2005 “A Locus for Doing Theologies.” In Doing Theology in the Philippines.

Pp. 24-36. Manila: OMF Literature.

2006 “Negative Hermeneutic: An Interpretational Structure for Naming theChristian God from the Underside.” In Naming the Unknown God. Pp. 44-59. Manila: OMF Literature.

Adeney, Miriam2004 “Trends in Asia: Implications for Mission.” In OMF Mission Roundtable

Consultation. Unpublished manuscript.

Baker, J2002 Nelson Mandela and the End of Apartheid in South Africa. Online.

Internet. (Available from http://nhs.needham.k12.ma.us/cur/baker_00/2002_p7/js_cc_p7/mandela3) Accessed Sept 21, 2008.

Barnett, Richard, and John Cavanaugh1994 Global Dreams: Imperial Corporations and the New World Order. New

York: Simon & Schuster.

Barron, Robert1998 And Now I See: A Theology of Transformation. New York: The

Crossroad Publishing Company.

Bautista, Violeta2005 “The Socio-Psychological Make-up of the Filipino.” In Readings on

Filipino Culture. Melba Maggay, ed. Pp. 1-6. Quezon City: ISACC.

Beattie, Warren2004 “Plenary Paper on Globalization.” In OMF Mission Roundtable

Consultation. Unpublished manuscript.

244

Beidelman, T. O.1982 Colonial Evangelism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Bello, Walden2001 The Future in the Balance: Essays on Globalisation and Resistance.

Diliman: University of the Philippines Press.

2004 The Anti-Development State: The Political Economy of Permanent Crisisin the Philippines. Manila/Bangkok: University of the Philippines/Focus onthe Global South.

Beltran, Benigno1987 The Theology of the Inarticulate. Manila: Divine Word Publications.

Bestor, Theodore2005 “How Sushi Went Global.” In Cultural Anthropology: A Perspective on the

Human Condition. Emily Schultz and Robert Lavenda, eds. Pp. 381-382. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bhaba, Homi1990 “Interrogating Identity: The Postcolonial Prerogative.” In Anatomy of

Racism. D. Goldberg, ed. Pp. 183-209. Minneapolis: University ofMinnesota Press.

Bosch, David1983 “An Emerging Paradigm for Mission.” In Missiology October 11/4: 472-

506.

1991 Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Braswell, George1996 Islam: Its Prophet, Peoples, Politics and Power. Nashville: Broadman and

Holman Publishers.

Brueggemann, Walter1998 “Exodus in the Plural (Amos 9:7).” In Many Voices, One God. W.

Brueggemann and G. Stroup, eds. Pp. 15-34. Westminster: John Knox.

Brummer, Vincent1992 Speaking of a Personal God: An Essay in Philosophical Theology.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

245

Bulatao, Jaime1992 “Split Level Christianity.” In Phenomena and Their Interpretation. Pp. 22-

31. Manila: Ateneo de Manila Press.

Caldwell, Larry1999 “Towards the New Discipline of Ethnohermeneutics: Questioning the

Relevancy of Western Hermeneutical Methods in the Asian Context.” Journal of Asian Mission 1/1:21-43.

Caputo, John1997 The Prayers and Tears of Jacques Derrida: Religion Without Religion.

Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

2000 More Radical Hermeneutics: On Not Knowing Who We Are. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Chossudovsky, Michel1997 The Globalisation of Poverty. Penang: Third World Network.

Clammer, John2001 Japan and Its Others. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press.

Cochrane, James1999 Circles of Dignity: Community Wisdom and Theological Reflection.

Minneapolis: Fortress Books.

Comaroff, Jean1985 Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance: The Culture and History of a South

African People. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Comaroff, Jean, and John Comaroff1991 Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism and Consciousness

in South Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Constantino, Renato1974 Identity and Consciousness: The Philippine Experience. Quezon City:

Malaya Books.

Cooper, David1996 “Modern European Philosophy.” In The Blackwell Companion to

Philosophy. Pp. 702-721. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.

246

Cormie, Lee1994 “Seeds of Hope in the New World (Dis)Order.” In Coalitions for Justice.

C. Lind and J. Mihevc, eds. Pp. 360-377. Ottawa: Novalis.

Craig, Edward2000 “Metaphysics.” In Concise Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Pp.

567-570. New York: Routledge.

Currie, Gregory2000 “Narrative.” In Concise Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Pp. 610-

613. New York: Routledge.

Dery, Luis Camara2001 A History of the Inarticulate: Local History, Prostitution and Other Views

from the Bottom. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.

Development Academy of the Philippines1998 Alternatives to Globalization. Manila: IBON Foundation.

Diesto, Genaro1995 The Effects of Colonial Mentality on the Religious Consciousness of

Filipino Consciousness. Unpublished manuscript.

2003 “Contextualization: An Agenda for the Churches.” In Journeys in Faithand Ministry. N. Bunda, E. Carnaje, G. Diesto Jr. and L. Ruiz, eds. Pp.84-154. Iloilo: Institute for Advanced Theological Studies.

Dussel, Enrique1995 The Invention of the Americas: Eclipse of “the Other” and the Myth of

Modernity. M. Barber, transl. New York: Continuum.

Doi, Takeo1971 The Anatomy of Dependence. Tokyo: Kodansha International.

Douglas, J. D., ed.1975 Let the Earth His Voice. Minneapolis: World Wide Publication.

Endo, Shusaku1966 Silence. Tokyo: Kodansha International.

England, John C., ed.1982 Living Theologies in Asia. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

247

Enriquez, Virgilio1992 From Colonial to Liberation Psychology: The Philippine Experience.

Diliman: University of the Philippines Press.

Espiritu, Socorro, et al.1976 Sociology in the New Philippine Setting. Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing

House.

Fabella, Virginia1980 Asia’s Struggle for Full Humanity. New York: Orbis Books.

Fabella, V., Sergio Torres, eds.1985 Doing Theology in a Divided World. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Fanon, F.1963 The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press, Inc.

Featherstone, Mike1990 Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity. SAGE

Publications.

Ferm, Deane William, ed.1986 Third World Liberation Theologies: A Reader. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Fox, Jeremy2001 Chomsky and Globalisation. Cambridge: Icon Books.

Francis, Carolyn and John Nakajima1991 Christians in Japan. New York: Friendship Press.

Freire, Paulo2000 Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum.

Friedman, J.1997 “Global Crises, the Struggle for Cultural Identity and Intellectual

Porkbarrelling: Cosmopolitan versus Locals, Ethnics and Nationals in anera of Dehegemonisation.” In Debating Cultural Hybridity. P. Werbnerand Tariq Modood, eds. Pp. 70-89. London: Zed Books.

Gadamer, Hans-Georg1989 Truth and Method. Joel Weinshemer and Donald G. Marshall, transl.

Revised edition. New York: Continuum.

248

Geach, Peter1957 Mental Acts: Their Content and Their Objects. London: Routledge.

Gener, Timoteo2001 Prospects and Spaces for Filipino Theologizing in the Context of

Globalization(s). Unpublished manuscript.

Giddens, Anthony1990 The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Gledhill, John1994 Power and Its Disguises. London: Pluto Press.

Goddard, John2006 “Cloth Stood for Liberty.” In The Toronto Star, Oct 4, 2006.

Goodman, Mary 1967 The Individual and Culture. Homewood: Dorsey Press.

Grenz, Stanley, and John Franke2001 Beyond Foundationalism: Shaping Theology in a Postmodern Context.

Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press.

Groome, Thomas1991 Sharing Faith: The Way of Shared Praxis. San Francisco: Harper Collins

Publishers.

Hadamitzky Wolfgang, and Mark Spahn1981 Kanji and Kana: A Handbook and Dictionary of the Japanese Writing

System. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle.

Hallengren, Anders2001 Nelson Mandela and the Rainbow of Culture. http://nobelprize.org/

nobel_prizes/peace/articles/mandela/index.html, Sept 25, 2008.

Hammond, Sue Annis1998 The Thin Book of Appreciative Inquiry. Plano: Thin Book Publishing.

Hanson, Paul1978 Dynamic Transcendence. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

1986 The People Called: The Growth of Community in the Bible. Louisville:Westminster John Knox Press.

249

Hayford, C.1971 Gold Coast Native Institutions. Reprinted. London. Cass.

Hauerwas, S., N. Murphy, and M. Nation1995 Theology Without Foundations: Religious Practice and the Future of

Theological Truth. Nashville: Abingdon Press.

Heidegger, Martin1962 Being and Time. John Macquarrie and Edward Robinson, transl. New

York: Harper & Row.

Huntington, S.P.1993 “The Clash of Civilization?” In Foreign Affairs 72:22-49.

Ihde, Don1974 Paul Ricouer: The Conflict of Interpretation. Evanston: Northwestern

University Press.

Ileto, Reynaldo Clemena1979 Pasyon and Revolution. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Inda, Jonathan Xavier and Renato Rosaldo, eds.2002 “Introduction: A World in Motion.” In The Anthropology of

Globalization. Jonathan Inda and Renato Ronaldo. eds. Pp. 1-34. Malden: Blackwell.

International Conference on Alternatives to Globalization1998 Altenatives to Globalization. Manila: IBON Foundation.

Jocano, F. Landa1997 Filipino Value System: A Cultural Definition. Manila: Punlad Research

House.

1999 Working with Filipinos: A Cross-Cultural Encounter. Manila: PunladResearch House.

Karnow, Stanley1989 In Our Image: America’s Empire in the Philippines. New York: Random

House.

Kaufmann, Walter1999 “Nietzsche, Friedrich.” In Philosophy and Ethics. Pp. 703-716. New

York: MacMillan Library Reference USA.

250

Kearney, Michael1996 Reconceptualizing the Peasantry: Anthropology in Global Perspective.

Boulder: Westview Press.

Kierkegaard, Soren1983 Fear and Trembling. Howard Hong and Edna Hong, eds and transl.

Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Kitamori, Kazo1965 The Theology of the Pain of God. Richmond: John Knox Press.

Kolarcik, Michael1981 The Ambiguity of Death in the Book of Wisdom 1-6: A Study of Literary

Structure and Interpretation. Roma: Editrice Pontificio Instituto Biblico.

Kraft, Charles1981 Christianity in Culture: A Study in Dynamic Biblical Theologizing in Cross-

Cultural Perspective. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

1996 Anthropology for Christian Witness. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Kurasawa, Fuyuki2004 The Ethnological Imagination: A Cross-Cultural Critique of Modernity.

Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Lindbeck, George1984 The Nature of Doctrine: Religion and Theology in a Postliberal Age.

Philadelphia: Westminster Press.

Lumbera, Bienvenido1994 “Consolidation of Tradition in Nineteenth Century Tagalog.” In Philippines

Studies 17:389-440.

Lyotard, Jean-Francois1984 The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. G. Bennington and

B. Massumi, transl. Manchester: University of Manchester Press.

Lyotard, Jean-Francois, and Jean-Loup Thebaud1985 Just Gaming. Wlad Godzich, transl. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota

Press.

MacIntyre, Alasdair1957 Metaphorical Beliefs. London: SCM Press.

251

Maggay, Melba1999 Filipino Religious Consciousness. Quezon City: ISACC.

2001 Reflections on Culture and Globalization. Quezon City: ISACC.

2005a “Notes from lecture.” In The Gospel, Culture and Filipino ChurchWorkshop. Davao City, Philippines, November 3-6.

2005b “Towards Contextualization from Within.” In Doing Theology in thePhilippines. Pp. 37-50. Manila: OMF Literature.

2006 Personal interview with Dr. Melba Maggay. Missisauga, Ontario, Canada,December 17.

Melnyk. B. M., and E. Fineout-Overholt2005 Making the Case for Evidence-Based Practice. Philadelphia: Lippincott

Williams & Wilkins.

Miller, Stuart Creighton1982 Benevolent Assimilation: The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899

– 1903. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Morantte, P. C.1984 Remembering Carlos Bulosan: His Hear Affair with America. Quezon

City: New Day Publishers.

Marcus George E., and Michael M. Fischer1986 Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experiment Moment in the Human

Sciences. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

McKenna, Thomas2000 Muslim Rulers and Rebels. Manila: Anvil Publishing.

Moltmann, Jurgen1974 The Cruicified God. Translated by R.A. Wilson and John Bowden. New

York: Harper and Row Publishers.

Nandy, Ashis1983 The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism. Delhi:

Oxford University Press.

Olthuis, James2001 The Beautiful Risk. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing.

252

Olthuis, James, ed.1997 Knowing Other-Wise: Philosophy at the Threshold of Spirituality. New

York: Fordham University Press.

Osborne, Grant1991 The Hermeneutical Spiral: A Comprehensive Introduction to Biblical

Interpretation. Downers Grove: Inter Varsity Press.

Osborne, Richard and Borin van Loon1997 Introducing Sociology. Cambridge: Icon Books.

Palmer, Richard1980 “The Liminality of Hermes and the Meaning of Hermeneutics.” In

Proceedings of the Heraclitean Society: A Quarterly Report on Philosophyand Criticism of the Arts and Sciences. Published by the Western MichiganUniversity Department of Philosophy, 5:4-11.

Pannenberg, Wolfhart1972 “The Nature of a Theological Statement.” Zygon 1/1:6-19.

Pannikar, Raimundo1989 The Silence of God. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Pelmoka, Juana Jimenez1996 Pre-Spanish Philippines. Manila: Philippines Graphics Arts.

Perlas, Nicanor2000 Shaping Globalization: Civil Society, Cultural Power and Threefolding.

Quezon City: CADI.

Pieris, Aloysius1982 “The Asian Sense in Theology.” In Living Theology in Asia. John

England, ed.. Pp. 171-175. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

1988 An Asian Theology of Liberation. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Pieterse, Jan Nederveen2004 Globalization and Culture. New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers.

Platinga, Alvin1983 “Reason and Belief in God.” In Faith and Rationality: Faith and Belief in

God. Alvin Platinga and Nicholas Wolterstorff, eds. Pp. 16-23. NotreDame: University of Notre Dame Press.

253

Pompa, Leon1996 “Philosophy of History.” In The Blackwell Companion to Philosophy. Pp.

415-442. Oxford: Blackwell.

Rafael, Vicente2000 Contracting Colonialism. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Ramos, Rodel1994 The Search of a Future: The Struggle of Immigrants. Toronto: R. J.

Ramos Enterprise.

Rifkin, Jeremy1995 The End of Work: The Decline of the Global Labor Force and the Dawn of

the Post-Market Era. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons.

Rollins, Peter2006 How (Not) to Speak of God. Massachusetts: Paraclete Press.

Rusling, James1987 “Interview with President William McKinley.” In The Philippines Reader:

A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism, Dictatorship, and Resistance. Daniel B. Schirmer and Stephen Shalom, eds. Pp. 22-23. Boston: SouthEnd Press.

Sanneh, Lamin1990 Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact of Culture. Maryknoll:

Orbis Books.

2003 Whose Religion Is Christianity? Grand Rapids: Eerdmans PublishingCompany.

Schiller, Nina and Georges Fouron2002 “Long-distance Nationalism Defined.” In The Anthropology of Politics.

Edited by Joan Vincent. Pp. 356-365. Malden: Blackwell.

Schirmer, Daniel and Stephen R. Shalom, eds.1987 The Philippines Reader: A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism,

Dictatorship, and Resistance. Boston: South End Press.

Schlutz, Emily and Robert Lavenda2005 Cultural Anthropology: A Perspective on the Human Condition. Oxford:

Oxford University Press.

254

Schreiter, Robert1986 Constructing Local Theologies. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

1997 The New Catholicity: Theology Between the Global and the Local. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Segovia, Fernando2000 Decolonizing Biblical Studies: A View From the Margins. Maryknoll:

Orbis

Shaw, R. Daniel1988 Transculturation: The Cultural Factor in Translation and Other

Communication Task. Pasadena: William Carey Library.

1989 “The Context of Text: Transculturation and Bible Translation.” In TheWord Among Us. D. Gilliland, ed. Dallas: Word Pub., pp. 141-159.

Smith, James K. A.2000 The Fall of Interpretation. Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press.

Song, C. S.1979 Third-Eye Theology. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

1982 The Tears of Lady Meng: A Parable of People’s Political Theology. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

1986 Theology From the Womb of Asia. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Strobel, Leny Mendoza2001 Coming Full Circle: The Process of Decolonization among Post-1965

Filipino Americans. Quezon City: Giraffe Books.

Swartley, Keith, ed.2005 Encountering the World of Islam. Atlanta: Authentic Media.

Tanner, Kathryn1997 Theories of Culture. Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress Press.

Tilley, Terrence, ed.1995 Postmodern Theologies. New York: Orbis Books.

255

Travis, John, and Anna Travis2005 “Appropriate Approaches in Muslim Contexts.” In Appropriate

Christianity. Edited by Charles Kraft. Pp. 397-414. Pasadena: WilliamCarey Library.

Trible, Phyllis1978 God and the Rhetoric of Sexuality. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

1984 Texts of Terror. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

U, Alan Saw1981 “Justing Love.” In Living Theology in Asia. Edited by John England. Pp.

135-141. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.

Van der Veer, Peter1997 “The Enigma of Arrival: Hybridity and Authenticity in the Global Space.”

In Debating Cultural Hybridity. P. Werbner and Tariq Modood, eds. Pp.90-195. London: Zed Books.

van Engen, Charles1989 “The New Covenant: Knowing God in Context.” In The Word Among Us:

Contextualizing Theology for Mission Today. Dean S. Gilliland, ed. Pp.74-100. Dallas: Word Publishing.

1996 Mission on the Way: Issues in Mission Theology. Grand Rapids: BakerBook House.

Vattimo, Gianni1991 The End of Modernity: Nihilism and Hermeneutics in Postmodern Culture.

Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press.

Vitug, Marites and Glenda Gloria2000 Under the Crescent Moon: Rebellion in Mindanao. Quezon City: Ateneo

Center for Social Policy and Public Affairs.

Walsh, Brian, Hendrik Hart, Robert Vander Vennen, eds.1995 An Ethos of Compassion and the Integrity of Creation. New York:

University of America Press.

Walsh, Brian and Keesmat, Sylvia2004 Colossians Remixed: Subverting the Empire. Downers Grove: Inter

Varsity Press.

256

Watts, Alan1995 The Philosophies of Asia. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company.

Werbner, Pnina1997 “Afterword: Writing Multiculturalism and Politics in the New Europe.” In

The Politics of Multiculturalism in the New Europe: Racism, Identity andCommunity. P. Werbner and Tariq Modood, eds. Pp. 261-267. London:Zed Books.

Wheatley, Margaret1999 Leadership and the New Science: Discovering Order in a Chaotic World.

San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers.

Wolterstorff, Nicholas1983 “Introduction.” In Faith and Rationality: Reason and Belief in God. Alvin

Platinga & Nicholas Wolterstorff, eds. Pp. 1-15. Notre Dame: Universityof Notre Dame Press.

Yango, Emelito1992 A Contextualization of the Japanese Concept of Dependence Through the

Old Testament Covenants. Unpublished document. Fuller TheologicalSeminary - School of World Mission.

2001 Muslim-Christian Relations in Mindanao: Hope for a Broken Land. Online. Internet. (Available from www.global-prayer-digest.org/monthdetails/2001/md-June-2001.asp) Accessed October 2005.

2003 “Towards a Theology of Communities in the Kingdom of God.” InPhronesis. 10/1:7-28.

Zucker, Catherine1996 Postmodern Platos. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Zuidervaart, Lambert1994 Adorno’s Aesthetic Theory: The Redemption of Illusion. Massachusetts:

MIT Press.

257

VITA

Emelito Acoba Yango was born on December 22, 1959 in Manila, Philippines toSalvador Yango and Nora Acoba. In 1973, he immigrated to Windsor, Ontario, Canadaunder the guardianship of Valerio Acoba and Marina Marcelo, who became a second setof parents to him.

Emelito grew up in both Roman Catholic and evangelical Protestant religioustraditions. At St. Joseph School for his elementary schooling, he received the sacramentsfrom the Catholic church. At the same time, he was discipled through regular bible studiesby youth leaders at Balut Christian Church. His spiritual journey has been ecumenicalsince the beginning. He learned quite early to find points of reconciliation between thesetwo Christian traditions.

After graduating in 1978 from Riverside Secondary School in Windsor, Emelitoentered Ontario Bible College. He graduated in 1982 with the degree, Bachelor ofTheology (majoring in Cultural Anthropology and Missions). After pursuing graduatestudies at Ontario Theological Seminary (Master in Theological Studies) and University ofToronto - Wycliffe College (MA in Religious Studies), Emelito graduated in 1992 withthe degree, Master of Arts in Missiology (with concentration on cultural anthropology andcontextualization) at Fuller Theological Seminary - School of World Mission in Pasadena,California, USA.

Emelito, together with his wife Kathy, served in Japan as church planters amongurban blue-collar workers with OMF Int. from 1985-1992. From 1992-1997, he served inthe inner-city of downtown Toronto, Canada, with Yonge Street Mission while teachingsocial sciences at Centennial College. In 1998, Emelito rejoined OMF. Since then, he hasbeen leading a ministry outreach with Malikha Urban Poor Team (MUPT), which servesamong Muslim communities in the southern Philippines. In 2004, he started a street-leveloutreach work among the disenfranchised communities in the downtown area of DavaoCity. Emelito also taught at Koinonia Theological Seminary from 1999-2006. Since2001, he has been teaching at the Ignatian Institute of Religious Education, a Jesuitgraduate school at Holy Cross College of Davao City.

Emelito is married to Katherine Jean MacKenzie and they have three children,Ryan Robert, Jenna Marie and Kenzie Scott.

258

Towards a Hermeneutic of Affirmation for Local Theologizing in Closed Access Communities

Documents

Transcript of Towards a Hermeneutic of Affirmation for Local Theologizing in Closed Access Communities