TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF AFFIRMATION FOR LOCAL
THEOLOGIZING IN CLOSED ACCESS COMMUNITIES
By
Emelito Acoba Yango
A Dissertation Presented to the
Faculty of the
ASIA GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THEOLOGYPHILIPPINES
In Partial Fulfilment of the
Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Missiology
Program Coordinator:
Dr. Larry Caldwell
20 March 2009
ABSTRACT
Yango, Emelito2009 Towards a Hermeneutic of Affirmation for Local Theologizing in Closed
Access Communities. Asia Graduate School of Theology - Philippines. Doctor of Missiology. 258 pp.
The primary premise of this dissertation is to construct a hermeneutical approach
for local theologizing in the context of globalization. In particular, it is necessary for the
local contexts to move out from the shadows of theologizing based on a hermeneutic of
victimization to a transforming articulation based on a hermeneutic of affirmation. This
process includes dealing with the presence of colonial mentality in the collective
consciousness of people in a given society.
The dissertation outlines the current context where all hermeneutics are
constructed. This is the inter-related network between the global and local contexts. In
this study, the priority is to view the realities of the global context based on the lens of the
local contexts. In this process, the study re-discovers that the primal instincts in local
Asian cultures are precursors to postmodern conditions. Specifically, the study focuses on
three common themes/conditions: the “otherness” or alterity, decentredness or distortion
and diversity or plurality.
The study uses local narratives as case studies to give light to the subject at hand.
This includes descriptions of local socio-economic-cultural practices, local religio-cultural
discourses, individual stories. In addition, this study presents a collective articulation for a
theological construction to describe the core constitution of “insider movement” by
believers who are engaged in the movement.
In the end, this dissertation provides eight recommendations. These are topics by
which this dissertation can be extended and where new theological formulations, both
from the global and local contexts, can be constructed. More than anything, these
recommendations signify an admission that this dissertation is viewed as a starting point
for further constructing the framework towards a hermeneutic of affirmation.
Mentor: Timoteo Gener 295 words
ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This personal journey of eventually achieving a D.Miss. has been lived out in the
context of the unconventional. Against the temptations to set aside a particular period of
time to concentrate only on my doctoral studies, I have resisted the urge to separate my
studies from concurrent front line mission work. As a result, my academic journey has
taken a back seat to my passion for serving at the front lines. The result is a happy
marriage. My academic pursuit has been better informed by my grassroots mission
engagement. Although it has been a longer journey than anticipated, it has only brought
wisdom to this journey.
I am indebted to some of my undergrad professors (Bill Wallace and Robert
Duez). They taught me to enjoy freely my engagement in contemporary missiological and
theological discussions and practices while always reminding me to be grounded. The
maturation of my capacity to think critically around the peripheries has been greatly
influenced by Charles Kraft and Dean Gilliland. They have personally given me guidance
and continued encouragement beyond the bounds of missiological studies.
Along the way, God sent me a very “genuine” peer-mentor and co-sojourner by
the name of Genaro Diesto. Genaro helped me re-discover the depth of the value I place
upon my Filipino being. In the process, he introduced me to the wonderful playground of
iii
negative theology where I found the underside in local theologizing. In truth, a great part
of the spirit and intent of this dissertation were germinated during my long conversations
with Genaro. Genaro had been mentoring me through my second tutorial and had agreed
to do the same for my dissertation. Sadly he passed away two and a half years ago. I will
miss celebrating this with him.
I’m also grateful to each one of my committee members for working with me
through my tutorials and showing a genuine interest in me. In the writing of this
dissertation, I will always appreciate the assistance of Larry Caldwell, who has facilitated
the administration of my doctoral studies and worked with me on my first tutorial. In the
midst of her unending busy schedule, I will always wonder how and why “Ate” Melba
Maggay chose to mentor me through my third tutorial. Her assistance provided me with a
closer look and opportunity to learn from her knowledge of theologizing in the context of
the Filipino culture. The wisdom that emanates from our discussion times was an added
bonus in my learning process. Graciously, Timoteo Gener accepted my request for
assistance when Genaro Diesto passed away. Timoteo has kept my theoretical and
philosophical “musings” very honest, which is a testimony to his scholarly approach. I
have learned, in turn, to account for my interest in philosophizing while being intently
missiological. I only wish I could have had more “actual” time to spend with Tim during
this journey. Finally, Richard Schlitt, my reader, has always been a trusted advocate.
I would also like to extend a word of appreciation to OMF International. The
organization has provided me with an environment in which to grow and mature in my
work as a servant of God’s Kingdom. At the same time, it was especially the field
iv
leadership in OMF-Philippines that has been more than encouraging to me as I pursued my
doctoral studies. That I could study and continue to engage in front line missions at the
grassroots level have made this journey fuller and more credible. To all those who have
been journeying with me this past ten years as ministry members of OMF-Malikha Urban
Poor Team (MUPT), each of you is every bit a part of the stories in this journey.
Last but not least, I give my love and appreciation to my wife, Kathy, for her
patience, understanding and willingness to journey with me. I realize deeply that there
have been more sacrifices on her part than I could list. I can only hope this has been a
worthwhile project for her as well. I also want to say “thank you” to my children, Ryan,
Jenna and Kenzie, who have given me “my leisure” in life throughout this journey.
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... i
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................. iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ...............................................................................................vi
TABLE OF FIGURES ................................................................................................... x
INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1
Background to the Study ....................................................................................... 1Purpose of the Study .............................................................................................. 5Problem Statement ................................................................................................ 6Goals of the Study ................................................................................................. 6Significance of the Study ...................................................................................... 7Delimitations ........................................................................................................ 9Definitions ............................................................................................................ 9Assumptions .........................................................................................................15
CHAPTER 1 PRIMAL INSTINCTS IN ASIAN CULTURES: A PRECURSOR TOPOSTMODERN CONDITIONS ...................................................................................17
The Constancy of Asian Cultures and Religions .................................................. 18Deconstructing A Theory of Resurgence ..................................................... 18A Reconstruction for Interpreting Resurgence ............................................ 20A Response to Western Metanarrative ........................................................ 23
Primal Instincts in Local Asian Cultures .............................................................. 28Identifying Postmodern Conditions ............................................................. 30Examples of Primal Instincts in Asian Cultures .......................................... 35
Concept of Dependence in a Japanese Context .................................. 36Economics of Utang na Loob Among Filipinos ................................. 42
A Summary: The Japanese, The Filipino and Postmodern Conditions ...... 45
vi
CHAPTER 2 NARRATIVES OF VICTIMIZATION .............................................. 53
Stories of Theological Victimization: Matrices for Negative Hermeneutics ........ 55A Historical Subjugation of Muslimhood in the Philippines ....................... 57Stories of Global-Local Dialogues: Rejecting Subjugation of
Muslimhood ........................................................................................ 60Aburahim’s Story ................................................................................ 61Jasem’s Story ...................................................................................... 63Rasma’s Story .....................................................................................67A Summary ......................................................................................... 70
A Vehicle for Victimization, Subjugation and Hegemony: The Problem with Globalization ........................................................................................71Understanding Anthropology and Globalization ......................................... 72Socio-Economic Dynamics in Asia ............................................................. 75Two Case Studies: Globalization as a Way of Life in Asian Contexts ....... 80
Japanese Sushi .................................................................................... 80“Denominations of People” in Prehispanic Philippines ..................... 81Summary .............................................................................................83
CHAPTER 3 TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF VICTIMIZATION .................. 84
A Prospect for Local Theologizing in Asian Contexts ......................................... 85Theoretical Construction of a Hermeneutic of Victimization ............................... 89
The Matrix of Presuppositions ..................................................................... 90Language and Meanings in the Matrix of Presuppositions .......................... 100Summary ....................................................................................................1..10
Examples of a Hermeneutic of Victimization ...................................................... 113Hermeneutics and Gender Victimization .....................................................113Hermeneutics and Political Victimization ................................................... 116Hermeneutics and Socio-Historial Victimization ........................................ 117
A Summary: Delineating a Hermeneutic of Victimization .................................. 121
CHAPTER 4 NARRATIVES OF COLONIAL MENTALITY ................................125
Khalid’s Story: A Case Study on Rejecting Colonial Mentality by Believers Engaged in an Insider Movement .................................................127Towards a Collective Affirmation of an Insider Movement ........................ 130Implications from the Case Study ................................................................133
An Anatomy of Colonial Mentality ......................................................................135Decolonizing Filipino Colonial Mentality ............................................................ 151
On Changing the Filipino Consciousness ................................................... 154
vii
The Emergence of an Underside in Filipino Consciousness: WorkingAgainst Colonial Mentality .................................................................161
A Summary .........................................................................................................1..67
CHAPTER 5 NARRATIVES OF AFFIRMATION .................................................171
Local Theologizing in a Global Context: Case Studies on Diversity andDecentredness .............................................................................................1.72Musa’s Story ..............................................................................................1..73Aisa’s Story ................................................................................................1. 75Jurahman’s Story ........................................................................................1. 76
Conceptualizing a Role for Diversity, Alterity and Decentredness inthe Local-Global Dialogue ..........................................................................1. 78Alterity and Diversity in Theologizing ........................................................ 178Alterity and Decentredness in Theologizing ................................................ 180A Case Study for the Role of Alterity: Pasyon Pilapil ................................ 183A Summary .................................................................................................1.86
CHAPTER 6 TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF AFFIRMATION ..................... 189
Theological Factors Affecting A Hermeneutic of Affirmation ............................. 190Language and God-Talk ..............................................................................1.90The Message of the Euangelion: A Transforming Message ........................ 194The Global Connection: The Covenantal Condition for Being Called
God’s People ......................................................................................1.99A Case Study: A Hermeneutical Design by Believers Engaged in
Insider Movement .......................................................................................2.04On Dealing with Colonizing Partners ..........................................................205Owning God-Talk .......................................................................................2.06Rooted in God’s Covenantal Relationship .................................................. 209Intentionally Low-Identity ...........................................................................211Cultural Mandate and Economics ................................................................213
A Summary .........................................................................................................2..14
CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................... 216
Conclusion ..........................................................................................................2..16Recommendations ...............................................................................................2. 23
APPENDIX A ..............................................................................................................2.28
APPENDIX B ..............................................................................................................2.34
viii
APPENDIX C ..............................................................................................................2.38
REFERENCES CITED ................................................................................................2.44
VITA ...........................................................................................................................2..58
ix
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 A SAMPLE DIAGRAM OF FILIPINO VALUE SYSTEM BASED ON A FILIPINO WOLRDVIEW CALLED ASAL ........................... 143
x
INTRODUCTION
Background to the Study
In 1981, I went to urban Japan for a summer as part of my field ministry
requirement. Armed with my Japanese ethnographic studies, I took to the task of
examining the Japanese culture. My hope was to construct a theology that would be
distinctly Japanese and which might help solve the problem of “Christianity is a foreign
religion” identity-crisis that has plagued the mission enterprise in Japan. As a church
planter in urban Japan from 1985-1992, the same task continued to face me. Perhaps the
most difficult part of spiritual transformation for the Japanese is convincing them that
Christianity is not a foreign religion. More often than not, converted Japanese are viewed
as an outcasts of society. They are seen as betrayers of the very distinct Japanese religious
construction where Shintoism and Buddhism are integrated in a seamless union from birth
to death.
To this end, try as the missionary enterprise in Japan has, decades later, the
situation remains unchanged. Christianity is still a foreign religion to the Japanese. The
problem seems to stem from a failure to engage the Japanese in constructing their own
local theological formulation. It is certainly not because attempts have not been made by
1
2
others. There have no doubt been very competent Japanese scholars and theologians
before, during and after my time in Japan who continue to engage in local theologizing.
The problem is centered in the “foreignness” of Japanese theologizing.
Theologizing remains a task for the learned. Those at the grassroots are expected to
accept the resulting theological product as part of their role of being good and submissive
disciples of Jesus Christ. What seems to be lacking is a hermeneutical approach which can
be owned and utilized by the grassroots for themselves. In a very hierarchical social
structure like in Japan, the task of theologizing will inevitably face a hierarchical division
between the “elite” and the grassroots.
When I began working with Muslim urban poor communities in Davao City,
Philippines, the first task I undertook was the examination of the historical development of
Christian missions among Muslims in this southern part of the country. From the arrival
of the Roman Catholic priests to current trends applied by Protestant evangelicals, I was
struck by the similarity with my experience in Japan. Christianity is a foreign religion. It
is acceptable for non-Muslim Filipinos but not for Muslim Filipinos. It is therefore no
small celebration when a Muslim shifts his/her spiritual allegiance to the person of Jesus
Christ. And, just like in Japan, such a “convert” faces the problem of being labeled an
outcast by his/her own community. In short, he/she becomes a foreigner in his/her own
community.
The task, it would seem, is to face head on the difficult question of sustainability.
That is, how can such a person continue to live in his/her community while remaining firm
in his/her new faith allegiance and yet avoid being an outcast? After all, an outcast can
3
leave no witness of God’s kingdom in place. How, then, is sustainability achieved? At a
2003 conference for Christian workers among Muslims, a good number of invited Muslim-
background believers (or MBBs, a term coined by missionaries) were also in attendance.
Unfortunately, many of these MBBs are now living outside of their communities.. In
short, they have left their communities because they could not sustain their faith allegiance
to Christ from within them. These MBBs also call themselves “Christians” as part of their
conversion from Islam to Christianity.
The task for them is to find new hermeneutical approaches which will enable them
to remain within their communities. This means for them a process of re-interpreting their
faith allegiance to Christ in a manner that will not be foreign to their respective
communities. To do this demands of them to engage in forming theological constructions
in which their faith can be sustained. This process of construction, with a priority on being
genuinely indigenous, however, requires a hermeneutical approach. This will provide
believers with a framework by which to interpret their “emerging” experiences of a faith
that places its allegiance in the message of the good news of the kingdom of God, and
lived out within their Islamic context. The starting point for this theologizing exercise,
must take the form of a “re-discovery” project to re-interpret their faith. It is at this point,
after all, where the presuppositions of theologizing are articulated, and from where the
greatest influences on the end product ultimately originate.
Seeds of Asian theological constructions have no doubt been germinating for many
years. Their growth happened, however, against the backdrop of a colonial incursion of
western theologies. During this time period, emerging theologies from the Asian
4
grassroots were always concerned to distinguish themselves from the more dominant
western theologies. This struggle for self-affirmation has been a core value to this
development. While a great body of written work has been produced in testimony to this
development, there is evidence that this development has been victimized. “Victimized”
theologies, as these may be categorized, constantly struggle against being dominated.
Inasmuch as the end products of these emerging Asian theologies claim not to
have been dominated, there has always been an inner struggle to sustain this position at the
local levels. It would seem that the end product has the look of the local context but the
inner-core has failed to manifest the type of valence attractive to the grassroots. Simply
put, there has been no deep level or worldview transformation. This failure indicates that
for local theologizing to truly avoid becoming dominated, the hermeneutical process
employed in the theologizing must be non-dominated as well. Otherwise, it is not the
theological end product only that is victimized by foreign domination but also the
hermeneutical approach to that theologizing.
In today’s postmodern context, the presence of globalization requires a paradigm
shift for doing theologies. A theology borne out of a sense of victimization is not
sustainable. A “victimized” theology will always be in a struggle to survive. Local
theologizing, however, cannot avoid the interaction and influence of other dominating
theologies in a global context. In fact, as part of its self-validation it must confront the
dominating dynamics of the global context. There seems to be no way out of this
interconnectedness and the necessity to confront it.
5
It is the contention of the writer that sustaining local theologizing requires
affirmation on its own, both in the local and global contexts. This means that for the
purpose of redeeming such a victimized past, there is a need for local theologizing to
recognize and articulate the victimization process it has been subjected to. This is
necessary in order to identify the consequences and pitfalls of its victimized past with a
view towards self-affirmation.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of globalization on local
theologizing within closed access communities. One implication from these effects
requires a process of re-discovering primal instincts in Asian cultures, especially among
Muslims in the Philippines. This re-discovering is made necessary by the focus on the
local in the context of globalization. This assumes that the resulting effect of the presence
of globalization in all Asian ethno-cultural contexts requires a process of self-validation
from within. Simply, the integrity factor of Asian theologizing in a global environment
demands that the end product comes from within rather than from without. Asian
grassroots theologies therein need to both assert and affirm for themselves that they can be
sustainable in a global context.
This is much more significant in closed access communities. Any emerging local
theologizing seems to require that it be deeply rooted within the local context. This is
necessary so as to avoid being classified as foreign and so that it will be accepted as a local
construction. The notion of sustainability indicates that a non-dominated theology is one
6
which can articulate a faith allegiance to Christ without leaving its local “rootedness.” In
so doing, this will demonstrate an affirmation of the integrity of a theologizing process
that is not dominated.
Problem Statement
The problem to be addressed in this study are issues of theological victimization in
closed access Muslim communities in the Philippines, while recognizing its implications to
Asian theologizing. The end result seeks local theologizing to affirm itself within its very
ethno-cultural context, where global engagement requires it to participate in postmodern
conditions.
In the process, this study will deal with the following issues:
1. rediscovering primal instincts in Asian cultures as precursors to postmodernconditions;
2. factors affecting a hermeneutic of victimization in a global context;3. decolonizing colonial mentality, especially in closed access communities;4. factors affecting a hermeneutic of affirmation.
Goals of the Study
Ultimately, this study posits that the primal instincts in Asian cultures are
precursors to postmodern conditions. This indicates that Asian cultures, particularly that
of closed-access Muslim communities, have been engaging in the dynamism of
globalization even before the term was constructed in the west. As a result, a hermeneutic
that recognizes this is a necessary condition for constructing local theologies. In turn,
7
these local theologies will exhibit characteristics which will reveal the global and local
interconnectedness in the theologizing process.
One of these characteristics points toward a theological construction process that
is cognizant of one of the theological strengths found in Asian contexts. This strength is
found in the diverse forms of grassroots story telling. In the course of this study, a
hermeneutical process that will help sustain an on-going theologizing process will be
provided. In addition, it is hoped that these forms will guard against the victimization of
theological constructions wherein a lone hegemonic model dominates.
Significance of the Study
The discipline of biblical interpretation has long been dominated by western-
oriented methodologies. The influence and impact of this domination is quite visible in the
theologizing processes practiced in cross-cultural ministries, i.e., overseas missions. Yet
even as the product is sought to be indigenous, the process by which it is outlined follow
the parameters and presuppositions of western-oriented concepts for doing theology. This
issue becomes more complicated when the present historical postmodern context of
hermeneutics demands diversities of voices. This demand does not necessarily seek unity
among these voices, but an unassuming recognition that each voice is a valid alternative to
each other. Although seeming to be fragmented, this is more a case of being in a
decentred environment where power is not garnered but rather shared.
In this light, the study brings an intentional inclusivity that seeks to construct a
space for voices engaged in grassroots-based hermeneutics. This study poses some hard
8
questions to all levels of the church-parachurch-academic systems concerning the
approach to discipleship via theological formulations. Needless to say, the individuals
comprising these systems are similarly challenged to both reflect and articulate
accordingly.
The study also intends to push the parameters for reconstructing conventional
exegetical approaches. This study asserts that these have long been modeled after the
philosophies arising from the age of modernity. While engaging in the process of
deconstructing these approaches, this does not mean, however, that no alternative will be
sought. Instead, a reconstructive process is also deemed necessary in order to provide a
hermeneutical framework for developing tools for use in formulating local theological
constructions.
This study aims, in effect, to clarify points of reference which recognize that the
presence of postmodern conditions is nothing new in local ethno-cultural contexts. These
points of reference will undoubtedly take into consideration the effects of globalization in
missiological issues. The expected impact is to provide a hermeneutical approach that
affirms for itself local theological constructions in Asian contexts.
On a personal level, this study is an integral part of a spiritual journey that yearns
for validation. It is a journey on which I have learned to question with respect (yet also
with a willingness to abandon) traditions and institutions within the conventions of the
Christian evangelical community. This has also been a journey in crisis. That is, there is
recognition and an exploration that the individuals and institutions which this study
critiques will also, and expectedly so, critique back. This will certainly bring tension
9
between myself and those who continue to work within traditional approaches. It is a
journey, nonetheless, that I have intently enjoyed. Hopefully, this journey will always be
engaged in the process of delineating what I hope to be an effective presence of the
Kingdom of God particularly among the Muslim communities in the Philippines.
Delimitations
The scope of this study focuses on the process of theological constructions among
Asian ethno-cultural contexts. While generalities will be stated, Muslim communities in
the southern part of the Philippines will be given particular attention. Validation of the
reliability of the findings will be based on two fields of research. One will be based on an
examination of specific Muslim communities in the southern island of Mindanao,
Philippines. The other will seek implications based on the conclusions reached in a
consultation that will represent the collective voices of these communities.
Definitions
Hermeneutics
The complexity of defining hermeneutics is signified by a statement from Richard
Palmer in his article “The Liminality of Hermes and the Meaning of Hermeneutics”: “To
exist hermeneutically as a human being is to exist intertextually. It is to participate in the
endless chain of interpretation that makes up the history of apprehending being” (1980:4-
11). The constitution of hermeneutics includes human beings who are interpreting their
10
“being” and engagement with the world around them. This engagement is based on the
interpretation of their contexts, their past and history, their interpretation of individuals
who had attempted to interpret for them their inter-connectivity to generations before
them, and so forth. It is against this backdrop that this term is defined in this study.
Conventionally defined as the theory (or science) of interpretation, this study views
hermeneutics as primary in the theologizing process especially in light of the postmodern
conditions operative in today’s world. This means that the process of interpreting texts or
stories is a priori to the epistemological importance of a given text or story. This
indicates as well that the process is more significant than the end product of the
theologizing process.
While the term “biblical hermeneutics” refers to specific hermeneutical approaches
to understanding biblical texts, this study views hermeneutics with a more inclusive scope
and character. That is, hermeneutical approaches found in different ethno-cultural
contexts are considered equally valid for utilization in interpreting biblical texts or stories
and cultural discourses and stories. As part of the hermeneutical process, the term
“exegesis” will be referred to as a specific methodology for interpreting or drawing out the
meaning of the text or story in the hermeneutical process. Furthermore, where the
singular term “hermeneutic” is used in this study, it is a referral to a very specific type of
an interpretational approach with its own presuppositions in a given context. For the most
part, however, the general term “hermeneutics” will be used to signify the general
reference to its broader meaning and understanding.
11
Translatability
In this study, the term “translatability” will be used instead of “translation.”
Though it is synonymous in meaning, the term “translatability” will take into account
historically-oriented dynamics involved in the process. The term “translation” normally
conveys the process of communicating a peculiar, if not foreign, form into a symbol
(verbal or written) that is easily deciphered by the local context to which it is being
applied. The translation of a symbol happens in two ways: one, from a foreign symbol to
a local symbol; two, from a local archaic symbol to a local contemporary symbol. There
is, however, a mutually exclusive correlation between translation and interpretation. That
is, all forms of translation are also forms of interpretation, but not all forms of
interpretation end up as translations unless the translation is presented in a new form or
symbol. In addition, translation seeks to communicate an approximate value of a
precedent form. There will be no distinction made in the study between conventional
translation and the practice of paraphrasing.
Grassroots
The word “grassroots” signifies a term designated to reflect the cultural and social
status (ascribed and/or prescribed) of people who are normally viewed to be crucial for
support to gain power but dispensable concerning matters related to the assertion and
sharing of power. The essential and key associating term in the usage of “grassroots” is its
relationship to power as defined above.
12
Epistemology
On the one hand, like “general” hermeneutics and exegesis, “epistemology” is the
theory or science of knowing. On the other hand, “biblical epistemology” underscores the
elements involved in the process of knowing God. As a process, the latter term requires a
frame of reference that leads to knowing God. This is, however, predicated by how the
biblical data is interpreted and subsequently translated within a particular context. As a
result, these activities in the epistemological process suggest that it is important to identify
areas of assumptions that may affect the shape of how God is known and what we may
know about God.
Theologizing
A synonymous term for theologizing is “doing theology.” The present participle
form is used to denote the dynamic process involved in this practice. Whereas theology
refers to the study of God, “theologizing” underlines an on-going activity wherein the end
product is not as significant as the process.
Victimized Theologies
“Victimization” of theological construction is a reference to the way in which non-
western theologies have been dominated by theologies constructed from the west. It is a
dramatization of the reactionary characteristic of Asian theologies viz a viz western
theologizing. It is also a description of the way local theologizing in Asia has been heard
by the west. In short, a victimized theology is viewed as an insignificant voice by the very
13
ones who victimized it. At times, the victimizers even go as far as to patronize it simply
because of the effort put forth to produce it. In the end, however, any product output by
the victimized will always be held against the standards of the victimizer.
Ethno-cultural Groups
The term “ethno-cultural groups” recognizes that the singular, unitary “national
culture” consists of different particular “ethnic groups.” Each of these “ethnic groups” has
its own specific and unique cultural patterning and process. For instance, in the
Philippines, the “national culture” is designated by the term Filipino culture. Yet, the
Filipino culture is only a representation of the pluralistic nature of what constitute a
Filipino. A Filipino could be ethnically Ilocano or Ilonggo or Mangyan or Manobo or
Bicolano or Caviteno — the list goes on. For each of these ethnic groups, they each have
their own respective unique cultures that differentiates them from other ethno-cultural
groups.
Postmodern Instincts/Conditions
The term “postmodern instincts/conditions” is not to be confused with “post
modernity.” The latter will be used in this study as a reference to the matrix in which
postmodern conditions are dynamically engaged in interpreting realities, both globally and
locally. Included in this engagement is the phenomenon called “globalization.” Within
“globalization” are references as well to the concept of decentredness, emphasis on “the
others” and diversity, including pluralities within pluralities. It is important to note,
14
however, that this study will limit its engagement in postmodern studies to identifying
specific conditions of post modernity. There will be an intentional avoidance of the term
“post modernism” or “post modernity.” Engagement with these two terms would mean
extending the scope of this study to the area of contemporary philosophy. This study has
no such intent. In this regard, this study will work within the framework of
anthropological language as it understands how specific postmodern conditions are
demonstrated primarily in local cultures.
Metanarrative
In philosophical discussion, a metanarrative refers to what is called “the”
overarching story that is characterized as an absolute means of truth. In fact, everything
that is part of a metanarrative is recognized to represent the truth(s) that a metanarrative
espouses. An example of this is the systematic construction of Christianity. This is more
heightened when this system is influenced by a philosophy of modernity that is borne from
the Enlightenment Period. It needs to be noted, however, that a similar systematic
construction of Christianity using postmodern conditions will produce a different system
— one that is characterized by a plurality of multiple stories that refuses to be subjugated
by one absolute overarching story. A more philosophical description of metanarrative will
be provided in the course of this study.
Closed Access Communities
15
Closed access communities are places where traditional missionary activities are
not permitted. This includes open sharing of the good news, church planting activities,
theological teaching and everything else related to the propagation of the Christian faith.
The term “communities” is preferred for this study instead of countries or nations. This is
to recognize that there are places in Asia where a nation may allow conversion to the
Christian faith. However, within local communities from within the same nation, religious
allegiance is indifferent to the Christian faith and will not allow such openness. An
example is found in the Philippines and Thailand, where religious freedom is a
constitutional right. Yet, in places where Islam is the faith of the majority, the community
prohibits conversion to the Christian faith. Another example is Indonesia where religious
affiliations are required to be registered, and yet conversion from one religion to another is
prohibited.
Assumptions
At the heart of this study is the basic belief that the “trickle down” theory of
economics can be said to be true as well of biblical hermeneutics. This means that biblical
interpretation continues to be the task for the exegetes who have been ascribed and
prescribed the power to engage in such task. The claim to this position of dominance,
however, will always be viewed with suspicion by those who have been dominated by the
findings proposed by such exegetes. In this view of suspicion lies the crisis of
hermeneutics. It is not really about educating the grassroots on how to do proper
exegesis; rather, it is always about ownership of the process. It is, therefore, in this
16
category where theological victimization happens. Until local theologizing learns to apply
affirmation from within, it will always be victimized.
CHAPTER 1
PRIMAL INSTINCTS IN ASIAN CULTURES:A PRECURSOR TO POSTMODERN CONDITIONS
One of the more influential western constructs that has affected local theologizing
in non-western contexts is the industrial revolution. Not to be overlooked is the existing
philosophical milieu of its time period, namely modernity. It gave rise to an appetite that
contributed to western imperialism. As history will demonstrate, the complexity of this
revolution opened nations, voluntarily or forcibly, to deal with the other nations of this
world. The nations comprising the continent of Asia surely was not spared. Like their
counterparts in Africa and South America, they suffered oppression from the effects of
colonization by western nations.
Current media and information technology advancement have a less intrusive or
overt colonizing effect. Although the terms of engagement have been redrawn, the
descriptive character of such an advancement is comparatively similar to the overt
oppressive nature of its predecessor. With globalization, clear cut boundaries have
become fuzzy if not untraceable and the powers that be are now faceless and quite
evasive. The latter can be a neighbour or as far away as one can imagine, or it can be
young or old, male or female, rich or poor, ally or enemy. In addition, globalization has
17
18
couched this advancement in the matrix of post modernity, although it should not be
assumed that globalization and post modernity are interchangeable terms.
The Constancy of Asian Cultures and Religions
Against the backdrop presented above, this study will first examine a phenomenon
which the west calls a resurgence of Asian religions. In the process, particular focus will
be given as to how local Asian cultures interpret and respond to this theory of resurgence.
It will be argued that what seems to be a resurgence to the western perspective is actually
nothing more than a constant dynamism in the cultural lives of Asian peoples. The theory
of resurgence that some western scholars have argued for, however, brings to light the
need to articulate this constancy. In so doing, it will be shown that the primal instincts in
local Asian cultures are precursor to postmodern conditions. That is, the former have
long existed even before the west constructed the conditions for post modernity. This
study will hence study two significant cultural values to give evidence based on Japanese
and Filipino cultures.
Deconstructing A Theory of Resurgence
Much has been written about the resurgence of Asian religions and cultures. The
underlying emphasis is obviously the term “resurgence.” Miriam Adeney, in a paper
presented at a research forum attended by OMF International workers, emphasized that
the resurgence of Asian religions and cultures as one of the trends in Asia with great
implications for mission.
19
Resurgent loyalty to Asian religions and cultures continues to breathe lifeinto social movements. In part, these are responses to threats coming fromtwo directions. At one end of the spectrum, globalization erodes nationalsovereignty. Cultural imperialism oozes over local people. At the otherend, ethnic separatism threatens national integration, as in Indonesia andthe Philippines. Christians may be persecuted under the guise of nationalintegration, as in Vietnam, Myanmar and India (2004:1).
Warren Beattie, in a plenary paper on globalization given at the same research forum,
echoed Adeney’s observation.
The idea of religious resurgence is surfacing as the most helpful term todescribe what has been happening in Asian societies at the end of the 20th
century ... it is reflected in population statistics and religion, but moreimportantly, it is seen in people’s consciousness and in the consciousness oftheir governments (2004:3).
To affirm the positions of Adeney and Beattie, however, begs the question “from whose
perspective is the resurgence being observed?” There seems to be an assumption that
Asian peoples have fallen victims to a form of cultural imperialism. Then, having realized
this, it is further assumed that Asian peoples are just now beginning to awaken and regain
an appreciation and a loyalty to their respective religions and cultures. Thus, the emphasis
on resurgence.
The contention of this study is that Adeney’s and Beattie’s view is not the case at
the local level or context. Lamin Sanneh provides an appropriate discussion on this
seeming resurgence of Asian religions and cultures. Instead of emphasizing this
resurgence, Sanneh starts from the viewpoint of Christian expansion (2003:14). Since the
Christian expansion is an initiative coming from the west, any discussion on the subject at1
The term “west” in this study follows the description of S. P. Huntington (1993). Accordingly, the term 1
“west” will refer to all those who view and identify with the west as their highest level of culturalgrouping and broadest level of cultural identity. This includes common objective elements (i.e, language,
20
hand must be heard as a western agenda. In this case, it is a western Christian agenda
concerning global evangelization. This is a necessary qualifier to understand this
particular discussion. It is indicative of a still pervading irritation in the relationship
between western and Asian assumptions. There is no resurgence. In fact, the constancy
of religious and cultural vigour remains in place deep in the consciousness of Asian
peoples as a whole. 2
Adeney and Beattie, if viewed as ethnographers, have overlooked the fact that any
description of religion and culture is ethnographic at its core. Their descriptions are
interpretations of what they have observed. This type of interpretation cannot be deemed
as an interpretation that is shared by the subjects about whom and about where the
observations were made. To assert otherwise is to impose a metanarrative based on the
ethnographers’ interpretations of the story/ies observed. In so doing, we must recognize
that Adeney’s and Beattie’s interpretations are only fragments of the total picture.
A Reconstruction for Interpreting Resurgence
As a research process, ethnography has one crucial difference from other data
gathering tools. Ethnography requires the observer to participate and engage in the daily
history, religion, customs, institutions), the subjective self-identification of people, and geographicalreference such as Europe and (Anglo/Francophone) North America.
Marcus and Fischer (1986:44) trace the history of interpretive anthropology and argue that: 2
While sophisticated in representing meaning and symbol systems, interpretive approachescan only remain relevant to wider readerships and can only be a convincing response to theperception of compelling global homogenization of cultural diversity if they can come toterms with the penetrations of large-scale political and economic systems that have affected,and even shaped, the cultures of ethnographic subjects almost anywhere in the world(1986:44).
21
life of another culture. Thus, before any interpretation happens, the local culture must
transition from being a target for observation to becoming an active participant through
mutual dialogue (Marcus and Fischer 1986:29). This participation is the necessary
requirement towards understanding the effects of globalization in local Asian contexts. In
this case, the local culture’s experiential self-understandings and the interpreter of a text or
action “construct an understanding that is inter-subjectively and dialogically” (Kurasawa
2004:25).
This is not to say that an interpretation akin to Adeney’s and Beattie’s is
completely false. Within the framework of their perspective, their articulation of a reality
is appropriate. What seems like a resurgence in Asian religions and cultures at a global
level, however, is actually a constancy of Asian religions and cultures when interpreted in
the local context. If anything perhaps, Adeney and Beattie have fallen victims to a
powerful temptation of prioritizing their commonly shared metanarrative. Through this,
they utilize interpretive anthropology at the expense of neglecting the voices from local3
contexts so as to allow the local voices to speak for themselves. They have failed, in turn,
to critique their own observations from the eyes of the local contexts upon which they
According to Marcus and Fischer (1986:25,26), 3
“interpretive anthropology is a covering label for a diverse set of reflections upon boththe practice of ethnography and the concept of culture. It grew out of confluence in the1960s and 1970s of ideas from the then-dominant version of social theory ... it operateson two levels simultaneously: it provides accounts of other worlds, from the inside, andreflects about the epistemological groundings of such accounts.”
22
supposedly based their interpretation. In addition, their resulting observation underplayed
the significance of cultural critique in the process. 4
Melba Maggay, a prominent Filipino theologian, shared in a personal interview
(2006) her regret that this type of oversight, intentional or unintentional, is common. Her
premise is that the western reading on the resurgence of Asian cultures and religions
makes sense only to the western lens. For them, it is “re-discovering” primal Asian
cultural practices. A resurgence of Asian cultures and religions, however, is not an Asian
phenomenon. In the local contexts of Asian cultures and religions, these have always been
practiced. There is no need for resurgence because they have always been constantly
present and practiced at the grassroots.
The argument for constancy, then, is a recognition of how deeply entrenched local
religions and cultures are in the minds of people in a given community or society. Western
observers, like Adeney and Beattie, are interpreting therefore for their fellow-westerners.
Asians, who are trained in the approaches of the west, are most likely to accept their
interpretation and deem it as an appropriate frame of reference (Enriquez 1992:58). This,
however, is a mistake. It perpetuates a presupposition that leads to a biased hermeneutic
supporting the idea of resurgence. This kind of process contributes to the victimization of
individuals. It victimizes because it imposes as a metanarrative, with some measure of
Chapter 5 of Marcus and Fischer’s book (1986) provides a thorough historical account concerning the 4
development of cultural critique in anthropology. The main premise places the onus upon the westernethnographer’s “marginal or hidden agenda of critique of their own culture” (111). Essentially, culturalcritique in anthropology is more than just an ethnographic presentation of a culture; in addition, it seeks“the effect of disorienting the reader and altering perception” of the cultural millieu where theethnographer originates (111).
23
authority, that such an interpretation of resurgence is the reality of the local context, when
those in that context do not confirm this to be so.
A Response to Western Metanarrative
One redeeming value of this hermeneutic of resurgence, however, is the
affirmation of the rootedness of Asian cultures and religions among the diverse ethno-
cultural groupings in Asia. It underscores the strength of the underside of Asian cultures5
and religions. In this underside, the grassroots are able to construct a movement to negate
the imposition of a metanarrative on the surface. As a contrasting response to the form of
metanarrative as represented by Adeney and Beattie, this underside becomes the matrix of
negative hermeneutics. That is, the underside becomes the environment in which to
formulate, design and articulate ways to counter the imposition of a metanarrative from
the surface or above. The challenge, consequently, for people like Adeney and Beattie, is
to comprehend the intent of this underside in order to allow for local theologizing without
victimizing it.
David Bosch (1983) observed that the stunted bonsai-like appearance of
Christianity in Asia is a result of arriving too late on the Asian scene. He concludes that
“its only hope lies not in trying to create (for instance) just an Indian Christianity, but ... a
Hindu Christianity” (478). Subsequently, he went on to argue that “there is today a new
See E. Acoba (2006). The underside is a reference to the environment or matrix where “victimized”5
cultures formulate and articulate a negating response to the overcoming power of hegemonic forces. These forces normally enter the local culture in the clothes of colonialism or cultural imperialism. Theconcept of underside will be further discussed in this study in the second and third chapters.
24
urgency to grapple with the entire issue” (478) of a Christian theology of religions.
Bosch’s point underlines the task of a Christianity that comes from the west. This task is
not for the existing local culture where religion already exists since religion is rightfully
already being practiced and entrenched in the local culture. Any “awakening” has to
happen on the side of western Christianity. This requires opening its eyes to the reality of
the status and position of religion in Asian local contexts. The view of resurgence is a
reality only when viewed through the lens of western Christianity. Meanwhile, the local
contexts have always been exercising primordial religious practices as part of their
spirituality.
Aloysius Pieris (1982) provides a critical discussion on this subject matter. In the
Asian local contexts, there is no resurgence but a continuing practice of religion in the
context of cultural experience. The totality of life at the grassroots is wholly permeated by
this. There is no separation of religion (as a method) and being (as the one who practices
the method). It could very well be that the intention of Adeney and Beattie, on the one
hand, is representative of their western colleagues. That is, to search for a methodology
or technique to deal with religious pluralism in light of Christian evangelization. In such a
case, the method is being separated from religion. This compartmentalizing is
undoubtedly a western thought process. Pieris, on the other hand, wants to impress upon
westerners that “method” cannot be severed from the goal in Asian theologizing
(1982:174).
[Method] is not a mechanical action, but a skill, an art. In our traditions, the art of doing a thing is itself the thing done. The goal of life, in Buddhism, is the art of living it. The perfection to be achieved is the style
25
of achieving it. The obvious corollary is that the Asian method of doing theology is itself Asian theology. Theopraxis is already the formulation oftheology.
In short, Pieris points out that the missing ingredient in a theology of religions is the
mutuality of praxis and theory. This defines the Asian sense of doing theology. There is
no method involved since the method itself is part and parcel of doing theology. This
means that any “God-talk” in Asian contexts is made relative to a God-experience. Since
it is in daily cultural experiences where God is experienced, religious and cultural
resurgence is not an Asian phenomena but a western phenomenon.
One example of this is Raimundo Panikkar’s The Silence of God (1989). In his
writing, Pannikar invokes God’s salvation in the context of humankind’s suffering based
on a Buddhist perspective. His work argues that God’s salvation is presentable within a
Buddhist tradition. It can provide help for Buddhists to understand God’s salvation. Thus
God’s answer is Buddha’s answer. This theological construct is centered in the act of
invocation, which is necessary yet impossible. It is necessary because individuals can
neither solve nor control all the factors that mold the totality of life. In this invocation,
one is engaged in the “raising of the heart in a plea for true love, the raising of the mind in
a quest for salvific knowledge, and the raising of the life of the individual in a cry for real
help” (xxi). We have a need to take refuge in something or someone superior to
ourselves. At the same time, this act of invocation is also impossible because as
individuals seeking to emerge separately above our peers, “we tumble into the void” (xxi).
This void eventually finds all of humanity falling victim to the temptation of power and
26
cynicism. This consequently makes it impossible to invoke God without placing upon
God a sense of obligation.
These seeming dialectical ideologies, which vie for the hegemony of the world and
of consciences, are deemed by Panikkar to be the “last phase of a historical dialectic”
(xxvi). That is, humankind’s response will need to transcend this or otherwise will end by
destroying history itself. In Buddhism, according to Panikkar, this dialectical response
recognizes the futility of any pretension to have an absolute form or symbol. As a result,
for Christianity to become comprehensible in Hindu religious contexts, it must assume
Hindu forms and symbols. In this sense, Pannikar is rejecting any over-arching hegemonic
ideology that represents a metanarrative theology at the expense of “the other.” 6
Construction of local theologies like Pannikar’s work are not warmly accepted in
the conservative evangelical sphere. The latter frowns on anything that smells of
syncretism, while the former demonstrates a constant reality in local theologizing among
Asian contexts. That is, Asian local contexts respectively hold a high view of the
significance that religion plays in everyday cultural life. This, consequently, demands from
a Christianity that is hegemonized out of the west to recognize the validity of primordial
or primal instincts existing within Asian local religious contexts. In so doing, it is required
to leave behind its colonizing characteristics as an interpretational tool. Moreover, there is
a need to convey a “faith-in-Christ” that is affirming of the dignity and
Cf. Caputo’s reading of Derrida (1997:52-53). According to Caputo, Derrida’s “the other” is a6
reference to those outside one’s perceived inner circle. Yet, this “other” is a negative representation ofGod, which then describes God as the exemplar of the “other.” Thus, to reject the “other” is to reject anegative representation of God.
27
integrity of the local contexts. Thus, what is deemed as a current resurgence must be
seen instead as an outlook of western Christianity or as an hegemonic reading on the
constancy of reality in the Asian context.
Of course, central to any discussion on a resurgence of primordial cultures and
religions is the demand to address religious pluralism. Like Pannikar, Charles van Engen
addressed this subject matter in his work Mission on the Way (1996). With postmodern
philosophy presumed to be the backdrop, his discussion attempted to outline the influence
of post modernity on theology and missiology. Unlike Pannikar who premised his work
on the a priori of the local context and its relevance to the Christian faith, van Engen
frames his thesis within the relevance of universalism to the Christian faith. Van Engen
also recognizes that this universalism requires a dialogue with religious pluralism He
summarizes his thesis as follows:
Are universalism and mission mutually exclusive? If by universalism wemean the range of topics used to defend religious relativity and pluralism,the answer is yes. But if we mean a Pauline culture-universality coupledwith faith-particularity, the answer is that they in fact support andencourage each other (1996:168).
In further delineating his thesis, van Engen sees that the missiological paradigm for a
theology of religions assumes affirmation in the Lordship of Jesus Christ. This identity is
three-fold. It conveys being faith particularist, culturally pluralist and ecclesiologically
inclusivist.
For both Pannikar and van Engen, the subject of religious pluralism is not a current
trend. Rather, it has been posited by primordial or primal local religious contexts all
along. Both Pannikar and van Engen have placed the burden of proof on the manner by
28
which Christianity resolves its relevance to these local contexts. The primordial Asian
local religious contexts remain constantly true to their identities and approaches to
religious pluralism. There is nothing resurgent in this. It demands upon Christianity,
however, to weigh its dialogical attitude on how to engage in the possible advantages
offered by religious pluralism. Consequently, being awakened to what is constant in Asian
contexts is not enough. In constructing a theology of religions, there is a need for western
Christianity to admit that it is a Christianity that has been imported from the west. As an
imported religion, it is thus required to engage anew in primordial religions which are
practiced in diverse local contexts in Asia.
Primal Instincts in Asian Local Contexts
It is thus significant to recognize that hermeneutics from the perspective of
western Christianity is encumbered by its own cultural myopia. There undoubtedly
remains a gap in both perception and perspective between western and Asian hermeneutics
when interpreting Asian realities. Larry Caldwell (1999) provides a thorough articulation
of this hermeneutical rift through the discipline of ethnohermeneutics.7
Caldwell (1999:31) defines ethnohermenuetics as follows:7
This is the heart of ethnohermeneutics, for ethnohermeneutics is Bible interpretationdone in multi-cultural contexts, as far as possible using the dynamic hermeneuticalmethods already in place in the culture, with the primary goal being to interpret theBible in ways that will be best understood by the receptor culture. The basic premiseunderlying the entire discipline of ethnohermeneutics is this: God is at work in eachculture drawing individuals from within each culture to Himself.
Caldwell further points out that ethnohermeneutics underline “assumptions that we must reassess [sincethese are] our underlying interpretation methods. All of us who interpret the Bible have a tendency to takethese underlying methods for granted” (23). It is these assumptions that ethnohermeneutics require thatwhat is made applicable to western contexts would be similarly afforded to other multi-cultural and non-western contexts. Otherwise, Caldwell argues that
... to make such an assumption today may make our biblical message irrelevant to the
29
The crucial issue that ethnohermeneutics seek to address could very well be attributed to
an inability of the West to let go of hermeneutical hegemony. That is, it continues to
expect local Asian contexts to interpret their own realities using interpretational tools from
the west. In response to this, however, the matrix of the underside in local Asian contexts
has emerged. This matrix contains common themes shared among the diverse peoples of
Asia; themes which are inherent to the local cultures of Asia. Incredibly, the primal
cultural instincts in this matrix exist in similar conditions to those found in the western
postmodern construct. 8
From hereon, this study will posit that the conditions characteristic of a western
construct of post modernity have always been inherent within the primal instincts of Asian
cultural practices. This is significant for the purpose of deconstructing the western
insistence on using the western lens to interpret Asian realities. Moreover, by
comprehending the scope and extent of these primal instincts, the local Asian contexts will
be provided with an interpretational framework to counteract western hermeneutical
hegemony. In the end, it is hoped that this framework will provide for an environment
wherein the “local” agenda generates the construction of local theologizing.
very people we are trying to influence with the truths of scripture. There may indeed beother valid interpretation methods available to us that will help the Bible come alive tothose individuals who do not share our particular theological heritage, training orworldview. As a result, both western and non-western Christians facing the complexitiesof making the Bible relevant in the Asian context need to face this question head on(25).
In this study, the term “conditions” will be replaced by the term “instinct” when referring to local Asian8
cultures. Originally a term coined by Melba Maggay, the latter is a more appropriate choice as it conveyssomething that could be naturally inherent in a given situation while avoiding any notion of beingsubjected to or subjugated by a more superior expectation from an outside force.
30
Identifying Postmodern Conditions
Gianni Vattimo describes post modernity as an experience of the end of history
(1991:xviii). Vattimo’s “end of history” refers to the era of modernity that was borne out
of the Enlightenment Period. This includes the philosophical underpinnings of an era that
shaped both science and religion of the west. It was propagated to the rest of the world as
the dream of a utopian ending to the history of humankind. The success by which it was
propagated is evidenced by its spread beyond the borders of western Europe and North
America. For Vattimo, however, the conception of post modernity centers around a9
western construct. Yet, he rejects the unitary manner by which western philosophy views
history in a metaphysical sense, claiming as proof its permeation by “Eurocentric
prejudices” (148, 151). He argues for a casting aside of all forms of foundation, from
theology to dialectics to philosophy, as a response to these “Eurocentric prejudices.”
Vattimo demonstrates this through his theoretical reading on the relationship
between epistemology and hermeneutics (149). He views the significance of a dialogue
between these two as an indication that the interpretation of “the being of essence” is core
to any post modern discussion. Simply put, epistemology refers to contemporary
anthropological encounter, such as culture and social relationships. Hermeneutics,
however, points to theological constructions. It is borne out of an interpretational
methodology. Vattimo argues that the tendency to utilize epistemology as the link to
Enrique Dussel (1995) does not disregard modernity as necessarily an evil philosophical condition, but 9
rather the condition by which South America was constructed. Simply, South America in contemporarytimes is a product or a construction of modernity from continental Europe.
31
connect the past to the present is to succumb to the temptation of modernity’s insistence
on metaphysics or a metanarrative. The result is a failed dialogue because “alterity,” or
the “otherness,” is lost (156) and once again overcome by modernity. At best,
epistemology survives but is contaminated and thus marginalized (162).
In post modernity, Vattimo asserts, the “language of overcome” that is dominant
in a philosophy of modernity must itself be overcome (171). The result makes it
insignificant whether or not anyone can say exactly when or in what guise a philosophy
and a culture will finally appear. This type of distortion, based on an understanding of the
German term verwindung (173), is the primary character of a postmodern matrix for
Vattimo. One implication of verwindung allows for “interpretation and distortion, or dis-
location, characterize not only the relation of thought to the messages of the past but also
the relation of one ‘epoch’ to the others” (180).
Moreover, Vattimo defines “thought” in post modernity as “a recollection, a
recovery, a re-thinking” (173). Through “critical overcoming,” the idea of thought’s10
progress and emancipation is closely related to a linear conception of history. But when
“critical overcoming” is distorted into the notion of verwindung, history itself can no
longer appear in a linear light (180). This leads to an emphasis on “alterity” (or
“otherness” which is inclusive of the huge range of cultural perceptions, methods, and
techniques). This enables interpretations which western modernity or enlightenment had
otherwise excluded. Simply put, alterity allows for the voices of others to interpret, and
According to Vattimo, “critical overcoming” is a critique against the philosophy of modernity where its10
presupposition to overcome has no internal mechanism to critique itself (172).
32
thus opens the door to the language of ambiguity. The meta-center that governs the
philosophy of modernity is instead replaced with a ubiquitous but decentred focus.
On anthropology and hermeneutics, Katryn Tanner (1997:58) contends that
“cultural shift to post modernity retains the self-critical function of the modern notion but
now the internal diversity of cultures is as much the fulcrum of self-criticism as any
external cultural others.” Accordingly, Tanner posits that very few of the aspects of
modernity’s understanding of culture have been discarded in post modernity. This
includes the ethnocentrism that pervades each culture. She also argues at the same time,
however, that a postmodern understanding of culture shows that cultures also find a
critical base via their internal diversities. In this light, cultures are not as bounded as it
was once assumed. This internal diversity demonstrates that cultural boundaries are fluid
and permeable (152). Cultural identity therefore is not a label used to categorize society;
rather, cultural identity is developed through the a task and process of self-criticism (155).
Hence, ethnocentrism is not an identity but rather a trait that must be subjected to cultural
criticism. That is, cultural identity is something that is being figured out and interpreted
(153).
The development of cultural identity as a task delineates further how a postmodern
understanding of culture differs to that of modernity. The emphasis on development
indicates a shift from epistemology to hermeneutics. This shift underlines the significance
of the process of interpretation over that of the product. An example of this is
ethnocentric identity. For Tanner, this is the point of decentralization in a post modern
33
understanding of culture. It is, however, the point of reconstruction as well. This11
reconstruction process shows a substantial revision and modification of cultural
consolidation, shared beliefs and sentiments. These serve to differentiate the functions of
culture and the self-critical function that are necessary for change and transformation.
Cultural consolidation underlines that the power of culture “can never be concentrated
solely in any one party’s hands” as compared to the power of coercion or brute force
(Tanner 1997:57).
In light of these things, the shared beliefs and sentiments move the consensus-
building feature of social living from a common focus of “agreement” to a common focus
of “engagement.” This type of engagement, as a function of culture, in turn, places the
emphasis on a cultural identity away from being a product of isolation (or individuation).
Tanner views this cultural identity as a “hybrid, relational affair, something that lives
between as much as within cultures” (1997:58). What follows is the need for
deconstructing ethnocentrism (or individuation) in order to allow for a construction of
cultural diversity (or hybridity). In so doing, through cultural criticism, i.e., critical
overcoming , it will show that differences among cultures are matched by differences
within cultures. Hence, the construction of cultural diversity results in a condition of
plurality not only among cultures, but of a plurality within cultures. This condition is
Decentralization or decentredness in this case may be appropriately read from the lens of verwindung11
(or distortion). Decentralization thus follows a process of distortion in which identity is critiqued as partof the development of culture. This process of critique is the point of decentralization, rather than anevent or a product.
34
indicative of the decentredness that Vattimo posits. In this condition of decentredness,
ambiguity is unavoidable.
As an alternative to ethnocentrism, there is the recognition, according to Tanner,
that “a culture includes its own alternatives and these more clearly represent unavoidable
challenges to one another” (1997:58). This recognition is not merely an epistemological
reflection but rather an attitude of self-criticism as well. As such, it heralds the fact that
cultural diversity requires cultural respect. This respect is necessary because “differences
among cultures are ... in a way matched by differences within cultures” (58). These
exhibit the complicated realities of the lives that people experience in culture. This further
disputes the notion from modernity that culture is homogeneous and consistent.
In the face of these complications (or plurality within plurality), Lee Cormie
coined the term “epistemological humility” (1994:361). Simply, such humility is an
attitude which assumes that each voice in a pluralistic context is valid and must be heard.
It rejects a dominant voice that features ethnocentrism. Thus, in the midst of contestations
between cultures and even within culture, the apex of knowledge is not what one knows
but rather one’s ability to demonstrate humility (362). This intentional attitude helps to
downplay any desire to be dominant, which is a feature of ethnocentrism.
To sum up, Vattimo and Tanner provide a postmodern understanding of culture in
the form of conditions that constitute the make-up of a postmodern matrix. These
conditions are not necessarily behavioural patterns and processes. Rather, they are themes
in the cultural matrix which are utilized to help individuals participate in cultural practices.
In brief, the conditions of engagement (viz a viz agreement), otherness (or alterity),
35
decentredness (or decentralization), plurality (or diversity) and ambiguity (or un-
boundedness or possibilities of alternatives) are focal themes in a postmodern matrix. In
addition, in order to guard against an abuse of power that seeks to overcome the “others,”
an intentional attitude of epistemological humility must permeate the postmodern matrix.
Accordingly, these same conditions provide the framework for theologizing in a context of
post modernity.
Examples of Primal Instincts in Asian Cultures
It is no secret that the majority paradigm that is used in this world originates from
western cultural views (Wheatley 1999:6). These paradigms are borne out of modernity.
History is full of stories concerning western practices which, in keeping with a philosophy
of modernity, have attempted to dominate global living. This domination is often
synonymous with colonialism. In this position of dominance, the “others,” who are
normally associated with non-western cultues, are demanded to comply with human needs
as perceived by the west. This being the case, it is deemed that control is the underlying
virtue of this practice.
The advent of post modernity as a construction of the west, however, historically
places any set of assumptions based on modern philosophy in abeyance (Marcus and
Fischer 1986:8) and constantly in the position of being critiqued, if not ridiculed, by the
“other.” It is a mistake, though, to assume that the conditions of post modernity are
designed to create a theoretical paradigm which will guarantee the liberation of non-
western cultural views from western control. Rather than a paradigm, post modernity is a
35
matrix that includes various thematic conditions as demonstrated by Vattimo and Tanner.
This matrix, in turn, offers a space for interpreting cultural discourses and experiences of
realities rather than determining a specific and determined set of cultural knowledge.
The next section of this study will argue that Asian primal cultural instincts are
precursors for western postmodern conditions. This means, essentially, that Asian cultural
instincts hold approximately similar values or conditions that characterize the western
constructed postmodern matrix. Hence, this study will examine two cultural contexts in12
Asia where the existence of these postmodern-like primal cultural instincts will be
demonstrated: the social structures of Japanese and Filipino cultures. The primal cultural
instincts in these two Asian contexts will then be compared in due course to postmodern
conditions previously alluded to. In the process, it will show that these two seemingly
opposite and diverse Asian contexts follow cultural practices in which they share common
cultural instincts with post modernity.
Concept of Dependence in a Japanese Context
John Clammer (2001:39) provides data about the Japanese culture to demonstrate that “in some sense,12
it [the Japanese culture] always had been postmodern.” This premise is viewed from a comparative analysisbetween the Japanese culture and postmodern conditions as follows (39):
...the apparent existence in Japanese culture of all those elements which appear in the liststhat postmodernists makes when attempting to characterize their subject - elements such asthe absence of metanarratives, the appearance of eclecticism and pastiche in contemporarypopular culture and the decentred nature of the self and society.
36
Takeo Doi (1971) places the heart of Japanese being in what he terms amae no
kozo (structure or anatomy of dependence). Amae, or dependence (Hadamitzky13
1981:284), is a behavioural process. Kozo, meaning anatomy or structure (Hadamitzky
1981:169, 215), represents the rules which govern this behaviour pattern called amae. At
the core of this concept, it is assumed that the collective group is predominant in Japanese
identity. In some cases this is referred to as groupism or collective community. Doi posits
that the Japanese concept of dependence cannot view the individual separately from the
group, while recognizing the existence of the individual nonetheless. This requires that an
individual’s social being to be inter-connected with others. This, in turn, requires
networking with not just another individual but with individuals who belong in a particular
social grouping or community. In the end, this group defines their collective social
identity by behaving according to the structure of amae.
The behavioural patterns of amae that are practiced in a social grouping provide
one with his/her own social identity. These patterns are shared to varying degrees across
the many possible social groupings in the Japanese culture. It can be argued that these
patterns form the basis of the complexity found in Japanese culture. Age, gender, position
in civil society, education, religious/social/economic affiliations are factors in any given
social structure that affect how a behaviour of dependence is demonstrated. In summary,
there is a plurality of social structures that require specific yet ubiquitous behavioural
patterns respective to varying situations. For a Japanese to opt for any other lifestyle
Doi argues that Japanese behaviour is centered around the concept of dependence. His book maps out 13
the structure how this concept of dependence impacts the complex networks of social relationships in aJapanese context.
37
results in being pushed out from the “inner-circle” to the “outer-circle” where the
individual will be considered an outcast (Doi 1971:44).
To illustrate, for example, let us say that I am Japanese and own my own house,14
where I live with my family of five, and work as a factory worker. Outside work, I am
the coach of a baseball team on one of the recreational sports team in the city. This team
is composed of players from different companies and who hold different job skills. At
work, I show respect and deference to my superiors (sempai in Japanese). As the
subordinate (kohai in Japanese) at work, this would be expressed in the manner that I
address and speak to them, using appropriate physical posturing and formal and honourific
language. Ingrained deeply within me is the attitude that this respect is necessary to
ensure the success of the company. And a successful company means the security of my
employment and long term economic well being. This is part of the desireable result
brought about by dependent behaviour.
In addition, the name of my company defines my immediate community or social
identity. I would always introduce myself as a person who “belongs” to my company.
Community care and mutual protection are fostered in my workplace through the concept
of eternal employment. While the west might view this as a benefit, in the notion of amae
no kozo, this binds me into a mutually interdependent relationship with my company. This
is not viewed as a work benefit but as an extension of my responsibilities at work. This
stems from the continuing economic viability of the company which then creates for me an
While the theoretical work of Doi is the primary reference for the matter at hand, I am choosing to14
draw from my personal experience of personal engagement and observation within Japanese culture inseveral Japanese community contexts over a period of seven years from 1985-1992. See Yango (1992).
38
ongoing, mutually interdependent community. In this community, my social well being
and identity find structure both within and without the structure of the workplace. In
another aspect of work, I am connected as an individual to my religious being. The
workplace, while respectful of one’s preference for religious affiliation, regularly conducts
religious ceremonies for the benefit of a successful business venture. In this case,
employment is, thus, not only about economics. It also provides a whole new set of
networks for social and religious consolidation.
As a baseball coach, however, I cease being the kohai. The staff, who help me,
and the players, regardless of their age, view me as their sempai. I am addressed by them
in the same way as I address my sempai at work, and I speak and address everyone on the
team in a language befitting a sempai towards his kohai. As the sempai, I assume the role
of the teacher and caretaker of the well being of those under me. This follows the practice
of Confucianism and Taoism, two philosophical guides to cultural life brought by Japanese
Zen monks who trained in China. It is these exercises for developing well being that
would allow me to utilize training techniques that I learn from work for use in my
coaching role. While the west will view these as religious exercises, to the Japanese, they
are life skills exercises. They foster social interdependence and maintain a healthy
dialogue between what is practiced within the structure of public behaviour and private
behaviour. Whether my team wins or loses is not the end all of competing. Grounded
into the collective mentality of my baseball team is the emphasis on how we demonstrate
dependence upon one another. This is the utmost goal of our existence as a collection of
individuals.
39
In the structure or anatomy of dependence, everything becomes interconnected.
Although at times the boundaries become fuzzy, maintaining the structure of sempai-kohai
points me towards appropriate interdependent social behaviour. The sempai-kohai
structure itself, however, is not all there is to amae. Verbal communication in the
relationship between sempai-kohai is very crucial. This communication process involves
comprehension of the behavioural concepts of ura-omote (back-front) and honne-tatemae
(explicit-implicit).
When deviant behaviour arises, for instance, the Japanese culture provides a means
to deal with the shame (haji in Japanese) that arises. Shame is not merely a personal
matter. As I represent the faces and beings of those in my family and in every other
relationship I have, my shame is also their shame. Yet, it is not necessarily the fear of
bringing shame to my relations that restrains me from deviant behaviour. Rather, it is
being found out by my relations that I have demonstrated deviant behaviour. When the
consequence of shame is evident, amae no kozo provides me with behavioural patterns and
processes whereby the deviant behaviour can be overlooked and relationships smoothed
out.
For instance, explicit or up-front oral and visual behaviour are acceptable for
children’s behaviour and/or peer behaviour. Implicit oral and visual behaviour, however,
where meanings are hidden behind what is said and/or done, are expected in sempai-kohai
relationships and other non-related, non-equal status relationships. When deviant
behaviour takes place, rather than mete out punishment, which has the effect of bringing
shame to the offender, forgiveness is extended instead. This places the offender under
40
more obligation (or indebtedness) to the offended party. This would keep the relationship
of dependence intact and no further shame is manifested. These are some characteristic
behaviours observable within the structure of amae.
It may seem strange that the Japanese culture allows for two seemingly contrasting
behaviours. Firstly, it requires concrete behavioural responses. Secondly, it has a
provision for ambiguous behaviour to prevent an extreme experience of shame. Either
way, the Japanese culture requires an individual to keep engaging with his/her collective
group. It is in this engagement that Japanese are grounded to the present, instead of being
encumbered by the past and weighed down by the burden of the future. As the Taoist
tradition says, “Live now and there will be no problem” (Watts 1995:105). In Zen
interpretation, this means
Things just do what they do. The flower goes puff, and people go this wayand that way, and so on, and that is what is happening. It has no meaning,no destination, no value. It is just like that. When you see that, you see it’sa great relief. That is all it is. Then, when you are firmly established insuchness, and it is just this moment, you can begin again to play with theconnections, only you have seen through them. Now they don’t haunt you,because you know that there isn’t any continuous you running on frommoment to moment who originated sometime in the past and will diesometime in the future. All that has disappeared. So, you can haveenormous fun anticipating the future, remembering the past, and playing allkinds of continuities (106).
To sum up, amae no kozo in Japanese culture underscores particular cultural
themes. These can be categorized as inherent assumptions in the culture or as part of the
Japanese worldview. One theme is collectivity or groupism. This is central to the
Japanese. It allows for individuation yet the identity of the individual is grounded in a
collective conscience. There is undoubtedly an abundance of networking relationships in
41
the Japanese cultural context. While very practical and concrete, there is a high degree of
ambiguity in these relationships. These ambiguities blur the lines between the self-being15
of an individual and the collective being of an individual who associates his/her identity
with his/her group affiliation. Thus, it is not extraordinary for a Japanese to have a
plurality of roles and affiliations which are hierarchically ordered, even in the religious
sphere. A Japanese can be a Shinto and a Buddhist, while at the same time, practicing
specific allegiance to a sect of Buddhism called Soka Gakkai (Clammer 2001:13). The
implications are great. This is like saying, “I believe in the power of the fox-god but I
don’t believe in god. As such, I can religiously practice a set of behavioural and work
ethics based on the myth of Mt. Fuji with my fellow group mates.” To the Japanese,
these behavioural ambiguities are borne out of cultural practices that are required by a
structure of dependence (or amae).
Ambiguity in the Japanese context is a reference to the multi-valent characteristic of Japanese15
behaviour. This means that there are several or indeterminate number of possibilities by which abehaviour may be understood. In the process, a behaviour can even be said to be “multi-value” even if ithappens in a similar context but a different time. This ambiguity masks the individuation of a behaviourand instead uses the collective group as a point of reference, thereby depending on the collective socialmilieu for an understanding of reality. Simply, Japanese behaviour are multi-layered. This includessocial, religious, political and even ecological relationships. John Clammer (2001) demonstrates this as he distinguishes the issues raised by nihonjiron (meaning,the essence of being Japanese). In his argument, Clammer states that “the basis of many, if not most,local epistemologies [in Japan] is religion (11), Accordingly, Japanese cosmologies “represent the deepgrammar of a culture and so any talk of difference or ... [other] constructs must ultimately make referenceto them since this is the location of basic ontological notions of self and being and hence of the Other andnon-being as well” (12). Thus, social ambiguity has its roots in religious ambiguity. In its ambiguousform, rationality is not essential inasmuch as the view “of Japanese society as an interconnected networkextending over space and time [which] creates in principle and conceptually a deep communitarianismthat is the source of local ideas of homegeneity” (15). Simply put, as long as a cultural behaviour boundsthe individual to the collective milieu of Japanese society, a multi-valent behaviour is acceptable. This concept is similarly espoused by Melba Maggay (2005).She writes, “Partly on the basis of our viewof how the spirit world works, we sense that everything on earth can be so negotiated, including trafficrules and governance” (43). The ambiguous correlation between the spirit world and traffic rules may notnecessarily be clear to non-Filipinos. For Filipinos, however, it is matter-of-factly accepted that what isapplicable in the religious world is also applicable to social inter-relationships.
42
Economics of Utang na Loob Among Filipinos
Rooted in the concept of utang na loob (loosely translated as indebtedness of
being) is the socio-psychological make-up of the Filipino. Emphasis here is placed on
defining “Filipino.” Violeta Bautista (2005) writes,
This understanding of who the Filipino is makes our task of identifyingattributes seem more formidable. The word can actually refer to a personof any socio-cultural-political background. At this point, it would behelpful if we bring to mind the concept of the statistical mean. Given a setof ten pebbles, we can measure the weight of each pebble and use suchweights to describe each of them. But should the need to describe thewhole group of pebbles arise, we can simply add the weight of individualpebbles and divide the sum by the number of pebbles in the group to arriveat the mean weight. The unique character of the statistical mean is thatthough it may not accurately describe all the elements in a set and there aretimes when it does not well coincide with any of the descriptions of individual members of the set, it is a figure that best describes the wholegroup ... [Describing the Filipino] functions like the statistical mean. It.gives us “a feel for the general attributes of a group, but it does not allowus to stereotype individual members of the group. (Bautista 2005:1)
It is necessary to be reminded that this discussion on utang na loob is part of a much
bigger theme. For the purpose of this study, however, the ethnographical depth implied
therein will be limited to this value called utang na loob.
According to Maggay (2005), utang na loob is borne out of the Filipino cultural
theme of kapwa (meaning, relatedness). On the one hand, kapwa demands the following
in a relationship. Firstly, one treats another as his equal, irrespective of the person’s
background, and secondly, one views relationships as important and demands that he/she
attends to all rules of propriety as a clear sign of his/her good will (Bautista 2005:3). On
the other hand, as a cultural value, utang na loob describes both affirmative
(thoughtfulness and graciousness in the lifetime of friendship) and negative (banking
43
favours) behaviours. These are clearly observable in the behavioural patterns and
processes of Filipino culture. For a Filipino to behave otherwise is to deviate and cause
disharmony in the relationship, with isolation resulting as an extreme consequence.
To prevent such deviation, utang na loob is conditioned by hiya (widely translated
as shame). To the Filipino, hiya is observed when “people are moved more by concern for
others’ welfare than by fear of group censure” (Bautista 2005:3). In order then to avoid
social constraint that leads to relational injury, social propriety is observed so that the
dignity and honour of both people who are encountering each other are maintained
(Maggay 2005). For good measure, hiya underscores the sense of “other-directed”
character of the Filipino in the context of relationship. This is akin to the concept of
alterity or otherness.
There is an ambiguity, however, that needs to be observed therein. Because of
hiya, it is possible that a direct appeal to collect one’s utang na loob from a friend may
never happen. The propriety necessitated by hiya would point the “debt collector” to
make his request in the form of asking a favour once more. In this case, the web of utang
na loob is endless. It binds individuals into a network of relationships with indebtedness
to one another. This is conditioned, however, by the need to practice hiya when
collecting on ones’s previous investments in this web of debts and favors. It should be
noted that the value of the debt is not central in the relationship. Instead, it is the need to
be in a relationship with one another that is central.
Simply put, there is to some extent a need to manage the economics of utang na
loob among Filipinos in order to maintain harmonious relationships. This is because
44
having harmonious relationships is valued more highly than exerting one’s individualism in
a way that finds no relatedness to other individuals or groups. This socio-psychological
make up is also affected by another cultural theme. Sakop (translated as the scope or
sphere of responsibility in this case) defines the extent within which one exercises utang na
loob and hiya. Failure to identify one’s sakop is to be negligent of the various group
associations which define the individual in a multiplicity of contexts.
It could be said that the Filipino has an intuitive sense of this multiplicity every time
he/she affiliates himself/herself with a particular group.16
Summing up, the Filipino culture, like the Japanese culture, is very much group-
centered. The individual finds his/her identity of self (or being) in association with a
collection of individuals who are bound by utang na loob. This association need not be to
everyone in the group but to the group as a whole wherein each member inter-relates with
the others. In turn, a web of relationships is spun that binds each one to the others for a
life time.
It needs to be noted that utang na loob is not only structured within the socio-
psychological make up of the Filipino. It has also great implications to the Filipino
religious being as well. The same horizontal values that structure inter-relationships with
people are also those which govern how a Filipino behaves in his vertical relationships
with spiritual beings. It is possible for the Filipino’s religious sakop to include a17
See E Acoba (2005) whose article centers on a theory of multiplicity that demonstrates diversity within16
one’s self.
Jaime Bulatao’s theory of “split-level Christianity” (1992) provides a discourse on how this behavioural17
practice is commonly shared at the grassroots level. This will be further discussed in the next chapter.
45
hierarchy of beings from different faith affiliations. In such case, the social identity one
might gain from a religious affiliation can create in him/her a sense of utang na loob to
that association. At the same time, the economic gain from another religious affiliation
can cause a Filipino to feel indebted as well to this other association. This being so, the
sense of utang na loob is not predicated by any allegiance to a religious institution.
Rather, it is predicated by the practicality or advantage gained by allowing oneself to incur
indebtedness to one or more religious institutions.
A Summary: The Japanese, The Filipino and Postmodern Conditions
In light of the scope of this study, the ethnographic descriptions of the Japanese
and Filipino psycho-social make ups as presented here are admittedly not comprehensive.
Their respective significance in the Japanese and Filipino social milieus, however, indicates
their influence upon cultural patterning and processing. There are comparative
commonalities evident in the range of behaviours stemming from the Japanese amae no
kozo and the Filipino utang na loob. Each is unique to its own cultural context, yet each
has similarly ubiquitous functions across culture.
As psycho-socio-religio-cultural values, they highlight the group-oriented psyche
in both cultural contexts. They provide different possibilities for individualized
relationships while always viewed in a collective context. The fuzziness in these
relationships allows for individual interpretations of either a cultural event or cultural
behaviour. The individual always accounts to the allegiance he/she holds to a particular
46
group. In addition, one can belong to more than one group while concurrently
demonstrating a different capacity in each role and/or status.
The behaviours which are dictated by each value place an emphasis on the other
individual: “for as long as I don’t injure (or shame) the other person, I don’t bring injury
(shame) to myself.” This sense of alterity requires an individual to always view oneself in
the context of others. The sense of one’s individualism points to a multiplicity of identities
and corresponding roles, including those tied to religious affiliations. The latter opens the
door to religious pluralism, yet this does not mean that the Japanese or the Filipino is
unable to identify the religious affiliation from which a particular spiritual gain originates.
The Japanese cultural value of amae no kozo and the Filipino cultural value of
utang na loob bring out distinctly common behaviour. They both show that the
individual’s vertical relationship to a spiritual being is just as fuzzy as his/her horizantal
relationships with others. An individual can have multiple allegiances to a number of
spiritual beings based on the gain accrued in that relationship. It can be said as well that
each religious/spiritual allegiance is central only as long as one is in active relation to that
spiritual being through the behavioural structure of amae no kozo or utang na loob.
One result of this leads to many possible centres of faith allegiance. Amae no kozo
or utang na loob can both pressure an individual to join or affiliate oneself with numerous
religious deities based on the extent of one’s amae no kozo or utang na loob. A Japanese
can concurrently pray to the “fox-god” at nearby shrine and appeal to their ancestors
before the butsudan exercising a spiritual connection based on amae no kozo. The18
Ancestral altar.18
47
baseline for these spiritual connections is the behaviour that emotionally binds the living
with the deity. In like manner, a Filipino who is sick and desperate for healing is often
pressured to seek assistance from spiritual mediums who are not necessarily sanctioned by
the religious institution he/she is affiliated with. In such a case, the pressure is even
greater when the pressure is applied by an individual where utang na loob is in place. Yet
even as one seemingly shifts his allegiance from one relationship to another, the seeming
“decentredness” which results does not create any conflict within the individual. This can
be better understood by acknowledging that there is a sense of “relative” absolutism in
each allegiance, albeit multiple. Conflict, however, occurs when a particular faith19
allegiance attempts to overcome the others by exerting itself above the others.
From a non-Asian perspective, such seeming decentredness looks like a concoction
of fragmented influences that are rooted in a very relativistic environment. To the
contrary, however, decentredness in Asian cultures does not mean being fragmented.
Implicit in Asian cultures is the underlying assumption that a plurality of centres exists.
This assumption ensures that alterity allows for a “press-pull” dynamic which is20
eventually reined in to the cultural matrix.
Melba Maggay (2005) depicts this type of relational dynamics between Filipinos and anitos (or lesser 19
beings). To appease what may be perceived as emotional anger from anitos, these can be bribed byofferings that have a reciprocal aspect. “The anitos get the offering due to them, and the people wranglesome sort of protection, or at least non-disturbance from them. Partly on the basis of our view of how thespirit world works, we sense that everything on earth can be so negotiated, including traffic rules andgovernance” (43).
See Mary Goodman’s theory of cultural press and pull (1967); cf. Kraft 1979:69-72.20
48
In so doing, alterity becomes part of the cultural make-up instead of posing a
threat to cultural conventions. In a way, alterity becomes a mechanism for self-critiquing.
The acceptance of alterity into the matrix of cultural worldviews/themes enables one to
become an “insider” within the cultural matrix. Refusal to become an “insider” means
exclusion from the cultural matrix and consequently results in a loss of ethnic identity. At
the most extreme of times, there is not even the possibility of a peripheral existence for
individuals within the matrix. In these cases, there is complete rejection.
What is evident in the primal instincts among Asian cultures can be viewed as
being mirrored by the western construct of post modernity. Within post modernity, there
is also a self-critiquing mechanism that ensures prevention of having one’s cultural identity
from being overcome. As alluded to previously, Vattimo calls this verwindung, while
Tanner understands this in the framework of processing interpretation. The actors in this
process are not the usual “I vs. other” dualism, or “ethnocentrism vs. excluded other,”
which traditionally pervades a philosophy of modernity. Instead, the more significant
aspect of self-critique in culture is borne from within the diversity of culture itself. This
means that the “other” is not outside “I” anymore but can even be found within “I”.
In this light, the process of interpreting leads to a plurality of “others,” thus the
acceptance of alterity. Yet this process is not inclusive of different perceptions,21
James Smith (2000) notes that in postmodern conditions, there is “irreducibility and21
incommensurability of worldviews, paradigms or language games that shape both knowledge and moralclaims” (165). This means that worldviews, paradigms or language games can not be reduced and/or cannot be compared with others. That each “other” becomes an alterity to the others means the respectivenarratives from each “other” reject a universal legitimization of a single, unitary story (165) (or what isotherwise known as metanarrative). The narratives of each “other” deligitimize any claims to a universalmetanarrative, in which the latter can certainly flourish in an environment where homogeneity of thepeople is utilized to create consensus to accept the metanarrative in view (167).
49
methods or even techniques. If any, alterity produces many more “others” which are in
need of being continually self-critiqued and guided by existing cultural worldviews. This
is so because interpreting cultural identity, as in figuring out who we are, requires a
process of deconstruction and reconstruction. In turn this produces “hybridity” between
and within cultures. Hybridity, in this case, is a conceptual construct that demonstrates
plurality within plurality. And all forms of alterity resulting in any reconstruction point
toward a need for engagement while the cultural identity is being figured out.
One alternative descriptive of postmodern conditions is a dynamism that may
seem ambiguous but is always engaging. This engagement is necessary for the very reason
that plurality produces more plurality. To the outside, ambiguity in post modernity seems
to result in a mixed up or confusing environment with no clear direction. At times, too
many centres in a given environment (or set) create a very fragmented picture. The
difference in what seems to be fragmentation in post modernity, when compared to
modernity, is that, on the one hand, in the former nothing is force-fitted to become part of
a uniform picture. Modernity, on the other hand, makes no secret that its end goal is all
about overcoming the other because it holds the metanarrative to a utopian ending. As
evidenced by the cultural narratives on Japanese and Filipino cultures, ambiguity does not
necessarily end in confusion and a breakdown in the cultural system. Cultural structures
like amae no kozo and utang na loob provide a wide-range of ambiguous behaviour which
are interpreted without confusion by the insider.
Moreover, decentredness in post modernity allows the concurrent existence of
diverse and multiple centres while intentionally avoiding the scenario of one overcoming
50
the others. Modernity works to get rid of diversity, while post modernity entertains
alterity and its process of sustaining “the others.” This is perhaps a strange theme but very
much articulated in both Filipino and Japanese cultures as has been demonstrated. The
emphasis on the collective group actually means that there is an allowance for the different
voices of alterity present in each culture. That is, the individual does not necessarily lose
his own voice. Instead, the individuals in a collective social group are provided ways to
exert their respective voices. In such manner, an individual’s voice is thus under the the
protection of “the others.” This helps to avoid being overcome by an “outside”
controlling voice.
It can be quite common as well for an individual voice to be marginalized by
mainstream society, which represents the global community. But expressed from within22
the collective local voice of “the others” such as one’s social group, the individual voice is
offered an entry point to global engagement. As a result, “the others” are constructing
different local centres in the global community. They are also finding innovative ways to
engage with the big players who exercise control over and within the global community.
In such a case, it is not so much anymore that the global meets the local; rather, the local
is now requiring the global to meet in the sphere of the local. From this perspective, the
global community has entered the matrix of decentredness. In this decentredness, the
many local centres or contexts have even become a plurality of diverse centres with
multiple focus.
Society in this instance can be a substitute to the environment that is called global community. This22
study will take a more detailed outlook on globalization in relation to the local in the next chapter.
51
In the light of the above, it is sufficient to surmise that all experiences at the local
context are affected by dynamics at the global level and vice versa. In the next chapter of
this study, it will be shown that this relationship is almost always tenuous at the local level.
More often than not, global forces exert their hold on power by controlling factors
affecting the global-local relationship. Particularly when economic and political factors
are applied in this relationship, there is normally a great imbalance pressed against the
local in this relationship. The result almost always favours the global forces. It is when
the local is overcome by the hegemonic power of globalization is the point when violence
happens. The translatability of this violence in the forms of language, economic or23
educational systems (or contexts) leads to experiences of victimization. The system in
which victimization is exercised is associated with the term colonization. In that system, a
colonial mentality develops within the consciousness of the people. This forcible change
consequently affects changes in the cultural worldview and thus the experience of violence
and victimization.
With this as a backdrop, the next chapter will further examine how this
victimization is processed in this global-local relationship. As a result, a specific
interpretational framework will be developed to provide a descriptive understanding of
James Smith (2000) provides a concise description concerning the issue of translation and23
translatability (166-167). Using Jean-Francois Lyotard’s interpretation of Wittgenstein’s theory onlanguage and language games in Just Gaming, Smith succinctly makes a distinction between the two. Heposits that language, or the visible forms of culture or “frameworks” of commitments (214), istranslatable, while language games, akin to worldview or paradigm, are not translatable. He argues that“to change games is to change rules and hence to change criteria for evidence, and so on” (215). Accordingly, it could be surmised that violence is a visible form of a system called colonization. Theparticular context, as in local culture, where this colonization happens could very well affect theworldview (or language games) of a culture but the rules or criteria have to be changed. When rules areforcibly changed by hegemonic powers, the consequence is an experience of violence.
52
victimization and how it consequently affects local theologizing. This will be called a
hermeneutic of victimization. Integral in this hermeneutical construction is to address the
issue of power in the hermeneutical process. In so doing, by articulating how the intent of
hegemonic powers affects the hermeneutical process, dynamics inherent in a hermeneutic
of victimization will be delineated.
CHAPTER 2
NARRATIVES OF VICTIMIZATION
In a globalized world, the terms of engagement have admittedly changed. While24
old terms are still used, conventional meanings have been replaced by contemporary ones.
Making the shift more complicated is the fact that the engagement between the global
village and local contexts has reached a state of virtual time, thereby affecting the
dynamics of communication. This means virtual communication, which in turn allows
shifts in relationships which make the present a series of interconnected “nows.”
Not lost in this engagement is the nature of the local contexts. In the global25
village, the project of a one-unified (or unitary) world has been replaced by a project of
networking diverse interconnected local contexts. While affirmative relationships between
the local contexts are integral to the totality of the networking process, an affirmation of
Stanley Grenz and John Franke (2001) provide a very helpful historical account as they trace the 24
development of theology after modernity. They started with the enlightenment foundation and moderntheology to contemporary non-foundational theologies framed around postmodern conditions (29-54).
Evangelical philosophers like Alvin Platinga (1983:73-74) and Nicholas Wolterstorff (1983:7)25
acknowledge the inevitability of our being situated in a particular community and the indispensable roleour respective communities (or traditions) play in shaping our conceptions of rationality as well as ourreligious beliefs. At the same time, they readily admit that this poses difficulty for any claims to universaltruth. Their common question is: What happens when these various local communities disagree as to therelevant set of paradigm instances for their basic beliefs? It needs to be noted that such a questionpresumes that a meta-paradigm is the standard being sought by philosophers like Platinga andWolterstorff.
53
54
plurality in such a diverse environment is equally important. This attitude, however, is not
an outright acceptance based on equality but predicated by power dynamics. Herein lies
the critical thrust of living in a globalized world. There would seem to be a split-level
manifestation by any power that is bent on exerting control in any given local environment.
While the terms of engagement have changed, the issue of power remains constant.
Effectively, this issue has been a negating factor in the process of re-interpreting
conventional meanings. By negating, this indicates that what is accepted at the surface
level may actually be rejected at the deep level.
In the sphere of postmodern theological construction, the end product, which can
be seen at the surface level, is not necessarily the life giving force. Instead, the energy lies
in the process of interpretation. No doubt, an end product eventually emerges. The
dynamism of the process, however, does not manifest itself in the product itself. It is
revealed, rather, in its transformative effect at the deep level structure of culture, where
worldview is resident. This is so because worldview is the locus where the unseen
expectation of the local is realized. At the same time, however, it is also where power is
actually sourced from and exercised. Ideally, the negation of power is an admirable
objective. Yet, for as long as power is present, the hermeneutical task is always burdened
by the exercise of power and the implications therein.
It is the premise of this study that the battle for control based on power in the
interpretational process results in victimized theologies. Consequently, victimized
theologies are borne out of a hermeneutic of victimization. In the process of interplay
between control and interpretation, this chapter seeks to investigate theories contributing
55
to a hermeneutic of victimization. It is hoped that this will outline causes and effects of a
hermeneutic of victimization. In addition, a theory of negative theology will be examined
to provide a methodological demonstration of a hermeneutic of victimization. As a result,
using a form of evidence-based research, examples of victimized theologies borne out of26
a hermeneutic of victimization will be presented. The proposed theory as stated
beforehand can be traced from first-hand stories gathered from the experiences of Muslim
believers who are affirming of their Muslimhood in the southern Philippines.27
Stories of Theological Victimization: Matrices for Negative Hermeneutics
Muslimhood is a state of common identity that binds together thirteen Muslim
ethno-cultural groups in the Philippines. Inherent in this identity is a religious allegiance to
Islam. This section will present a historical perspective of factors involved in28
understanding the identity of Filipino Muslims or their context of Muslimhood. Particular
focus will be given to the strategy of education in the colonial experience of Filipino
Also known as evidence-based practice, evidence-based research promotes the collection,26
interpretation, and integration of valid, important and applicable data, practitioner-observed, andresearch-derived evidence. It borrows heavily from empirical philosohy. It is premised by fourcomponents affecting the research process: 1) personal observation, 2) case studies, 3) empirical studies,and 4) meta-analyses or systematic review. For the purpose of this study, the components have been re-labeled as follows: 1) participatory-observation, 2) construction of case studies based on local narratives,3) gathering of empirical data based on individual articulations in a consultation forum, 4) a “local”analysis of empirical data presented in a consultation forum where a distinctly common voice emerged. For reference, see B.M. Melnyk and Fineout-Overholt (2005).
The terms “Muslim believers” is a reference to Muslims who have believed in the message of the good27
news of Jesus Christ, acknowledges that their salvation is based on the life and work of Jesus Christ andare committed to a life of transformation that will demonstrate the fruit of their relationship with theperson of Jesus Christ. In addition, they remain culturally Muslims and continue to practice Islamicreligious rituals.
See Appendix A.28
56
Muslims as one of the key factors. Two terms, namely ethnonationalism and subjugation,
will be critical in this study. In addition, first-hand stories from local accounts of
theological victimization will be reviewed. These stories were gathered based on the
methodology of appreciative inquiry. Finally, this chapter will seek to extrapolate29
evidence that the plight of those involved in local theologizing among the Muslim urban
poor communities of Davao City is also an Asian, if not, a global phenomenon.
In the context of closed access Muslim communities in the southern Philippines,
this chapter will look at three stories of Muslim believers that will demonstrate
experiences of theological victimization. Their collective experiences will provide the
matrices for the subject matter at hand. Their stories will show a common consequence
resulting from a clash between individuals. On the one hand, there are those who give
allegiance to a faith in Jesus Christ within the parameters of their Muslim culture and
Islamic religion. And on the other are those who view the former’s faith practices as
syncretistic and thus contradictory to traditional Christianity. At its core, the clash is
hermeneutically-oriented. That is, these stories will exhibit a refusal to conform to the
theological conventions or expectations of a traditional Christianity that is viewed as
western-oriented. The consequence at hand seeks to give testimony to the local believers’
volition to affirm the integrity of their Muslimhood. They view the conventions of
western Christianity as an extension of a colonialist past that seeks to overcome them with
a metanarrative that wants to dominate and deny their Muslimhood.
For further explanation of this methodology, see Appendix B, Appreciative Inquiry. 29
57
A Historical Subjugation of Muslimhood in the Philippines
Muslimhood is a reference to the state of being of Muslims in the Philippines. The
point of concern is not so much on the validation of the historicity of the Muslim presence
nor the propagation of Islam in the Philippines. Instead, the focus is on the historical
factors affecting the development of the Muslim peoples as citizens of the nation called the
Philippines.
Utilizing Brackette Williams’ theory on ethnonationalism, Thomas McKenna
(2000) views the Muslim experience of ethnic differentiation in the Philippines as an aspect
of a total system of stratification. In such a system, “the most powerful members of any
particular nation-state determine who, among persons of different tribal pasts, is
trustworthy and loyal to the political unit” (142). In the Philippine republic, only Christian
Filipinos are deemed entirely trustworthy and considered non-ethnic. Consequently, non-
Christian Filipinos, like the Muslims, are deemed culturally suspect and labeled ethnic.
The term carries with it an inherent connotation of being socially and morally substandard.
Moreover, the designation judges “ethnic groups” to be dangerously disloyal because of
their long history of armed enmity toward Christian Filipinos.
To give further evidence for his theory, McKenna provides an historical
accounting of how everyday politics and armed separatism have fanned the flames of
“ethnonationalism” in the Southern Philippines. Investigating Islamic solidarity and social
disparity in an Muslim urban community like Cotabato City, he cites some stories and
practices from Philippine Muslim politics. The result is a grassroots historical description
of the economic and political transformations undergone by Muslims in Cotabato. He
58
observes that in these periods of transformation, the state of being for Filipino Muslims in
Cotabato demonstrates the effects of the political integration process upon their
development. From their original status of autonomous local independence to becoming
subordinates under Spanish and American colonial powers, and finally to becoming a
separatist movement for independence under an independent state — their inner being has
always longed for some type of nationalism. In this search, McKenna underscores the fact
that education has been the critical vehicle used to achieve the incorporation of Muslims
into the rest of the Philippines. In fact, education was utilized by both the Spanish and
American colonialists and was then perpetuated by the leaders of the independent republic.
Simply put, education has been and continues to be the fundamental ground wherein the
subjugation of the Muslim identity towards Filipino nationalism takes place. The
consequence of this is the exploitation of the Muslim identity (McKenna 2000:91).30
This is particularly evident in the plight of Muslims in Cotabato. Education has
been used as a strategy with extreme cohesion from one colonial ruler to the next and
culminating in the emerging republic. The result has been a power relations that has put
Muslimhood under the yoke of the national identity. In a 1904 letter, General Leonard
Wood, the first governor of the Moro Province, wrote:
Our policy is to develop individualism among these people, and little bylittle, to teach them to stand on their own two feet independent of pettychieftains. In order to do this the chief or headman has to be given some
D. Schirmer and S. Shalom (1987:45-59) premise their thesis on the US policy for a colonial education 30
of the Filipinos to dominate anti-imperialist opposition to Philippine colonization. In short, themiseducation of the Filipinos sought a result that would bring failure of Philippine education whereby “anaive, trusting relations with foreigners, devoid of the capacity to feel indignation even in the face ofinsults to the nation, ready to acquiesce and even to help aliens in the despoliation of natural wealth (47).”
59
position of more or less authority under the government, but he ceases tohave any divine rights. (Gowing 1983:115)
Soon after that he again wrote:
... by 1905, the Bates Agreement was unilaterally abrogated by the UnitedStates in 1905 with the Sultan of Sulu retaining only colonial recognition asthe “religious head” of Sulu Muslims. The policy of indirect rule wasentirely abandoned in 1914 when the administrative act that inauguratedcivilian colonial governance in Mindanao and Sulu also explicitly repealedthe previous official recognition of the customary law of Muslimpopulations. (McKenna 2000:91)
This strategy, McKenna claims, constitutes “the root causes for the marginalization of
Cotabato Muslims in their traditional homeland and for the Muslim separatist movement”
(2000:44). Eventually,
... by the founding of the Philippine republic in 1946, they were politicallywell established with ties to the apparatus of national rule in Manila andable to command local allegiance on the basis of traditional social relations. This new Western-educated Muslim elite had also begun to develop a self-conscious transcendent identity as Philippine Muslims. That consciousnessderived not from opposition to American rule but rather from studiedadherence to its objectives (McKenna 2000:112).
The strategy of education is exploited further in postcolonial period, especially
during the Marcos regime. It was a regime that left a host of muddled consequences
borne out of one man’s dictatorial intent. The ensuing militant stance of the Muslim31
presence in the Philippines exposed the dictator’s intention. It uncovered the failed plans
of a dictator for selfish gain. As a result, it became public knowledge that the education
For further historical discourse on the events linking the Marcos regime to the blow-up of Muslim-31
Christian relations arising from the events of the infamous Jabidah Massacre. See Vitug and Gloria(2000).
60
provided to Muslim scholars was for nothing more than the subjugation of the rest of the
Muslim populace through these educated individuals.32
At the very front line of the rebellion even up to the present, are the Muslim
masses, who are the real suffering people. Incredibly, the rebellion is not even a religious
war. Rather, the war stems from a refusal by those in political power to acknowledge the
identity and give due respect to Muslims for being Muslims. The victims of this war, who
long for peace in their land, are inevitably the neglected communities who are always at
the battle front of a war. There is no doubt that the land issue continues to be at the core
of any armed struggle. The rebellion, however, now includes their fight for the right to
assert an identity that rejects being subjugated in a place they call their own land.
Stories of Global-Local Dialogues: Rejecting Subjugation of Muslimhood
This section will present three narratives in a case study format. These narratives
are based on three individual experiences by Muslim believers. These will demonstrate
how each has responded to pressures from those outside their Muslim context.
Aburahim’s Story
The current divide between the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic32
Liberation Front (MILF) hinges on an accusation that the MILF has labeled against the MNLF. Theaccusation states that the MNLF, by virtue of Nur Misuari’s agreement with the Philippine governmentthat produced the treaty called ARMM (or Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao), has allowed itselfto be politically subjugated by the Philippine government. To the MILF leadership (as represented by thenow deceased Hashim Salamat and the current leadership shared by al-Haj Ebrahim Murad and al-HajGhazali Jaafar), this subjugation is tantamount to selling out to the political control of the Philippinegovernment and thus compromising the core objectives of Bangsamoro. Reference to this is based on“unpublished” personal interviews with high-ranking MILF commanders.
61
Aburahim’s story is about a Muslim believer who readily appreciated the assistance
he received from a missionary. The assistance allowed him to get his education and he
eventually trained as a translator. After his training, he worked as part of a translation
team and the missionary became his supervisor. As a maturing believer, however, he felt
that he had a better grasp of what type of translation his own ethno-cultural group needed
and how the team’s translation efforts could be more comprehensible to them. . He
wanted to incorporate into his translation process cultural methodologies that are used by
his ethnic group in addition to conventional translation methodologies. Moreover, he
wanted to explore community-based methodologies to help the translation process. His
story is an attempt to voice out an awakening desire
In one instance, there was a disagreement between him and another expatriate
superior on which word to use for the term “Son of God” from the vernacular. He
explained that the term by his “local” translation team had chosen would communicate the
metaphor of “son” more effectively than the missionaries’ suggested term. It would
especially address the incomprehensibility in Islamic religion of viewing God as having a
son. When confronted by his expatriate superior that the previous translation used the
traditional “word-for-word” correspondence-term, he remained firm with his translation
team’s decision. At which point, his superior asked him and his translation team to
reconsider the term with the expectation that they would change their translation. When
they returned a week later to submit their final work, his superior was surprised that the
term had not been changed. His superior asked him again why his translation team chose
62
continuously not to retain the term that had been conventionally used in western-based
translation.
Aburahim cited that the better translation is that which would utilize a cultural
designation for what is significant about being the son of God. He added that to his
people group, whatever term was chosen to represent “son of God” would have a more
significant impact if it were one that could symbolize the character of a father-son
relationship. A term such as this would also satisfy the cultural and religious expectation
of what this character ought to symbolize. So, the team rejected the plain vernacular
reading that conformed to the western translatability of the term “son.” Instead,
Aburahim’s team chose a term that represented a son who is “most loved by the parent
and put in a high position because he is the first born.”33
The more significant aspect of this choice is Aburahim’s hermeneutical process.
Not only did he translate the term to achieve a more culturally impacting reading and
culturally accurate comprehension of what a son constitute in his culture, he exerted what
he sensed would be best for his people group. In which case, he affirmed both the
integrity of his own translation skills and the cultural significance of his people group.
According to Aburahim, this choice was indicative of his refusal to subjugate his Muslim
identity. He did this, however, without necessarily denying the “rightness” of the34
It should be noted that the “correctness” of the cultural choice is not the point of emphasis here. 33
Neither is the exegetical method being questioned or analyzed for its “correctness.” Instead, the key pointis Aburahim’s attempt to find within his culture an indigenous hermeneutical methodology that wouldprovide an accurate cultural congruency in the process of interpreting the matter at hand.
The status of the “first born son” in Aburahim’s culture is what Aburahim seeks to assert and affirm in34
the manner he is interpreting the term in view. To lose this meaning in the process of interpreting theterm “son” is to be subjugated by a hermeneutical methodology that assumes the term “son” could not be
63
previous translation. Instead, his story is a story that negates by refusing to be overcome
by a relationship that seeks to dominate his Muslimhood. His story also negates because,
he and his team felt that their word choice added “salt and light” to their translation. In
the process, they constructed a translation methodology which could be characterized as35
affirming their Muslimhood without necessarily overcoming their western counterpart.
Jasem’s Story
The story of Jasem is about the right hand man of a community leader (or datu) in
a fundamentalist Muslim community. He had requested from his non-Muslim Christian
friends, a Tagalog translation of the Bible to read on his own. His reading brought him
face to face with the theme of the Lordship of Christ. As a result, he announced to a
group of Christian friends that his salvation is secured in the person of Jesus Christ.
As he continued reading the gospels, he never asked to be guided by any of his
Christian friends in a formal Bible study. Instead, he began to formulate his own
understanding of what his relationship with Jesus Christ should look like in a Muslim
context. In short, while happy to share the assurances of his faith in Jesus Christ with
others, he was focused on finding a way to live as a credible witness to his faith in Jesus
Christ within the context of his Muslim identity. In other words, he was not prepared to
translated in any other way.
The hermeneutical grid that Aburahim used in translating the term “son” might seem to take liberty in35
providing a very culturally-biased reading of the term. To the contrary, based in Aburahim’s culture, thetranslation provides the highest value one can accord to a “first born son.” In addition, this value is acrucial part in the worldview of Aburahim’s culture. In fact, there’s no greater status, ascribed orprescribed, in his culture. Short of being categorized ultimate, the significance of this value speaksvolume of how the people in Aburahim’s culture view the cultural realities which define the term “son.”
64
sell out his Muslim faith in exchange for the Christian religion, but he delighted in sharing
the spirituality of his new faith discovered in the gospels .
When asked if he would like to study the Bible by his Christian friends, his reply
was constant:
From what I’ve read in the Bible and how I have come to understand theteachings of Jesus in the Bible, my salvation is in Isa ... I am still a36
Muslim and I still believe in the teachings of the prophet Muhammad but Iwill begin to teach my people that the salvation of Isa al Masih is what37
they need because it says so in the Kitab Injil ... As a Muslim, I don’t38
think we can study and discuss freely the Bible together because it is theword of God and there are many mysterious things about it. But I can talkto you about what I read and the insights I gain and then hear yourthoughts.
As if to demonstrate concretely what his faith in Jesus Christ meant to him, he related the
following story:
Recently, I was asked by a religious member of my community, “Who isgreater? Muhammad or Isa al Masih?” I responded, “Jesus is the betterprophet. He offers salvation that gives us assurance. I also think the pillarsof Islam must be followed by Muslims as this is what makes us trueMuslims.”
Jasem had also given a copy of the same Bible translation that he had been reading to the
uncle of his wife, who was an imam in another Muslim community. He had also visited 39
his cousins in the city who are ustadjes and challenged them to teach the Injil to the 40
Arabic term for Jesus.36
Arabic term for Jesus Christ.37
Arabic term for the books of the Gospel.38
Arabic term for a local Islamic priest.39
Arabic term for Islamic teacher.40
65
students in their respective madrasa. He explained to them that since the Qur’an41 42
teaches about Isa al Masih and since the Injil is one of the holy books of Islam, they must
include them in their teaching as they are part of Islam. Jasem freely shared what he read
from the gospels and taught them his theological insights based on a very grassroots
hermeneutical reading of the gospels in his very own context.
In an explanation concerning the deity of Jesus Christ, Jasem demonstrated more
succinctly how he was formulating his interpretational approach to his gospel-reading as
follows:
The Bible teaches that Jesus and the Father are one. But Muslims have ahard time understanding the idea of Father, Son and Holy Spirit as oneGod. So, it is hard to understand that Jesus is the son of God. But as aman, Jesus is a better prophet than Muhammad and he offers us God’ssalvation.
To explain further, he added:
To Muslims, to say Jesus is Allah as it is another name for Allah gives43
recognition to the deity of Jesus without delving into the mysteries of God. We cannot ever understand the mysteries of God. So, when the Bible saysJesus and the Father are one, this is sufficient for me without necessarilyclaiming Jesus is a different person from the Father. Now, I still have ahard time understanding the Holy Spirit even though the Quran teachesthat the spirit of Allah is in all of his people.
There is no doubt that Jasem is processing his theological reflections in a manner that does
not follow the western tradition of linear reasoning. There is a seeming cyclical process of
interpretation that describes his theologizing. That is, as long as he arrives back at the
Arabic term for Islamic school.41
The holy book in Islam which Muslims believe contains the last and final revelation from God through42
the prophet Muhammad..
Arabic term for God.43
66
concept of “one God” that does not threaten his cultural and religious conception of a
“person-God,” Jasem is comfortable in reading “Jesus and the Father are one.”
It is this cultural convention that needs to be upheld and affirmed in Jasem’s
theologizing. In the course of his explanation, he did not argue that his case is better and
that even his non-Muslim Christian friends ought to comprehend the matter similarly. His
constant attention was on remaining true and credible to his cultural and religious
grassroots. In so doing, he was “locally” constructing a systematized way of
comprehending the subject matter without threatening the interpretational grid of his
fellow Muslims. One may surmise that Jasem was politely conveying the intent of his
personal pursuit to interpret the Scriptures. He has been steadfast in refusing to submit to
any intrusion by non-Muslim Christians into his hermeneutical grid. Likewise, inasmuch as
he acknowledges that he shares with them the same saving faith in Christ, there is also
something in his context that is guiding him to act in such a way as to ensure that he will
be a credible witness to his people. 44
For Jasem, the goal is to demonstrate that this entire theologizing exercise is
wholly his and comprehensible to other Muslims. This means that he has not been
influenced by others who would be seen as “foreigners” dictating to him what he should
know and believe. If anything, by the hermeneutical process he has undertaken, he is also
There is no doubt that Jasem’s assertion could certainly bring some “fearful” reactions to those outside44
his Muslim context. It would be understandably acceptable to question, “Will he submit if he is one dayapproaching heresy in one of his personal pursuit to interpret the Scripture?” While there would be toomuch prospecting and conjecture in providing a hypothetical answer to this question, it would suffice atthis point to mention that Jasem is not completely pursuing his reading of the Scriptures “only on hisown.” I have seen Jasem exhort religious leaders in his community and among his relatives to read theScriptures in order to teach the stories of Jesus since the content of the Bible are recognized in the Qur’an.
67
teaching his fellow Muslims that they can read the Bible using a method of interpretation45
that affirms their cultural and religious context.
Simply, Jasem’s interpretational process negates any other hermeneutical
methodology incongruent to his cultural frame of reference. Neither is his process based
solely in methods consistent with conventional evangelical hermeneutics, i.e., those which
follow western systematic theologizing. His process takes the burden of proof to ensure
that the translation is: 1) relational to his fellow Muslims, 2) cognizant of a different
interpretational framework familiar to fellow non-Muslim believers without compromising
correctness, and 3) culturally comprehensible to fellow Muslims in the way that it
addresses theological requirements with a focus on the critical shift of allegiance to the
Lordship of Christ. In short, affirmation of his Muslimhood is essential for Jasem as he
reads and interprets the Scriptures
Rasma’s Story
Rasma’s story is about a wife and mother of five children. Quietly, she has come
to believe in salvation based in a faith in Jesus Christ. As she makes sense of her
impoverished life and her new found faith, she reflects upon her life matter-of-factly.
Asked how she was doing recently, she replied with a contented smile, “As a Muslim wife,
this is my life and it is the life that Allah has willed for me at this time.” As she reflected
According to Pieris’ argument concerning the inappropriateness of separating method from religion or45
doing theology (see p.23 of this study), a cultural reading that is borne out of a religious experience isitself a method of doing theology in Asian theology. Thus, what may seem to be as a cultural reading isactually a hermeneutical method because it is what could be termed as “theopraxis” (or the formulation oftheology, cf., Pieris 1982:174).
68
further, she said that she does not necessarily expect God to provide her a life of
prosperity. Instead, she views God as one who will take care of her and her family within
the “lot” that He has given her, even in her impoverished state.
Clearly, Rasma’s story underscores the effect of poverty on her understanding of
God. Understandably, her Muslimhood is heavily influenced by Islam. After all, her
enculturation included learning the tenets of Islam and her conceptualization of God is
inherently Islamic. Her acceptance of poverty is not necessarily guided by something that
is intrinsic in her culture. Rather, Islam has taught her to how to deal with her poverty.
Deeply immersed in her cultural worldview, her outlook on poverty is greatly impacted by
her theological understanding of Allah and on what the Quran teaches about poverty.
This is a critical dynamism that must be recognized as appropriate for someone intent on
affirming Muslimhood in the context of poverty.
The Islamic teaching that God is in total control of all things, even within an
impoverished life, is undoubtedly providing hope for Rasma. It is a hope that gives her
confidence that God is pleased with her “submission to Allah” even in spite of her poverty.
It is a hope that allows her to say “inshiallah,” meaning “God’s will be done.” As46
The term inshiallah is very unique Islamic expression. While most westerners would read fatalism into46
the meaning of inshiallah, to Muslims, the term is an affirmation of their Islamic faith and a testimony totheir submission to the will of Allah. Muslims do not view inshiallah as a fatalistic expression but ratheran affirmation that their lives are being lived in submission to Allah and that no matter what, Allah willkeep and preserve them even if a life in poverty continues for them in this earthly life. No matter whathappens, they will submit and follow Allah as their ultimate belief is that Allah has compassionatelyallowed a different turn of events in their lives, even if it is not what they are expecting. Compared to the Tagalog term bahala na, inshiallah has congruency to bahala na. Contrary to itscommon English transliteration, “come what may” (that depicts a negative sense of fatalism, resignation,avoidance of responsibility, reliance on fate, and leaving things to chance), Jocano (1997:111) argues thatthe original and positive meaning of bahala na has been lost. Accordingly, he describes this primordialdescription of bahala na as follows:
bahala na is the inner strength to dare, to take a risk, to accept a challenge, to initiate
69
fatalistic as this may sound to evangelical theology, Rasma understands the reality of her
poverty in the context of her Muslimhood. Yet, this does not leave out the hope that there
could be an option outside of poverty. In fact, she prays for a way out. She also seeks,
even in small ways, to provide for her family together with her husband. But her
Muslimhood also provides her with a real picture of what it is to be a minority in a land
dominated by Christians. In such a land, access to equitable employment is still only a
dream. Discrimination (socially, economically, politically and even spiritually) is the
painful price she pays for her Muslimhood. Though she lives in a nation that proclaims a
policy of inclusivity for Muslimhood (even perhaps pretentiously), it is in her Islamic
theological view of God where she finds hope instead of pain.
When asked further what her faith based in the lordship of Jesus means to her
poverty, her reply reflected the Islamic hope that has been so much a part of her
worldview. She neither condemns the system that discriminates against her Muslimhood
nor does she harbour anger towards the Christian system of the nation that governs and
assumes ownership of her Muslimhood. Instead, she holds on to the hope of a different
life for her children while resigned to the “lot” that God has given her. When encouraged
to keep the hope that God will change her economic life, her reply rejected the notion that
somehow God will magically allow her to prosper. Still, although she would not deny
that God can indeed change her impoverished state, she continues to reject any
and move, to assume responsibility for an act ... bahala na serves as the code thatenables us to access the reservoir of psychic energy in diwa, so that we can draw from itinner strengthen and courage in time of need. As one informant has put it: “After wesay bahala na we acquire courage to dare all kinds of challenges. In face of this, webecome capable of decisive action. Without bahala na, it is doubtful whether we can doit during critical situations” (111).
70
suggestions that will tease her into hoping that her faith allegiance to Jesus will provide
economic deliverance. Her worldview based on her Muslimhood will not allow such false
hope to be raised. If anything, her worldview guides her to reject believing in a God that
would entice her to an economically prosperous life for the purpose of changing her faith
allegiance. For her, there is no credibility in such a faith.
A Summary
These stories underscore one common theme. In each actor’s identity is revealed a
tension between the satisfaction found in an allegiance to the person of Jesus and yet a
strong desire to remain Muslim. To underplay the latter would be to allow themselves to
be overcome by an outside force seeking to influence them to leave their Muslimhood.
The crucial subject that needs to be underscored is not that this is such a unique Muslim
experience. It is rather that for Aburahim, Jasem and Rasma, in the face of finding their
Muslimhood being subjugated by external power entities, they remained steadfast to keep
their Muslimhood uncompromised. To be overcome is to deny their ethno-cultural
identity and all the history it envelopes. Moreover, the crux of these stories points toward
the necessity for a methodology by which to merge these tensions. Such a methodology
would allow the possibility of seeming dialectical tensions without diminishing their
significance to each actor. These actors have already demonstrated they have survived the
victimization of a colonized past that exercised ethnonationalism. In their confrontation
with the proponents of ethnonationalism, in their own independent way, each has sought
71
affirmation of their Muslimhood in a somewhat hostile environment, one that is bent on
subjugating them.
They refuse to allow their stories to be overcome and deprivileged as they seek
affirmative ways to retain their Muslimhood while clearly demonstrating a change of faith
allegiance. They negate the factors that would victimize them in their faith allegiance to
the Lordship of Jesus. The effect of this negating experience subsequently affirms their47
Muslimhood. In the end, their stories reveal the wisdom of basing their personal
theological constructions on a method that enables them to affirm their Muslimhood in the
process of interpreting their faith in Christ in a Muslim context.
A Vehicle for Victimization, Subjugation and Hegemony:The Globalization Effect
The previous section is premised by an interplay on power between “majority” and
“minority” socio-political forces. In this relationship, the majority is representative of a
hegemonic force akin to ethnonationalism. It is a force that continues its attempts to
subjugate Muslimhood among the various Muslim ethno-cultural groupings in the
Philippines. To further develop the framework necessary to construct a hermeneutic of
victimization, it is appropriate to locate local theologizing against the backdrop of the
global context. This section will thus look at the effects of globalization in relation to the
matter at hand. It is hoped that this will demonstrate a two-fold interaction. One, the
It needs to be noted that the primary argument at this point in this study is to demonstrate how Muslim47
believers have responded to pressures that would lead towards a subjugation of their Muslimhood toexternal forces of power. The issue concerning how the change in faith allegiance of Muslim believers isviewed in the midst of their Muslimhood will be discussed later in Chapter 5.
72
local will be able to articulate how it can fully participate in the global without being
victimized further by global hegemonic forces. Two, while the local will be able to
participate as such, it will also need to deal concurrently with its history of past
victimization.
Understanding Anthropology and Globalization
Lamin Sanneh provides a succinct distinction between world Christianity and
global Christianity.
“World Christianity” is the movement of Christianity as it takes form andshape in societies that previously were not Christian, societies that had nobureaucratic tradition with which to domesticate the gospel. In thesesocieties Christianity was received. And expressed through the cultures,customs, and traditions of the people affected ... “Global Christianity,” onthe other hand, is the faithful replication of Christian forms and patternsdeveloped in Europe. It echoes Hilaire Belloc’s famous statement, “Europeis the faith.” It is, in fact, religious establishment and the cultural captivityof faith (Sanneh 2003:22).
The clarity of Sanneh’s distinction underlines the precarious relationship of Christianity to
global dynamics. For one, because it is a religion for the whole world (or termed as global
religion), there will be a diversity of stakeholders over its message. In turn, these
stakeholders represent their respective local constituencies. Secondly, Christianity is a
religion that seeks to propagate its message with a global appeal through institutional
means. Consequently, there will always be the temptation to propagate the agenda and
characteristics of the established institution rather than the message of the religion. In
both instances, it is clear that the Christian message must deal with the consequences
arising from globalization.
73
The history of globalization is not a major concern in this study project. It
assumes that both depictions and practices of globalization have been in existence from
time immemorial. It emerged when two distinct environments, local and global, became
interconnected with each other (Schultz & Lavenda 2005:363). The relationship has
produced both positive and negative results which are very much centered on who
controls the power in the relationship (365). In short, the phenomenon that is
globalization has been in existence throughout the different eras in world history (363,
364).
Anthropological studies of globalization aim to show how globalization processes
exist in the diverse contexts of the present realities of particular societies. The extent of
this connectivity even affects changes in worldview of local cultures. The emphasis in this
articulation is on the pluralities of loci where globalization happens. This emphasis is48
indicative of the expansive impact globalization has on these contexts. The impact, in
turn, points to an interdependent consequence. This implies that everyone continues to
live and engage in their respective local contexts. At the same time as well, their
phenomenological worlds (or experienced local realities) have become global (Inda and
Rosaldo 2002:2,9). Globalization could be very well defined as “reshaping local
Nina Schiller and Georges Fouron (2002) provide an ethnographic description concerning the effects48
and implications of migration, transborder identities and long-distance nationalism. Their study furtherobserves how globalization has undermined the stability of conventional nation-states because of theambiguous and contradictory practices associated with such basic concepts as national identity andcitizenship. As a result, their observation has indicated a shift from conventional concepts to a concept ofpeople accepting what is termed as flexible citizenship observing the cultural practices of postnationalethos. That is, there is a culture that consists of mobile global citizens (174) who submit to thegovernmentality of the capitalist market while trying to evade the governmentality of nation-states foreconomic, social and religious reasons (190).
74
conditions by powerful global forces on an ever-intensifying scale” (Inda and Rosaldo
2002:2). In addition, these forces have no intention of letting up. The local context faces
a stressful demand from external global forces to engage.
There is, in effect, no other choice but to engage in varying degrees. Simply, at its
core, globalization is, according to Noam Chomsky (Fox 2001:19), “a set of processes
which embodies a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and
transactions - assessed in terms of their extensity, intensity, velocity and impact -
generating transcontinental or inter-regional flows and networks of activity.” Hence, the
resulting activities have molded a world full of movements and mixtures, contacts and
linkages, and demanding cultural interactions and exchanges. At the same time, inclusive
in this intensity, is the reinforcement of old constraints by global forces (Kearney
1996:198). Engagement in globalization beckons the participant to either view this49
engagement from “above” or “below.” The view from above necessitates siding with the
hegemonic forces which dictate a metanarrative reading of globalization. The view from
below pulls the participant toward prioritizing the agenda of the local context in the face
of controlling global forces. In this light, for the purposes of this study, globalization will
be viewed from the bottom (or the local context) rather than from the view of the
controlling global forces.50
Walden Bello (2001) addresses the effects of global issues in Asia with a chapter using the Philippines49
as a case study of what seems to be a neoclassic tragedy of a country attempting to engage in theglobalization process; cf., Featherstone (1990) on globalization, modernity and post modernity.
In a forum on Alternatives to Globalization in 1998, the Development Academy of the Philippines50
examined the critical themes of social transformation in the face of globalization. In particular, issuesfrom grassroots workers movements to women’s movements to marginalized societies includingindigenous people to political socialism. The plenary sessions were no doubt attempts to engage the
75
The anthropological emphasis of this study places the priority on local Asian
contexts as each engages with globalization. While descriptions of the many ways each is
engaged are inumerable, because of the scope of this study, the discussion will from
hereon be delimited. Undoubtedly, the breadth and depth of any discussion on
globalization cannot ever be exhausted. The same can be said of its correlative impact on
local theologizing. This delimitation, however, is not for lack of evidence but, rather, in
order for the discussion to focus within the boundaries of the interests of the study. The
primary focus will put stress on a view of globalization from the cultural lens of the local
contexts.
Socio-Economic Dynamics in Asia
A view of globalization from below or from the lens of the local contexts will need
to be able to address the threats posed by the hegemonic forces of globalization. These
forces can come from economic, social, religious centres where control by these global
forces are initiated. The local contexts engagement with these forces will demonstrate
whether the global forces are overcoming the local contexts or not.
Jeremy Rifkin, in his work, The End of Work: The Decline of the Global Labor
Force and the Dawn of the Post-market Era (1995), provides a good backdrop for the
changes being exhibited in the community and economic dimensions in Asia. He argues
that due to the development of a market economy initiated during the Industrial
powers of homogeneous globalization viz a viz local community engagements in the global village. Cf.,M. Chossudovsky (1997) and N. Perlas (2000).
76
Revolution, people’s worth has been measured by the market value of their labour (xviii).
This had begun to change in what he calls the “post-market era.”
In the post-market era (dominated by the context of post modernity), the value of
the commodity of human labour has become insignficant (11-14). This is much more so in
an ever more automated world. Accordingly, the post-market era is defining human worth
and social relationships in a new way. These dimensions have become the reference points
for formulating the post-market paradigm. The new age of global markets and automated
production has exhibited a road that leads toward a near-workerless economy, thus the
distinct possibility of “the end of work.” Rifkin surmises that contemporary society, both
global and local, is tasked to develop a work-paradigm that will bring social
transformation. This means giving re-birth to the human spirit. If not, society, as it has51
been known by all humankind will come to an end.
Concerning social transformation, Alan Saw U, a Burmese theologian, wrote in
1977:
Rifkin’s view of social transformation presupposes a future where a growing number of people around51
the world will be spending less time on the job and have more time on their hands (247). Accordingly,Rifkin does not discount the eventual and undeniable negative effects of the price of progress on humanrelationships. He focuses instead on finding alternatives towards social transformation in a post-marketera. This social transformation begins with “unused human labour” (291). This means that in a marketeconomy (he calls this the Third Industrial Revolution) that is amenable to the substitution of machinesfor human input, social transformation will be based on the idea that
the social economy is centred on human relationships, on feelings of intimacy, oncompanionship, fraternal bonds, and stewardships — qualities not easily reducible to orreplaceable by machines. Because it is the one realm that machines cannot fully penetrateor subsume, it will be by necessity, the refuge where the displaced workers of the ThirdIndustrial Revolution will go to find renewed meaning and purpose in life after thecommodity value of thier labour in the formal marketplace has become marginal orworthless (292).
In such transformation, the death sentence that the end of work might spell on human labour couldactually be the beginning of a great social transformation. For Rifkin, this will herald a rebirth of thehuman spirit, where the future lies.
77
‘Saving Act’ calls for ‘Socializing Act’ and ‘Socializing Act’ in turn callsfor ‘Socializing Love’ - a love that has concrete social concerns for othersaround us. It is a kind of love that will enable us to treat all as our equals.This type of love demands justice. It is not a simple love but a ‘JustingLove’ - a love that does justice to others. Then this love will move us towork in cooperation with one another for the common concern of buildinga just human community. In brief, the Gospel requires of us to work in andfor justice (74).
Thirty years later, the same struggle for social action arising out of impoverished
communities is still evident in Asia. It almost seems that poverty is a staple of Asian life
in spite of economic growth due to technological advancement in the region. In effect,
Saw U’s statement seems to be a prophetic voice as long as social justice is separated
from the economic equation in the region. Complicating this economic picture in the
Asian region is the reality of globalization. There is no doubt that there is wealth in the
region. The sad reality of both urban and rural poverty, however, indicates that the52
socio-economic impact of globalization is experienced differently by the “haves” and the
“have-nots.” To Saw U, the locus of this difference is the “just divide” where “justing
love” can happen.
Walden Bello (2004) provides an example of the correlation between social and
economical growth. Bello assesses one main reason why Japanese investors avoided the
Philippines during the period of 1985-93. This avoidance was much more pronounced
since this was the time when Japanese investors were at the height of utilizing
globalization to their advantage. During this period, the rise of the yen made production
Richard Barnett and John Cavanaugh (1994) provide examples of how the global distribution of 52
American pop culture has resulted in consumption markets in Asian societies like the Philippines, Japan,Thailand, China and even Iran.
78
in Japan prohibitive because of the cost of labor. It forced the Japanese to move their
manufacturing operations to low-wage areas in China and Southeast Asia. The Japanese
decision to avoid the Philippines points to the social impact of an Aquino administration
that chose to pay for past debt by going into more debt.
Filipino families living below the poverty line in 1991 came to 46.5 percent- a marginal reduction from the 1985 figure of 49.3 percent. Incomedistribution actually worsened with the share of income going to the lowest20 percent of families falling from 5.2 percent to 4.7 percent, while thatgoing to the top percent rose from 36.4 percent to 38.6 percent. True,income inequality was also growing in our neighbors, but, unlike in thePhilippines, rapid growth was pushing down poverty levels and bringingmore people into the market. From the perspective of Japanese investors,the Philippines appeared to be a strategically depressed market - one notworth sinking a lot of investment in (Bello 2004:22).
Bello’s assessment gives credence to the view that Rifkin and Saw U recognize: economic
growth has a direct correlation to social growth. They are mutually interdependent.
Particularly in Asian contexts, economic growth is required to address social concerns.
Perhaps the theoretical issues behind the matter at hand are best illustrated by a
story. The following account will hopefully provide, as well, a picture by which the local,
without discounting the global contribution, is able to prevent subjugation and further
victimization. Mahatma Gandhi flaunted the Indian peasant fabric called khadi as a
symbol of anti-colonial rebellion against Britain. Symbolically, Gandhi “globally”
popularized this indigenous cloth material as a way to break India’s dependence on British
cotton factories (Goddard 2006). It has since become the catalyst for a push towards an
independent Indian cotton textile-making industry. Economically speaking, India had been
79
exporting its raw cotton to the west only to re-import clothes made from Indian cotton.
Gandhi had reversed the process.
Hence, while Britain and India continued their participation in globalization, the
Ghandian dream emerged. This demonstrates that liberation from colonialism requires the
partnership of social and economic sub-systems in the Indian cultural system. For Ghandi,
his rebellious stance intentionally insisted upon global forces from the west to abide within
the cultural processes of the local Indian cultural processes. Gandhi did not outrightly
reject the colonial powers. Rather, he recognized the role they played in the global
scheme of things. Yet, he still required of them to leave behind their colonial garb when
they entered the local scene.
In summation, the theories of Rifkin, Saw U and Bello provide very distinct
themes that are common among Asian local contexts. In the same manner depicted by the
Ghandian rebellion, engagement in globalization is unavoidable. These themes are present
everywhere within the diverse local contexts of Asia. These commonalities reveal the key
factors affecting local theologizing in Asia. At the same time, they are not intended to be
seen as a provisionary metanarrative that links one Asian local context to another. Each53
Edward Craig (2000) defines metaphysics as a two-fold inqiry. One aims “to be the most general53
investigation possible into the matter of reality” (567). A second “seeks to uncover what is ultimatelyreal, frequently offering answers in sharp contrast to our everyday experience of the world” (567). Aristotle’s “first philosophy” is a prime example of questions asked in metaphysics and what is soughtthereof. Gregory Currie (2000) defines narrative as the “means by which a story is told, whether fictional or not,and regardless of medium” (610). A historical narrative is one of these means. Accordingly, Leon Pompa(1996) provides two aspects towards understanding the notion of historical narrative. The first is “that thenarratives integrate different parts of the past as parts of a temporal whole” (435). A second aspect is the“notion that it is a configuration” (436). The former is expressed in the idea of a narrative sentence, whilethe latter is characterized by how narratives express their truth. It is presupposed by Pompa, especially in a philosophy of history, that a narrative goes beyond theexplanatory value of its contents to a form of understanding (436). Consequently, claims to the objectivity
80
local Asian context has its own distinct narrative bound to its unique ethno-cultural
history. These common themes are hence shared across the Asian region and practiced by
diverse ethno-cultural groups of people participating in the everyday cultural life of its
own specific community.
Two Case Studies: Living with Globalization in Asian Contexts
Japanese Sushi54
Take for example the western narrative describing the phenomenon of “sushi.” To
the ordinary Japanese, “sushi” is a national staple food. There is an art to catching the
right type of fish, an art to the right way the fish is prepared, an art to the way it is
presented, and an art to the way it is tasted and digested. There is also the mythology
entrenched in the history of each local Japanese culture that explains how the fish is a part
of the Japanese being. In effect, “sushi” to the Japanese represents more than just food or
of large-scale historical accounts “must be relativized to the metaphysical perspective upon which theyrest” (438). In short, within a philosophy of history, there is an “imposition of an ultimate limit upon thekind of objectivity to which history can aspire” (438). The notion of metanarrative is derived when the definitions for metaphysics and narrative arecombined. Long entrenched in the philosophy of modernity, it is viewed as the over-arching story thathistory follows in a linear fashion and would eventually end in a utopian state. In this case, a philosophyof history is consequently used to “legitimate knowledge” (Lyotard 1985:xxiv) with the intent to exercisecontrol and power as history unfolds itself. As a result, an explanation of all things are “consigned to thegrand narrative in the same way as truth” (xxiv). For proponents of the modernity project, however, theimposition of limitation upon a narrative remains unrecognized (thus Lyotard claims postmodern asincredulity towards metanarratives [xxiv]).
Theodore Bestor (2005) investigated the tuna trade in USA. In the process, he articulated a description54
of the local and the global, which normally falls into the category of abstraction to most people. UsingBestor’s article as a background to this discussion, I have combined my own ethnographic study onJapanese culture to his article as references to this discussion.
81
folklore but also a way of life. It affects the socio-economical dynamics of a given
community, especially those whose livelihood is tied to fishing. In addition, the art of
catching a fish and the art of preparing “sushi” are practiced as both cultural and religious
processes. To their western counterparts, “sushi” is no more than a delicacy that has
found an affinity to the western palate. While there are economic implications for those
whose companies are dealing in fisheries, in general, “sushi” is just another food. It is
considered a phenomenon by those in the west but not to the Japanese.
“Sushi” of course is particular to Japan. The Koreans have their own version of
“sushi” with its own emphasis on the significance of the food to its cultural identity. The
same can be said of “bulad” (dried fish) to the Filipinos. The significance of a common
cultural item, such as fish, to the cultural identity of the individual and society as a whole
is undeniable in these local contexts. This commonality is a shared theme in Asian
cultures. Not lost in this commonality, nonetheless, is the unique indigenous significance
of each to its respective local context. In short, a particular theme maybe shared by many
diverse local contexts, while the narrative explaining the theme is very unique and
particular to each culture.
“Denominations of People” in Prehispanic Philippines
Citing Philippine ethnographic work written by French, German and Spanish
authors, Juana Pelmoka (1996) observes that the findings of these authors arrive at
differing conclusions. “Despite their differences, all concurred regarding the racial
ethnology of the Philippine archipelago. It showed that the Philippines had never been
82
inhabited by a single group of people, specially in historical times” (32). There were a
variety of tribal or ethnic groups of people before the Spaniards claimed to have
discovered the Philippine archipelago. Yet, while these diverse “denominations of people”
produced perplexity to the ethnographers, these same “denominations of people” were
practically identical (33). Still among the authors that Pelmoka investigated, it is clear that
the origins of these “denominations of people” were not identified to have derived from
one single shared source. The concurring voice among these authors points out that the
inter-marriage between races (or ethnic groups) and the continuous immigrations of
different races to the islands brought a sense of commonality to these “denominations of
people” (33).
This demonstration of social interconnectedness between various ethnic groups in
prehispanic Philippines heightens a phenomenon that is normally thought to be western.
That is, long before the term “globalization” became a western construct, it was and has
always been part and parcel of Filipino culture, both prehispanic and contemporary. In
this social interconnectedness, each ethnic group continues to both affirm and assert its
own unique culture. At the same time, each continues, as well, to share commonalities
which make them identical to each other. There seemed to be, among these
“denominations of people,” a willingness to share in a collective social culture while
guarding their own particularly unique traits. In this sense, there is already an historical
precursor to what Jan Pieterse terms “hybridity” (Pieterse 2004:110).
83
A Summary
In light of these case studies, participation in globalization is a given reality among
Asian cultures. The threat posed by hegemonic powers that generate the phenomenon of
globalization will no doubt continue to burden the socio-economic dynamics of the local
contexts. There are, however, cultural responses to the cultural stresses brought on by
global forces from the west. These responses do not mean disintegration of the primordial
culture in a given local context or capitulation to the subjugation sought by these global
hegemonic forces. Instead, they are adaptive responses that bring about socio-economic
transformation in the local culture, while the core themes are retained. If any, these
adaptive responses are required to sustain these core cultural themes while exemplifying a
type of hybridity in relation to global participation.
In like manner, doing theology locally in Asian contexts will require a view of
globalization that insists on viewing global realities from the engagement at the bottom in
the globalization process. This means a re-reading of phenomenological realities
consistent with the local contexts. In addition, it requires that new terms of engagement
be drawn up to ensure that the integrity and dignity of an engagement in globalization
from the bottom is affirmed. Otherwise, those in the bottom structure of the globalization
process will always be victimized and will eventually either resist or withdraw from full
participation. Consequently, the local contexts will inevitably construct a negating matrix
to counter the processes of globalization.
CHAPTER 3
TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF VICTIMIZATION
In the previous chapter, narratives of victimization were presented using case
studies from Muslim believers that depict resistance against powerful forces that seek to
subjugate their sense of being or Muslimhood. In the process, while it is at the local
context that the victimization happens, the study has presented evidence that a vehicle for
victimization, subjugation and exercise of hegemony utilizes the scope of globalization.
As a result, the study argues that doing theology in Asian contexts will require a view of
globalization that intentionally views global realities from “the bottom” instead of from
“above.” In this chapter, both the narratives and the evidences therein as presented in the
previous chapter are the entry points to build a framework towards a hermeneutic of
victimization. A hermeneutic of victimization, however, should not be viewed as solely a55
As proposed in this study, a hermeneutic of victimization presupposes that the experiences of55
victimization is integral to the construction of an interpretational framework for understanding reality. Itwill be further discussed later in this chapter that any type of hermeneutic can victimize the “others” whenhegemonic power with the intent to overcome is exercised in the interpretational process. It can thus besaid that it is possible that all hermeneutics have the capacity to victimize when hegemonic power isinserted in the process. In this case, such interpretational process could be called a victimizinghermeneutic (or a hermeneutic that victimizes). The proposed “hermeneutic of victimization,” however,is a particular interpretational process that centers around the local experiences of victimization amongdifferent peoples at the hand of hegemonic powers. Central to this experience is the relationship betweennarratives and hermeneutics. In addition, while the local refers to the local context, the term “hegemonicpowers” is not necessarily associated with global forces only. It could very well be that the existence ofhegemonic powers at the local level adds to the experiences of victimization by their fellow-local people.
84
85
local phenomenon. The state of affairs in Muslim urban poor communities in Davao City
can be compared with its similar counterparts in other Asian contexts, whether urban or
rural. In like manner, doing theology in a Muslim urban poor community in Davao City
can be correctly assumed to include a web of relationships that connects the result to
Mecca, to urban poor Manila and even to an urban poor community in Thailand, for
example. This correlation between the local and the global provides possibilities for
extrapolating the relationship further. In this section, a framework that will demonstrate
this web of relationships and particular characteristics that will describe a hermeneutic of
victimization will be examined. It is essential to keep in mind that this framework will be a
guide for interpreting current realities in local contexts where a history of victimization has
been experienced in the past and present.
A Prospect for Local Theologizing in Asian Contexts
C. S. Song argues that Asian spirituality is the “third eye” that is missing in the
hermeneutical process of western theological construction (1979:11). In what he calls
“third eye theology,” he provides a methodological support for the inter-connecting web
of relationships between similar local Asian contexts. He utilizes local stories from
different Asian contexts to demonstrate that the common themes of oppression,
deprivileging and violence represent the Asian hermeneutical scope. They are stories of
falling victims not only due to anthropological and political circumstances, but to the
religious and theological impulse to overcome the grassroots.
86
In both his books, Theology From the Womb of Asia (1986) and Third-Eye
Theology (1979), Song deals with the relationship between the suffering God and a
suffering humanity with reference to theological narratives from various Asian
experiences. He cites for instance, Shusaku Endo’s Silence (Chinmoku 1966). It is a56
classic Japanese novel about the story of a missionary Catholic priest who suffered
persecution from a feudal ruler during the Tokugawa era. In the midst of the persecution,
Japanese converts died agonizing deaths (suffering of humanity) while God seemed to
keep his silence. Unable to bear God’s silence and the continued suffering of Japanese
Catholics, the missionary priest recanted his faith (suffering God). Yet as he dealt with
God’s silence, he found peace again with the God he betrayed through the witness of the
persevering faith of Japanese Catholics in the midst of their persecution. In the end,
through the eyes of Japanese spirituality, he found a new form within which to retain the
Christian message he had sought to bring to the Japanese.
Comparatively, it is worthwhile to mention Kazo Kitamori’s The Theology of the
Pain of God (1965). Kitamori’s theological premise arises from the Japanese experience57
of the second world war. It is not unlike western theologizing as he absolutizes God’s
wrath as His essence. Unlike most Asian narratives, however, Kitamori’s “pain of God,”
as observed by Song, is without recourse to a peaceful salvation (1979:60). Thus, this
A personal review based on reading the novel in both Japanese and English.56
For Kazo Kitamori, his theological treatise called “the pain of God” arises from his experiences of 57
the second world war. His theologizing included reading the gospel message in the midst of such chaosand destruction. Thus, for him, God is in pain because of the terrible pain the world is going through inthe confusion and horror of war. This leads him to an interpretational process that centers on the notionthat “the heart of the Gospel was revealed to me as the ‘pain of God’” (1965:19).
87
“pain of God,” while alluding to His final glory, is defined mainly by a response of silence
to humanity’s pain and suffering:
An absolute being without wrath can have no real pain ... The pain of Godis his love — the love is based on the premise of his wrath, which isabsolute, inflexible reality. Thus the pain of God is real pain, the Lord’swounds are real wounds (Kitamori 1965:27).
That the silence from God’s pain is based not on pure love but on the premise of his wrath
is Song’s contention with Kitamori’s theology of God’s Pain. (Incidentally, reading God’s
wrath in this absolute way incorporates a view of tsurasa or pain that is quite contrary to
the Japanese Buddhist concept which always speaks of pain in relative terms.)
According to Song, on the one hand, the manner in which Kitamori “internalizes
God’s work of salvation within God himself” (1979:60) is born out of the theological
traditions of the west. Song likens Kitamori’s work to that of Jurgen Moltmann’s “the
crucified God” (Moltmann 1974:152).
The cross, according to Moltmann, is the division of God from God to theutmost degree, while the resurrection is the union of God with God in themost intimate fellowship. But the cross and the resurrection have takenplace within God, or between God and God. ... This is a clear example oftheology constructed and developed on what I call “the internalization ofsalvation within God himself” (1979:61).
For Song, his contention is not that Kitamori constructed his theology using a very
Japanese experience. The experience is real. The problem for Song is that Kitamori is
using a western framework to interpret a Japanese experience. Thus, while the narrative is
uniquely Japanese, Kitamori’s hermeneutic is western-based. For Song, this represents
and evokes the need to search for a local Asian spirituality.
88
Song’s analysis of Chinmoku, on the other hand, has a historically different
response. Those who recanted were deemed as traitors for turning their backs on God.
Yet, the same offending people later came out of hiding when Japan reopened its doors to
the outside world in 1865. They came out looking for the icons of the Catholic faith,
telling stories of their Christmas and Lent celebrations, and recalling the life of the priests
who had led them to a new faith in Christ. Thus, inasmuch as Silence is a sad recounting
of tragic stories of that time, Song concludes that God continued, after all, to speak in the
hearts of those “crypto-Christians” who were thought to have left the faith. Simply, they58
had learned to evaluate their faith according to their immediate context. In due course,
and while outwardly performing acts of recantation, they had saved their lives and
preserved their faith in the matrix of their spirituality. Such is the manner by which
negative hermeneutic can be in praxis within the context of the global Asian experience.59
It is worth noting at this point that while the immediate application of this study is
focused on Muslim local contexts in the southern Philippines, these local contexts also
share vital thematic experiences and articulation with their Asian neighbours. These
include political, historical, gender, social and cultural commonalities in which
Japanese who converted to Christianity and managed to survive religious persecution during the58
Tokugawa era.
From a historical perspective, John England’s edited work called Living Theology in Asia (1982)is a59
collection of diverse Asian theological writings based on grassroots experiences of Asians from differentcontexts. The writings basically demonstrate a congruency with the premise of Song’s third-eye theology. While this collection of various articles written by different Asian theologians is dated, the essence of theirindividual discourse based on their grassroots experiences continues to ring true even now. The samethemes which gave birth to different theologies in Asia two decades ago are still the same themes thatcurrent local Asian theologizing is addressing. Issues of God’s perspective on human suffering andstruggle toward full humanity resonate similarly across the diverse local Asian contexts. Simply said,these local Asian theologians have focused their individual theological journey within the matrix of anAsian collective cynicism against the hegemonic power from the West.
89
victimization happens along their respective hermeneutical journeys. Yet, while each one
has unique manifestations locally, there is a global thematic reality that inter-connects each
local community. For this reason, this project is as much about the Asian context as it is
about a local context in the Philippines.
Theoretical Construction of a Hermeneutic of Victimization
Hermeneutics, as a theory of interpretation, often carries with it the conventional
assumption that it is a servant to epistemology. The conventional idea that knowledge is
the end goal of interpretation, however, has long been in dispute. The works of Gadamer
and Nietzche argue with clarity that there is no such thing as “objective” knowledge,
where knowledge can be ascertained as absolute and irrefutable. In addition, for example,
the line drawn between evangelical conservatism and evangelical liberalism even affirms
that there are presuppositions in the construction of knowledge. It would be
counterproductive for this study to ignore the dilemna that presuppositions affect the
interpretational process.
In the course of examining different hermeneutical theories in this section of the
study, emphasis will be placed upon the different presuppositions in each hermeneutic.
While causal factors will be significant, the effects resulting thereof will be deemed a
priori to an understanding of a hermeneutic of victimization. This study will also assume
that Segundo’s hermeneutical circle is valid.
90
The Matrix of Presuppositions
Victimization is an organic process conceived and constructed through victimizing
experiences. The environment of its conception is its very matrix. Determining the
dynamics of this matrix is essential to comprehending the gravity of this experience. In
short, the state of affairs within this matrix will demonstrate the cause and effect nature of
victimization. In the case of hermeneutics, the dynamics of victimization are no different.
The significance of a matrix within which victimization is borne is that it provides the
context wherein which culture will eventually either continues to be oppressed or find
emancipation. Simply put, the matrix is where the DNA of each story of victimization is
imbedded. While all levels of victimization long for emancipation, a delineation of the
constitution of its matrix is required before any liberation may take place.
In his book The Fall of Interpretation (2000). James K.A. Smith posits a thesis
which states that a “creational hermeneutic” finds hermeneutics to be a constitutive part60
of creation (22). Since creation has been pronounced good by God, it follows that
hermeneutics is also good. Creational hermeneutic celebrates humanity, but also laments
its rupture at the fall because of its belief in a good creation. At the heart of the thesis is a
recognition of pluralities in God’s creation (especially of humankind). It is cognizant of a
space wherein the infinite love of God reflects the good of His creation. In turn, this
goodness allows for God’s creatures to speak, sing and dance in a multivalent chorus of
tongues (184).
According to Smith, “creational hermeneutic” states that “hermeneutics is constitutive of creaturehood60
but also, as created, is structurally good” (2000:23).
91
In Smith’s survey (2000:23) of the contemporary hermeneutical discussion, he
identifies three interpretational traditions. He calls the first tradition the present
immediacy model, which is congruent to evangelical hermeneutics (20). The second he
terms the eschatological immediacy model, which is espoused by Pannenberg, Gadamer
and Habermas (21). And the last interpretational tradition he calls the violent mediation
model, which is as shared by Derrida and Heidegger (22). His presentation does not deal
with what constitutes hermeneutics per se. Instead, he argues that each model is an
“interpretation of interpretations” (19). These are based on a presupposition that
questions whether interpretation is a consequence of the fall of humankind or constitutive
of creation.
Smith’s thesis exhibits how presuppositions are critical factors in theologizing.
While there is nothing new in this (cf. Gadamer), he pays more attention to a greater61
critical factor in hermeneutical engagement. He points out that the presupposition of
one’s model of interpretation is ultimately the origin from which other interpretations are
deprivileged. The evidence he gives demonstrates the violence of interpretation.
Heidegger also espouses and corroborates this position. This is a violence that assumes62
Cf. Gadamer (1989). Here Gadamer attempts to demonstrate that the Enlightenment rejection of61
religious authority in favour of reason is really a rejection of one authority for another, of one tradition fora different tradition (276). In short, the Enlightenment’s “prejudice against prejudice” is prejudice itself.
In Being and Time (1962), Heidegger argues that to understand the meaning of being, one needs to62
interrogate human beings about the meaning of their own existence. He designates dasein as a term ofreference for “to be there” in which “dasein” understands himself in relation to other things and people.Dasein is thus always engaged in “everyday circumspective interpretation. [That is,] whenever somethingis interpreted as something, the interpretation will be founded essentially upon fore-having, fore-sight,and fore-conception. An interpretation is never a presuppositionless apprehending of somethingpresented to us” (191-192). Thus, every interpretation is a decision for a way of conceiving, a way ofreading, either with finality or with reservations.
92
power by claiming a monopoly on the interpretive process and thereby denying the
plurality that is vitally constitutive of God’s creation.
To this end, Smith’s work provides credence that such violence of interpretation
results in a state of victimization. It is a victimization that affects the inferiority of those
who dare to interpret outside the normative power of tradition. This is given support by
the relationship between Heidegger’s dasein and the “other community/tradition.” In the
world of conservative evangelicalism, this violence is presupposed by a view of
hermeneutics which says that this violence is a consequence of the fall of humanity
(2000:25). In turn, it is believed that there is a need to redeem hermeneutics in the
present. Yet this notion of redemption implies the necessity to eradicate interpretation
because it is tainted by sin. Any interpretation tainted by sin, after all, has no place either
in creation or in relationship with God. The result, however, leaves people “deprivileged.”
Concretely speaking, this happens when one is interpreting a Scripture text and fails to
arrive at the same epistemological product that is commonly shared by a more powerful
and traditional particular hermeneutical community, such as those belonging in
conservative evangelicalism. In this case, the former is perceived to be wrong by the
latter. In addition, the former’s interpretational process and end product are deemed
inferior and not trustworthy compared to the latter. At its core, the inferiority is believed
to be a consequence of sin.
Against this violence, Smith’s provides an alternative construal of creation. In this,
hermeneutics is constitutive of creation and thus always good although violence is
possible. This latter is a result of being tainted by the fall of humanity. Smith also affirms
93
the goodness of hermeneutic as constitutive of creation. Hermeneutics therefore is a
creational task even in finitude (Smith 2000:23). Thus, its basic constitutive nature is, in
effect, a gift from a creating God to all of His creation. In such a matrix, hermeneutics is
not only borne out of one’s own personal presuppositions. It is also informed and heavily
guided by one’s choice of interpretational model (Smith 2000:19). Even Smith himself
admits that his creational hermeneutic assumes the tenets of his presuppositional stance or
the presuppositions of his hermeneutical model.
The presence of a matrix of presupposition, however, is not the critical
contribution from Smith’s arguments to the subject at hand. Rather, it is that the specter
of violence in the interpretation process brings out a fearsome picture of victimization in
which the hermeneut is directly engaged (Smith 2000:24). The worst fear in the
interpretational process is perhaps not the construction of a wrong propositional
knowledge. Instead, it is the fear of intruding into and disempowering the dignity and
integrity of the people for whom the hermeneut seeks to interpret. This is descriptive of
cross-cultural contexts where a hermeneut often is interpreting cultural forms which are at
times non-existent in his own sphere of cultural context or reality. Intrusion happens in
this case when the hermeneut insists his/her own interpretational product upon the local
community. This is done even when confronted of its incomprehensibility in the local
cultural context. The insistence is based on a belief that the hermeneut’s hermeneutical
product is the only way to understand the meaning of the text in view. Avoiding then such
a dehumanizing potential of hermeneutics becomes one of the critical tasks in the
94
interpretational process. For Smith, it is important to affirm the goodness in the
interpretation process.
The hermeneutical structure of creation is good; it produces goods: aplurality of interpretations and a diversity of readings. The sin of Babel wasits quest for unity – one interpretation, one reading, one people – whichwas an abandonment of creational diversity and plurality in favor ofexclusion and violence; and “the ravages of hatred have an ominoussameness.” Plurality in interpretation is not the original sin; it is, on thecontrary, the original goodness of creation: a creation where many flowersbloom and many voices are heard, where God is praised by a multitudefrom “every tribe and language and people and nation” (Rev 5:9), singingsongs in a diversity of tongues, even worshiping through a diversity oftheologies (2000:33).
Clearly, interpretation is inherent in creation. And because creation is good, hermeneutics
is originally good. It is this goodness that mandates all hermeneutical engagement with
the task of creational interpretation.
A hermeneutic of victimization also presumes that something can go wrong with
the interpretational process. On this subject matter, Brian Walsh (1995) records an honest
discussion of what can go wrong with a hermeneutical model. Working as a faculty
member at the Institute of Christian Studies, he examined the Christian Reformed tradition
of a hermeneutic based on an ethos of creation. In due process, he engaged his fellow
faculty members in a consultation. He claimed that this particular tradition had gone awry
because it had stopped serving the crisis experiences of faith communities founded in the
redemption of Christ and those communities without as well.
The consultation exposed the struggle felt among the participants. They were
faced with considering the replacement of an ethos of creation with another ethos to guide
their hermeneutical presuppositions. Only one presupposition, however, was set firmly for
95
them. That is, whatever ethos was to be adopted had to be both relevant and affirming of
the creation narrative. The consulting participants remained faithful to the integrity of the
ethos of creation. Where they agreed there were insufficiencies, was where they
concentrated their efforts to clarify and add to their ethos. In the consultative process, the
integrity of creation as integral to their hermeneutical process was affirmed. To this, the
construction of an ethos of compassion was added (Keesmat in Walsh 1995:162).
Simply, a world in crisis must be met with an integrity of creation in an ethos of
compassion. Otherwise, as the group had come to recognize, their theology would
become invalid and useless. In the end, the result still affirms what is locally normative but
shiftes the interpretational process to emphasize the need for attending to the reality of
suffering. In so doing, Walsh was able to demonstrate how a hermeneutical
presupposition wrestles to avoid victimizating those whom they seek to engage.
The issue of relevancy to a world that seems to have changed constantly its
paradigmatic models in a very short a time, is a theme that also defines the nature of the
crisis of interpretation in contemporary times. James Olthuis (1997), presupposing the
conditions of post modernity, views this crisis as indicative of the breakdown of what was
once acknowledged as truth: universal reason. He traces the emphasis on knowing
universal reason as a perpetuation of the presupposition of modernity borne out of the
Enlightenment project. As a result, not unlike Smith, Olthuis claims that the emphasis on
knowing or epistemological prioritization results in the exclusion of others; in other
words, a systematic attempt by modernity’s universal reason to exclude faith (9).
Signifying an identity for these “excluded others,” he introduces a theory of “Other-wise.”
96
By “Other-wise,” he refers to “be(ing) ethically wise with respect to the other, and to
honor the other who is too often excluded from the cultural discourses of power and
influence” (9). He also calls these “other-wise” the “suffering other.”
The shift that postmodern conditions has introduced to the hermeneutical
discussion underlines the greater significance of the interpretation process over that of
epistemological determination. It would be easier perhaps for Olthuis to disregard the
contributions of modernity upon epistemological theory. He recognizes, however, that the
epistemological significance of the Enlightenment period is valid even today. He
conditions this by arguing for an imperative condition. That is, any epistemological
presupposition must effect an understanding of a God who can be traced in the face of the
suffering “other” (8). Humankind’s task is therefore to sojourn together in the “wild
spaces of love.” In these “wild spaces of love,” power-over the other is replaced with63
“knowing-otherwise” that takes the risk of loving the “other,” the risk of meeting in
mutuality. In short, what has previously resulted in victimization can actually be averted
to produce a hermeneutic that is non-violent.
This hermeneutic of affirmation is certainly the objective of the editors involved in
writing Theology Without Foundation (1995). They argue for a non-foundational
approach to epistemology, foundationalism being a theory about knowledge. Using the
Building on Levina’s model, the theme of mutuality is central to Olthuis’ concept of “wild spaces of63
love.” “The dance of mutuality is always drenched in vulnerability and risk because it is a non-coercedmeeting of two free subjects in the wild spaces of love” (1997:147). He calls for a vision of love thatwould be central to a demonstration of caring instead of curing symptoms. He further calls this the“beautiful risk” of knowing other-Wise. This latter concept is given full demonstration in his book, TheBeautiful Risk (2001), where he explains that healing occurs through loving relationships that involvecare, compassion and connection.
97
foundationalist metaphor of “knowledge as a building,” Nancy Murphy (McClendon)
observes:
Two other problems undermine (note the metaphor!) the foundationalistproject. One is the belief that are in fact usable for purposes of justificationoften turn out to presuppose beliefs that belong to the higher stories. Forexample, my belief that I am now seeing a blue book depends onbackground knowledge that I am viewing it under normal lightingconditions. Thus the foundationalist picture of linear reasoning (bottom totop) is an oversimplification; and if one of the rationales for having afoundation was to avoid circular reasoning, this is a devastating criticism(Hauerwas et al 1995:11).
The violence of presupposition in this observation points to the victimizing nature of an
epistemology borne out of a philosophy of modernity. The victimizing nature of a
foundationalist approach relies on the presupposition of a metanarrative with emphasis on
a unitary and universal discourse. McLendon and company insist on the abandonment to
claims of universal discourse or metanarrative, where reason powers over the “other”
individual and community.
The thrust of the argument above points to a paradigmatic shift away from the
Enlightenment project. Still, the argument does not deny the historicity of the various
structures descriptive of faith. Namely, contemporary evangelical faith undoubtedly has
been served well by structures that are influenced by modernity. And for a good period of
time, they served the faith to become contemporaneous, relatively speaking that is. The
point of contention though is the current “now.” Thus, while a paradigm might have
served well before, it does not necessarily mean it still serves well now. Still, the view at64
The concept of Christendom is a good example. During the period of the Crusades in church history,64
the term was widely accepted. It served the church’s mission and purpose during a particular period oftime regardless of the value that current church tradition accords it in the present. Currently, the churchas a whole has separated itself from the term but has maintained in its fervour to carry out its missionary
98
hand posits a view that does not necessarily destroy these structures. Rather, it seeks to
recover the importance of community, epistemology, linguistics and ethics. It is within
these categories that the local contexts are interpreted according to their functions within
the diversities and ambiguities inherent in these contexts. As a result, it makes the
understanding of Scriptural narratives comprehensible. In particular, Scriptural truth
claims may find congruency with the local worshiping communities.
Reflecting on the African roots of African Americans, Theophus Smith (in
Cochrane 1999) observes that the experience from slavery to emancipation in the African
context is not an abstracted and metaphysical event. To the contrary, their practices and
corresponding discourses are born out in narrative modes of experiences akin to the story
of the exodus in the Old Testament.
It is through the stories that a people tells itself, and tells about itself, thatits practices become internalized, definitive and formative for theircharacter. In this regard, the sacred story of black Americans is the storyof a pharmacopeic people whose enslaved ancestors received the divine giftof a prescriptive repertory or formulary, the Bible. With this formulary wehave been empowered to prescribe for ourselves, and for othercommunities, healing models and processes for treating our own afflictions,and those of our nation and the world. The signal figure in that formularyis the Christ figure: a model for curing oppression and violence that enablesus to embrace (to save) our enemies rather than destroy them. God grantthat our theologies too may assist in rendering us even more proficient inecstatic realizations of that model. (Cochrane 1999:139)
Accordingly, even Olthuis’ “wild spaces of love” (2001) can be applied appropriately in
this setting. His term gives an affirmative appraisal of the historical narrative based on the
experience of African Americans. It also rejects the presuppositions of the Enlightenment
task.
99
project which has had a wide influence over colonial practices around the world. One of
the consequences of such practice is slavery, be it in the inlands of Africa or the cotton
farms of southern USA or the sugar plantations in Negros Occidental of the Philippines. 65
In effect, it ignores the metanarrative demanded by foundationalists because it seeks to
address the total needs of this particular ethno-cultural people group. Such affirmation
essentially gives validation to the very context of their stories of oppression and violence.
This, in turn, has become their theological starting point towards a healing model
This matrix of presuppositions helps to delineate the context where victimization is
experienced. It also describes the role that hermeneutics play therein. According to
Smith’s creational hermeneutic, the activity of interpretation is good because it is part and
parcel of God’s creation. Engagement in hermeneutics, therefore, is a necessary
component to being God’s creation. This sets the rules of engagement in this matrix of
presuppositions. This engagement prioritizes the significance of “the other.” This is so as
not to dominate and overcome “the other.” To do otherwise is to do violence to “the
other.” In turn, this type of victimization has been demonstrated through the rise of
reason above all things during the Enlightenment period.
A hermeneutic of victimization has both global and local manifestations. The critical point in65
comprehending a hermeneutic of victimization as this chapter seeks to demonstrate is the “use” of power. In this particular study, however, the relationship between evangelical modal and sodal structures andMuslim believers engaged in what is commonly known as “insider movement” in missiological studies isfocal. There is no intention, however, to marginalizal other manifestations of a hermeneutic ofvictimization in the global scope. Moreover, it needs to be noted that this study is an attempt to engage inthe subject at hand within the framework of postmodern conditions. With this in mind, it will serve thereader well to remember the selected postmodern conditions which this study is developing in due course. These themes are: alterity or others, hybridity or plurality (including plurality within plurality) anddiversity or multiplicity.
100
In addition, it is equally significant to examine vital factors affecting hermeneutics,
i.e., a hermeneutic of victimization. These factors are language and meanings, which are
inherently significant in the interpretational process. In the next section of this chapter,
these factors will be discussed to demonstrate, on the one hand, how hegemonic powers
through the utilization of metanarrative can continue its victimizing influence in the
interpretational process. On the other hand, the ensuing discussion will also show how
postmodern conditions help to negate the advance of hegemonic powers in the
hermeneutical process. This is necessary so as to prevent the interpretational process from
becoming a vehicle of victimization itself.
Language and Meanings in the Matrix of Presuppositions
Stanley Grenz and John Franke (2001) agree that the demise of foundationalism is
inevitable in a post modern context. At the same time, they raise the issue of what happens
to the foundationalist presuppositions in such a context. By demise, the question is, “Is
foundationalism overcome by a non-foundational approach or can it still actually be
practiced?” In which case, if it is overcome, the follow-up question would be “Is a non-
foundational approach that frowns on the use of power and control as happens in
foundationalism going to utilize power likewise to dominate others?” In their attempt to
clarify the issue of power and control in hermeneutics, Grenz and Franke propose a
methodological perspective called “beyond foundationalism.” In this attempt, they remain
very affirming of the significance of a metanarrative which conservative evangelicals still
101
cling to as a form of orthodoxy. At the same time, they want to shed some light on the
strengths of non-foundationalism.
“Beyond foundationalism” is an affirmation that the local contextuality of
theologizing is the product of theological reflection coming from a particular Christian
community. They also equally affirm that despite this local nature, a theology has a66
global sense. This happens firstly because such theologizing explicates the ecumenical
faith of the church throughout its history and on behalf of the church throughout the
world. Secondly, they argue that all theologizing is public. This means it carries an
implicit claim that such theologizing is “for all.” This means that theologizing invites a
wider response just as it is offered as contribution to the wider public conversation among
the universal Christian faith community (Grenz and Franke 2001:26).
For Grenz and Franke, this type of methodology, i.e., beyond foundationalism,
may foster a “generous orthodoxy.” It is a generosity that allows for the recognition of a
metanarrative on the one hand, while on the other hand also recognizes local contexts.
Yet, as attractive as this methodology seems to be, it also includes a requirement to affirm
what Grenz and Franke call “eschatological realism” (2001:273)67
Eschatological realism carries significant implications for theologicalmethod and our understanding of theology. Through the use of linguistic
See footnotes on page 47.66
Grenz’ and Franke (2001) holds onto a position that is similar to Wolfhart Pannenberg’s theological67
agenda. Pannenberg (1972) argues that theological formulation does not need to be coherent, yet heappeals at the same time for a type of realism that is grounded in a foundational definition of God (11). Grenz and Franke explains this ambiguity through a theoretical exposition that constructs a synthesis ofexistential dynamism and metaphysical philosophy, which they call realist metaphysics (2001:45). Interestingly, this is similarly shared by George Lindbeck (1984:74) who argues that Christian faithestablishes the ground rules for what constitute Christian thinking, speaking and living which is set inlocal communities, where expressions of the Christian faith are relatively demonstrated.
102
models and under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, the Christian communityconstructs a particular world for human habitation. For its part, theologyexplores the world-constructing, knowledge-producing, identity-forming“language” of the Christian community. The goal of the enterprise is toshow how the Christian mosaic of beliefs offers a transcendent vision of theglorious eschatological community God wills for creation and how thisvision provides coherent foundation for life-in-relationship in thispenultimate age as we anticipate the glorious fullness of the eschatologicalnew creation.
Simply put, eschatological realism seeks to construct one definitive Christian community.
Under this Christian community, the entire mosaic of Christian beliefs are still presupposed
by one definitive theology. In essence, the Christian community in view provides the
environment where a hegemony of metanarrative is cultivated. Moreover, the theology68
the is presupposed in this Christian community remains a static form in its confessional
state instead of a being dynamic action to be participated in and constructed.
As a methodological perspective, therefore, beyond foundationalism does not
necessarily foresee the demise of foundationalism as inevitable. It seeks instead to
reinterpret foundationalism using the language of the postmodern context. At its core (or
foundation), however, it maintains the presuppositions of the Enlightenment project. This,
in turn, is based on the philosophy of modernity and one that is bent on controlling all
theologizing activities by the premise of metanarrative language. In short, the emphasis on
language has become its tool with the effect that the generous orthodoxy it purports to
While the focus of this study is on heremeneutics, the problem of metanarrative is at the crux of the68
issue. The epistemological divide between modernity and postmodernity may be best summed up by theinfluence of metanarrative on knowledge, i.e., a claim to provide universal legitimation through consensus(Lyotard 1984:23-27). Assertion of any form of metanarrative presupposes universal reason. And whilecurrent evangelical thinkers openly question “universal reason,” none are too quick to disregard it (Grenz& Franke (2001:47). To postmodern theological thinkers, this inability to disregard results is an
imposition of an epistemology that powers over other theological constructs (Olthuis 1997:143).
103
espouse has actually become a conditioned generosity. As in Wittgenstein’s theory, it is
back to the language games. 69
Accordingly, the complexity that surrounds “beyond foundationalism” can be
traced to a view of hermeneutics that centers around language as posited by Paul Ricouer.
Expounding on Ricouer’s theory, Don Ihde argues that the hermeneutical task is to
decipher the multiple significance of a text. In so doing, the location of the hermeneutic
problem takes its specific shape in words which have symbolic significance. For instance,
having a metaphorical structure. This symbolism has within itself a structure of meaning
“in which a direct, primary, literal sense designates in addition another sense which is
indirect, secondary, and figurative and which can be apprehended only through the first”
(Ihde 1974:xiv). This entails the necessity of a surface meaning and a less obvious deeper
meaning. In this structure lies the conflict of interpretation for Ricouer according to Ihde.
That is, contrary to the insistence of the modern project towards one sole primary meaning
resulting in a metanarrative account, it gives affirmation to the multiplicity of meanings
derived from any type of hermeneutical project (Ihde 1974:64).
What may have seemingly been an affirmative correlative between Grenz and Franke’s theory of a69
“world beyond foundations” and Olthuis’ “wild spaces of love” (2001) is actually a demonstration of thecomplexity to keep the hermeneutical task from being a victimizing tool. Wittgenstein’s “languagegames” is used by Grenz and Franke to support the hegemony of metanarrative (2001:52). That is, intheir attempt to interpret “language games” within the framework of a nonfoundational framework, Grenzand Franke posit that while postmodern thinkers are using the language game, they insist that anonfoundational theological methodology can lead to statements about a world beyond foundations. Theproblem with Grenz and Franke’s position, however, points to their understanding that a nonfoundationaltheology demands consensus. Yet, it is this insistence on consensus that Lyotard’s position disagreeswith. For Lyotard, Wittgenstein’s “language games” seek to avoid consensus in relation to interpreting atext. Lyotard, (in Smith 2000:165-166) argues that the insistence of modernity upon legitimationthrough consensus using the language games is not possible because the “incommensurability of languagegames recognizes there is no consensus.”
104
This finds a theoretical construction that is congruent with Charles van Engen’s
theory of fuller knowledge. Van Engen claims that “the continuity of progressive
revelation indicates the deep, fuller and more complete self-revelation of God down
through history” (van Engen 1989:81). Van Engen demonstrates this by inter-connecting
the covenants God had previously established throughout the history of humankind
beginning with Adam. He calls this a series of hermeneutical circles (81). Accordingly,
the dialogue between text and context produces a different (or more complete) but not
necessarily unique knowledge about God’s revelation. As each covenant proceeds from a
previous one “over time the eternal God becomes progressively more completely known
to God’s people” (82). In this case, the meaning of the text remains the same throughout
history. In addition, the knowledge accrued throughout is progressive and fuller than
what was revealed in the covenants preceeding it.
For Charles Kraft (1981), the dialectical sequence between text and context
produces different meanings but remains true to a constant message. Of foremost
importance in this message is the information, which is the raw material from which
messages and meanings are constructed (1981:135) and are represented by forms and
symbols. The message consists of the “structuring of a body of information in a way
appropriate to the ethnolinguistic context within which it is transmitted” (1981:135). This
message remains “constant” throughout history. The meaning is the “structuring of
information in the minds of persons” (1981:135). His theory presupposes that the
meaning “is frequently encoded into messages that are transmitted by communicators to
receptors who decode into messages and, under the stimulus of those messages,
105
restructure meanings in their own minds” (1981:135). In short, the “constancy” of God’s
message (from Adam to the present) implies that the message does not change within
human experience. This message, which Kraft views as constant, however, is interpreted
by finite human beings in different historical and cultural contexts. It is in these contexts
that different meanings interpreted from the one “constant message” are constructed. In
comparison, Ricouers’ multiplicity of meanings is celebrated as pluralities of meanings for
Caputo (2000). Caputo’s theory of “more radical hermeneutics” is a confession of
necessity to understand that our hermeneutical situation is not a search for the “absolute
secret” (2000:3). It is a process of tracing and reading signs in our structures, thus
producing a multiplicity of meanings. To do otherwise is to make the search for the
absolute secret a priori to all hermeneutical tasks. Consequently, this violates all other
claims to knowledge about the “absolute secret.” Thus, instead of pursuing the absolute
secret, Caputo proposes a hermeneutics of friendship (2000:65).
This friendship constitutes a relation that exceeds knowledge, called non-
knowledge. By non-knowledge, Caputo constructs a hermeneutic of non-knowing that
puts any claim of knowing the essence of human being into question. This signifies a
certain hope for something else or “otherwise,” be it negative or positive (2000:5). This
perspective of non-knowledge is based on three specific areas: gender, science and ethics
(2000:127). His objective is to apply non-knowledge into these areas in order to produce
not confusion but an opening. It is an opening for direction instead of a confession of
ignorance. This direction does not exclude new possibilities from voices outside the
traditions where these instances or affairs have been typically confined.
106
These possibilities thereof depend upon taking a “hermeneutic turn.” Caputo
explains
that the point of scientific discovery is to gain an angle of entry into aphenomenon, adopt a revisable construction where the rules begin to beshaky and no method has yet been determined, all for the purpose of takinga ‘fresh cut’ into things (151).
In the end, the overly prescriptive ethical accounts which claim to know The Secret of
human behaviour are negated. This is what Caputo calls the end of ethics (172) in
reference to human behaviour. On the one hand, its purpose is to maximize and optimize
the possibilities of human flourishing. On the other hand, it hopes to minimize violence by
allowing for the invention and acceptance of new forms and things to come that are not
foreseen. In the process, a form of negative theology emerges. It is negative in the sense
that like Derrida’s negative hermeneutics (Caputo 2000:30-31), there is a demand to be on
guard whenever a claim to grasp the Essence or the Absolute Secret is made. Thus,
through Caputo’s hermeneutics of friendship, instead of pursuing The Secret of human
behaviour, possibilities are sought to create an environment of non-violence.
In brief, Caputo’s “more radical hermeneutics” is based on non-knowledge. This
does not refer to some fanciful ability to make a clear, clean or absolute start, or to get
back to a place of some imaginary zero degree and to begin anew from there. Rather, it
confesses the necessity of reading the traces, following the tracks, and reading the signs.
Then, in the end,
...we are left to laugh through our tears and praying like mad, since forevery astute-looking individual who rises to proclaim that the constraints ofour conditions have been surmounted and wishes to announce thediscovery of The Secret, a complaint will be lodged. Thus, begins the
107
tragic-comic conundrum of life and death again where one constantly asks“ Whom shall I make my complaint? (12; cf. Kierkergaard 1983:200-201).
On the other side of the spectrum that is in contrast to Caputo’s theory, Grant
Osborne (1991) rejects the abandonment of fixed meanings. In what he calls
hermeneutical spiral, Osborne views sound biblical interpretation as a movement between
the horizon of the text and the horizon of the reader. This movement spirals nearer and
nearer toward the text’s intended meaning and its significance for today (1991:14). As a
whole, Osborne argues the necessity of relying on traditional exegetical tools - grammars,
lexicons, dictionaries, word studies, atlases, background studies, periodical articles,
commentaries - in order to deepen one’s knowledge base. These are necessary in order to
unlock what he calls the “in-depth” message under the surface of the text (7). On the one
hand, Osborne allows for contextual research as part of the hermeneutical process. On the
other, the task of interpretation is completed only at the level of original intended
meaning. Accordingly, this original intended meaning is foundational to the metanarrative
that is foundational to biblical theologizing (7).
Osborne’s spiral, however, does not refer to a spiral of multiple meanings gathered
from the text when read in different contexts. The movement of spiral in Osborne’s
hermeneutic is, rather, a search for the Absolute Secret (using Derrida’s language) that
eventually ends in a hermeneutical circle based on a plain-dimension different from the
hermeneut’s. The intent of Osborne’s hermeneutical spiral is to remind all hermeneuts that
all biblical theology must eventually meet in the same hermeneutical plain or circle. This is
regardless of the plurality and diversity of contexts. Essentially, Osborne’s hermeneutical
spiral is merely a perpetuation of conventional answers to theological inquiries. These
108
answers could have easily been provided by conservative theologians like himself. To do
otherwise, according to Osborne, would be to engage incorrectly in the theologizing
process.
Juan Luis Segundo proposes a methodology for an approach which attempts to
relate the past and present in dealing with God’s word. He calls this the “hermeneutic
circle.” He defines it as follows:
It is the continuing change in our interpretation of the Bible which isdictated by the continuing changes in our present-day reality, bothindividual and societal. “Hermeneut” means “having to do withinterpretation.” And the circular nature of this interpretation stems fromthe fact that each new reality obliges us to interpret the word of Godafresh, to change reality accordingly, and then to go back and reinterpretthe word of God again, and so on (Segundo in Ferm 1986:65).
Segundo includes two preconditions to this methodology. The first precondition is that
“the questions arising out of the present be rich enough, general enough, and basic enough
to force to change our customary conceptions of life, death, knowledge, society, politics
and the world in general” (65). The second precondition is
“if theology somehow assumes that it can respond to the new questions withoutchanging its customary interpretation of the Scriptures, that immediatelyterminates the hermeneutic circle. Moreover, if our interpretation of Scripturedoes not change along with the problems, then the latter will go unanswered; orworse, they will receive old, conservative, unserviceable answers” (66).
Accordingly, Segundo posits that where these two preconditions are not accepted,
theology will remain a conservative way of thinking and acting (66). “It thus becomes the
pretext for approving the existing situation or for disapproving of it because it does not
dovetail with guidelines and canons that are even more ancient and outdated” (66). The
109
main crux of Segundo’s hermeneutic circle in relation to theologizing is not so much with
content as with the method used to theologize in the face of real-life situations.
Following the thrust of Segundo’s point on the significance of method, the
characteristic controlling nature of conservative theologizing fits the description of one
who seeks to overcome any attempt to theologize. In fact, Segundo’s theory provides for
a series of hermeneutic circles which would be reflective of how God’s story is
experienced in different life situations. While Osborne’s hermeneutical spiral may seem70
to be progressive at first glance, in the end, it remains closed to new theologizing voices
whose methodologies include presuppositions that are different from his own. In effect, it
can be surmised that Osborne’s fundamental intent is to maintain an oblique past that
supposedly holds the Absolute Secret for the present and future. Echoing Segundo,
however, David Bosch (1983:493-496) writes,
The issue as to whether we should use the Bible deductively or inductivelyis really, therefore, a non-issue. We are, whether we like it or not. Andwhether we know it or not, involved in a two-way interpretative process.This “hermeneutical circle” ought not to be a vicious circle. But one inwhich a dynamic and creative dialogue takes place between “text” and“context.” Without the context the text remains ambiguous and misleading.. . . These facts (of indigenization in church history) should not upset usunduly. If we take the incarnation seriously, vastly different forms ofindigenization and contextualization are to be expected and applauded. Asa matter of fact, the Bible itself is an example of contextualization.
In view of the arguments presented in this section, the constitution of language and
meanings in the matrix of presuppositions is significant for one very particular reason. It
describes distinctly the victimizing character of an epistemological claim for a grand
This is comparable to Charles van Engen’s view of covenantal revelations as a series of hermeneutical70
circles (1989:81-83).
110
unitary universal discourse. This is important to recognize as it articulates, although in
negative language, a “non-knowledge.” For Caputo, “non-knowledge” results when71
each “hermeneutic turn” opens up new possibilities from voices which are otherwise
drowned by the overcoming power of a metanarrative discourse. Yet, even if there is that
possibility of a unitary metanarrative discourse representing a language that seeks God,
the allowance for a plurality of interpretations resulting in multiple meanings celebrates the
intent of God’s creation, i.e, Smith’s creational hermeneutic. It is the latter that provides
the hope for theologizing, especially at the local level. When this hope is realized,
emancipation from a hermeneutic of victimization will turn God-talk from an experience of
victimization to an affirmative experience.
A Summary
It would be too easy to summarily distinguish the dynamics of presuppositions,
language and meanings in the hermeneutical process as a tug-of-war between two
polarities. One polarity represents the centrality of the text, while the other the centrality
of the reader. The discussion of different theories as presented above reveals the co-
existence of several very different objectives in the realm of the hermeneutical world. The
dynamics of presuppositions, language and meanings in the hermeneutical process is an
ethical dynamism. It is ethical because its primary significance is the play on power that a
hermeneut exhibits (Smith 2000:177).
In very simple terms, “non-knowledge” is knowledge that does not seek absolute sense in which the71
power of those who espouse it can portray (even pretentiously) it as absolute and consequently use it toovercome others.
111
In turn, this power is in constant interaction with other hermeneuts who are
equally at play. To matter-of-factly posit a paradigm that all hermeneutical exercises must
spiral towards a metanarrative that holds the story of the Absolute Secret violates those
who hold to different hermeneutical paradigms, presuppositions and even methodologies.
It violates because it presumes that the authority of a metanarrative will make all other
local narratives, stories and discourses complete. In such a case, this metanarrative is
actually overcoming “the others” as represented by local narratives.
Furthermore, inherent within this presupposition is that such metanarrative will
liberate the local metanarratives from the limitations of local hermeneutical
methodologies. In short, such authority is saying that it has a far better and superior
mechanism in humankind’s search for the Absolute Secret. This presupposition of
authority to have the power to impose a metanarrative over local ones also seeks to limit
those who can actually perform the hermeneutical task. Such a hegemonic attitude, thus,
inhibits the hermeneutical processes by binding hermeneuts in the local contexts rather
than emancipating them. To the contrary, this attitude prevents the creation of a
“liberative” environment.
Whether one holds on to a paradigm that is fixed upon a static metanarrative or a
paradigm that encourages constant transformation is not really the ethical responsibility in
the hermeneutical process. The ethical responsibility of the hermeneut lies in determining
that one’s hermeneutical approach does not violate other hermeneuts through the exercise
of power. As pointed out by Lee Cormie’s (1994) concept on epistemological humility, it
is thus possible that a victimized “local” hermeneut who does not practice epistemological
112
humility could end up using a hermeneutic of victimization that also victimizes other
“local” hermeneuts.
In this case, it could be said that the hermeneutical approach is both a hermeneutic
of victimization and a hermeneutic that victimizes. The former provides an
interpretational process towards understanding reality. The latter, however, depicts the
attitude on power and control by the hermeneut in relation to other hermeneuts. In effect,
if the ethics of power is usurped by the hermeneut, the very interpretational method he or
she is using ends up controlling other hermeneuts and overcoming them. It, thus, needs to
be recognized that inherent within any interpretational methodology is a hegemonic
objective that seeks to deprivilege other hermeneuts. To dominate over one hermeneut,
while utilizing the dynamics of presuppositions, language and meanings, is to equally
demonstrate a hermeneutic of victimization. Without heeding “epistemological humility”
that Cormie espouses, there is no “liberative” value in a hermeneutic of victimization. In
this state, a hermeneutic of victimization is in danger of becoming a static methodology
that only expounds another framework for negative theologizing and nothing more. In
fact, a static state can easily be institutionalized that a cycle of hegemonic interpretational
methodology spins off what is originally designed to bring both global and local forces to
engage in the realities of the subject at hand. Cormie’s condition, however, opens up a
way to move beyond the negative senses of a hermeneutic of victimization. That is, an
attitude of humility points all hermeneuts to the God who created goodness in the exercise
113
of interpretation. The same Creator is the same God who demonstrated how to deal with
power as all hermeneuts engage in the practice of interpretation.72
Examples of a Hermeneutic of Victimization
The practice of deprivileging others who interpret in a manner that does not follow
a metanarrative imposed by a hegemonic hermeneutical approach is historically verifiable.
It is not a new phenomenon but one that represents a centuries-old struggle. It
encompasses theological, political, gender and socio-historical scopes. Its dominating
attitude victimizes the deprivileged through hegemonic hermeneutical constructions. This
section will examine examples of these constructions in order to demonstrate the results of
a hermeneutic of victimization.
Hermeneutics and Gender Victimization
In her book, Texts of Terror (1984), Phyllis Trible examines four suffering
women in the Bible. She argues that these women suffered as victims at the hands of the
power that was wielded by the power-gender males in their particular ethno-cultural-
historical context. These women are Hagar, Tamar, an unnamed concubine and the
daughter of Jephthah. Accordingly, Trible traces a common theme among these women.
She claims that these women are linked by a pain which was caused by the man (or men)
who was closest to them. Her thesis lies within this theme, which she calls the “point of
See Appendix C. This is a reflection on a Christocentric reading concerning how the incarnation of72
Christ is a possible basis for dealing with power in interpretation.
114
these stories.” In these stories, she posits that women, not men, are suffering servants and
Christ figures.
Critical to her argument are stories throughout the Bible of forgotten women. It is
these forgotten women, of the great stories, which were the ones to suffer. In this light,
Trible looks not only at the storyline but gives attention to hidden meanings, repetitions,
or symbolic usage of specific words and phrases. She also brings to light parts of
individual stories that have so often been forgotten or overlooked. She uses these tools in
an effort to show people that these women suffered because the men in their lives were
either unwilling or too filled with selfish emotion to help them. In short, each experienced
violence as their personhood was interpreted by the power-gender (which is normally
represented by males). In addition, Trible notes that this is not necessarily because of their
respective ethno-cultural contexts but by virtue of the sin of self-preservation.
In re-telling the stories of these women, Trible shows the death, destruction and
suffering they underwent and reveals that they were left not triumphing but, rather, still
limping (5). In this enclave of terror, she demonstrates that throughout the Bible, women
were oppressed and tormented by the men who should have taken care of them. She also
indicates that these women underwent these struggles even though their only intention was
to do good. In the process, Trible provides a clear demonstration of how theologizing
borne out of victimization can emerge from a hermeneutic based on the rhetoric of
sexuality.73
In God and the Rhetoric of Sexuality (1978) Trible chooses to use rhetorical criticism, where she places73
the methodological clue to her hermeneutics upon the text itself. While she views that a proper analysis ofthe forms in the text will yield proper articulation of meaning, she argues that the emphasis in themethodology is a recognition that the Bible is a literature and thereby not needing to be proved as
115
The examples of each women she cites in her book depict the intention of her
hermeneutics. Hagar returned to her family at God’s command only to receive more
suffering. Tamar thought not of herself but of how she could save her brother from sin.
The unnamed concubine returned to her master to be forsaken once again. Jephthah’s
daughter returned to her father only to be sacrificed. Each knew the horrible ending that
awaited her, yet they still did what they faithfully committed to do because of their
understanding of what was good.
In these demonstrations of good, Trible provides evidence that the Bible is a book
of stories about “dominated” women. They suffered violence not at the hands of their
enemies but at the hands of the power-gender in their inner circle. Ironically, these power-
gender males were expected to protect and take care of them. As a result of their
suffering, these women are central actors in these biblical stories who represent Christ-like
figures (2-3).
Hermeneutics and Political Victimization
In The Tears of Lady Meng (1982) C. S. Song proposes doing theology with
the intention of demythologizing the safety of presupposed traditions. Based on a
literature. She further makes the distinction that a literary reading of the Bible is different from a readingthat focuses on extrinsic factors such as historical background, archaeological data, compositional history,authorial intention, sociological setting or theological motivation and ensuing presuppositional results (8). She also utilizes symmetrical structure based on the concentric circles used in the Wisdom heremeneuticaltraditions (1984: 42-43; cf. M. Kolarcik (1981).
116
Chinese folktale, he constructs a theology that wrestles with the political ethic of the cross
of Jesus (63). His interpretational methodology is neither analogical nor analytical
(characteristics which are typical of western hermeneutics). His hermeneutic argues that a
political theology located in the spaces created by stories of spiritual power in the context
of suffering is the locus where God gives the power – ethic of truth, love and justice (65-
66).
The character of Song’s hermeneutic is grounded in a story of victimization where
a dominant political power is once again imposing itself. Similar to the end achievement
of Trible’s female biblical actors, the willingness of Song’s Lady Meng to sacrifice herself
left an impact that outlasted the Emperor’s rule. The Emperor, who is supposed to be the
defender of the people of his kingdom, treated them instead like grass and weeds. The
ending of the story may seem tragic like all stories of victimization. Lady Meng’s violent
death, however, gives birth to a theological construct that is more than a metaphor.
Song’s hermeneutical construction of a political theology based on this story is thus an
exhibition of how hermeneutical violence may be overcome while affirming the good in
hermeneutics. Simply, without reconstructing history, it is possible to move beyond the74
consequences of hermeneutical victimization, and possibly lead to a liberating conscience
that ultimately validates and frees both the victim and her community.
Articulating a similar construct, Virginia Fabella (1980) provides a prophetic stance that continues to74
be current in its applicability. She posits that the centuries of colonialism and more recent manifestationof neocolonialism (in a postmodern context) demonstrate the ongoing struggle towards a liberatedconsciousness among the oppressed and poor communities Asia: a “truly liberating theology mustultimately be the work of the Asian poor, who are struggling for full humanity” (157). In turn, thisfullness of humanity would reflect the rootedness of doing theology in the history and struggle of theoppressed.
117
Hermeneutics and Socio-Historical Victimization
In reexamining historical developments in the Philippines, Luis Camara Dery
(2001) demonstrates how a historical accounting by a particular local social structure
actually victimizes other local narratives. He posits that a reading of history that unfolds
at the level of the local inhabitants among the grassroots depicts a perspective from the
bottom. This differs quite starkly in comparison with the historical perspective of the elite
or of metropolitan Manila. His historical re-examination looks at a variety of historical
developments from the kinship origin of the Filipino people to various local historical
accounts. This includes the stories of the Bikolanos, the Pangasinan, the Moro
communities in Luzon and Visayas, and those involved in prostitution in colonial Manila
and even the myth of “peacetime” prosperity.
His re-examination indicates that a “history of the powerless, the inarticulate, the
poor” still has to be written because they have not been treated fairly by past and present
historians (xiii). It so happens that most historical accounts of Philippine history are
written by the education class of Philippine society. For this reason, he argues that the
current state of affairs in historical accounting in the Philippines still lacks a voice that
relates the history of the inarticulate. In short, the demand is for the powerless to speak
for themselves rather than have the powerful, though local, speak for them. Dery’s hope
is that in getting such a “view from the bottom,” the precolonial identity of the Filipino
people before it fell victim to its historical and cultural colonizers (Dery 2001:167), may
eventually be re-discovered.
118
Lambert Zuidervaart (1994), examining Theodore Adorno’s theory of “negative
dialectics,” provides a supporting theory that recognizes Dery’s struggle concerning75
polar opposites. Zuidervaart’s methodology utilizes a discussion of Adorno’s theory based
on a logic of aesthetics in the process. Accordingly, Adorno delegates logic “not simply
to the patterns, principles or categories of (his) arguments but rather to all of these matters
together with the substantive considerations behind them” (48). In Adorno’s “negative
dialectic,” his arguments are dialectical in the sense that they affirm unavoidable tensions
between polar opposites. In turn, this opposition constitutes their unity and generates
historical change. The dialectic is negative, however, in the sense that it refuses to affirm
any underlying identity or final synthesis of polar opposites. Thus according to
Zuidervaart, inasmuch as Adorno “continually points to a possibility of reconciliation, the
main oppositions that occur between the particular and the universal, and between culture
in a narrow sense and society as a whole, refuse to affirm each other so as to seek a
definitive form of synthesis” (53). Simply, there is an undermining character in each pole
that seems to exert an independent power or authority over the other while validating each
other nonetheless. In a hermeneutic of victimization, the issue of power has underscored
its role in the process of victimizing. Adorno’s “negative dialectics” certainly
acknowledges this. He adds, however, that the opposing polarities in a power relationship
does not necessarily have to overcome each other, but rather the act of validating the
other could usurp the victimizing result of a power that seeks to dominate.
Negative dialectics is Adorno's magnum opus on epistemology and metaphysics. It appeared in 1966.75
Aesthetic Theory, his other magnum opus on which he had worked throughout the 1960s, appearedposthumously in 1970.
119
Applied particularly in the Philippine context, Jaime Bulatao’s Split Level
Christianity (1992) names these main oppositions as the Christian and the pagan existing
within one personhood:
...one characteristic of the split-level type of Christianity is the convictionof the fitness of each of two objectively inconsistent thought-and-behavioursystems. A second characteristic is the fact that the inconsistency itself iseither not preceived at all or is pushed into the rear portions ofconsciousness. At most it is taken for granted and simply “forgotten.” Thus, the feeling of inconsistency does not arise. Neither is there a feelingof hypocrisy. Consequently, there is no particular drive to make onesystem conform to the other, either by a change in behaviour or by theelaboration of a conceptual system capable of somehow reconciling both. Both systems are left to co-exist without disturbance and without guilt(25).
While Adorno would not identify either the process or methodology to achieve
reconciliation between polar opposites, Bulatao is able to point out the source for such76
reconciliation in the Filipino cultural context:
...the inconsistency remains unconscious or only semiconscious, so that theindividual himself remains at peace with himself. The only possibleoccasion for his becoming upset is when the authority figure should“discover” the existence of the split. Such a piercing through of themasking surface level is capable of arousing hiya to an intense degree, acalamity which must be avoided at all cost. Accordingly there arises a thirdcharacteristic of the split-level, namely a need to keep the authority figureat a distance (25).
The gap between the Christian authority figure and the common masses is identified along
an imposition of power. This power belongs to the elite, a point which is echoed in Dery’s
argument. Accordingly, in order for the authority figure to enter the dialectical process,
According to Zuidervaart, Adorno does not view his negative dialect as a method and then apply it (as76
in, present in action) wherein his theoretical arguments are dependent on a method (1994:54). In short,Adorno’s method is not meant to be abstracted from the text. Instead, Adorno’s originality seeks toaddress pertinent categories and criteria for philosophical inquiry.
120
he/she has to enter without any power except that which is given to him/her by the
common masses. This means a willingness to give up much of the “power” which
historical and cultural evolution has vested in him/her. Otherwise, the authority figure will
continue to victimize the masses through the exercise of his/her hegemonic power.
Benigno Beltran, a Jesuit priest, is a vivid example of Bulatao’s authority figure.
Although a religious authority figure, he has been able to provide a reconciliatory process
for addressing polar opposites. His missional work, recorded in his book The Christology
of the Inarticulate (1987) provides a concrete study of inquiry highlighting Fabella’s thesis,
Dery’s struggle, Adorno’s theory of negative dialectic and Bulatao’s process.
Foremost to Beltran is to address the issue concerning “how Christological
concepts and categories can be understood within Filipino patterns of thought and
expressed in the various Filipino languages” (ix). In his response, Beltran utilizes a
scientific methodology to produce a critical theological reflection. Using this
methodology, he made inquiries from the trash heap gatherers of the original Smokey
Mountain in Tondo, Manila. The result of his inquiry brought him to the conclusion that
Filipino Christology must see history as promise in order to deepen the understanding of
human destiny (17).
To the garbage dump workers, the image of the Crucified Christ is expressed in
the reverence and tranquility of their faces. This is so in spite of being immersed in their
quasi-animist, spiritualist worldview. As such, rather than be compelled to articulate their
faith using the concepts and categories of western Christianity (as demonstrated by those
in the educated institution of their faith), they become articulate scavengers in the garbage
121
dump in Tondo. Their Christological articulation finds space in the joy, the courage and
the hope for divine mercy that they radiate in the midst of their misery and degradation.
A Summary: Delineating a Hermeneutic of Victimization
In summation, a hermeneutic of victimization is a consequence of theological
hegemony in the interplay between control and interpretation. It recognizes the presence
of presuppositions in the interpretational process. These presuppositions are based on
hermeneutical propositions which are borne into matrices where power seeks to dominate
via the propagation of such presuppositions. In turn, this process of propagation insists
that language and meanings follow the conditions of uniformity and conformity, which are
major tenets of the philosophy of modernity. In such light, the methodological process in
interpretation can be controlled and systematized while speaking a language that seems to
represent God. Yet, instead it follows the agenda of a controlling power that seeks to
preserve conservative theologizing. It could be said therefore that theologizing is a
product of a hermeneutic of victimization when the hermeneut refuses to deal with or
overlooks the power issues inherent in theologizing.
The problem, however, is that the contemporary state of affairs in hermeneutical
methodology is conditioned by post modernity. As presented in Chapter Two, primal
instincts in Asian cultures, in particular, share similar and congruent conditions with those
of post modernity. Postmodern conditions have changed the environment of the matrix
wherein presuppositions are born. In Asian contexts, these conditions are nothing new.
Yet, while these conditions allow for a recognition of modernity and its presuppositions,
122
they do not necessarily hold them in higher regard compared to other epistemological
constructions. Instead, these conditions give validation to all epistemological and
hermeneutical constructions. This includes political, gender, religious, socio-historical and
theological. This also includes negating modern constructs whereby a different form of
dialectic emerges. It is a dialectic that will not allow the hermeneutical process to be
victimized by a dominant hegemony which seeks to deprivilege “the others.”
A hermeneutic of victimization does not happen in a context that is isolated from
other contexts. Like all interpretational processes, it is very much involved, engaged and
participatory in the global community. In this regard, a hermeneutic of victimization will
always have to deal with global factors affecting the local contexts. Equally affected as
well is the response of the local contexts to global hegemonic factors. This response will
give an indication of whether a hermeneutic of victimization is liberative, especially as
espoused by Cormie’s epistemological humility. For even if the interpretational
methodology gives light to the experiences of victimization, if the response indicates an
interpretational attitude that victimizes other interpretational process, any “liberative”
ending is still far from sight.
A “liberative” ending, however, does not mean that a hermeneutic of victimization
can be transformed into a hermeneutic of non-victimization. It should never be mistaken
that the liberative objective in a hermeneutic of victimization indicates there is linear
progression towards a better ending. To the contrary, a hermeneutic of victimization
stands on its own. As alluded to earlier, it is an interpretational framework to reflect on,
analyze and articulate experiences of victimization. In this particular study, theological
123
victimization has been the focus. Yet, a hermeneutic of victimization can also be a vehicle
for further victimization depending on how it responds to the condition set by
“epistemological humility.” This attitude consequently leads to participation in hegemonic
power that overcomes “the others.” This being the case, even if a hermeneutic of
victimization is applied within an environment of epistemological humility, the primary
content of its narratives will always be stories and discourses of victimization. This
implies, therefore, theologies which utilize a hermeneutic of victimization will be negative
theologies.
In summation, the theoretical constructions in this chapter provide a general
framework for understanding the theologizing conditions in closed access Muslim
communities in the southern Philippines. The manipulation of the education of Muslims
demonstrates the historical subjugation of Muslimhood in the Philippines. Three stories
were presented in order to exhibit the victimization factors involved in this subjugation.
At the same time, these three stories breathe a very insistent negating dynamism that
refuses to be subjugated in response to hegemonic advances. Last but not least, a
hermeneutic of victimization can be traced in the collective Asian experience. While
domination by the powerful is a common theme, the response of negation, normally found
in the underside of a local context, is an equally common theme. The fact that these two
polar strands of daily living in Asian contexts are co-existent is nothing new. The more
significant reality is the constant refusal to be wholly dominated by those assuming to
represent the grassroots.
124
As presented in this chapter, the current state of global-local relationship is
sensitive against attempts by global forces to overcome and dominate the local contexts.
The Asian experience in this regards is overwhelmed by periodic experiences of
colonization. It is thus necessary to provide some space for an articulation of this type of
victimization. In part, this is a necessary exercise that will hopefully lead to a “liberataive”
and redemptive experience where healing can happen. From hereon, this study will
attempt to articulate a methodology for decolonizing the resulting colonized mentality
borne from this type of victimization.
CHAPTER 4
DECOLONIZING COLONIAL MENTALITY
A hermeneutic of victimization provides a local community with an interpretational
framework to reflect on, analyze and articulate its narratives and discourses of
victimization at the hands of hegemonic powers. These narratives, however, are borne out
of experiences where two polarities are in opposition to each other. These narratives
become stories of victimization when one of these polarities gain control over the other
and thus overcome the other polarity. It is the dynamics involved in this process of
overcoming which will be the focus of this chapter. It is the contention of this study that
before any true liberative experience can happen, the articulation to a claim of being
victimized by a hegemonic power is not enough. Equally important is the articulation of
how the victimization happened. In this chapter, these narratives of victimization are
viewed from the experience of colonial mentality.
Accordingly, this chapter will examine in particular the colonial mentality
found among Filipinos. The process in view is to provide an anatomical description of
colonial mentatlity through historical and cultural examples for the purpose of
decolonizing the Filipino mentality. The result will, in turn, seek to offer a process for
framing the Filipino colonial experience. It will show that an emerging environment called
125
126
the “underside” provides a place for articulating how the local culture responds and reacts
to the colonial experience. It is hoped that the different possibilities for framing a
response to colonial mentality in the underside will provide also the resources for a
construction of a hermeneutic of affirmation. An example of one particular response to
the colonial experience will be presented in a case study format.
Comparatively speaking, then, Filipino culture cannot be termed a homogeneous
or monolithic culture in the same manner that the cultures of Japan, Korea and even
Thailand can. Yet it is this trait that makes Filipino culture a gold mine for anthropology.
Within it are diverse cultures with their own respective linguistic symbols representing
phenomenologically distinct yet related worldviews. If the Filipino culture were a research
laboratory, it could easily produce a generic design of Asian cultures. Each culture can be
very distinct from the others and yet share so many commonalities at the same time.
Similar to the Filipino culture, Asian cultures consists of a multiplicity of distinct ethno-
cultural groupings which share many cultural instincts yet each refuses to be bound by one
overarching story. This concept is significant to this study. The focus on this issue would
hopefully assist other Asian cultures towards decolonizing themselves from the hegemonic
powers of globalization.
This chapter will also demonstrate the critical effect of hegemonic power in the
phenomenology called colonial mentality. In the previous chapter, it was presented that
the local community’s attitude on power in relation to the interpretational process can
result in at least two possibilities. One is that it can use power by producing a
metanarrative to overcome other local narratives, and thus victimize “the others.” The
127
other is that it can opt out to be liberative by choosing to exercise epistemological humility
in view of the other local narratives. While the topic of power is admittedly wide-ranging,
this chapter will view power as a valuative dynamic in the interpretational process. This
means that “power” will be viewed as an ethical value in which the attitude that is
exercised in using it will be the condition to assess whether an interpretational process is
liberative or not. In the end, this will also hopefully point towards a need to construct a
hermeneutic that will provide a different framework for reflecting on, analyzing and
articulating the victimizing experiences of colonial mentality.
Khalid’s Story: A Case Study on Rejecting Colonial Mentality byBelievers Engaged in An Insider Movement
Khalid is a Muslim believer. He grew up in traditional Muslim culture in77
southern Philippines. He upholds the teachings of Islam and worships according to the
Islamic faith. He adheres to the claim that Muhammad is a prophet of Allah. At the78
In this study, the term “Muslim believer” will be used in reference to a person who is a proponent of an77
insider movement (IM) approach. The individual’s religio-cultural identity remains descriptive of aMuslim who belongs in a particular ethno-cultural group and continues to observe Islamic religious ritualseven as the individual claims to have shifted allegiance to a faith in Isa al Masih. To protect the identity of these individuals, the ethno-cultural group of the individual will remainanonymous. Thus, it should be noted that even as the ethno-cultural group of individuals are notrespectively mentioned, this does not mean the significance of context is overlooked. In addition, alldesignated proper names will be pseudonyms as well.
Arabic term for God.78
128
same time, he bases his salvation on the teachings of Isa al Masih. He finds support and79
evidence for this salvation from within the Injil and the Qur’an. 80 81
Khalid also has a da’wa’ of at least ten believers. He continues to live with82
fellow Muslims, earning his livelihood among them and serving his community’s needs
whenever resources are available. Khalid also supports the struggle, together with other
fellow Muslims in the Philippines, to regain control of land areas from the government of
the Philippines. They claim this land to be rightfully theirs due to its possession and
ownership by their ancestors. They call this land Bangsamoro.
Previous to his current situation, however, Khalid has had plenty of experiences
working with Christian organizations. He worked in translation and radio programming/
broadcasting for several Christian organizations. It needs to be noted that despite his
allegiance to Isa al Masih, not once has he claimed to have “become a Christian” or
worshiped in a Christian church throughout those years.
About three years ago, Khalid, together with his wife, came to a decision to leave
his work as the head of a Bible translation team. He had reached the limit in an
unresolved issue with his Christian employers concerning decision making over some
linguistic nuances in their ethnic language and the best environment and context for
verifying the translation work of his team. He wanted to do his translation work from
Literal meaning in Arabic to Jesus Christ or Jesus the Messiah.79
Arabic term for “the gospel” according to the teachings of Jesus Christ.80
The Holy Book of Islam.81
Arabic term for fellowship or group of believers. In this study, believers are those who have entrusted82
their salvation to Isa al Masih and have committed to follow/obey his teachings.
129
within a Muslim community. His main intent in this was to make the translation maximally
comprehensible to his specific target community.
His employers nonetheless refused to agree with this strategy. One reason for this,
as cited by his employer, was their own incapacity to oversee the translation work in a
Muslim community. The employers were afraid for their safety if they were to be
identified as Christian missionaries. Another reason was their employer’s refusal to cede
authority concerning decisions over linguistic nuances of Khalid’s ethnic language to local
translators. Khalid’s argument on this latter point was that as local translators who live in
an Islamic context, his translation team could shed on more light regarding the linguistic
nuances of their own language than their missionary counterparts .
Previous to this experience, Khalid also worked as a radio programmer and
broadcaster. The contract he worked out with the funder of the radio program stated that
he would be in charge of the production and programming. When new management took
over at his place of employment, it was decided without consultation to change both the
design and emphasis of the program. In due time, the new leadership management hired a
new programmer. Khalid was subsequently relegated to function only as the broadcaster.
Khalid, at this point, contacted the funder of the program and explained the unfortunate
turn of events. After the funder consulted with the Christian organization where Khalid
worked, the funder decided to withdraw his support from the organization. Sadly, Khalid
left soon thereafter.
130
Towards a Collective Affirmation of an Insider Movement83
As presented beforehand, Khalid’s experience provided two case studies. One is in
relation to his work as a translator, and the other concerns his work as a radio
programmer and broadcaster. These two experiences left unquestionably indelible marks
on Khalid. They concern the dominating type of relationships he has had with foreigners
who seek to evangelize Muslims. In the two years since entering his current situation,
Khalid has been able to gather other like-minded Muslim believers who have undergone
similar experiences in foreign-dominated relationships. In all these situations, the local
believers were requesting an equal voice in the decisions about their own people. It is
when non-Muslims exerted their authoritative voices without giving due respect to the
voices of the Muslim co-translators that the time came for these believers to leave these
relationships.
Incredibly, even though these believers have left their formal relationships with
foreign and local missionaries, they continue to feel indebted to these individuals.
According to general characteristics of Filipino Muslim cultures, no matter how bad a
relationship turns out, recipients of a donor’s goodness are expected to remain in gratitude
to the donor. On the one hand, these believers have already chosen to physically separate
themselves from people they viewed to be “colonizers.” On the other hand, they remain
attached to them through cultural obligation as an expression of their gratitude to them.
In a consultation held in April 2008 and December 2008 among these like-minded
believers, they agreed upon a protocol on how to evaluate the intent of a foreign/local
From hereon, the term “insider movement” will be referred to as IM.83
131
missionary who might ask to partner with them. They determined to be suspicious of84
anyone who offers them resources with conditions. They agreed to affirm their right to
choose with whom they would partner. In short, they have determined that they will set
the agenda instead of being stringed along by the agenda of outsiders.
This agenda is in relation to the paradigm of the insider movement (or IM) to
which these believers have committed themselves. The conditions of this paradigm are the
same as those which Khalid has practiced in his own life. These believers have chosen to85
remain Muslims and worship the One Supreme God named Allah according to Islamic
religious tradition. They read the Qur’an, the Injil and the rest of the Bible. They have
entrusted their salvation to Isa al Masih, strive to obey his commands and strive to live
according to his teachings. They serve their fellow Muslims because this is the calling of
Allah in their lives. In serving their fellow Muslims, they want to bring the presence of
By partnership, the term connotes a voluntary participation in the relationship. A partnership based on84
employment, where the missionary provides employment to a Muslim believer, recognizes all theemployment protocol that apply in such a relationship. This is not a voluntary participation but rather arelationship based on contract. The type of partnership in view here is not based on an employment contract. Rather, it is members ofthe missionary community who are offering development assistance to Muslim. This assistance, however,does not come free. In exchange, the believers are required to allow the missionaries access to enter theircommunities and utilize these believers to accomplish the former’s evangelistic strategies regardless of thecost on the latter. Of course, all along, the believers have known that without them, the missionarieswon’t be able to raise funds that would also include their personal support needs and, as well as, raisetheir credibility for the mission work they claim to be engaged in to their supporters. This is the bone of contention between these two communities. From the believers’ perspective, thenon-transparency of the missionaries concerning the usage of funds they supposedly raise for workingwith Muslims and their non-trust to let the believers do the work of both evangelism and discipleshipwithout micro-managing the mission of the kingdom fo God — these are the sources for the suspicion thathas risen among these believers.
The lifestyle that Khalid has been observing is no different from the lifestyle that other IM believers in85
other parts of the world have chosen for themselves. In a consultation facilitated by Common Groundsconsultants in 2007, different individuals from eastern Europe, middle East and southeast Asia sharedcommonalities in their respective approach to what constitutes an insider movement paradigm.
132
God’s Kingdom among them, which is what Isa al Masih taught his disciples to do. As a
whole, these groups of Muslims have remained legally and socio-religiously within their
local Muslim communities while coming to an understanding of faith in Isa al Masih.86
Thus, despite being labeled unbelievers by foreign missionaries and local church87
workers, they continued to affirm themselves nonetheless. They have determined that they
will not be victimized again by the agenda of outsiders. They also agree that they
will continue in their commitment to serve their fellow Muslims. They will do this in a
manner that will allow them to demonstrate God’s Kingdom as Muslim believers in Isa al
Masih. In like manner, they affirm that they will work through the dynamics of trusting in
Isa al Masih within the traditions of Islam. They will also strive to obey the teachings of
Isa al Masih within the cultural patterning and processes of Maguindanaoan culture.
Simply, these are the essentials of what they term the insider movement (or IM).88
In Appropriate Approaches in Muslim Contexts (2005:400), John and Anna Travis re-present their86
original conceptualization of the C1-C6 continuum (400). They provide ten premises (403-410) forconsideration in an attempt to answer the question: Can a Muslim follower of Christ retain all Muslimpractices? These premises are meant to engage both theoretical and theological perspectives of whatconstitutes an insider movement approach. This article also provides more examples of IM in other partsof the world. In relation to this study, however, inasmuch as the Travis’ provide supporting data to this study, thethesis of this study is not to define and delineate what constitutes an insider movement. Rather, it is theexamination of the hermeneutical process for those engaged in an insider movement approach whichremains central to this study.
IM believers (or believers who are following an IM approach) refuse to be called Christians and will87
deny having become Christians. This is a very distinct trait of IM believers. One of the reasons for suchrefusal is indicative of their sensitivity to the history of victimization Muslims have experienced underChristian rule. This is because being called a Christian is to allow oneself to be under the authority ofChristian governance.
Interestingly, the essentials which the IM believers delineatede in the consultation, as cited, follow the88
same premises that the Travis’ outlined in their work, Appropriate Approaches in Muslim Contexts(2005).
133
Implications from the Case Study
Firstly, the historical experiences of colonialism require articulation. This is the
responsibility of those who have undergone this experience. That colonialism imposes a
colonial mentality upon one’s consciousness is a key part of this articulation. For
adherents to the IM paradigm alluded to previously, while they would listen, there is no
need for the colonizers to articulate what they have done. Instead, it is up to the
individuals in IM contexts to remove the trappings of what a colonial mentality has done
to each one respectively.89
Secondly, cultural norms continue to play a part in the relationship between
colonizer and colonized. The chief intent, of course, is to avoid and prevent the trappings
of a colonial mentality from affecting further the colonized individual. A common cultural
theme, however, among the diverse ethno-cultural groups in the Philippines is the feeling
of “reciprocal” obligation , i.e., return goodness, to those who have contributed to one’s
wellbeing. This sense of obligation allows for the possibility of reconciliation in Philippine
culture.
Reciprocal obligation, however, does not mean an obligation to keep a
relationship. In Philippine culture, and more specifically in Muslim cultures, there are
degrees of relationships. In this case, it is possible to resign away from a previous
relationship. Yet, the “resigning” individual could never forget the reciprocal obligation
inherent in that relationship. In the cases of Khalid and other IM believers, while choosing
This will be further discussed in this chapter. See section “On Changing Filipino Consciousness.”89
134
to stay away from relationships with those whom they view as colonial outsiders, they
remain respectful to these individuals.
Thirdly, Khalid and other adherents of an IM approach have chosen to follow a90
lifestyle that is radically different from the lifestyle of their colonizers. There is no doubt
that there is a deep appreciation for the spiritual truths the latter have taught to the former.
But, to continue on the path that the colonizers had designed for them would mean
choosing to remain subjugated by a colonial mentality. Instead of taking this path, Khalid
and other IM believers have chosen to stay within the religious traditions of Islam and
their own cultural norms as Muslim people. Within this context, they commit to living a
life of obedience according to the teachings of Isa al Masih.
They have also chosen theological terms that are Arabic in nature. In so doing,
they seek to communicate the truths of the gospel of Isa al Masih with reference to both
Qur’anic and Biblical principles. Subsequently, they have utilized hermeneutical tools
which have a close affinity to both their religious and cultural traditions. More91
significantly, they have produced their own translations of different portions of the
Scriptures using a combination of Kraft’s theory on dynamic equivalence translation
(1981) and Shaw’s theory of transculturation (1988, 1989).
It is critical to understand that the choice is in keeping with traditions that has been in their religious90
cultural make-up for at least eight centuries and counting. This is, of course, assumes that Islam enteredwhat became known as the Philippines in the early 1200's. What may seem as recent intrusion from theArabic world of Islam into the Islamic sphere in the Philippines hardly counts as being imposed byoutsiders.
Hermeneutically, the story of the miraj (or ascension of Mohammed) has been developed as an91
interpretational tool to shift the significance of the experience from Mohammed to Isa al Masih withoutrelegating the status of the Mohammed as a prophet of God. Culturally, the theme of “power encounter”has been used to tell stories from the Injil. These and others will be further discussed in the next chapter.
135
Last but not least, they have set the tone of their agenda concerning who can
become partners with them in their IM journey. They refuse to just accept without
question resources from outsiders which could come with “strings attached.” Rather, they
require “inquiring” partners to abide by the conditions they set forth in observance and
agreement with the IM paradigm. Incredibly, they have been able to forge new partnering
relationships with those who are willing to journey with them in their IM paradigm. Sadly,
their previous partners continue to assert their own traditional paradigms and refuse to
acknowledge the indigenous path of these IM believers.
From hereon, this study will delineate a framework for understanding the effect of
colonial mentality on IM. The framework hopes to bring out dynamics that will describe
the anatomy of colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness. In turn, these dynamics
will be examined for the purpose of decolonizing such mentality with a view to changing
the Filipino consciousness accordingly. Prior to these, however, it is necessary to discuss
the impact of the underside in relation to colonial mentality.
An Anatomy of Colonial Mentality
The problem of colonial mentality is not limited to Filipino society alone. It is also
common to other societies and cultures which have experienced the oppression of
colonialism. As a mentality, it may be seen as a contradicting force to a people’s
worldview. In other words, it is a consciousness that induces people to place a negative
valuation on its own society and culture. Yet because of its pervasive influence on
culture, it often characterizes the way people look at themselves within society (self-
136
identity). Similarly, it also affects the way societies collectively see themselves in relation
to other societies.
In short, a colonial mentality is not a worldview but a face of a worldview. So,
even in today’s contemporary cultural climate (both global and local), it should be taken as
a given that globalization has become a means for exporting, transporting and normalizing
a colonial mentality. This should not surprise anyone nor should it be viewed as92
something new as in the form of neo-colonialism. Crudely said, it comes with the
territory. It could be viewed that colonial mentality may even seem to function in a way
that is similar to worldview. It is not, however, as comprehensive in scope as is
worldview, which deals with the assumptions of the systematic totality of a people’s
cultural conceptualizations. A colonial mentality, at its core, is a marginalized
consciousness as Leny Mendoza Strobel articulates it (2001:viii, ix).
In the Filipino language, they describe themselves as ang Pilipinongnawawala sa sarili, the Filipino lost within him/herself. This “lostness” asa result of colonialism is both accepted and repudiated, resulting in thecommon description of this phenomenon as “split-level consciousness,”“ambiguity,” or a “schizophrenic king of existence.”
For Renato Constantino (1974), colonial mentality among Filipinos is the result of 450
years of Hispanic and American colonization. The resulting consciousness is expressed in
an intellectual captivity where people developed a warped sense of values and a distorted
Anthony Giddens (1990) demonstrated how changes in global communication technology have made it92
easier, cheaper and faster to move peole and things around the world than ever before. They also made itpossible to stretch social relationships of all kinds over huge distances that previously would have beenunbridgeable. These and together with the cultural domination of the west with enforced social changes(Beidelman 1982:2) have perpetuated the normalization of western dominated practices which wereimposed on non-western societies through colonialism. Consequently, “local” lives were forever altered(Gledhill 1994:74, cf. Schultz and Lavinda 2005:67)
137
picture of their own reality. Consequently, lack of ethnic pride produces a cultural93
inferiority complex towards the colonizers. Moreover, there is an inabilty to articulate or
manifest a strong sense of ethnic identity. According to Strobel, this stems from
“...lacking the critical awareness of the forces of domination andoppression that shape attitudes, values and behaviour in the colonized. This lack of awareness among colonized peoples results in mimicry of thecolonizers’ attitudes, values and behaviour while their own indigenousvalues keep subverting and betraying this mimicry” (ix).
In the Filipino context, this colonial mentality could very well be a poster child for
western colonialism. It has certainly exhibited itself in many forms. As alluded to above,
Filipinos have culturally looked down upon their own culture as inferior, and is therefore
to be rejected. In its place, the foreign culture of its oppressor is viewed as superior and
thus to be desired. This presumed superiority of western culture finds its primary export
vehicle “through western schools, (where) such western perspectives have led many non-
westerners to look up to western societies and to look down on their own” (Kraft
1996:5).94
Intellectually then, colonialism has produced elite graduates from its educational
system. These, in turn, accept and reproduce the intellectual framework and the historico-
See reference on Renato Constantino’s paper (1974). 93
Kraft’s observation will be shown to agree with one of the contentions in this paper that94
western colonial education in the Philippines was a major contributing factor in the development of theFilipino colonial mentality. In like manner, Caldwell (1999) appeals for a re-evaluation of westernconstructed exegetical methods as these are universally applied to non-Asian contexts. His appeal stemsfrom realizing that “perhaps the hermeneutical methods that work so well in my own cultural context maynot work as well in another cultural context. It was only when I was confronted by individuals for whomhistorical-critical tools were oftentimes irrelevant and/or incomprehensible that I realized that historical-critical tools may not be the “be all and end all” of proper Bible study and that western methods are not necessarily universal” (27).
138
philosophical formulations of the west. A sad demonstration of this is in the manner that95
the Filipino colonial mentality belittles and marginalizes the intellectual contributions of its
Asian neighbours. In turn, this colonial education has created consequences for the
economic life of the Filipinos as well. Filipino culture has become a consumer society of
things that are foreign and western. This has resulted in behavioural practices that imitate
the culture of its oppressors, as they wilfully prefer foreign goods to local items. Such
practices lend Filipinos to go to great lengths to fulfil the common dream to “go abroad.”
Taken to the limit, this can be viewed to include, figuratively speaking, “consuming” the
country from which the foreign goods come. 96
In terms of religion, Roman Catholicism was introduced by a colonizing Spain to
the Philippines. The form of Christianity that has since evolved has largely accommodated
itself to the local culture which primarily practices folk religion. This form allows for a
possible exhibition of syncretism which at best is very superficial. In such a case, Roman
Renato Constantino (1974:45-48) provides historical data on how the American government designed95
to use the Philippine educational system as a means to embed a perpetual colonial grip over the wholePhilippine society. Moreover, Constantino is highly critical of the consequences of colonial educationwhich resulted in “a citizenry amazingly naive and trusting in its relation with foreigners, devoid of thecapacity to feel indignation even in the face of insults to the nation, ready to acquiesce and even to helpaliens in the despoliation of our natural weatlh” (49).
P. C. Morantte (1984) wrote about his Filipino writer friend, Carlos Bulosan. In this particular book,96
Morantte detailed the conflict within Bulosan who viewed himself as a Filipino citizen but muchenamored by his “love affair” with “Lady America.” Disclosing this lament, he echoed the struggle of aperson torn to find himself in strange land he loved within:
America is a land of wonders in which everything I in constant motion and every changeseems an improvement...I am battling for my life...I am battling for a resurrection of adynamic dream tht was once the periscope of my life, for the flowering of a little promisingbud that I had once inside me. This may sound incongruous to many people...because theydo not understand the chemistry of the sensitive mind, the fatalities of an over-sensitivepersonality, the despair and the hope of a dreamer in a strange country, the loneliness of aman without a country... (100).
Bulosan’s experience finds affirmation in the writings of Rodel Ramos (1994), a Filipino immigrant toCanada, and Leny Mercado Strobel (2001), a Filipina immigrant to the USA.
139
Catholocism has altered the forms but barely touched the deep-level meanings of culture
of the belief-system of the people by controlling religious institutions (Karnow 1989:52,
cf. Constantino 1974:5).
Similarly, the Protestant faith arrived in the Philippines accompanied by American
political colonialism. There are also consequences stemming from this religio-political
marriage. It has since produced an evangelical Christianity that remains largely committed
to the imitation of western evangelicalism, i.e., American in particular. Filipino97
evangelicalism could be very well viewed as an alien religious superstructure that is
superimposed upon an animistic substructure. The very nature and design of this type of
Christianity has thus failed to address the ultimate concerns of the people.
In particular, rooted historically in American colonialism, evangelical Christianity
in the Philippines exhibits corresponding characteristics of colonial mentality. This
colonial mentality, however, exists largely in the mind of the Filipino inasmuch as the
Filipino may seem to be as nationalistic as ever. Empirical evidence, nonetheless, points to
Wallace Radcliffe, responding to the blatantly imperialistic design, known as Manifest Destiny, of97
McKinley’s administration towards the Philippines, spoke with few compunctions,“Imperialism is in the air; but it has new definitions and better intentions. It isrepublicanism ‘writ large.’ It is imperialism, not for domination but for civilization; not forabsolutism but for self-government. American imperialism is enthusiastic and beneficialrepublicanism. Imperialism expresses itself by expansion. I believe in imperialism becauseI believe in foreign missions. Our Foreign Mission Board can teach Congress how to dealwith remote dependencies. . . . The peal of the trumpet rings out over the Pacific. Thechurch must go where America goes” (as quoted in Miller 1982:18).
The consequence of the zeal that accompanied Radcliffe’s proclamation continues to echo today incontemporary Philippines. Walk in any typical evangelical church on any given Sunday and it is almostlike one is attending a church worship service in the west, especially the States. More incredibly, thesame can be said of evangelical churches in Japan. The only difference is the medium of communication. Otherwise, everything in the both the content and intent of the church worship service has a feel of thewest.
140
Filipino evangelical Christianity as a by-product of colonial mentality (Schirmer and98
Shalom 1987:17). Simply defined, it is a religious consciousness that has been greatly
influenced by the western experiences of the Philippine culture.
There are indeed complexities within the Filipino colonial mentality as a socio-
cultural phenomenon. This may be best comprehended through an understanding of the
antithetical relationship between western influence and the Filipino subconsciousness. On
the one hand is the traditional Filipino worldview that remains wholly intact. On the other
During an interview of then US President William McKinley on November 21, 1899, the following98
account was recorded by one of the members of the delegates from the general missionary committee ofthe Methodist Church, General James F. Rusling, but did not publish it until three years later (Schirmerand Shalom 1987:22):
The truth is I did not want the Philippines, and when they came to us as a gift from thegods, I did not know what to do with them ... I sought counsel from all sides––Democrats aswell as Republicans––but got little help ... I walked the floor of the White House night afternight until midnight; . . . I went down on my knees and prayed Almighty God for light andguidance more than one night. And one night late it came to me this way ... : (1) that wecould not give them back to Spain––that would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2) that wecould not turn them over to France and Germany––our commercial rivals in theorient––that would be bad business and discreditable; (3) that we could not leave them tothemselves––they were unfit for self-government––and they would soon have anarchy andmisrule over there worse than Spain’s was; and (4) that there was nothing left for us to dobut to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianizethem, and by God’s grace do the very best we could by them, as our fellow-men for whomChrist died.
McKinley’s decision and the resulting religious impact of his Manifest Destiny upon Filipinoevangelicalism shows the “intentional” changes that American politics had planned for the subjugation ofthe Filipino people. It is not hard to follow the extrapolation of such intentionality and posit that Filipinoevangelical Christianity is a by-product of colonial mentality. Similarly, Melba Maggay (1999:16-17)provides a description of how American Protestantism have permeated the Filipino religiousconsciousness through the means of the educational system soon after the Americans replaced theSpaniards as colonial rulers. Paulo Freire (2000:153) further provides a theoretical framework that views the intention to colonizeand the passion to dominate the invaded party by cultural invaders (i.e., colonizers) is to mold others totheir patterns and their way of life:
Cultural conquest leads to the cultural inauthenticities of those who are invaded; they beginto respond to the values, the standards, and the goals of the invaders ... the invaders desireto know how those whey have invaded apprehend reality — but only so they can dominatethe latter more effectively. In cultural invasion, it is essential that those who are invadecome to see their reality with the outlook of the invaders rather than their own; for the morethey mimic the invaders, the more stable the position of the latter becomes.
141
hand, are the resulting changes in the Filipino consciousness due to its exposure to the
cultural imperialism of the west. This relationship, while outside the realm of worldview
structure, lives through the basic core assumptions that delineate grassroots realities of the
Filipino being.
It is undoubtedly true that Filipino consciousness outwardly seems to welcome the
changes brought about by western imperialism. This very same relationship, however,
elicits, as well, an admission to the negative effects of this mentality on the Filipino
consciousness. Essentially, the colonial mentality resident in Filipino consciousness uses
traditional Filipino core values in order to perpetuate itself. In this manner, it could very
well be said that colonial mentality is an alien resident in the Filipino consciousness, but it
could mask itself as being a Filipino value. The truth of the matter though is that it is an
unwelcome resident.
In summing, the Filipino consciousness is a product of the Philippine value-system,
which belongs at the worldview level of the Filipino being. It is this level that has
remained unchanged, as alluded to previously. Despite the thick layers of foreign cultural
additions heaped upon Filipino culture, the core values that distinguish it from others are
still very much evident.
142
Philippine value-orientations are still predominantly those of a traditionallyrural society: personalism, nonrationalism, particularism. Harmony withnature and with people is more important than mastery. Conflicts areavoided rather than resolved. Loyalty to one’s group, unquestioningobedience to authority, resignation in the face of difficulty, reliance onsupernatural forces or fate are valued more than self-reliance, autonomy,systematic planning, and scientific experimentation. Personalism attachesgreat importance on the warmth and closeness of reciprocal ties, loyalty topersons, family and kinship obligations, and smoothness of interpersonalrelations (Espiritu et al. 1976:72).
In the limited scope of this study, Figure 1 will provide a sample framework of one
particular value-system in the Filipino culture. It points out a major theme in the Filipino99
value-system and major behavioural elements evident in socio-cultural interactions in
general Philippine society in general. Yet, although it is distinguishably Filipino, the
colonial mentality in Filipino consciousness actually attempts to usurp these values in
order to reside within. Jocano (1999:63) provides an illustration of this as follows:
Our current claim to individualism is not part of our traditional culture. It isderived from the Western influenced formal education we received whenwe were young. In schools, for example, we were trained to becomeindividualists-i.e., taught to value independence and self reliance. This neworientation is later reinforced by our exposure to Western-influenced mediaand the nature of the businesses we are engaged in as adults andprofessionals. Thus, we encourage individualism, i.e., a mind-your-ownbusiness attitude, in our professional workplaces. But we disdain it in ourpersonal and community affairs.
There are other equally good representations or models of Filipino culture based on ethnographic99
studies of the culture. F. Landa Jocano has produced two volumes, Filipino Value System: A CulturalDefinition and Working with Filipinos: A Cross-Cultural Encounter, which provide detailed diagrams ofthe Filipino value system. One of these diagrams is borrowed for this study as seen in Figure 1.
143
FIGURE 1
A SAMPLE DIAGRAM OF FILIPINO VALUE SYSTEM BASED ON A FILIPINO WOLRDVIEW CALLED ASAL
(Jocano 1997:62)
ASAL(character)
DAMDAMIN(emotional standard)
DANGAL(moral standard)
SUPPORTIVE NORMS
hiyadelicadeza
amor propioawa
SUPPORTIVE NORMS
pagkabahalagalang
utang-na-loob
SUPPORTIVE NORMS
hiyadelicadeza
amor propioawa
KAPWA(relational standard)
SUPPORTIVE NORMS
pakikisamapakikitungopakikiramay
144
Another example concerning how colonial mentality is pressed into the Filipino
consciousness is depicted in a study by an American scholar named Lynn Bostrom, who
compared the Filipino term bahala na with American fatalism. Assessing Bostrom’s
study, Virgilio Enriquez (1992:71) describes the study as follows:
Bostrom compared Filipino bahala na with American fatalism. She,wittingly or unwittingly, wrote that knowing the possible deeper meaningsof bahala na is “not so significant as the fact that it is definitely anexpression of fatalism.” Fatalism here is being understood as a passiveacceptance of the turns in the patterns of life, indicated by a dislike forplanning and taking responsibility for one’s actions. Bostrom furtherasserted that bahala na “permeates the people’s daily existence andinfluences their habitual activities. One’s resignation to his fate is expectedby other members of society.” Bostrom again speculates that bahala na isan escapist value which “serves as a reliever of tension and a reactionagainst the social structure,” and that it is “more strongly supported bysociety in the Philippines” and “may well be related to the fact that more ofthe country is rural” and lacking in (Western) education.
In response to Bostrom’s study, Genaro Diesto (2003:140) comments:
The error of disregarding the deeper meanings of a Filipino cultural value issomething that colonial scholars of the past often committed, andunfortunately is still being done today. Bostrom could not be more wrong.For the deeper meaning of bahala na is indeed significant. What Bostromfailed to consider is that bahala na is an altitude that signifies strength anddetermination by the Filipino in the face of obstacles.
The examples above, indeed, give witness to the presence of colonial mentality in the
Filipino consciousness. They also demonstrate its perpetuating effect which has been used
by colonizing forces to sustain its overcoming power over the local culture even in the
present.
In one sense, this colonial mentality may be likened to a sieve where it retains
semblances of everything within its residency. This means that while it is actually foreign
145
to the environment, the characteristics of that environment (which is represented by the
culture context) mask the true nature of the sieve. Yet just as a sieve could very well be
taken out of its environment, the same is true of colonial mentality. It is possible that
colonial mentality could indeed be removed from consciousness, although it would be at
great stress to the socio-cultural milieu.100
Of course, it needs to be noted that the objective for this type of extraction will
most likely induce a yearning to return to pre-colonial Filipino culture. The complexity
inherent within such an objective, however, needs to question the necessity of such an
objective. That is, “If one can return to pre-colonial Filipino culture, then what do we do
with the 450 years of colonial rule by the Spanish and Americans over the Filipino
peoples?” To make this a primary task, however, would require peeling away centuries101
of behaviours learned from Filipino colonial rulers. In the end, the question would extend
to “What do we do then with those years of colonial rule?” Short of imposing a very
hegemonized re-education of the Filipino public consciousness, extraction could102
possibly open the doors for revisionist historical accounting. What seems a good idea at
first, opens the door to power-hungry elements in society, even locally. Thus, the
In this study, this is demonstrated by the Marcos’ regime.100
It needs to be noted that pre-colonial Filipino culture assumes the inclusion of Islamic constructs in the101
culture. The development of the datu system which was in place already by the time the Spaniardsreached Manila gives evidence to this. See Pelmoka (1996).
After Martial Law was imposed by the then President Ferdinand Marcos in 1972, the Filipino public102
consciousness was re-shaped by Marcos’ emphasis on the reforms necessary to build on what he called“the new society.” The experiment, as suspected by opposition figures, lasted beyond 3-5 years and keptthe Philippines under Martial Law until 1981. This did not end, however, the dictatorial regime ofMarcos, which also meant the continuing re-education of the public consciousness. For reference, seeSchirmer and Shalom (1987:163).
146
yearning to be “liberated” from the oppressive power of colonial mentality would be
replaced by another colonizing power. Ironically, in this scenario, the colonizer would
come from the local context.
In contemporary times, traditional contributors to colonial mentality in the
Philippines, such as political and military institutions, have been joined by more diverse
perpetrators of cultural imperialism. The traditional discourse on cultural imperialism has
developed primarily outside of anthropology. In general, anthropologists excluded it from
their ethnographic research. As it became evident, however, that the voice of cultural
imperialism purported to describe what was happening to the people they studied, they
could no longer ignore its impact on culture (Inda and Rosaldo 2002:13,14). This means
that the work of anthropologists is now affected by western music, fashion, food,
technology and economy which do not fit the traditional discourse of cultural imperialism.
In many of these instances, the western-centered orientation of cultural imperialism has
seemed to by-pass the west entirely. In these cases, cultural forms and practices move
from one part of the non-western world to other parts of the non-western world (Schultz
and Lavenda 2005:380). Movies in India have been popular for decades in northern
Nigeria, while Mexican soap operas have large followings in the Philippines.
A more contemporary construct towards framing colonial mentality in the Filipino
consciousness considers the hybridity factor in the culture. The plain meaning of hybridity
or cultural hybridization is cultural mixing (Schultz and Lavenda 2005:382). For103
Genaro Diesto uses the term “synthetic culture” in an unpublished paper (1995:13). He defines103
synthetic culture as a “complex mixture of native and assimilated external cultural influences resultingfrom contact with various other cultures.”
147
members of a social group who wish to revise or discard cultural practices that they find
outmoded or oppressive, hybridity talk is liberating.
Choosing to revise or discard, borrow or invent on terms of one’s ownchoosing also means that one possesses agency, the capacity to exercise atleast some control over one’s life. And exercising agency calls intoquestion charges that one is succumbing to cultural imperialism or losingone’s cultural ‘authenticity’ (Schultz and Lavenda 2005:382).
Yet, just as hybridity could be seemingly liberating, it still does not necessarily solve the
problem of how power is exercised. That is, the effects of hybridity are experienced
differently by those with power and those without power (Friedman 1997:81). In much
the same way as cultural imperialism is critiqued,
cultural hybridization is unobjectionable when actors perceive it to beunder their own control, but cultural hybridization is resisted when it isperceived by actors themselves to be potentially threatening to their senseof moral integrity (Werbner 1997:12).
In short, the threat of cultural hybridity is greater for those with less power. They feel
unable to undermine the fragile survival structures on which they depend in unwelcoming
“hybridity” settings.
It is easy to conceive, subsequently, that cultural hybridization can turn the
experiences of “hybridized elites” into a hegemonic standard. They can suggest that class
exploitation and racial oppression are easily overcome or no longer existing. The
possibility to dismiss or ignore non-elite struggles with hybridity can spark confrontations
and spiral out of control. Peter van der Veer (1997) cites the furor in Britain over the
publication of Salmon Rushdie’s novel, The Satanic Verses. Rushdie is an elite, highly
educated South Asian migrant to Britain. He experienced cultural hybridity as a form of
148
emancipation from oppressive religious and cultural restrictions. His novel contained
passages describing Islam and the Prophet Muhammad. From his elite point of view,
Muhammad embodied “transgression” that was liberating. But migrants from South Asia
in Britain are not all members of the elite. Most South Asian Muslim immigrants in
Britain are blue collar workers. They saw The Satanic Verses not as a work of artistic
liberation but as a deliberate attempt to mock their beliefs and practices. “These
immigrants, who are already socially and culturally marginalized, are thus doubly
marginalized in the name of an attack on ‘purity’ and Islamic ‘fundamentalism’” (van der
Veer 1997:101-102).
The colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness demonstrates its rootedness in
both experiences of cultural imperialism and hybridity. The former is largely a
consequence of the 450 years of colonial history. The latter is the effect of globalization
and unresolved colonial consequences. Whereas the former pitted the colonial rulers
against Filipino nationalism, the latter has divided the diverse Filipino socio-cultural
consciousness wherein the elite become the standard bearer of cultural hybridization. In
both cases, the issue of power that overcomes the marginalized in society demands
considerable attention.
Another possible construct towards framing a structure for the colonial mentality
in the Filipino consciousness is to consider the concept of multiplicity. It has already been
demonstrated that hybridity affirms the impact of globalization on “primal” cultures. An
inevitable outcome of this impact is “seen to be the cultural homogenization of the world,
with the accompanying unwelcome consequence of dooming the world to uniformity”
149
(Inda and Rosaldo 2002:13,14). Globally, individuals will undoubtedly participate both in
the local socio-cultural life of their society and in the seeming unitary-cultural practices of
globalization. They will, however, reject being defined as conforming as one-unitary
entity to a uniform pattern because of a need to control their part in society. These104
individuals, in effect, will be ill-defined as conformist to this uniformity. This being the
case, the issue of control is not necessarily a negative dynamic in society. It points instead
to an endless permutation of possibilities. As a result, there could be multiplicities of
individual contexts and even multiplicities of cultural practices for different individuals
participating in the same context. Essentially, this only adds to the ever growing105
diversities in contemporary society.
This dynamism called diversity is a filter for viewing both the individual and
collective experiences of colonial mentality in society. E. Acoba calls this a participation
in multiplicity (24). This recognizes a “multiplicity of Filipino contexts reflecting diverse
local and personal contexts that together make up collective Filipino experience, locally or
globally” (27). Colonial mentality in Filipino consciousness, in this case, could not be
defined only by a geographical border. Rather, where the Filipino consciousness is present
Kathryn Tanner (1997) points to the development of the “cultured individual” in Germany where a 104
substitute for “a lost or threatened meaning to life [is] expressed in Christian discipline” (4-5). Ultimately, such individual becomes his own second creator:
Culture in the sense of spiritual, artistic and intellectual refinement provided humanpersons with a model for self-control once the more traditional restraints of social moresand religion could no longer be taken for granted.
E. Acoba (2005) provides a description of the concept of multiplicity. The concept is based on an105
understanding that any particular system is comprised of multiple components or layers (24). In society,each individual participates in a multiplicity of contexts. It could thus be surmised that each individualhas learned to participate as well in a multiplicity of behavioural practices which would be appropriate percontext. Effectively, it could be surmised that there is a correlation between the processes of multiplicityand cultural hybridity.
150
there will emerge as well a multiplicity of “occurrence” of that colonial mentality. That is,
this concept of multiplicity allows for both individuation and collectivity of expressions
rooted in a colonial mentality.
The focus on multiplicity is not to deny the historicity of the colonial experience.
The stories of one’s personal colonial experience is only one of the many sources
describing colonial experiences from a diversity of individuals in a given socio-cultural
context. Moreover, the multiple layers of colonial experience from these stories recognize
that there are also multiple processes for dealing with the consequences of colonial
mentality. In turn, each multiple layer of colonial experience and each multiple process for
dealing with it are all interconnected. A concept of multiplicity, therefore, is not to view
the colonial experience as an exclusive narrative but rather as inclusive narratives.
Likewise, multiplicity could very well address the problem of power inherent in
any discussion of colonial mentality. Acoba (2005) writes that “every story resists being
systematized and refuses to be overcome by another individual’s stories because each one
is grounded in a dynamic participation of life. So, one story gives substance to the
another” (30). Accordingly, viewing colonial mentality as a uniform experience would be
an erroneous presupposition. The multiplicity of its articulation could instead provide a
conceptual construct to avoid what Heidegger calls “violence” involved in overcoming
others by other stories. That is, an emphasis on multiplicity is also a remembering of the106
See reference on Heidegger’s view of dasein in Heidegger’s New Beginning, in Postmodern Platos by106
Catherine Zuckert.
151
colonial experience and its consequences. Subsequently, it could very well act as a
deterrent for controling power abuse.
From hereon, the task at hand, however, is not to delineate further the negative
effects of a colonial mentality. Suffice it to say, there is no denying that this consciousness
has normalized itself in the Filipino being. In the next section, the foxus will be on a
process for decolonizing this colonial mentality.
Decolonizing the Filipino Colonial Mentality
As a consciousness, negative dynamics pervade the term “colonial mentality.” A
colonial mentality is characteristic of societies where people have experienced the
oppression of colonial rule. In the case of the Philippines, this is exhibited through the
tendency of the people to consider their being (personhood, culture and all) as inferior to
that of their former colonial rulers and respective cultures. Consequently, the indigenous
culture is considered undesirable and tends to be left abandoned in favor of the perceived
superior culture.
The dynamics inherent within a people’s consciousness are illustrated by the
totality of the social image by which that people, society or culture views itself.
Moreover, this consciousness is used for comparative purposes. The people of a given
society compare this totality of their image in relation to other peoples, societies or
cultures. Compared to a definition of worldview, consciousness is less comprehensive in
scope (Kraft 1981:53). It is limited to a social self-conceptualization relative to other
cultures and peoples. It does not comprise, as does worldview, the core basic
152
assumptions of a systematized totality of the conceptions of a culture. Simply,
consciousness is how a given society views itself in relation to another.
The term “decolonizing” is a reference to the task of “un-learning” colonial
mentality. It could be viewed as a method of deconstruction although not synonymous
with deconstruction itself. Deconstruction is generally associated with Jacques Derrida.
The degree to which the term is comprehended, however, based on theoretical
formulations by those attempting to interpret Derrida, vary widely. It is not the intention
of this study to discuss these theoretical formulations of deconstruction. Instead,
deconstruction will be used as a methodological construction. The particular task in view
is termed “decolonizing.” It will be sought to provide this study with a framework for
considering possibilities towards dealing with the consequences and impact of colonial
mentality. 107
Decolonizing does not seek to destroy the narrative of the oppressive colonial
experience throughout Philippine society. In fact, the methodology desires to re-tell the
colonial narrative for the purpose of exposing its oppressive intent. Strobel (2001:87)
writes,
Decolonization is the ability to narrate one’s story in a manner that makessense and makes meaning out of all the experiences of the past. To locateone’s personal history within the history of the community is to find therelationship between the self, the nation , and the narration. The story ofthe self contains the narrative of the nation. To tell one’s story is to allow
Please see Chapter 2 for discussion on John Caputo’s theory of non-knowledge and hermeneutics of107
friendship (2000:94-95). Accordingly, Caputo’s theory places the burden of proof on the non-violenceaspect of a hermeneutics of friendship as opposed to the violent effects of an “overcoming” theory thatseeks to absolutize its position of knowledge. This study paper will utilize the dynamics of Caputo’stheory with its corresponding expectations.
153
the fragments of consciousness to be sutured, allowing the narrative toflow again.
The means of decolonizing therefore is not found in the destruction of the colonial
narrative but within the power of knowing the colonial narrative. Paulo Freire (2000) has
argued that liberation begins with the naming of the world. In the naming comes an108
epistemological recognition of one’s history. Thus, in the knowing, the narrative will not
be brought back to life, but rather reconfigured, i.e., re-told, by the marginalized (or
oppressed by the colonizers). In so doing, transformation is a prime objective in the
process of decolonizing.109
The eventual hope is that the power in knowing will lead towards a new narrative
that has learned to respond in opposition to against other colonial narratives in the context
of globalization. It is thus imperative to “remember” in order to construct a new110
narrative. “Remembering is never a quiet act of introspection or retrospection. It is a
painful re-membering, a putting together of the dismembered past to make sense of the
Freire (2000) posits that the oppressed need to be able to name the social and political structures that108
dominate them and keep them silenced (172-175). The oppressed need to become aware of how thedominating structures create the marginal and inferior “other.” This then leads to a cultural action whichcan “oppose the divisive action of the dominant elites and move towards the unity of the oppressed” (175).
Fernando Segovia (2000) argues that a process of decolonizing and liberation by way of both 109
theoretical/methodological diversity and sociocultural diversity has been witnessed over the last quarter ofa century in the discipline of biblical criticism. In his work, he posits what he calls a “postcolonial critic”in which the goal in biblical criticism “is not merely one of analysis and description, but rather one oftransformation: the struggle for ‘liberation’ and ‘decolonization’” (132). This is congruent to Freire’s theory of “conscientization” (2000) which is rooted in his concept ofcultural revolution. “Conscientization” is the deepening of the attitude of awareness characteristic of allemergence” (100). In addition, “as the cultural revolution deepens conscientizacao in the creative praxisof the new society, people will begin to perceive why mythical remnants of the old society (i.e., colonizedhistory) survive in the new” (159). In the end, this process seeks a transformation that is based on thecriteria when the oppressed become “ the subjects of being for itself” rather than “objects of the invaders”(160-162).
See discussion on Caputo’s non-knowledge in the previous chapter.110
154
trauma of the present” (Bhaba 1990:206). In this “re-membering,” it is the event of
transformation that is awaited. The “re-membering” is a constructed dialogue to
“transform the present, in particular, the unequal power relationship between dominant
and dominated, rather than to create nostalgia for a past. The stories of our lives can then
be used to create a larger narrative for a community’s identity” (Strobel 2001:53).
Decolonizing, therefore, is the unraveling, i.e., a form of deconstruction, of a construction
process largely through the aid of one’s memory and the reconstruction of the historical
and indigenous narrative (Strobel 2001:51).
In the light of the above, this section will firstly examine the process of changing
the normative conceptualization of colonial mentality in Filipino consciousness through the
method of decolonizing. Secondly, in an effort to sustain changes in the Filipino
consciousness against colonial mentatliy, the factors which contribute to the construction
of an underside will be delineated. In this process, dynamics inherent in a hermeneutic of
affirmation will begin to unfold.
On Changing the Filipino Consciousness
The task of decolonizing colonial mentality signifies an attempt to reconfigure the
Filipino story in relation to her colonial experience. Part of this reconfiguration is to view
colonial mentality as abnormal or alien within the Filipino consciousness. The non-
monolithic nature of Philippine culture would suggest that the existence of such mentality
has multiple implications, i.e., linguistic, social, religious, economic, etc.
155
For instance, Vicente Rafael (2000) argues that the colonization of the Filipino
language resulted in colonized idioms. This would thus indicate that the legacy of colonial
mentality can be traced in the Filipino language. In fact, Rafael (2000:210) contends that
the translatability of colonial power through language “involves not simply the ability to
speak in a language other than one’s own but the capacity to reshape one’s thoughts and
actions in accordance with accepted forms. It thus coincides with the need to submit to
the conventions of a given social order.” As an example, Rafael cites a story in Jose
Rizal’s novel, Noli Me Tangere. The story is about a sermon delivered by a priest named
Father Damaso. The priest begins with a biblical quote in Latin, followed by Spanish, then
in the vernacular, Tagalog. As the sermon is delivered in Spanish, the people in
attendance would fish out words and phrases from the sermon. Subsequently, they would
arbitrarily assign them to their own imaginings:
... [it is] as if out of a barrage of unreadable signs the church goers arestruck by recognizable words, then proceed to spin out discrete narrativesthat bear no relation to the logic and intent of the priest’s discourse”(Rafael 2000:11).
The meaning and the intent of this priestly discourse was marginalized. This
marginalization is not so much directed at the position of authority held by Father
Damaso; it is his sermon which becomes a place wherein the colonial authority can be
confronted. In short, the process of listening-through-fishing “is suggestive of the
conditions that permit subjugation and submission to exist in the first place” (Rafael
2000:3). Intertwined in the Filipino colonial experience are concurrent scenes of
subjugation and subversiveness in which the Filipino seeks stability to reconfigure his/her
story.
156
Indeed, the period of colonial rule in any context produces incredible moments of
instability. It is during these moments when social discourses which are informed by a
plurality of interests are reordered to become new cultural norms within a stable hierarchy.
Unfortunately, during colonial rule, cultural norms are set by the colonial masters. On the
one hand, this brings a stable hierarchy that would benefit colonial rulers. On the other,
as demonstrated in Rafael’s example of listening-through-fishing, the colonized have
constructed another layer of experience by which to subvert the colonizers. 111
Conversely, there are social controls within all cultures which press upon the
people to avoid deviating towards colonial mentality when instability happens. This is
more evident in monolithic or homogeneous cultures. For instance, Japanese culture
designates a term, gai, to mean “outside or foreign” (Hadamitzky & Spahn 1981:82) In
combination with other words like people or country, it readily provides both the speaker
In cultural anthropology, the theory of “press and pull” within culture is attributed to Mary Goodman111
(Kraft 1979:69-71). That is, on the one hand, culture pulls us towards culturally normal activities throughcultural enticement; on the other, culture presses us by exerting pressure that operates as warning orpunishments for deviant behaviour. In the case at hand, the act of subverting is viewed as culture pull. The incentive is to sustain indigeneity. The act of “listening-through-fishing” is referred to as culturepress. In this case, it is true that the Latin language was incomprehensible and was certainly an overt wayof subjugating the local language. The act of listening becomes a public demonstration that the men couldpossibly be allowing themselves to fall in the trap of subjugation, especially that they kept following thepriest. Thus, while this type of listening could consequently lead to deviant behaviour against the localculture, the fishing (which is actually a culture pull, i.e., incentive) counters any desire to deviate. Inshort, the men were able to subvert the subjugation attempt by the Spanish priest as they kept pretendingto understand, even as they were constructing a very different narrative than what was intended by thepriest. This is, of course, no different than what Ashis Nandy (1983:84) argues:
The oppressed are also constrained to fight back because of their fear of freedom. Consequently, persons in colonized societies have to cultivate the self-protection whichthe victims often show when faced with an inescapable situation: a slightly comicalimitativeness ... an uncanny ability to subvert the valued skills or traits which mayensure their adaptation to the system, an overdone obsequiousness which seek to limitthe target of ingragation, and a stylized other-worldliness which can disarm those whosee it as a denial of self-interest.
157
and the listener a clear comprehension of terms like foreigner or foreign country.
Accordingly, gai refers to the status of a person viewed in contrast to the Japanese being.
Any terms, therefore, which are combined with gai are assumed to be non-Japanese or
foreign. Consequently, to be non-Japanese means to be treated with suspicion and thus
abnormal or foreign. This linguistic feature in the Japanese language demands that the
Japanese constantly repel any advancement of colonialism within the Japanese
consciousness. One example of this is the arrival of the four “black ships” from112
America headed by Commodore Matthew Perry, who sought to force the Japanese to
open its doors to the west (Francis and Nakajima 1991:13). The Japanese accommodated
the arrival of the black ships yet the Japanese consciousness was never subjugated by a
colonial mentality.
Similarly, the Filipino consciousness is very mindful of such a distinction
concerning outsiders. Like a mirror image of the Japanese language, there are linguistic
designations for outsiders in the Philippine culture. Outsiders are categorized by the term
labas, and insiders are associated with the term loob in relation to the Filipino being
(Strobel 2001:60). The over four hundred years of colonial presence, however, has sullied
the Filipino consciousness. It has been subjugated to a colonial mentality by its long
history of colonial rule. For sure, there are some strong nationalistic movements which
have waged war against this colonial mentality over the years. The on-going fight,
however, against the colonial mentality only demonstrates the deep rootedness of this
John Clammer (2001) provides an in-depth discussion on the nature of nihonjinron;112
meaning, theories of Japanese uniqueness. The very mention of this term in Japanese elicits emotional,spiritual, social and physical responses underlying the “proud” attitude of the Japanese to think that theyare uniquely different from others.
158
mentality. Currently, semblances of these nationalistic movements have found residence in
the “underground” to negate the external impact of such a mentality. This on-going113
concern alone gives recognition to the normality of a colonial mentality in the Filipino
consciousness.
One process of culture change requires the Filipino consciousness to reject the
admission of colonial mentality into the Filipino being. Admittedly, this would take a
period of time or even a generation to achieve. Yet without this particular culture change,
the Filipino consciousness will continue to be victimized by hegemonic rule, be it from
within or without Philippine society. As demonstrated in previous sections, to a good
extent, there is enough cultural “press and pull” within Philippine culture to resist and even
reject the abnormal presence of a colonial mentality. And even if this mentality insists on
being considered normal, as demonstrated by examples from Jocano, Enriquez and Diesto,
it has never found affirmation in Philippine society.
In this comparative valuation of the cultures of Japan and the Philippines, it may
sound naive to recommend that the Philippines follow the lead of the Japanese. Based on
what can be learned from the Japanese, the task towards “reconfiguring” the colonial
mentality from the Filipino consciousness is two-fold. The first task is the responsibility of
each individual belonging to a particular ethno-cultural group. Each member of each
ethno-cultural group would need to wholly seek the outright rejection of a colonial
mentality within him/herself. The problem in the Filipino context is that even if this is
possible, it remains questionable if the baggage of past history can outrightly be cast off
For review, see discussion on negative hermeneutics in Chapter 2.113
159
and forgotten. A second task is to affirm one’s own ethno-cultural group while also
affirming the rights, dignity and integrity of all the other ethno-cultural groups in the
Philippines.
As naive as this recommendation might look, the process has already been
historically validated. James Cochrane (1999) writes about the very painful process
undertaken by South Africans in dealing with the atrocities, consequences and
victimizations of apartheid. That process which was watched by the global community
brought Cochrane to examine the asymmetry of power. He cites the work of Jean and
John Comaroff, who studied the encounter between the Barolong Boo Ratshidi and the
British. In particular, Cochrane observes the part that consciousness played in the
Barolong Boo Ratshidi colonization experience (1999:92) resulting in the Anglo-Boer114
South African War in 1899:
They show in their study of the encounter between the Tshidi and the Britsthat resistance occurs in a spectrum of consciousness. It must beunderstood along an analogous and parallel continuum of actions.
In Of Revelation and Revolution, Jean Comaroff and John Comaroff (1991:31)
write:
At one end is organized protest, explicit moments and movements ofdissent that are easily recognizable as “political” by Western lights. At theother are gestures of tacit refusal and iconoclasm, gestures that sullenly andsilently contest the forms of an existing hegemony ... For the mostpart, the ripostes of the colonized hover in the space between the tacit andthe articulate, the direct and the indirect. And far from being a merereflection - or a reflex expression - of historical consciousness, these actsare a practical means of producing it.
For full reference, see Jean Comaroff (1985).114
160
Briefly, the thrust of Cochrane’s work underlines the focus on responsibility in regard to
the perspectives and voices of the colonized, the dominated, oppressed and marginalized
groups.
Almost a century later, Nelson Mandela oversaw the very painful but healing
reconciliation process in order to end the reign of apartheid over South African
consciousness (Baker 2002). The process required taking responsibility to speak the truth
and hear the truth. These truths were spoken by those who advocated for apartheid and
those who suffered because of apartheid. In the end, a “spectrum” of consciousness
resulted in an action to formally end apartheid. This has come to be referred to as
Mandela’s call for a nation to move forward away from the constraints, injustices and
colonial mentality brought by and induced by apartheid. Popularly known now as “ubuntu
philosophy,” it is rooted in Mandela’s recognition that an injury to one is an injury to all
(Hallengren 2001).
The colonial mentality resident in the Filipino consciousness lies perhaps
somewhere between the Japanese and South African responses to colonization. On the
one hand is the collective resistance and rejection of foreign elements by the Japanese
culture. On the other is the proclamation of indigenous affirmation based on Mandela’s
philosophy of reconciliation to end South African apartheid. These two options could
very well be the actions necessary in order to “reconfigure” the presence of a colonial
mentality in the Filipino consciousness. It merits the question, however, if there is even
any precedence for these among the diverse ethno-cultural groupings in the Philippines.
161
The Emergence of an Underside in Filipino Consciousness: Locus for Working Against Colonial Mentality
The presence of colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness has shown to
victimize the Philippine culture in relation to outside hegemonic powers. This has been
demonstrated in the institutions of education, economics, religion and society. Colonial
mentality has even convinced outsiders in its pretentious state that the colonial mentality is
a deeply rooted value, integral to the Filipino worldview structure. For instance, most
foreign visitors to the Philippines are amazed at how easy it is for them to adjust to
Philippine culture in general. There is a confident assumption that there is a great deal of
commonality between their western cultural realities and the Philippine culture. As a
result, cultural sensitivity tends to be left behind in their plane upon debarkation.
In the face of witnessing cultural mistakes committed by foreigners, Filipinos do
not outwardly demonstrate ill feelings. In this case, there are two dynamics at play for the
Filipino. On the one hand, there is the cultural pull of pakikisama, awa and galang115 116 117
(see Figure 1). These values provide incentives for appropriate behaviour. On the other,
there is the negative effect of colonial mentality. This elicitsforces a reactive behaviour
based on the feeling that one is a subservient partner in such social interaction.
Filipino term meaning “to be concerned about, to be supportive of, and to be helpful at all times”115
(Jocano 66).
Filipino term meaning “pity, compassion, mercy, charity, kindheartedness and sincerity” (Jocano 79).116
Filipino term meaning “respect” (Jocano 82).117
162
In addition, there is the cultural press related to the value of hiya. The primal118
behaviour of the Filipino is not to bring shame to either party during a particular social
exchange (Jocano 1997:74). In the case of colonial mentality, “shame” points to one’s
inferior sense of self worth opposite the historically-forced superiority of the social partner
at hand. This should not be mistaken, however, for an inferiority complex. To do so is to
irresponsibly neglect the history of victimization of the Filipino because of colonial rule
by Spain and America for over 450 years. The Filipino, regardless of inner ill feelings,
bows and resigns in silence since this is the behaviour based on and required by primal
cultural norms expected of hiya (Jocano 1997:74).
The silence that is practiced, called hiya, finds residence and articulation in the
underside. To some extent in this case, it can be said that hiya literally takes residence out
of sight precluding any external expression. To the foreigner, the Filipino appears meek
and subservient on the surface, albeit some foreigners find this silence dishonest at times
(Jocano 1997:73, 74). The bottom line, however, is that the silence is a product of the
colonial mentality. The Filipino within the confines of the underside, is thinking from his
silence: Sige lang, makakarma ka rin (Go ahead and keep up that behaviour. The
principle of karma will eventually catch up to you, i.e., “one day, I will have my day”). In
this case, the cultural pull (or incentive) of hiya takes solace in the belief in a karmic
principle.
It is recognized in this study that the prevalence of colonial mentality in the Filipino
consciousness has gravely affected even Filipino to Filipino social interactions. It even
Filipino term meaning “shame, shyness, timidity and embarrassment” (Jocano 73).118
163
affects the Filipino social structure as well. One clear demonstration of this is the manner
by which people outside the domain of urban Manila, i.e., Visayas and Mindanao, refer to
Manila as “imperial Manila.” Another demonstration is the rise of the sense of “privilege-
ness” among the more affluent sectors of Philippine society, which the middle-class
hungrily imitates. There are, no doubt, more examples which could be added to this.
Suffice it to say, these examples show how colonial mentality has gravely infected the
Filipino consciousness. Worse, with the growth of cultural hybridity in the Philippines, it
has entered the multiple levels of the Filipino social milieu both at home and abroad.
Simply then, what can be said about the foreigner-to-Filipino behaviour can also be said
about Filipino-to-Filipino behaviour. One of the effects of a colonial mentality is that it
encourages the mirroring of the behaviour of outsiders instead of the behaviour borne out
of primal Filipino culture. 119
One of the impacts that globalization has had on local cultures is the phenomenon
of cultural hybridity. This is much more so evident in the Philippine socio-cultural120
Virgilio Enriquez (1992:58) observes,119
Most of the American-trained social scientists did not only appraise the data that came inbut also stood in judgment of their worth and importance, using American categories andstandards. The supposedly Filipino values or concepts were lifted, as it were, from thecultural milieu and examined according to inappropriate alien categories, resulting indistorted and erroneous appraisal of indigenous psychology.
Consequently, it is not surprising that it is not only the colonial writers but many Filipino writers andscholars themselves who have been inflicting on Filipino culture an injustice through the massiveinfluence of colonial education on the minds of these scholars which then predisposes them to embrace thecolonial viewpoint in studying and explaining the Filipino psyche in the same manner. Enriquez adds(1992:57-58):
The massive influence of the United States of America on education, religion, commerce,politics, and the mass media predisposes the Filipino to adopt the colonial viewpoint instudying and explaining the Filipino psyche.
For more discussion on cultural hybritidy, please see references on Pieterse (2004) and Tanner (1997).120
164
milieu. Intermarriage between couples from two different ethno-cultural groups is one
cause. Another may be traced to situations when people from two or more different
ethno-cultural groups live together within the same geographical location. The fact that
the Philippine culture is non-monolithic or non-homogeneous adds to the richness of
cultural hybridity among Filipinos. Each distinct ethno-cultural group within the
geography of the Philippines intersects with mainstream Philippine culture. The resulting
social interaction produces interesting variations of cultural hybridity in the Philippines.
No doubt, such cultural hybridity can easily create a hotbed where colonial
mentality may take root. And it has. In spite of this, it should not be mistaken, as often is
the case, that the presence of colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness is warmly
welcomed. As alluded to previously, the seeming assimilation of colonial mentality in
Philippine culture does not mean it is part of the Filipino worldview. The value of social
acceptance, local or foreigner, demands upon every Filipino to show some form of121
conformity even to outsiders. It must be recognized at the same time that such acceptance
has its limitations especially in relation to foreign matters. When that acceptance is deemed
to have been abused, e.g., when attempts are made by foreigners to subjugate the
welcoming culture, patience turns into resignation or silence wherein hiya begins to take
over. In turn, this silent resignation turns to the underside where the agenda to subvert the
“foreign matter” becomes a consuming objective.
The Filipino value for this is called kapwa, which means “of the same nature, of equal status, a121
partnership, a shared orientation, ... (our) consciousness of reciprocal shared identities” (Jocano 1997:61).
165
This underside is the place where people whose society is feeling the negative
effects of colonial mentality begin their work of decolonizing the influence of foreign
matters in their culture. The term nationalism has become a counterpart to colonial
mentality. Whereas nationalism is an affirming term for indigenous peoples, it is a
threatening and un-welcoming term to outsiders. In the case of Philippine society, there
are many more methods which have been used by Filipinos throughout its history to
counter the subjugating intent of colonial mentality. In the end, however, there is one
objective to which these methods aspire; namely, that Filipinos from each ethno-cultural
grouping will affirm their own dignity and integrity, with or without the recognition of the
outsiders. F. Fanon calls this “national culture.” He theorizes that the development of a
national culture would be a turning toward anything that affords a secure anchorage
(Fanon 1963:217). Inherent within this is the development of cultural practices that would
resist the imposed identity from the outside.
The national culture is also a theme that Virgilio Enriquez (1992) utilizes to
construct what he calls an indigenous psychological movement. Enriquez traces the
historical background of the Filipino indigenous psychological movement. He then
correlates its relationship to the formation of a national consciousness and a national
culture. The basis for this indigenous psychological movement is Enriquez’ insistence on
the use of Filipino language to articulate Filipino values (Enriquez 1992:30). For instance,
the Filipino concept of self or kapwa refers to a shared sence of inner self or “I am a part
of you and you are a part of me” (Enriquez 1990:60). Accordingly, indigenization
happens when it departs from the western-imposed psychological models that were used
166
to explain cultural identity in the past. For Enriquez, indigenization can be summed up as
an attempt to reclaim Filipino cultural values by centering the Filipino self in reference to
the “other” without creating rigid boundaries between that self and other.122
Likewise, the correlation between indigenization and language for Enriquez is
affirmed by Lamin Sanneh. For Sanneh (1990:3), he takes translation beyond the narrow
and technical bounds of textual work: “It struck me as fairly obvious that missionary
interest, say, in the vernaculars of Africa touched on the affected cultures in a very
profound way.” In a sense, missionary adoption of the vernacular represents the adoption
of indigenous cultural criteria for the missionary message. The good news, subsequently,
is a piece of “radical indigenization far greater than the standard portrayal of mission as
Western cultural imperialism” (Sanneh 1990:3). In this case, the foreign missionary,
whose behaviour mirrors the colonizing practices of their time, actually acts as vernacular
agents. In the process, while mixed with colonial practices, this has brought cultural
invigoration (or revitalization), social renewal, intercultural dialogue and even a moral
courage for anti-colonialism.
In retrospect, these are a result of the missionary effort to bring the gospel in the
vernacular through the work of translation. Especially evident in the history of mission in
Africa, missionary translation was instrumental in the emergence of indigenous
movements. Ironically, these indigenous movements also evolved into indigenous123
Enriquez’ notion of “re-claiming” is akin to Maggay’s (2006) notion of re-discovering primal Filipino122
culture.
Sanneh (1990:122-123, cf. Hayford 1971:327) cites an example of how a group of Ghanaians, called123
Fante Confederation, who were educated in local-funded African Christian mission schools as early as1871, produced a constitutional document in the vernacular. This document was designed to prepare
167
movements of resistance to colonialism. In turn this gave birth to a concept of
indigenization that Sanneh calls the translatability of the message of the good news.
Meaning, indigenization is only possible when the local language is recognized. Thus,
away from the external surface that is dominated by western colonial mentality, the
underside has provided the space in which to articulate in the vernacular for the local
culture.
A Summary
Decolonizing the colonial mentality in the Filipino consciousness necessitates
historical, cultural and religious articulations. The victim of a colonial mentality is
primarily responsible to take the onus for this articulation. Whether the
victimizer/colonizer articulates it or not is immaterial as can be seen from the Japanese
experience. This is in contrast to the South African experience, however, which
compelled the victimizers/colonizers to articulate their actions because it was a vital part
of the healing process needed for reconciliation.
The following story is part of Khalid’s journey towards an emancipating
experience from the colonial mentality he had struggled with in his relationships with
Christians who might mean well but non-cognizant of their colonial attitudes.
Africans for local government. Eventually, this confederation was succeeded by the Reference Group, abody of Fante Christians. In turn, this group adopted a series of measures in support of giving their peolethe gospel in their own vernacular. The implication of this historical event underscores how themissionary thrust, although perceived as a colonial project of foreign missions, ironically, becomes alsothe agent for change that is conceived and implemented by local indigenous people.
168
About a year and a half ago, Khalid was invited by Bill (pseudonym) toattend a consultation on Muslim work in another country. Bill used to beKhalib’s boss when he was working as a translator for a Christianmissionary organization. Bill had offered to pay for Khalib’s airfare andaccommodations. Khalid accepted the invitation. During the consultation,it became clear that as Khalid consulted with different individuals, theparticipants were divided into two groups. The division was caused bydifferent comprehension of what constitute an insider movement.
In a conversation with Bill one evening, they touched on the paradigm ofinsider movement. In the course of the conversation, it became clear thatKhalid and Bill were in disagreement.
In the course of the conversation, finally, Khalid remarked that despite allthe goodness that Bill had contributed to his well being, Bill’s authoritarianattitude had failed to show respect towards Khalid’s contribution to thework of God’s kingdom. Khalid continued to give details on how Bill’sattitude could be likened to a colonizer. For Khalid, this was theopportunity he was looking for to articulate his perspective of therelationship with someone he recognizes as a good but misguided friend.
At the end of their conversation, Bill asked to pray with Khalid and, in theprocess, asked for forgiveness for offending Khalid.
This was not necessarily the turning point for Khalid concerning the consequences of the
colonial mentality in his consciousness. That point came long before this conversation
with Bill. But the story demonstrates the power of articulation. In this case, Khalid
articulated who he is to himself, who he seems to be to Bill and how he intended to
proceed with such an oppressive relationship. The power is not so much in what was
articulated. Rather, it is the fact that the articulation ascribed importance and preeminence
to Khalid’s self worth, i.e, his dignity and integrity, as a Muslim believer.
Any discussion of a colonial mentality entails, as well, a discussion on the effects of
the utilization of power on social and cultural factors. The exercise of power by those
outside a particular ethno-cultural grouping over those in this local ethno-cultural
169
community will easily lead to the birth of a colonial mentality. Once this mentality
becomes set in the consciousness of people, its negative ripple effects on the rest of
society are hard to stop. Although it is possible to avoid an infectious onslaught of
colonial mentality upon a consciousness, colonial mentality eventually sets in when power
is used to overcome the other. The power that a people group can assert for itself,
however, is through the knowledge that its inherent sense of dignity and integrity is
sufficient to affirm themselves. To conclude, as in Foucault’s assertion that power is
knowledge, power which is based on a knowledge of self affirmation becomes the124
driving force for a hermeneutic of affirmation. 125
Osborne and Loon (1997:126-127) observe that Michel Foucault’s contribution to sociology is his124
theory of refusal of all meta-narratives or grand theories about society and history. This refusal centersaround his arguments that knowledge is produced and utilized in a society. As a result, he posits, andpresents his evidence accordingly, how power and discourse are linked to knowledge. Along the way, thistype of knowledge works its way through structures in society where power structures in society utilizethis knowledge. Essentially, “power is knowledge” means that a power structure uses knowledge to createa meta-narrative that constructs a discourse and social process based on that knowledge.
Admitting to the limited scope of this study, it needs to be noted that the “knowledge of self 125
affirmation” could be used by local voices to overcome other voices in the local context. This possibilityhad been alluded in the previous chapter. “What constitutes the local context” is another matter ofconsideration. It is appropriate to ask the question “how are immigrants categorized within the discussionof the local context?” In many cases, there is a tendency to isolate and even de-categorize immigrants asnon-members of an ethno-cultural group because they are not physically present within the ethno-culturalgroup anymore. As alluded to in this study, immigrants don’t necessarily feel the same way. It couldvery well be surmised that, in this case, the “local context,” by virtue of de-categorizing or re-categorizingthe immigrants as non-members of their ethno-cultural group is victimizing a sub-category of the localcontext. Another matter for further discussion is the possibility of global theologies. This matter raises theissue for theologizing in the global context. Presupposed in this matter is a discussion on how powerdynamics influence the theologizing process, which is not that different from local theologizing. Thesignificance herein is the matter of placing the burden of proof on local theologizing to consideraffirmative contributions from global theologies upon local theologizing. For reference to this type of discussion, Timoteo Gener (2001) has begun an initial inquiry he calls“indigenization from within” and “indigenization from without.” A congruent discussion to Gener’sarticle (which has its roots in Virgilio Enriquez’ [1992] concept of cross-cultural psychology) is MelbaMaggay’s contextualization from without (2005:40).
170
From hereon, this study will look at theological factors affecting the construction
of a hermeneutic of affirmation. The particular context at hand is that of Muslim believers
engaged in an insider movement. A case study based on field research will be presented to
demonstrate the application of this paper’s thesis. It will examine the dynamics of an
emerging religious movement called insider movement.
CHAPTER 5
NARRATIVES OF AFFIRMATION
As in the previous chapter, the process of decolonization signifies an attempt to
articulate the history of victimization among local communities who have been overcome
and “invaded” (using Freire’s term) by hegemonic forces. In most cases, these are global
forces imposing themselves on local cultures. The aim of the decolonizing process is to
transform a society which has previously been colonized. This transformation includes the
re-telling of history with a view to re-configure the local narrative in a “liberative” manner.
This dynamic, in turn, distinguishes the decolonizing process from a hermeneutic of
victimization. For Paulo Freire, however, not all transformation is development
(2000:161). He conditions this to the relationship that dependency has on (local) society
and the metropolitan (or global) society. The hope, according to Freire (161-162), is
when the dependency at the local society lifts the “being for itself” as a subject instead as
an object for the “invaders,” the liberation of the oppressed is at hand. This study
contends that this moment of liberation is akin to what this study proposes as a
hermeneutic of affirmation.
In this chapter, the framework towards a hermeneutic of affirmation will be
discussed. It would show that theologizing in a global context requires the local context
171
172
to have the capacity to withstand the inevitable onslaught of hegemonic forces. In the face
of this, the local context will be deemed to be responsible to prepare itself for both
positive and negative effects caused by these hegemonic forces. In the light of these,
three different individual stories in three different socio-cultural contexts will be presented.
The stories will underscore the themes of diversity, decentredness and alterity (or
“otherness”) in relation to the task of theologizing in these contexts. Based on these126
themes, theological factors will be delineated to provide a framework for a hermeneutic of
affirmation.
Local Theologizing in a Global Context: Case Studies onAlterity, Diversity and Decentredness
The following stories will give evidence to the role of alterity (or “otherness”),
diversity and decentredness in theologizing in a global context. These are stories of
individuals in different Asian Islamic community contexts. In each case, alterity is127
representative of the local grassroots power engaged in globalization. In addition, these
stories will demonstrate a very comfortable desire for partnership with global powers who
are willing to be transformed. Transformation for these global partners will mean a
process of being deconstructed in order to be reconstructed using the premises of
postmodern conditions. In the end, such partnership is expected to bring mutual
transformation of each upon the other.
The terms diversity, decentredness and alterity have been discussed in Chapter Two and Chapter126
Three. For particular reference, please see pp.28-33.
Due to the sensitive nature of the data to be presented, pseudonyms will be provided.127
173
Musa’s Story117
When Musa was in college, he had the opportunity to teach his mother tongue to
western students. One of these students was a university teacher. In the course of their
lessons, personal stories were related mutually. When the student learned that Musa had
been reading the Injil, they began to talk more around Musa’s spiritual journey. 118
Eventually, Musa related his faith in the salvation of Isa al Masih . Musa was expecting119
the student to tell him to join a church and fellowship with other believers outside his
Muslim context. To the contrary, the student encouraged Musa to stay away from non-
Muslim churches and find other believers in his Islamic community while continuing with
his Islamic religious practices. While bewildered by such advice, Musa listened. His
ensuing journey would reveal to him the wisdom of such advice.
When Musa finished college, he returned to his hometown. Finding work
opportunities in his profession to be minimal, he found a job in another town but
continued to return to his hometown for the weekends. During these weekend stays in his
home, he found opportunities to share his faith with his mother and a sister (who later
came to believe as Musa did). He also began to meet other Muslims who shared his faith
while continuing to practice Islamic religious practices. Ten years later, Musa facilitates
regular monthly gatherings for these believers who come from different nearby-
communities. These gatherings include activities for fellowship around the study of the
Based on unpublished testimony given by Ibn Dan at Bangkok, Thailand, March 2007.117
The book of the Gospels.118
Jesus Christ or Jesus the Messiah.119
174
Injil and translated portions of the Scriptures, as well as social networking to pray and
encourage one another. Their gathering place is outdoors in view of the public in order to
ward off suspicion. Meanwhile, their numbers continue to grow primarily through
personal networks.
One of the more intriguing characteristics of Musa’s group is the inclusivity of the
Qur’an to their studies. While their Scriptural studies focus on the biblical teachings,120
they use the Qur’an in a complementary manner. In short, the Qur’an gives evidence to
the scriptural narratives and teachings. It is a common practice for these believers in Isa
al Masih to practice their faith within the religious context of Islam. In this context, they
present the message of the good news about Isa al Masih from their readings about him in
the Qur’an. It is also significant to note that while individuals in the group have contacts
with western Christians, the latter are non-factors in their gatherings for studying the
Scriptures. They do not extend any invitation to their western Christian friends nor do
they rely on these friends for support and affirmation. Their gatherings have no formal
structures except for recognizing the efforts that Musa puts forth to facilitate the
gatherings. Outside these gatherings, daily lives are lived in the contexts of their ethno-
cultural-religious activities. This includes participating in their local community’s social
and economic practices while observing Islamic religious practices. They share their faith
based on the teachings of Isa al Masih with fellow Muslims while affirming their
Muslimhood. They show their respect to the Prophet Mohammed and view the Qur’an as
a religious narrative that tells the message of the good news of Isa al Masih.
Islamic holy book.120
175
Aisa’s Story121
A year ago, Scott told the story of Aisa. Scott and Diane had numerous122
discussions with Aisa about the message of the good news of Isa al Masih. The turning
point for Aisa came after experiencing a vision that brought an answer to prayers for
healing prayers she had been offering to Isa al Masih. One day, Aisa asked permission
from Scott and Diane to use their home for a meeting with a number of her Muslim friends
so she could tell them about Isa al Masih. As it turned out, she was asking only for the
use of their home, not for them to be present in the group. While completely taken back
by the request, Scott and Diane agreed. Soon their home became a regular meeting place
for such gathering.
Aisa had begun a movement which, a year later, included more than a hundred
faith believers in Isa al Masih without the inclusion of Scott and Diane. From being the
primary people who brought the message of the good news of Isa al Masih, Scott and
Diane are now on the periphery of the movement with supporting roles as coaches and
consultants. In fact, to this day, they have yet to join any of the large group gatherings.
The group has now grown so big that people have organized into smaller groups to reach
out to their neighbouring communities presenting the realities of a salvific faith in Isa al
As related by John Travis at a consultation in Bangkok, Thailand, March 2007.121
Scott has been working as a bible translator and his wife, Diane, has been involved in women’s122
development projects in an Asian Islamic community. They have seen Muslims shift their faith allegianceto a salvation faith based on the teachings of Isa al Masih while continuing to live their lives participatingin and observing Islamic religious practices. During these years, no conventional Christian church hasever been built, yet the number of believers continues to grow, even if so slowly.
176
Masih without the threat of leaving their Muslimhood. These outreaches include prayer
for the sick, provision of assistance to the poor and regular social engagement toward
building deeper relationships. This means they will continue to live in their communities
with their ethno-cultural identity as Muslims intact. In addition, they can observe Islamic
religious practices with their respective communities.
Not lost in their regular gatherings, however, is the practice of prayer and studying
scriptural teachings from the Injil. The Old Testament books of the Pentateuch and the
Psalms and Proverbs are studied as well. Their studies of Scriptures are grounded within
their local cultural ways of understanding the narratives in the scriptures. While they are
aware that there are groups of Christian churches outside their community, they avoid any
contact with them. Yet, they warmly welcome the presence of Scott and Diane as
members of their own families. For them, Scott and Diane are their points of contact to
the other Christian communities around them. Aisa and the members of this movement
that continues to develop, however, do not identify themselves as Christians but, rather, as
Muslims who believe in Isa al Masih within the context of the Islamic religion.
Jurahman’s Story123
Jurahman, together with a fellow Muslim follower of Isa al Masih, recently
facilitated a gathering for twenty six Muslim men and women interested in studying more
about Isa al Masih. The participants came from different Muslim ethno-cultural
This story is a retelling of the account shared by Jurahman (pseudonym) via email correspondence123
with the writer of this study.
177
groupings. A number of the participants were new to their circle of Muslim insider
believers. They were also joined by two Muslims brothers from another country who
helped facilitate the group studies. The focus of their study was the book of Mark, which
is one of the books in the Injil.
Initially, a number of people in the group voiced their perplexity to the group why
they are studying about Nabi Isa instead of Nabi Muhammad. When explained that124
Nabi Mohammad himself pointed people to Nabi Isa as written in the Qur’an, the
questions stopped and all proceeded to learn about Nabi Isa as taught in the Injil, more
specifically from a translated version of the Gospel of Mark in their own ethno-cultural
language. In the course of the study on the Gospel of Mark, some of the new participants
began to direct questions to the two facilitators from another country. The questions
concerned their attempt to understand the concept of the “kingdom of God” in Mark’s
gospel. Following this came questions on the identity of the Pharisees and how these
types of religious people were also represented in their mosques today, adding a high
degree of relevancy to the participants’ studies. One of the last questions that was raised
out of the study on the Gospel of Mark was about the manner in which one ought to pray,
with open or closed eyes. By the end of the four-day gathering, many of the participants
were expressing that the study on the Gospel of Mark brought them closer in their
relationship to Allah, and they were encourage to persevere in their devotion and
obedience to the words of Isa al Masih in the Injil.
Means prophet.124
178
The organizers of this event were very thankful for the provision from Allah to
make this gathering possible. To the organizers, resource partnerships with fellow non-
Muslim brothers and sisters in Isa al Masih were valued tremendously. Without their
silent but supportive partnership, the gathering would have not been possible.
Conceptualizing a Role for Diversity, Alterity and Decentredness inthe Local-Global Theologizing
The following discussion is an attempt to provide a theoretical base for the role of
diversity, alterity and decentredness in theologizing, both local and global. In the course
of this discussion, it is hoped that these same themes will provide the values for a
hermeneutic of affirmation.
Alterity and Diversity in Theologizing
Making alterity a priori in both cross-cultural and inter-cultural relationships
means ceding local theologizing to the local indigenous community. With this premise,
Kathryn Tanner (1997) correlates theology with culture. Her assertion is that theology is
to be viewed as a form of cultural activity (Tanner 1997:63). Thus, the theological
activity in culture is also subject to historical and social conditions. While seemingly
bounded because of context, this theological activity is a creative force. Tanner points125
out that creativity in theologizing leads to novelty and change. This creativity, however,
especially if given free rein, is likely to become a source of disagreement or conflict in
Culture boundedness for Tanner is different from cultural forms framed within sharp boundaries.125
179
theological judgments about what it means to lead a Christian life (156). Tanner contends
further that even so, the case for diversity in theological judgments is positive and need
not be hidden. In this creative and diverse environment for engaging in theological
activity, the postmodern shift in this culture-theology correlation gives theological
judgments “greater interpretive leeway ... by making its exercise seem genuinely creative”
(Tanner 1997:161).
While Tanner does not necessarily use the term “alterity,” she speaks of the intent
of alterity. It revolves around the conflicting character of cultural processes that leads to
diversity. For Tanner, diversity is “the product of the effort to be a Christian in different126
cultural contexts” (1997:157). This implies that “what it means to be a Christian should
not look the same from one cultural context to another ... one lives a Christian life
differently depending on the cultural materials with which one has to work and the
challenges to the Christian faith specific to that context” (1997:157). Inevitably, this
affects the way “thinking theologically” is constructed. She posits that cultural processes
open new possibilities for theology such as diversity. On the one hand, there are127
alternatives both for theological diversity and for approaches to contextualization. On the
other hand, there are also dialogues among different levels of culture centering on
Alterity is synonymous with the concept of “the others.” Subsequently, focusing on “the others” is to126
be cognizant of the diversity inherent about “the others.” That is, when “the others” are included, thepossibilities which “the others” signify opens a milieu for diversity. The inter-relationship between thesetwo dynamics are always mutual. To include one is to include the other, and to exclude one is to excludethe other.
Tanner (1997:156-175) argues that diversity in theological judgments is a necessary premise towards127
achieving the goal of working through the meaning of true discipleship. This task requires dialogueinstead of monologue in order to strengthen Christian discipleship.
180
Christianity’s own local cultural identity. These cultural processes then provide a re-
conceptualization of cultural identity, continuity and the boundaries necessary in the
theologizing activity at the local context. Thus, for Tanner, culture benefits theology, i.e.,
culture helps in the acquisition of theology.
Tanner also argues that such a notion sets up new questions and directions for
theological research. This type of influence, however, is often implicit and un(self)-
conscious; meaning, the full expression gained from such capacity is still hidden (Tanner
1997:162). To undo this hiddenness, she suggests that the postmodern shift in
anthropological understanding of culture is the locus of promise wherein culture becomes
a decisive tool for theological study (1997:161). Accordingly, she argues that this does
not necessarily deny the contributions that modernity has provided to an anthropological
understanding of culture. In fact, even in her critical analysis of modernity and cultural
anthropology, she admits that very few of the aspects of modernity’s understanding of
culture have been discarded. In fact, the categories used in modernity are still used in post
modernity even as modernity is being deconstructed.128
Alterity and Decentredness in Theologizing
In this process of deconstruction, the shift moves from a unitary view of religion to
a view of religious diversity with its correlating theological constructions and multivalent
meanings. The former is represented by the influence of a metanarrative assumption in
Margaret Wheatley (1999) discusses the process of deconstruction and reconstruction through a128
presentation of chaos theory and quantum mechanics.
181
modernity. The latter is indicative of decentredness in post modernity based on a diversity
of interpretations. Terrence Tilley (1995) identifies four themes that factor into129
understanding the effects of post modernity in the theologizing process. These are:
1. constructive theologies (signifying emphasis on diversities andmultiplicity of theological constructions);
2. postmodernism of dissolution (or deconstruction);3. postliberal theologies (reconstructions of previously deconstructed
theological traditions); and 4. communal praxis (theologizing happens among people of a community
that represents a local context).
These themes provide possibilities of approaches to theologizing to help bring the reader
to see what he/she has always seen in a new way. Tilley posits that postmodern theories
attempt to set new approaches for understanding, creatively transforming, and proclaiming
the Christian faith in a post-age. The focus is not on the end product itself. It is instead
on an honest attempt to engage the reader to reflect critically in a new way. This new way
is to internalize pluralism (Tilley 1995:166) in such a way that the divine “otherness” of
God presumes a “remarkably present-as-radically-other to us in the worlds in which we
live” (168). This concept of plurality is the place, according to Tilley (1995:168), where
“amazing grace and divine joy can be healingly present and where the one who is present
as radically Other to us is present paradoxically in solidarity with us.”
This type of critical reflection holds the power to stimulate local theologizing to
assert an influence over the homogenous force of globalization. Theologizing in a global
context presents upon the local context, as well, a challenge to formulate new institutions
Tilley (1995:155-168) provides these themes as ways to categorize general patterns of postmodernism129
in contemporary theology. He presents a summary of these themes in the concluding chapter of his book.
182
to support it. Nicanor Perlas (2000) provides an account of how the culture of local civil
society, especially in Asia, has demonstrated its participation in the creation of
globalization. At the institutional level, Perlas recognizes a tri-polar system: global civil
society, government and business. In basic anthropological terms, this would be130
represented by the social and cultural life of civil society as it participates in the political
and economic systems of society. The engagement of civil society in these areas is the
countervailing force in globalization. Meaning, it is the engagement of local contexts, i.e.,
communities, where individuals or groups of individuals who are interacting with one
other in a common action can actually overcome the elite character of globalization that is
bent on homogeneity. In brief, this is the manner by which power can be exerted by local
civil society upon globalization.
This enforcement of local power upon globalization, however, brings tension to
the homogeneous character of globalization. When the globalizing forces, however, fail to
recognize the power exerted by local civil society, i.e., the “other,” the result is a negating
movement such as that of the underside. Similarly, according to Perlas (2000:143), local
theologizing can definitely engage and stand on its own in a context that is still ruled by
hegemonic voices. This is so even when the latter seems to be driven by an elite
hegemony that seeks to interpret God’s narrative in a particularly homogenized fashion. 131
Perlas (2000:xxv) tells a story line that brings global civil society, government and business into what130
he calls a tri-polar world inhabited by three global powers.
Robert Schreiter (1986) examines the relationship between global and local theologizing. While he131
argues strongly for the domain of local theologizing, his one constant is the presence of the churchcommunity in the theologizing process. This relationship differs from integrated theologizing. He evenviews the current relationship as blurring the lines between the traditionally opposing dialectics ofsyncretism and synthesis.
183
This is particularly evident as demonstrated by Reynaldo Ileto in his book, Pasyon and
Revolution,
A Case Study for the Role of Alterity: Pasyon Pilapil
Accordingly, Reynaldo Ileto (1979) focuses on the utilization of pasyon. Pasyon
is derived from local Filipino articulations arising from the reading and dramatization of
the story of Jesus Christ especially as part of the various rituals during the Holy Week. In
particular, Ileto reviews the social, religious and theological climate of the time when a
particular pasyon entitled The Casaysayan nang Pasiong Mahal ni Jesuscristong
Panginoon Natin (Account of the Sacred Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ) was first
published in 1814. Among the rural folk, this was popularly known as Pasyon Pilapil,
because of their unsubstantiated conviction that this pasyon was originally written by a
local priest named Mariano Pilapil. 132
The traditional pasyon has been standardized by a pasyon published by Gaspar
Aquino de Belen in the eighteenth century. De Belen’s pasyon was praised for
communicating Christian doctrines in a meaningful and accurate way.
Christ, Mary, Judas, Peter, Pilate and other figures from the NewTestament are portrayed by the poet as though he were the first man to telltheir story. Without falsifying the portraits in the Bible, Aquino de Belen,whether by temperament or art, avoids the stereotype characterizationscreated by pietistic tradition, and sees the characters as though they werehis own countrymen (Lumbera 1968:639).
Bienvenido Lumbera (1993:389-440), argues that recent scholarship has established that Pilapil132
merely edited the 1814 text, the original author of which remains unknown.
184
Comparatively, Pasyon Pilapil “begins with an account of the creation of the world and
concludes with a glimpse of the Last Judgment based on the Apocalypse of St. John”
(Ileto 1997:12). For choosing to deviate from the conventional, Pasyon Pilapil was
soundly criticized by Aniceto de la Merced, another local priest. De la Merced argued
that Pasyon Pilapil was incoherent, repetitive, had faulty scholarship and was written with
the inaccurate use of language (Ileto 1997:13). Consequently, de la Merced published his
own version of the pasyon entitled El Libro de la Vida (The Book of Life). Ironically,
despite its neat and polished versification, it never threatened the popularity of Pasyon
Pilapil.
Ileto points out that the popularity of Pasyon Pilapil is not due to its literary or
theological articulation. Rather, it stands out “mainly as a mirror of the collective
consciousness” (Ileto 1979:13). Ileto (14) traces that the history of various editions of the
original text of Pasyon Pilapil as the source of this collective consciousness:
... in the course of being continually memorized, copied and disseminatedby professional readers and passion play actors, [it] experienced varioussubtle changes. This was aided by the practice of privately circulatingmanuscript versions of the pasyon which often contained doctrinal errors. Whoever published the 1814 text saw the need for a properly editedpasyon incorporating changes introduced into de Belen’s work as the lattercame in contact and interacted with several generations of performers,copyists and audiences. For example, the extraordinary development ofscenes in which Mother Mary plays a dominant role has to be attributed tothe society’s preoccupation with the bonds between mother and child. Authorship is irrelevant in the case of the Pasyon Pilapil because it bearsthe stamp of popular consciousness ... it is beyond doubt that a text like thePasyon Pilapil was, for all purposes, the social epic of the nineteenthcentury Tagalogs and other lowland groups.
The factors which support the argument that a work (or text) like Pasyon Pilapil adds to
the proposition of Perlas underlines the strength of popular and collective consciousness.
185
It is within this phenomenon that prevailing social values and relationships are probed
beyond their limits by the masses, who could otherwise have been seen to be too docile
and accepting of the status quo. De Merced’s pasyon never gained mass appeal while
Pasyon Pilapil was embraced by the masses. Yet, this pasyon was not simply sung, heard
or celebrated by the Tagalog masses in the nineteenth century. As Ileto 1997:22)
describes it:
It was lived, both individually and socially, during Holy Week andoftentimes beyond it. Furthermore, its meaning went beyond the doctrineof Christ’s redemption of man by his passion, death and resurrection ...For traditional Tagalog society, Holy Week was an annual occasion for itsown renewal, a time for ridding the loob (core being) of impurities, fordying to the old self and being reborn anew, and through its many socialevents, for renewing or restoring ties between members of the community.
The strength of the Pasyon Pilapil underscores how a local grassroots movement
overcame the critique of the elitist-ruled status quo. In spite of these critiques, the Pasyon
Pilapil was affirmed as an authorized pasyon by the Roman Catholic Church. Indeed, on
the one hand, there were the discriminatory intellectually-driven voices against it. On the
other hand, a local text such as Pasyon Pilapil continued to emerge as a valid voice of the
masses because it represented their collective social, religious, theological and even
economic consciousness.
This being the case, Pasyon Pilapil has assumed the role of alterity and provided a
diverse interpretation of pasyon. The elite sector of the religious institution sought to
discredit the construction of Pasyon Pilapil for the reason that it was seen as a distorted
version of the biblical narrative. This distortion was an affront to the metanarrative they133
This is a reference to the discussion on verwindung in Chapter 1.133
186
sought to impose in their goal to overcome the theologizing attempts by those at the
grassroots or local level. In their success in retaining the construction and sustaining the
use of Pasyon Pilapil the voice of the “other” in the local context was affirmed. In
Pasyon Pilapil, the “other” had found representation in the theological reflections
symbolized within the pasyon. Yet, these are not merely representations of the
theologizing capacity of the local context. Pasyon Pilapil, ultimately played a role in
initially becoming a matrix for developing local articulations of theological reflections
among the masses. Eventually, over time, the theological transformation it brought to the
masses became a matrix for affirming the development of local theologizing.
A Summary
The primary constitution of the framework needed to construct a hermeneutic of
affirmation includes diversity (with emphasis on plurality and multiplicity) and
decentredness (with emphasis on capacity for ambiguity). These two factors are constant
values to alterity (or “the other”). In practicing these values, alterity becomes the subject
“for itself” and who lifts its own being from a relationship of dependence that characterize
most (if not all) development projects initiated by those outside a particular local
community. The case studies of Musa, Aisa, Jurahman and Pasyon Pilapil provide134
Development projects are normally vehicles for transformation. This means that something changes in134
society when a development project is implemented successfully. Development projects, however, are alsonormally restricted according to the conditions set by their respective funders. Whether the facilitator ofthe development project is an outsider or insider of a local community, power resides outside this localcommunity. This is the reason that mainly factors into the term “empowerment.” That is, thedevelopment project empowers the community. When this empowerment, however, comes from theoutside (with all the restrictions and expectations demanded by the funder), the transformation is equallyrestricted. In development projects, the condition that funders ask is “Is this development project
187
evidence that an individual or a community could lift the “being for itself” and become the
“subjects” instead of being “objects” for the outsiders to empower. When this happens,
the desired “liberation” by local communities from their “invaders” will be realized.
Paul Freire (2000:161) espouses a theory that all development is transformation
but not all transformation is development. While examples abound to give evidence to the
former, Pasyon Pilapil is a good example of the latter. The crux of Freire’s theory
underlines the importance of prioritizing transformation over development if the
transformation is to be sustainable. In the cases presented in this chapter, the development
of local theologizing points towards sustainable religious and spiritual transformation in
the lives of its practitioners through on-going theological reflections, albeit eventually
ritualized by the religious institution in some cases.
From hereon, this study will further delineate the constitution of a hermeneutic of
affirmation. It will specifically focus on the development of a particular mission
movement called insider movement. Specific focus will be given to theological factors
affecting a hermeneutic of affirmation within this particular type of insider movement.
Based on these theological factors, a case study will be presented that will demonstrate a
hermeneutical design by believers in this insider movement.
sustainable?” To the funders, this means that after the initial funding from them, will the recipientscontinue the “funding” of the project by themselves. In most cases, however, development projects ceaseits transforming effect because the development project has a timeline when it is concluded as successful. Soon after their conclusion, development projects slowly loses its transforming effect and eventually dies. According to Freire’s theory, it is the transformation that needs to be sustained. This is only possiblewhen new developments in this “matrix” of transformation happens. These new developments do notneed to be restricted by financial donors. Instead, because it is the subjects of transformation who willdesign the various developments in their respective communities, and who will own both theresponsibility and power to these developments. In this sense, empowerment happens within the subjectsof a given community themselves. Simply put, the community empowers itself. It is insiders empoweringother insiders. In which case, power is coming from among and within the local.
CHAPTER 6
TOWARDS A HERMENEUTIC OF AFFIRMATION
This chapter will outline theological factors affecting a hermeneutic of affirmation
in the specific context of a particular type of insider movement. These factors, admittedly,
are based on presuppositional preferences of Protestant evangelical modal and sodal
structures. These preferences (or categories) are selected specifically to address the
matters of: 1) theological language, 2) the gospel message of Jesus Christ, and 3)
ecclesiology.
The space of the ensuing discussion in this study will be no doubt limited. It is
hoped, however, that each category will demonstrate how the insider movement in view is
able to correlate its theological constructions with a particular division of the Christian
church tradition. In a sense, this will provide a theoretical discussion of matters related to
the subject at hand. The result of this theoretical construction will, in turn, provide the
categories to present how a particular insider movement community has constructed a
hermeneutical design to guide the movement.
189
190
Theological Factors Affecting A hermeneutic of Affirmation
As alluded beforehand, the theological factors which will be discussed in this
section are based on what is expected to be significant concerns by Protestant evangelical
modal and sodal structures. This does not necessarily mean that particular pressure from
these structures are forthcoming. It could very well be but the intent in selecting these
limited factors is to show an attempt how a particular type of insider movement can
continue to engage in theological articulation with a religious tradition. Thus, more than
being an apologetical approach, this section is designed to articulate plausabilities in this
relationship. By plausabilities, this refers to areas of engagement where there may very
well be points of differences yet these are not enough to sever relationships. In this case,
the focus is theological.
Language and God-Talk
In like manner that Enriquez (1992) argues about the use of local language to
express and articulate local realities, a hermeneutic of affirmation requires that the
language of choice used for addressing matters about God be the local language. God-
talk, in any given culture, normally follows the tradition of indigenous religious concepts
and practices. The corresponding effect is that all forms of God-talk in a given society are
made more comprehensible. This is because the language used follows the same form of
articulation as that of the society’s own indigenous religious concepts and practices.
191
In God-talk, concepts are viewed as fundamental forms of thought, or mental
capacities which we employ in our interaction with each other in the world. Concepts135
also form the basic elements in our speech as they are expressed in our words. Essentially,
concepts consist of thought, speech and action in forming a well-knit unity in human life.
This being the case, our concepts are expressed not only in what we say, but in all our
actions in the various areas of our life (Brummer 1992:34).
In light of the above, religious concepts are no exception, since various thought
forms or concepts are all related to each other in the unity of life. In fact, they are
ordinary concepts which are used in a specific area of life, namely, the area of faith and
religion.
When we relate to God through words and actions in the liturgy, or whenwe think or talk about God and our relationship with him in doing theologyor in preaching, we are using the same concepts that we use in our thinkingabout each other and in our relationship with each other. We speak aboutGod and with God in personal terms (Brummer 1992:34).
Hence, one might say as with Alasdair MacIntyre that the “language of the Holy Spirit is
New Testament Greek” (1957:176). Similarly, the languages of God-talk for Yakan
Muslims are their indigenous language, Yakan, and Arabic. The same is true for the
language of God-talk for Filipino Roman Catholics, Filipino Protestant evangelicals,
Japanese Shinto-Buddhists and Singaporean Hindus.
Granted that this principle may sound very simplistic and basic. In reality,
however, language is the arena wherein Christian theological orthodoxy claims
Charles Kraft (1981:180) delineates the formation of concepts as a dynamic model in vital touch with 135
reality so that they can relate properly to life, cf. Peter Geach 1957).
192
guardianship of God-talk. Local indigenous language is relegated normally as good only
for worshiping God in the “mother” tongue. To use local indigenous language to136
define God, however, is deemed insufficient. Orthodoxy believes that there are biblical
languages or terms which are insufficiently translatable into the local language. This is to
say that, on the one hand, orthodoxy acknowledges that the local indigenous language
must be the language for worshiping God. On the other, orthodoxy admits that it is
difficult to surrender its “own” theological language.
One example of this is the insistence of a missionary who was working in a137
translation ministry to assert his view over those of the local co-translators. This
individual insisted that there was no equivalent translation for “Hallellujah” in a local
Muslim religious language. When a team of local translators recommended the use of the
Arabic term, Alhamdullillah instead, the same missionary rejected their proposal. His
primary reason points to his fear that by using an Arabic term, this would compromise the
intent of the original language used in the New Testament, which is Greek.
Peter Rollins recognizes that, for orthodoxy, the idea of theology is the place
where God speaks (2006:xiii). He argues that “we must seek, not to speak of God, but
rather to be that place where God speaks” (2006:21). Similar to MacIntyre’s proposition,
Caldwell (1999) provides several examples of how western hermeneutical methodologies are expected136
by western mission practioners to be sufficiently applicable into non-western contexts. An extrapolateddiscussion of this observation will definitely show that there is a limited usage for “local” language whenit comes to the subject of articulating theological constructions. In this case, Caldwell’s theory onethnohermeneutics provides an environment towards more investigative discussion on the subject at hand.
As told by Kalib, a Maguindanaoan Muslim believer who led a translation team of Maguindanaoans137
under the oversight of foreign missionaries working for a foreign mission organization in the field oftranslation.
193
he further posits that the Spirit used New Testament Greek to speak of God. In the same
way, no one ought to be denied their right to speak of God in their local indigenous
language. In addition, Rollins (2006:19) recognizes that the language from which speech
and action originate fails to define God:
This approach involves an important re-articulation of the relation betweenour understanding of God and God as God really is. The primary problemwith idolatry is not that it falsely claims to have a connection with God butrather that it falsely claims to understand the God that it is connected to. Yet this does not mean that our definition of God are somehowunimportant – indeed, they remain vital – it is only that we must recognizethe extent to which these reflections fall short of that which they attempt todefine and always reflect something of the one who makes the claim. If wefail to recognize the term “God” always falls short of that towards whichthe word is supposed to point, we will end up bowing down before ourown conceptual creations forged from the raw materials of our self image,rather than bowing before the one who stands over and above thatcreation.
At the very least, what may be deemed as theological orthodoxy is nothing more than
theological musing. In such musings, we reflect on how we think rather than on what we
think. This underlines the corelation between language and theology. It is not about the
correctness of a way of defining God. Instead, it becomes a way of seeing language and
theology as a loving response to God (Rollins 2006:xii).138
In light of the above, God-talk happens where local theologizing is present. In
local theologizing, the task is for people to tell stories; not about who they think God is,
Robert Barron (1998) posits that the focus of transformation is in seeing things in a new light. In138
particular, it is not the in the articulation of defining God but in experiencing God as the basis fortransformation. He constructs a theology based on the story of the blind man, Bartimaeus, who refused tobe stopped and cried out, “Son of David, have pity (mercy) on me.” Barron writes that this is the “voice tothe prayerful groaning of the whole people of God for release from the imprisonment of the smallsoul...That is the summons that echoes from the very depths of one’s own being, the call of the magnaanima, the invitation to rebirth and reconfiguration (8).”
194
but rather how they respond lovingly to the God they experience. In this case, linguistic
colonization ceases. There will be, hence, no more victimization by a mentality that
accuses them of having no capacity to do God-talk in their own language. Instead, this
indigenous emphasis on theologizing instead begins to root itself anew in the
consciousness of the people. Whether theologizing happens as they read the Scriptures or
while articulating their experiences with God, theological constructions will be solely
within the domain of the local and the indigenous. Their God-talk will then be affirmed by
their consciousness, their culture and their very own personhood.
The Message of the Euangelion: A Transforming Message
The Greek term euangelion has evolved from its original secular usage to be
understood solely as a religious term. It has in fact become a well used term to describe
one of the central objectives of the Christian church in particular. In addition, it could be
said that it has been institutionalized as vital to the church’s existence. This is evident in
theological terminology and among it mission activities. Lost in the translation of
euangelion, both literally and figuratively, is the history associated with the term. In
English, it is translated as “gospel” or “good news.” Simply put, in a traditional Christian
church context, it is associated with the mission of the church, which is to proclaim this
good news to all the peoples of the earth. In so doing, the salvation message of God
through the work of Jesus Christ becomes available. Those who receive this salvation
commit their allegiance to Jesus Christ.
195
Lost in the history of euangelion is the fact that it is “the very same term that the
[Roman] empire reserves for announcements of military success and pronouncements from
the emperor” (Walsh and Keesmat 2004:75). In the historical and cultural contexts of the
New Testament, the term euangelion is borrowed and applied to the context of an
emerging and multiplying group of believers. Jesus and his followers, including Paul, used
the term to describe an announcement that differs from the conventions of this time
period.
In John 1.15, Jesus announced “Behold, the time is near. The kingdom of God is
at hand. Repent and believe the good news.” No doubt, the intention of Jesus was to
announce a new thing. The Greek term that is used over and over in the New Testament
is kainos; meaning something new but which speaks of continuity in the midst of change
(van Engen 1989:86). This new, however, is very different from the way euangelion was
used conventionally during his time, i.e., in a military context in service of the emperor.
This difference underlines the fact that the message proclaimed by the euangelion of the
kingdom of God is radically different from that of the euangelion of the emperor or
Caesar. This gospel of Jesus has “something deeply subversive ... (that) the fruit of the
gospel (of Jesus) is rooted not in military might and economic oppression but in the
practice of justice and sacrificial faithfulness” (Walsh and Keesmat 2004:75).
The transforming message of the euangelion, therefore, lies in its original
historical context. Primarily used as a noun, the life, breath and intent of the term was not
on the verbal proclamation of the euangelion per se to the peoples of the world. Rather,
the euangelion of Jesus is a message that describes radical living against the conventions
196
and traditions which sought to serve someone else other than Jesus. The mission of the
disciples of Jesus Christ is to announce an euangelion that is centered around the kingdom
of God in Jesus Christ. It was not political or military in nature. It was also never meant
to define the mission of the church itself. In so doing, the term has misrepresented the137
core of Christ’s call to salvation and radical living. Simply put, to repent and believe in
the gospel centers around a life that is transformed by living out the radical message of the
good news.138
A hermeneutic of affirmation demands constancy in the gospel message. That is,
for each context where there is repenting and believing in the good news, the focus is on
the transforming work of the euangelion of Jesus Christ. In view of this, the great
commission that Jesus Christ left his followers cannot be diverted away from this
constancy. It is therefore incorrect and inappropriate for Christian evangelical churches
and mission organizations to perceive in the great commission a mission to convert people
into Christianity. The correct message is centered around the transforming effects of the
message of the good news in the lives of God’s creation.
This study distinguishes that the inclusivity which is inherent in defining the disciples of Jesus Christ137
does not necessarily include them in the construct of a church that makes an exclusive claim on who couldbe a member of the body of Christ. Thus, while the conventional understanding of church and disciples ofJesus Christ view these two entities as a single category, this study contends that such an assumption, asexperienced by IM believers, victimizes them instead of affirming them.
See Barron’s explanation (1998:6-8) of repent (metanoiete) and believe (pistes) in relation to the138
transforming work of the good news, which is in itself the message of the good news.
197
For local believers in particular who are living in the context of closed access
communities, conversion to Christianity as a religion is not an affirming option. This139
type of conversion leaves so much room for abuse, oppression and perpetuating the
colonizing attitude by the dominant religious tradition in view. Equally unaffirming is the
type of conversion that demands the offering of a sacrifice to prove one’s allegiance to a140
supreme being. The type of conversion that leads to a hermeneutic of affirmation centers
on a life of transformation. The Greek term epistrophan denotes turning from a life of sin
to a new life with God. The term is only used once in the New Testament. It is
synonymous with the term metanoeo which means “to go beyond the mind that you have”
(Barron 1998:4). Its English transliteration is metanoia, which is the same term used in
Mark 1.15. In this usage, the essence of metonoia signifies a description of change or
transformation.141
It must be noted at this point that it is both a “biblical and theological” mistake to
require the followers of Jesus Christ to extract themselves from their local contexts. By
context, this includes the scope of ethnic, social, religious, linguistic and cultural contexts
in each local community. It is even more grave to teach these believers to call themselves
“Christians” and require them to join a Christian “church” to prove that they are followers
The Greek term for this type of conversion is proselutos. It is used four times in the NT, cf. Mt 23.15,139
Acts 2.10, 6.5, 13.43. It refers to a Gentile who had become a Jew. It is never used to refer to a followerof Jesus.
The Greek term for this type of conversion is aparche. It is used twice only in the NT, cf. Rom 16.5,140
1 Cor 16.15. It basically means first fruits or beginning of sacrifice.
It has been pointed out in the discussion on decolonization that the end goal of decolonizing is141
transformation. It could be surmised that decolonizing could very well be a form of metanoia. That is,the process of decolonizing has a common objective that metanoia brings upon a life that is repentant andchanging,, and believing in the euangelion (or good news).
198
of Jesus Christ. To impose these things is to act like the misguided Jewish believers in the
New Testament who were exhorted by St. Paul to stop placing such an extra burden or
condition on the new believer (Acts 15.10). These are not essential requirements of the
euangelion of Jesus Christ. Instead, these are procedural checks and balances by mission
and church institutions to appease the conventions of their funding donors. The truth of
the matter is that there is no dynamic of affirmation in these practices. There are,
however, the oppressive dynamics of colonization and victimization.
Charles Kraft underscores three significant processes in transformational culture
change. These are reconceptualization (or reinterpretation), rehabituation and
revitalization (1981:349). In a hermeneutic of affirmation, the individual being
transformed has experiences of the good news. These lead him/her to undergo a
metanoeic conversion (or repentance) from his/her old ways to a new life experience, i.e.,
the new creation in 1 Cor 5.17. This is evidenced by the constancy of transformation in
the lives of those claiming to be followers of Jesus Christ. The basis of this transformation
is clearly the euangelion.
It is at this point that an individual, such as an IM believer, begins to reinterpret for
him/herself the genuine realities of euangelion in context. In addition, the transforming
effect of the euangelion is causative. On the one hand, there is the continuing participation
of the individual in his/her local indigenous culture. On the other, he/she is developing
new cultural patterning and process in his/her behaviour, which are affecting changes in
the cultural worldview. These changes, however, while introducing something new to the
culture, are not creating dissonance between the individual and society.
199
As a whole, the process of change presented above is borne from being affirmed by
believing in the transforming effects of the good news of Jesus Christ. To IM believers,
this is significant because they can construct worldview changes by themselves. In this
case, there is therefore no need for the conditions premised by the conventions of
evangelical Christian churches and mission organizations.
The Global Connection:The Covenantal Condition for Being Called God’s People
One of the more negative critiques thrown at local believers involved in IM who
live in closed-access contexts is the inability to produce “church-like” structures. In
particular, the lack of physical structures for worship and fellowship results in them being
demoted to the status of non-believers. For these local believers, the term “church” is not
even a term they use in relation to their faith. Instead, especially those in Muslim and
closed access contexts, they continue to worship in the mosque or local indigenous
religious structures. That their worship includes the traditions of the local religion, i.e.,
Islam, aggravates further the sensibilities of conventional evangelical Christian structures.
It is indeed very difficult for the latter to reconcile the seeming ambiguities inherent in the
example cited above. In this regard, a term that has always held captive evangelical
Christian structures, especially conservative ones in fear, is syncretism. Yet, as this142
In the 1974 Lausanne International Congress on World Evangelization, five of the seven printed pages142
of the plenary address focused on the dangers of syncretism in the process of ethnotheologizing. This wasa reaction to a voice of concern from elements of the conservative side of evangelicalism against theacademic development of contextualization as a discipline coming out of Fuller Theological Seminary -School of World Mission. According to the congress, syncretism was said “to occur when critical andbasic elements of the Gospel are lost in the process of contextualization and are replaced by religiouselements from the receiving culture; there is a synthesis with this partial Gospel” (Douglas 1975:1227).
200
study will show, it is possible that someone who claims to belong to the people of God
through faith in Jesus Christ can continue to worship using indigenous worship forms.
The conundrum surrounding these Christian modalities and sodalities evokes a
historical dissonance in the outsider. Most traditional conservative Christian structures
presume that all Christian churches include the same characteristic doctrines and practices
as those that they themselves have prioritized as part and parcel of what they call church.
Yet these are the same things which IM believers consider to be within their right to
construct, e.g., their form of worship. This dissonance also puts into question, for the
outsiders, the legitimacy of considering IM local believers as people of God in Christ. It
could very well be, however, that the dissonance stems from an inability of those
entrenched in conservative Christian modal and sodal structures to think beyond their
traditions. They seem unable to hear the words of Jesus in Jn 4.19-25. In this passage,
Jesus was very clear when he explained to the Samaritan woman that
“true worshipers shall worship the Father in spirit and truth; for suchpeople the Father seeks to be His worshipers. God is spirit, and those whoworship Him must worship in spirit and truth."
Accordingly, it is hard to fathom how proponents of traditional conservative Christian
modalities and sodalities are bent on questioning the authenticity of the faith of IM local
believers. Jesus, in one sweeping statement, rendered all forms of worship useless unless
Charles Kraft traces the fear that syncretism seems to elicit especially among conservative evangelicalsto a lack of understanding of forms and meanings. Kraft (1981:81-99) discusses in detail the role of formsand meanings in the contextualization process. Kraft views a separation between forms and meaning. Accordingly, indigenous local forms may possibly be retained for as long as new meaning(s) replaces anold meaning that is not congruent to biblical interpretation. Most conservative evangelicals woulddisagree and would purport a view that religious forms, in particular, should not normally lose theiroriginal meaning.
201
God is worshiped in spirit and in truth. The story of the Samaritan woman did not show
Jesus questioning the genuineness of the woman’s tradition to worship God in her ethno-
cultural place of worship. Even during the post-Pentecost period, Jewish believers
continued to worship and fellowship in the synagogues. IM believers thus feel it is
unmerited for the Christian outsiders to require the creation of “church-like” structures in
order to validate a declaration that IM believers qualify to be counted among the people of
God.
Another appropriate inquiry to the matter at hand is the examination of the
concept of “community of faith” among IM believers. . It is essential for these local
indigenous believers to articulate a connectivity between their community of faith and
other communities of faith existing globally. Of course, the underlying common ground
among these communities of faith is their allegiance to Jesus Christ and the metanoeic
impact of the message of his good news. It is not important that their community of faith
be validated to those outside the IM context. Rather the focus is to demonstrate its unity
with them around the story of Jesus Christ and his transforming gospel message.
Paul Hanson (1986) formulates a concept of God in relation to humankind within a
covenant of promise and commitment. He posits that, in this type of relationship, God
seeks an appropriate “triadic” response in the context of community. This triadic notion
of community consists of three constants: worship, righteousness and compassion
(Hanson 1986:70). Accordingly, these responses are intended to be the faith community’s
witness to the fact that they are God’s people. It requires participation mainly by the
people of God within the community of faith in view. At the same time, God’s people
202
who belong outside this faith community are welcomed to join in participation within
them.
Equally significant is that a triadic response allows for independent expressions of
God’s new covenant without neglecting its connection to the past. For Hanson, all
communities of faith, i.e., those grounded in an allegiance to the Lordship of Jesus Christ,
have their historical birth within the notion of covenant. Beginning with the Abrahamic
covenant, the historical community of faith was born into a relationship with a covenanting
God. In Abraham’s case, by faith he submitted himself and his family to God’s143
covenant. Likewise, all communities of faith are tied together forever by a covenantal
relationship with God. This tie links these communities regardless of time and their
respective contextual distinctives.
In his relationship with humankind, God even makes provisions to draw his
creation to himself. Through covenants with humankind, he has made “God-reality”
sensible. Subsequently, the framework of a covenantal relationship commits a
transcendent God to the reality of humankind. Hanson calls this dynamic transcendence
(1978:22).
[It] is discovering at the heart of all “reality” a universal purposefulnesswhich encourages translation of the dynamism of the past into thechallenges of the present so as to equip the contemporary community of
This is congruent to van Engen’s theory on fuller knowledge which he bases on Andrew Walls’143
pilgrim principle: “...although in each context something deeper and fuller is revealed, yet that is only inrelation and in continuity with what has gone before” (1989:87). It could be said then that the covenantsin the Old Testament are a series of hermeneutical circles which act as periods of historicalcontextualization. At the same time, these series of covenants culminate in becoming the “new covenant.” Van Engen interprets the “new” in “new covenant” using the Greek term “kainos” which signifiescontinuity in the midst of change (cf. Jn 13.34, Mk 12.29).
203
faith to participate in the unfolding of a kingdom of righteousness andpeace.
In short, on the one hand, God is a transcendent being. On the other, he has also been
actively engaged with his creation throughout history. This dynamism is demonstrated
through his covenantal relationship with his people. The provision of the eternal covenant
in Jeremiah provides a marker for determining who will be called his people. That is, “I
will put my law in their minds, and write it on their hearts. I will be their God, and they
will be my people” (Jer 31.33).
A community of faith that demonstrates Hanson’s formulation in a closed-access
context has no need to seek validation from outside its immediate context. Accordingly,
observance and engagement by a faith community in God’s dynamic transcendence are the
expressions of those who are truly God’s people. These expressions commit the
community to an obedient life before God. Effectively, this gives witness to God’s eternal
covenant with his people (Hanson 1986:471).
A hermeneutic of affirmation therefore does not seek validation from outside one’s
community of faith. Rather, those from within the community of faith are claimed by God
himself through his covenantal relationship with his people. Those who belong to a
particular community of faith are in this relationship and will always be God’s people.
They give testimony to this for as long as they worship him, live their life in righteousness
and engage in compassionate actions towards God’s creation.144
E. Yango (2003) uses a hermeneutical construct based on a covenantal paradigm to delineate what 144
constitute a community of faith in three Muslim contexts. Relying heavily on works by Paul Hanson,Elmer Martens and Walter Brueggemann, Yango concludes (26):
a theology of community in the kingdom of God allows for both God’s community of faith (i.e.,within) and communities without to participate in a covenantal relationship with God to different
204
A Case Study:A Hermeneutical Design by Believers Engaged in Insider Movement
In April 2008, a group of eighteen (18) IM believers convened for a consultation in
partnership with OMF-Malikha Urban Poor Team (OMF-MUPT). The consultation145
was designed to define and delineate the dynamics of an insider movement among them.
The consultation was planned, organized, and facilitated by IM believers themselves. In
partnership, the funding for the consultation was resourced by OMF-MUPT. Even so,
members from OMF-MUPT were invited only as guests to listen and observe during the
various meetings over the 4-day consultation. For this consultation, it also happened that
the participants came from one particular ethno-cultural group. This meant that the
primary means of communication was the language of this group.
In the course of the consultation, five critical issues were addressed. One was the
matter of the colonizing attitude they perceived among their traditionally minded Christian
friends who had expressed a desire to partner with them in their respective communities.
A second was their ownership over how to express biblical terms in their indigenous
language. A third was how they could assert their identity as IM believers in spite of
extents. The former bears with it the burden of proof to be witnesses to God’s covenant for thepurpose of extending the benefits of the covenant to the latter. This is conditioned, however, by theextent to which the latter continues to choose wilfully to bless and journey with the former.
The crux of Yango’s work indicates the existence of an ecclesiological structure although not necessarilyin like manner to that of conventional ecclesiological structures. Rather than placing an emphasis on theterm “church,” Yango emphasizes the presence of God’s community of faith within the structure of theKingdom of God.
It needs to be noted that although this consultation happened recently, the various data gathered from145
this consultation were borne out of grassroots experiences of IM believers over a period of 5-10 years. Theconsultation assisted the data gathering for this study paper in that it provided the venue and environmentfor the stories from these experiences to be told and re-told. It should not be viewed that the consultationitself is the focus of the research. Rather, the focus remains on the experiences of these IM believers who were able to articulate their stories in their vernacular through a consultation format.
205
being viewed as non-believers by those from traditional Christian church and mission
organizations. A fourth was the working through of a protocol to identify what
constitutes a believer. This was important because in their unique context, a low-identity
profile is necessitated. Finally, a fifth critical issue engaged them in an attempt to relate
their identity in their respective communities as workers of God’s Kingdom with their own
personal economic realities.
On Dealing with Colonizing Partners
As personal stories were shared, it became clear that the participants were
concerned about the effects of colonial mentality among them. For some, this was
heightened by relationships with outsiders who used a traditional model of discipleship
with them from the start of their association. At the same time, however, the outsiders
neglected to view these local believers as equal partners in mission engagement among
their people group. For some, they cited the cultural pressure to feel loyal and obligated
to retain a relationship with those among whom they felt had used and abused them.
Some IM believers still worry about how to respond to inquiries from communities of
Christians, or outsiders, who want to assist them as ministry partners in their communities.
There is a high degree of suspicion towards these groups due to the local
believers’ previous experiences with outside Christian organizations. In the course of their
discussion, this sense of suspicion actually assisted them in setting a criteria for weeding
out potential partners where colonial victimization might result. This attitude of distrust
may be said to be an inherent “sense” within a hermeneutic of suspicion. There is
206
currently an incredibly heightened sense of suspicion among those engaged in insider
movements. This type of suspicion is akin to Friedrich Nietzsche’s hermeneutic of
suspicion. In particular, this sense of suspicion has produced a lens of distrust against146
traditional hegemonic powers. Foremost in this list of hegemonic powers under suspicion
are traditional evangelical Christian churches and mission organizations.
In the process of their discussion, the local believers in this consultation decided to
draw parameters around their relationship with outsiders. They agreed that they would
still invite and allow outsiders to work as partners with them in their respective
communities. However, a list of conditions was created to help them determine the
hegemonic tendencies of a requesting partner. Mainly, they delineated suggestions on
how to read the signs which could indicate whether the partnership would come with
“strings attached” and which would place the IM believer under the domination of the
partner.
Owning God-Talk
At the consultation, there were four participants who continued to be involved in
bible translation in their own ethno-cultural language. One of them was Khalid who had147
The concept of the will to power is central to Nietzsche’s philosophy. He argues that this will to power146
is at work in all sorts of human behaviour and valuations. Consequently, Nietzsche’s hermeneutic ofsuspicion appeared to attack almost everything that has been considered sacred. In particular, his suspicionis centred in his experience with religion and morality, which during his time dominated modern westernculture (Kaufmann 1999:716). Nietzsche’s theory on “meaning” is also helpful in understanding the depthof his hermeneutic of suspicion. He posits that all the propositions of logic and mathematics are not truthsbut rather extremely useful tools for coping with life. Consequently, behind metaphysics, religion andscience there is a hidden agenda. This is the goal of power (Cooper 1996:707).
See Chapter 5.147
207
undergone training in dynamic equivalence translation as well. There were several others
who had received training using the inductive method. Suffice it to say, there was no
shortage of resource people when it came to upholding the Bible as the word of God.
One of the more critical issues the consultation addressed was the relationship of
the Bible to the Qur’an. As a paradigm, IM requires the inclusion of cultural-religious
factors. IM believers are born culturally Muslims. An inseparable and vital component of
Muslimhood is following the religious tradition of Islam. This includes the salat (prayer148
five times a day) and recognition that the Qur’an is the holy book given to the prophet
Muhammad. Their rituals of prayer and worship are Qur’anic provisions which are
further delineated in the Hadith. To IM believers, their religious language is expressed149
using their local indigenous language and the Arabic language. The latter, of course, is the
base language of the Qur’an. In order for it to be comprehensible, God-talk to Muslin
believers cannot be separated from cultural-religious factors.
The term Allah is matter-of-factly accepted by IM believers as a name for God. It
is synonymous with the Old Testament term el, which is a generic reference for God in
Hebrew. In fact, the name has more cultural significance than theological. That is, being
an Arabic reference for God, it raises the significance of Arabic in their religious language.
And while traditional evangelical church and mission organizations are threatened by use
of the term Allah, IM believers are very comfortable with this term for God.
This study recommends Encountering the World of Islam (2005) as a practical resource148
material helpful forunderstanding Islam as an ideology and a religion.
The Hadith is a collection of sayings and traditions of the prophet Muhammad. It is regarded as a149
complementary document to the Qur’an and never contradicts the Qur’an (Braswell 1996:82).
208
A second term is more theologically oriented. It concerns finding the right
representation for the term Isa al Masih in an IM context. The closest transliteration of
this is Jesus the Messiah. In some cases, the transliteration is Jesus Christ (or Jesus, the
Son of God). Strictly speaking, in traditional Christian churches, the terms Messiah and
Christ are two different designation or names for Jesus. To IM believers, however, the
two are theologically interchangeable.
IM believers recognize that the term Isa al Masih denotes that Jesus is the saviour
of humankind. They further articulate that the prophet Jesus is also given the name
Kalimat allah, which literally means the Word of God. In addition, the Qur’an teaches
that this Kalimat allah comes directly from the breath (or ruh) of Allah. In the light of
these two beliefs, IM believers feel it is appropriate in their context to interpret Kalimat
allah as to mean the son of God. In effect, this makes the prophet Jesus the son of God.
As a result, the text Isa al Masih is better understood, theologically, when translated Jesus
Christ or Jesus, the son of God.
A third issue that the participants addressed is the relationship between the Qur’an
and the Bible. The general position among traditional evangelical Christian churches and
mission organizations is that the two are vastly different religious documents. The former
is seen to be inferior to the latter. To IM believers, the issue involves socio-religio-
cultural and theological factors. The Qur’an, as the primary religious book in Islam,
cannot be segregated from everyday life of Muslimhood. Its oral recitation during various
socio-religious rituals builds cohesion in the community. As well, the reading and
209
preaching of Qur’anic passages during the salat and weekly worship time gives evidence
of its theological significance to the life of a Muslim community.
The Bible, to IM believers, is wholly accepted as the word of Allah. It holds a
greater significance to their faith in Isa al Masih than the Qur’an. This should not be
read, however, in the same manner by which traditional evangelical Christians look down
upon the Apocrypha as inferior and thus exclude it from the canon. For IM believers, the
Qur’an holds socio-religio-cultural significance in their everyday lives. At the same time,
the Bible provides them with stories about God from which they can construct theologies
affecting their daily lives.
When each holy book is placed on top of the other, IM believers recognize that the
Qur’an cannot carry the weight of the Bible but the Bible can carry the weight of the
Qur’an. This does not mean the Qur’an is inferior and not trust-worthy. Rather, it
signifies that every truth found in the Qur’an can be weighted by and found in the Bible.
The same cannot be said, however, of the Qur’an. As far as its cultural influence in the
daily living, the Qur’an is not an inferior book. When biblical truths are weighed upon
and examined in light of the Qur’an, the latter does not have the capacity to contain and
support them. This implies that there will always be theological differences between the
two holy books.
Rooted in God’s Covenantal Relationship
One of the more incredible realities of IM believers is their desire to serve their
own people in word and deed. Beyond partaking in Islamic religious rituals, they maintain
210
the discipline of reading the Bible and the disciplined commitment to live out its teachings.
Several participants also shared that they oversee their own da’wa’. They meet150
regularly with their respective da’wa’ to learn more biblical values and discuss the
application of those values. During these meetings as well, they share and consider ways
in which they could serve their communities. Where there is an appropriate need to
provide references from the Qur’an, the leader would discuss the correlation between the
teachings of the Bible and the Qur’an.
A da’wa’, however, does not constitute every activity that institutionalized
traditional Christian churches have packed into their church concept. In other words, a
da’wa’ should not be compared with a traditional church concept. Yet, it does serve as a
format for gathering for fellowship around food. Local believers learn from biblical
teachings and are trained to live righteous lives. They also discuss applications of what
they learn for both their personal and community life. In the community where an IM
da’wa’ exists, their identity is very much accepted. They meet publicly without offense to
other Muslims. This is primarily because they are able to uphold the genuineness of their
words by their concrete deeds. At times, even when the name of Isa al Masih is
mentioned, they are seen as being community and religiously oriented.
The crux of the matter is that this concept of da’wa’ follows the triadic response
that Hanson outlined, as previously presented. The act of worship also takes place among
adherents of a da’wa’. There is a commitment to live disciplined lives exemplifying that
they are living obedient lives as commanded by Allah. They exercise compassion as
Arabic for community or fellowship of believers.150
211
evidenced by their deep desire to serve the needs of their communities, which in most
cases are impoverished, and they do so as resources are available. These things being so,
there is no need for them to seek validation by the outside traditional evangelical Christian
churches and mission organizations. In fact, they have no urge to seek such validation.
Suffice it to say, following Hanson’s theory, the dynamics of a da’wa’ are rooted in a
covenantal relationship with God.
Intentionally Low-Identity
In recent years, there has been an increased emphasis on the role of suffering by
believers in closed-access communities. In a good number of cases presented in various
literature, there is one common theme. That is, unless one is suffering in these contexts of
closed-access communities, the local believers are seen as not being bold enough to be
witnesses for Isa al Masih. This emphasis could also very well imply that unless one
raises his/her identity as a follower of Jesus Christ in closed-access contexts, one is not
willing to sacrifice life for God.
For IM believers, there is something invasive about this emphasis. As it was
discussed in the consultation, they questioned the contexts from where the proponents of
this emphasis come. If these are outsiders and belonging to a western context, they raised
the question of whether westerners would adopt the same standard for themselves. That
is, “would they actually live up to their emphasis if they are themselves were living under
the duress of a closed-access context?”
212
The common voice in the consultation points to a desire to live in their
communities with what they term a low-identity with a high-impact. This means that most
of IM believers live and work like everyone else in their community. At the same time, a
good number of them are engaged in development programs for the benefit of their
communities. This often happens through their own initiative. At other times, it happens
in connection with an organization that has been invited to serve with them in their
community. Incredibly, about half of the participants in the consultation are members of
MILF. This type of affiliation helps in keeping the profile of their identity on the low151
end of the scale. This degree of intentionally incarnating the good news into their every
day lives has allowed them to engage in high impact activities. As a result, they are able to
continue to share the stories of the good news to help transform individuals and their
community as a whole.
The IM believers in the consultation acknowledged that the popularity of the
theme of suffering is a western ideal. It is the outsiders who seem to believe that suffering
should be a mark of one’s allegiance to Jesus Christ. Consequently, the participants in the
consultation viewed this emphasis as nothing more than another example of colonizing.
For IM believers, the capacity to read the signs of a colonizing mentality advanced by
outsiders is a good indication that they are also competent in affirming themselves in their
context.
Refers to Moro Islamic Liberation Front.151
213
Cultural Mandate and Economics
The final issue that the participants discussed was the correlation between the
cultural mandate in Gen 12.1-3 and the economic reality found within Muslim
communities.
Now the LORD said to Abram, "Go from your country and your kindredand your father's house to the land that I will show you. I will make of youa great nation, and I will bless you, and make your name great, so that youwill be a blessing. I will bless those who bless you, and the one who cursesyou I will curse; and in you all the families of the earth shall be blessed"(Gen 12.1-3).
The discussion centred around the oppressiveness of the current state of economics in the
majority of Muslim communities in the Philippines. The participants expressed their
compassionate desire to fully engage in bringing both material and spiritual blessings to
their communities. Their sadness is rooted in the fact that they have limited if no capacity
at all to bring God’s material blessings to their people. There was whole-hearted
agreement that the mandate in Gen 12.1-3 has great implications to the movement. This is
in terms of how many more might be added into the kingdom of God if they were able to
bring some blessings in the form of economic relief to their community.
To the outsider, this could sound as though a faith response would be conditioned
by fulfilment of a material wish. If so, it borders on patronizing of the intent of the
mandate in view. This would be far from the heart-felt sadness among these IM believers.
Generally speaking among Muslim cultures, anyone who preaches about the goodness and
blessings of Allah is expected to follow up their words with credible deeds. In street
language, “you talk, then walk the walk but better yet, walk the talk.” The integrity of
what they preach about Allah through the stories of Isa al Masih is only credible if they
214
can produce tangible fruits of their preaching. And because they are engaging the people
in their communities through religious God-talk, their integrity is very much at stake. Yet,
due to the poor economic conditions of Muslim communities in the Philippines, these IM
believers have a very hard time bringing blessings of God according to the promise in Gen
12.
There is much temptation to “sell out” to the outside Christian churches and
mission organizations. After all, these are waiting for opportunities to be invited in as
partners but, unfortunately, they come with unveiled “strings attached” conditions. There
are two choices for the IM believers. On the one hand, they can enter into a relationship
that victimizes them while providing material blessings to their respective communities.
Or, on the other hand, they can affirm their own integrity and dignity despite unfavourable
circumstances. The former begs them to revert and subordinate themselves to
relationships that victimize their Muslimhood. The latter demands of them to patiently
wait and trust that God will bring credible ministry partners who understand the dynamics
of their closed access context.
A Summary
A hermeneutic of affirmation based on theological factors centres around the
integrity and dignity of the individual in relation to his/her Muslimhood. Muslimhood is an
identity guarded and maintained by those in IM communities. They live it out daily in
truth. It is not merely a strategy of manipulation or a cover for non-transparency of
identity. The credibility of their Muslimhood encompasses engagement in their particular
215
ethno-cultural Muslim environment and in the religious tradition of Islam. It is possible
that the former could function completely outside the religious tradition of Islam. The
latter, however, needs to exist in culture so it can provide that culture with additional
ideology for the development of its cultural patterning and processes. This is the locus of
a hermeneutic of affirmation, especially in closed-access communities.
A hermeneutic of affirmation is also informed by the type of hermeneutics utilized
in any given culture. In turn, a local indigenous hermeneutical approach can be used and
applied in doing local theology. This engagement places it in opposition to traditional
evangelical Christians who seem to think that the domain of theology is under their
ownership. In a variety of ways, this chapter demonstrated how IM believers from a
particular ethno-cultural group in a closed-access context sustain an affirming view of
themselves. This has become necessary in order for them to be able to stem the tide of
would-be ministry partners, whose offers of assistance come with conditions that favour
their outside agenda.
216
CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Conclusion
The primary premise of this study is to construct a hermeneutical approach for
local theologizing in the context of globalization. In particular, it is necessary for the local
contexts to move out from the shadows of theologizing based on a hermeneutic of
victimization towards a hermeneutic of affirmation. This process includes dealing with the
presence of colonial mentality in the collective consciousness of people in a given society.
A hermeneutic of victimization is a consequence of theological hegemony in the
interplay between control and interpretation. Presuppositions based on hermeneutical
propositions are borne in matrices where power seeks to dominate via the imposition of
such presuppositions. This process of imposition insists that language and meanings
follow the conditions of modernity. In such light, the methodological process in
interpretation can be controlled and systematized while speaking a language that seems to
represent God.
The problem, however, is that the contemporary state of affairs in hermeneutical
methodology is conditioned by post modernity. Postmodern conditions have changed the
217
environment of the matrix where presuppositions are born. While these conditions allow
for a recognition of modernity and its presuppositions, they do not hold it in a higher
regard compared to other epistemological constructions. Instead, it gives validation to all
epistemological and hermeneutical constructions, i.e., political, gender, religious, socio-
historical and theological. This also includes the negating of modern constructs whereby a
different form of dialectic emerges. It is this dialectical process that will not allow the
hermeneutical process to be victimized by a dominant hegemony that seeks to overcome.
This theoretical construction finds its credibility within the theologizing conditions
of closed access Muslim communities in the southern Philippines. The manipulation of the
education of Muslims demonstrates the historical subjugation of Muslimhood in the
Philippines. Three stories were presented to exhibit the victimization factors involved in
this subjugation. At the same time, these three stories breathe a very insistent negating
dynamism that refuses such subjugation.
Last but not least, a hermeneutic of victimization can be traced in the collective
Asian experience. While domination by the powerful is a common theme, a dialectic of
negation is equally so. The fact that these two polar strands of daily living in Asian
contexts are co-existent is nothing new. The more significant reality is the constant refusal
by those representing the grassroots to be wholly dominated in the face of global
hegemonic forces.
In the light of the above, a globalization that is practiced under the tenets of
modernity is different from a globalization where the rules of engagement change from
one context to another as predicated by the conditions of postmodernity. The exercise of
218
power, especially that which is imposed by colonial powers, needs to be decolonized by
those in local contexts in their engagement with globalization. These local contexts must
not give priority to the agenda of these colonial powers, even while it is imperative that
they participate in the global experience. The priority for these local contexts is, instead,
to raise their own respective agenda and questions without attempting to balance their
global engagement. In this process, they are seeking to affirm for themselves the validity
of their agenda. Their agenda resists and at times rejects the unitary metanarrative that the
colonial powers expect to be a priori to the rules of engagement. Their questions seek a
paradigm shift to gain a voice in determining how the rules are formulated. That is, the
globalization process will be required to recognize and give respect to the diversity of
voices emerging from local stories. After all, these are the bases from which the
framework for participating in globalization is initially articulated. These same processes
follow that of local theologizing in a global context.
Resisting the oppressive nature of colonial powers, however, requires articulating
the local experience in the context of globalization. This is necessary because these
articulations are still part of the local stories where the theologizing process begins. And
the theologizing process can only be validated when it is based on realities of the local
journey. This study has presented the unfolding journeys of individuals at the grassroots
in several different Muslim communities through their own local stories. The truths
emerging from these stories are not limited to their own experiences, but are corroborated
by the journeys of many others as well. Their stories are merely a microcosm of the bigger
picture in Asia.
219
The relationship between local stories and theologizing is multi-faceted. One
aspect of local Asian theologizing that this study attempted to demonstrate is that
theologizing in Asian contexts feels very much at home in the matrices of postmodernity.
Asian cultures share many cultural themes present in the conditions which are core to
postmodernity. Such affinity is demonstrated in the areas of plurality and diversity,
decentredness and an emphasis on alterity or otherness. In contemporary reality, the local
expressions of these primal cultural themes (using anthropological language) or worldview
conditions (using postmodern language) have undeniably generated an impact on the
global context. The degree of this impact has forced the global players (with their
corresponding powers) to understand the local contexts within the framework of the local.
Simply, globalization is nothing more than a playground where the fields encompassed by
it are defined by a multiplicity of parameters represented by diverse and plural local
contexts. The process of local theologizing in a global context observes a framework
common with this.
An example of this process of local theologizing was very evident during the end
of the particular consultation alluded to in the previous chapter. The participants began to
talk about the presence of Isa al Masih in Islamic discourse. Their discussion turned to the
story of the miraj. The miraj refers to the ascension of the prophet Muhammad.
According to the story based in the Qur’an and the Hadith, his ascension was a journey
into the “seven windows” leading to paradise. In each window is a prophet, to each of152
whom he must answer the question: How do you enter this window? Only when he has
In some cases, this is also referred to as “seven heavens.” 152
220
answered the questions correctly will each successive window will open. This will allow
him to move to the next window until he passes through the last window. Each window is
guarded by the following personages:
1 window Adamst
2 window Jesus (with John the Baptist)nd
3 window Josephrd
4 window Idristh
5 window Aaronth
6 window Mosesth
7 window Abrahamth
The miraj is significant to Islamic discourse since it contains the story about the salat (i.e.,
the practice of praying five times a day). This is when the prophet Muhammad reached
the window of the prophet Moses. The account relates that Moses encouraged the
prophet Muhammad to make a request to the prophet Abraham concerning reducing the
amount of salat to be practiced daily.
To IM believers, the significance of the miraj story is two-fold. The first is the
presence of Isa al Masih in the 2 window. The miraj holds each individual Muslimnd
accountable to Isa al Masih. In the Qur’an is a discourse on seeking the “straight
path.” This straight path is also the path of the Kalimat Allah, i.e., word of God. Since153
the Kalimat Allah is another reference to Nabi Isa (or prophet Jesus), IM believers deduce
that it is important to understand this straight path. In particular it must be understood
that to follow the straight path requires obedience to the teachings of Isa al Masih. The
second significant point of the miraj is that all the prophets in the discourse are written
For references, see the followin Qur’anic passages: 1.6, 6.153, 42.52, 23.50, 43.61.153
221
about in the Tawrat, Zabur and the Injil. These holy books are also contained in the154 155
Bible. Thus, to learn more about these prophets, it is necessary to read these holy books.
The miraj is a story unique to Muslims. It is part of their own religio-cultural
story. It depicts a journey that each will take on his/her way to meet Allah. Its
importance lies in the fact that each Muslim needs to know the answers to the questions
posed by each prophet. The presence of Nabi Isa in the miraj account makes it vital for
not only IM believers, but all Muslims, to learn about him. It is equally important for them
to learn about the lives and roles of the other prophets as servants of Allah in order to
understand better the purpose of each in the discourse. In brief, the miraj account,
provides the IM believers a very unique narrative for use in any Islamic discourse with
their fellow Muslims. It provides a way for them to point fellow Muslims toward the path
of obedience, i.e., straight path, required by Isa al Masih. It is also unique because it is a
narrative that only Muslims can use. To those outside the Muslim context, the miraj
account is a foreign narrative that has no context for them. Only IM believers can tell the
miraj narrative without breaking the integrity of local culturo-religious traditions. In this
one unique Islamic narrative, IM believers are able to affirm the dignity and integrity of
their spiritual journey without giving up their Muslimhood.
A hermeneutic of affirmation thus belongs in the underside of a theologizing
community that has been victimized by a colonial mentality. On the surface of this
underside are the concrete consequences of the victimization. These consequences are
Refers to the Torah.154
Refers to the Psalms.155
222
borne out of a colonial mentality that has wreaked havoc in cultures and societies like
those of the Philippines.
A hermeneutic of affirmation is the elixir needed to correct the damage, i.e., heal
the disease, of this colonial mentality. The elixir represents the cultural and theological
voices of the local indigenous believers like the IM believers and others in similar closed-
access contexts. These are the ones who are constantly engaged in local theologizing that
is uniquely their own.
A hermeneutic of affirmation is also a hermeneutic of negation. It becomes the
negating polar force guarding against that which has become normative in a colonized
culture. While seemingly violent, this negating force seeks to extricate the life of the
colonial mentality from the consciousness of a given society. In the case of this study, the
Filipino consciousness is the subject of this focus.
The endvision of a hermeneutic of affirmation will only be achieved when the
normative sense of colonial mentality has finally been done with. This does not mean
complete eradication from memory or historical experience. The emphasis, rather, is the
decolonization of its normative influence in the consciousness of the people. If this
happens, Filipinos may then be able to re-discover their primal culture. This possibility
offers the hope that what was intentionally destroyed by pretentious Hispanic and
American colonial masters can be restored in a transformative manner by a hermeneutic of
affirmation.
223
Recommendations
This study is admittedly limited within the scope of the thesis that has been
presented. With this limitation in mind, recommendations will be given for developing
further some of the other subject matters considered in this study. It is hoped as well that
the scope of this study will be extended by others seeking to understand the issues herein.
Recommendation #1. There is a need to understand better how the theory of
“cultural hybridity” has impacted the definition for what constitutes the Filipino identity.
This is significant for the reason that in the dialogue between globalization and the local,
the resulting ambiguity may mean a need to reconfigure categories of the Filipino identity.
In effect, this requires a new articulation for each category. This, of course, has
implications to local theologizing. It would seem that the same impact that “cultural
hybridity” has on local culture affects in a similar manner the process of local theologizing.
Recommendation #2. Admittedly, the constitution of an insider movement is still
in its organic stage in the Philippines. This means that any emerging structure to this
movement is still very fluid and unpredictable. As this study has shown, while the
movement is beginning an enriching theological journey, the movement will need to be
very intentional in its engagement with other global mission structures. How this further
develops is, of course, dependent upon the will of the those in the movement. At the same
time, however, it would serve those in the “other” global mission structures to network
and “inter-connect” with the movement as it grows. It is hoped that the concept of
“otherness” as presented in this study will be a point of reconciliation towards the
development of this relationship.
224
Recommendation #3. One implication that a hermeneutic of affirmation raises is
the burden of proof that is placed upon the shoulders of those who choose to use it as a
framework for theologizing. In the case of those in the insider movement, this means that
there will be expectations of them to articulate what is entailed in their theologizing. If the
goal of theologizing is one of transformation, then there is a responsibility upon them to
articulate how the movement is transforming them in their journey as disciples of Jesus
Christ. In particular, this could include both theological and missiological articulations on
Christology, ecclesiology, missional engagement and biblical studies. The burden of proof
is not an apologetic task but rather a demonstration of intentional engagement with the
wider body of communities of faith. IM believers are quick to clarify that these
articulations are not burdensome tasks just because they are being demanded of them. To
the contrary, they are borne out of a deep desire to share in the global communities of
faith the wonderful and transformative work of God’s Spirit in their lives, both collectively
and individually.
Recommendation #4. The construction of a hermeneutic of victimization in this
study suggests that there is an existing historical problem concerning the exercise of
power and control over the theologizing process. That is, there is a persistent divide
between western theologizing and local theologizing in Asian contexts (in particular,
Muslim contexts in the Philippines). It has been mentioned in Recommendation #3 that a
hermeneutic of affirmation places a burden of proof upon those in the insider movement.
Likewise, there is an equal a burden of proof upon western theologizing to demonstrate a
paradigm shift concerning the issues of hegemonic exercise of power and control. The
225
paradigm shift is to give witness to a transformed attitude of humility and a willingness to
share power and control of the theologizing process, especially in local theologizing. Such
transformation requires articulation as well.
Recommendation #5. A partner to hermeneutics is exegesis. This partnership
signifies the correlation between the process of interpretation and the production of an end
product called “knowledge.” It is, thus, imperative that inasmuch as this study argues for
constructions of hermeneutics that will observe the presuppositions of the grassroots
contexts, a corresponding construction of an exegetical approach to be used at the
grassroots level will also need to be developed. In this study, the use of local discourses
or narratives has provided the parameters for a hermeneutic of victimization and a
hermeneutic of affirmation. The exegetical task would point towards further examination
of both cultural and theological factors affecting the method for interpreting these
narratives. In so doing, this could provide the exegetical task with a starting point for
constructing local exegetical approaches which would be both comprehensible and user-
friendly to the grassroots practioner.
Recommendation #6. The “end-value” of local theologizing is not the production
of knowledge at the local level but rather the growth of the disciples of Christ Jesus
among the diverse communities of faith that represent the Kingdom of God. The
transformation sought by all theologizing is centered in the making of “mature” disciples
of Jesus Christ. This being the case, it is imperative that this study be extended in order
to address the developing spirituality in any given context where local theologizing is
practiced.
226
Recommendation #7. There is a need to further extend the discussion of the
global-local relationship concerning local theologizing. This study certainly prioritizes the
dynamics of local theologizing as it is engaged in the dynamics of globalization. Simply
put, this paper posits that all theologizing is local. Within this notion, it could be argued
that the global is also another manifestation of the local. This being so, since the local also
includes the global as part of its context, it is also a necessary task to converse around the
possibility of what constitute global theologizing. It could very well be that the
conversation can be extrapolated to more concurrent conversations which would then
create a plurality of “horizons” for interpretation. These conversations or horizons would
include: global-local, local-local, local-global/local, global-local/local, global-local/global,
etc. The permutation of the conversations will certainly be multiple, diverse and plura. Of
course, this is not surprising when factors dealing with alterity and decentredness are
considered. These conversations or horizons would also include the voices of immigrants
who continue to live according to their primal ethono-cultural practices even as their
nationalities may have change.
Recommendation #8. Inasmuch as the local is the emphasis on an insider
movement, the role of the outsider will need to be further delineated. This role will need
to address two crucial issues in the process. One is to deal with how the outsider (and
his/her representing modal or sodal structure) grapple with the issue of power in relation
to Muslim believers engaged in the dynamics of an insider movement. A second issue is to
articulate a framework concerning how the outsider intends to assist the growth of a
community associated with an insider movement paradigm. The first issue will hopefully
227
provide the values of what an emerging partnership looks like. The second issue will
provide a detailed and transparent strategy of the outsider as to how he/she intends to
assist Muslim believers in the areas of community transformation, spiritual formation,
constructing a worshiping community, biblical studies, translation resources and being
missional-minded. Researching for the purpose of examining existing approaches by
individuals and organization who are closely working with individuals in communities
engaged in an insider movement paradigm will provide valuable data on “good practices”
that will impact the recommendation at hand.
APPENDIX A
MUSLIM-CHRISTIAN RELATIONS IN MINDANAO:HOPE FOR A BROKEN LAND156
Undoubtedly, the spiritual condition of Muslims in Mindanao has generated much
interest. The thirteen Muslim people groups in this southern island of the Philippines can
easily be described as unreached. Globally, Muslim people groups have been categorized
as unreached due to the very restrictive, resistive and seemingly "anti-Christian" stance of
Islam.
This article seeks to present a concise, though not necessarily comprehensive,
historical development of Islam in Mindanao Island. It will also trace current
Muslim-Christian relations. In the end, it hopes to provide a prophetic voice to the
current spiritual condition among Muslim peoples in Mindanao.
The Historical Development of Islam in Mindanao
The earliest documentation of Islamic presence in Mindanao can be traced back to
the early 13 century. It arrived through the contacts made with local peoples by Muslimth
This historical account is intended to demonstrate through history the victimization process of156
Muslimhood account in the Philippines, especially Mindanao. The article is written by the writer of thisstudy project to give a backdrop that is presumed in this study.
228
traders from neighboring islands as they searched for trading partners and markets for
their goods. Islamic presence arrived in a peaceful way. It brought welcomed economic
benefits for the people. In turn, local "datus" (community leaders) entered into economic
alliances with Muslim traders by offering their daughters in marriage. With minimal effort,
Islamic presence and influence grew among the local people.
By the mid-16th century when the Spaniards arrived, Islam in Mindanao was well
entrenched among various people groups, especially those living along the shorelines. It
had even extended its influence and acceptance among the people groups in the north. In
Manila, there were already several influential Muslim datus.
The arrival of the Spaniards, however, began the eventual bitter relationship
between Muslims and Christians. Still wounded from the losses in the Crusades to
Muslims in Africa and Eastern Europe, the Spaniards wished to redeem Christianity’s
losses by propagating their faith in a fleshly, vengeful way. War was not only relegated to
armed conflicts but also to stories of truth, half-truth, and outright lies portraying the
Muslims as butchers of people. Herein grew the stories that Muslims were barbarians and
traitors. The Spaniards gave the Muslim peoples the misnomer "Moro," which they had
previously applied to their Moorish conquerors.
The End of a Peaceful Era
Thus ends the period of peace between the various Muslims and non-Muslim
people groups in what became the nation of the Philippines. Roman Catholic monasteries,
229
acting both as church posts and reminders of colonial rule, were established all over
Mindanao. Over time, these only reinforced deep-seated hostilities.
By the time the Americans took over the imperialist role at the end of the 19th
century, armed conflicts between Muslims and the colonialists were common events. In
fact, the Americans designed an automatic revolver called the Colt 45 which could shoot
successive bullets to ensure an enemyís death. This was their solution to their conflicts
with determined Muslims who fought to the death.
Although unconquered, the Muslims retreated to limited geographical enclaves. In
1969, with the Marcos administration searching for ways to bring Muslim insurgency
under its control, the Jabida massacre was exposed. This exposé revealed government
military cover-up in the murder of 23 Muslim military recruits from the south. The
resulting cry for justice gave birth to the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). This in
turn became the only political and military alternative for all Muslims.
After years of escalating armed and political conflicts, the plight of Muslim
Filipinos drew international attention and gained acceptance by the Organization of Islamic
Countries (OIC). As a result, the Autonomous Regions of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM),
was established. Viewed as a political extension of the Filipino federal government,
however, it was rejected by more militant Muslims.
Consequently, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was established as an
alternative voice for Muslim Filipinos who rejected the MNLF as being too conciliatory.
As both groups continue to exist today, the MILF can be described as more militant, more
politically aggressive for separation, and more religiously conservative (demanding
230
imposing Shariya or Islamic law) than the MNLF. More recently, a peripheral and
tolerated but more militant Islamic group, called Abu Sayaf, has come to being. It has
intermittently shifted the focus away from the demands of the MILF.
Muslim-Christian Relations in Mindanao Today
To most Muslim Filipinos, especially at the grassroots level, all non-Muslim
Filipinos are "Christians", plain and simple. Thus, "local" conflicts are universalized. As a
result, for Muslims, Christian relations are screened from stories of anger and hatred. In
this light, peaceful relations are thus always central to Muslim-Christian relations.
At the organized and leadership levels, dialogues between Islamic, Roman
Catholic, and mainline Protestant leaders have been continuous. But an
Islamic-Evangelical dialogue has been non-existent at this level. At the grassroots level,
however, local churches have developed points of reference for entering into peaceful
relations for the purpose of peace bridging with Muslims. For evangelical groups who are
more focused on oral evangelizing, strategic attempts have resulted by finding
"Jesus-in-Islam." Various contextualized or inculturation models have been developed
ranging from worship styles to conceptualized interpretation of what a Muslim believer
would be like.
In some areas, "new" Muslim believers are beginning to search for ways to
theologize their own faith. At another concrete level, innovative approaches to link
Christian communities to their Muslim counterparts have found a friendlier reception via
community development activities. The dynamics therein, i.e., community organizing,
231
project implementation, problem-solving, resourcing funds, etc., have all provided
opportunities for relationship building for the purpose of peace bridging, whereby
Christian values are visibly demonstrated.
Still, the bigger picture shows that there are gaping holes in Muslim-Christian
relations. Some churches are still suspicious of Muslim intentions. Some are overtly
discriminatory against Muslims. Others are just simply oblivious and unconcerned about
the spiritual plight of Muslims. In this state, they indicate their anger, and hope for God ís
condemnation upon their Muslim neighbors.
Current Spiritual Season in Mindanao
It is not an overstatement to say that the landscape in Mindanao is divided in spite
of the advances in some Christian initiatives to build credible relations with Muslims. The
very restrictive, resistive and anti-Christian nature of Muslim attitude to Christianity has
been a constant reality in this landscape. Moreover, while the division shows hope for
reconciliation, the land is suffering. And a suffering land is ground for continuing
destruction.
In this environment of suffering, both Muslims and Christians are losing out to a
common enemy: forces of destruction. For their part, Christian faith communities in
Mindanao must shoulder in humility the burden of proof that aims to counter these forces
of destruction. Be it political, military or spiritual, our people of faith must strive to
nurture what has been gained in their relations with Muslims, granted that the seeds of
reconciliation are still being sown. Only in this nurturing can harvest and reaping happen.
232
Centuries of hatred, anger, pain, and suffering cannot be simply wiped out overnight.
Admittedly, in the past decade, concerted efforts seeking to bring reconciliation between
Christian and Muslim communities have germinated. But patience, forbearance, and
humility must predicate this.
In the end, our hope is that God’s faithfulness will bring about the fruits of
transformation in the broken land of Mindanao. The church must definitely recognize its
brokenness in this broken environment. The church needs to feel the pain of separation
from her Muslim half-brothers and half-sisters. In turn, she must be compelled to seek
them out, build relationships of reconciliation, and only then can she credibly introduce
them, with integrity, into the family of the Kingdom of God.
233
APPENDIX B
APPRECIATIVE INQUIRY
A Brief Description(Material based on The Thin Book of Appreciative Inquiry by Sue Annis Hammond)
Appreciative inquiry was developed in the mid-70s by David Cooperrider at Case
Western Reserve University. The notion is derived from an application of the
“appreciative eye” to business related matters. It assumes two aspects. One, the
appreciative eye assumes that in every piece of art there is beauty. Two, to the
appreciative eye, organizations are expressions of beauty and spirit and organizations are
viewed as organic. This means that all parts of an organization are defined by the whole
and one cannot take an organization apart to study its pieces.
The core of appreciative inquiry includes six critical components to the inquiry
process:
1 we look for what works in an organization;
2 the tangible results of the inquiry process is a series of statements thatdescribe where the organization wants to be, based on the highmoments of where they have been;
3 the statements are grounded in real experience and history, thus peopleknow how to repeat their success;
234
4 when the appreciative approach is applied to the objective, participantsare asked to share examples of what it feels like and looks like to betreated with dignity and respect;
5 instead of taking away a list of don’ts and a policing mentality,participants leave inspired to re-create those circumstances in as manysituations as possible;
6 Appreciative Inquiry is a generative process. It is like a moving targetand is created and constantly re-created by the people who use it. It isa thought process where every participant makes a contribution, and isencouraged to read, dream and experience.
In the course of an inquiry, assumptions play a role in this process of inquiry.
Assumptions (or worldview) are the set of beliefs shared by individuals that comprise a
group. These cause the group to think and act in certain way. What a particular group
focuses on becomes a reality to that group. Thus, reality is created in the moment and
there may be multiple realities in due course.
This being the case, the act of asking questions of an organization or group
influences the group in some way. People have more confidence and comfort to journey
into the future (the unknown) when they carry forward parts of the past (the known). If
the past is to be carried forward, appreciative inquiry proposes that what is best about the
past is to be carried forward. This is important to the construction of new values as value
differences between the old and the new can create displacement and discord in the
process of change. In addition, appreciative inquiry recognizes that individuals in groups
utilize language to create their reality.
235
An Application
Below is an enumeration of missiological implications based on the effects of
utilizing appreciative inquiry to this study project. A corresponding column of questions
provides a guide to the manner by which the data/stories in this study have been gathered.
Missiological Implications Construction of Questions
1 learning and affirming whatcan be appreciated in thepresent situation or context
1 What aspects of Muslimhood are integral toyour spirituality?
2 What aspects of Christian spirituality arecomparable to your Muslimhood?
2 envisioning change andapplying learnings andaffirmations to the vision
1 How has your faith in Jesus affirmed yourMuslimhood?
2 In what ways have your Muslimhood beentransformed based on your faith in theLordship of Jesus?
3 integrating the vision into thecommunity
1 In what ways have you continued toparticipate in your community?
2 What aspects of your faith in Jesus affirmyour Muslimhood to your community?
3 How has your community affirmed yourMuslimhood?
4 recognizing the learning,affirmation, change andintegration are ways of life inthe global village
1 How has your Muslimhood, which is basedon a faith in the Lordship of Jesus, affectedyour community involvement?
2 What aspects of your community involvementbring changes or transformation to yourcommunity?
3 What strategy plans would you involve yourcommunity in towards a transformation oftheir Muslimhood?
236
For the purpose of this study, appreciative inquiry provides the guidelines to
conduct a questioning process without leading towards a directed end. In short, it avoids
being controlling and dominant. The replies are always open-ended which are conducive
to a continuation of the story telling.
The dialogue that ensues is intended to trigger a tension. It assumes a dialectical
methodology on the part of the listener (i.e., the person asking the questions), while
affirming the emerging spiritual journey of the story teller (i.e., the emerging believer).
The dialectical tension is between facilitating an environment in which to ask questions for
the purpose of gathering data and resisting a counteraction upon hearing some non-
conventional data which may otherwise produce a negative apologetical attitude.
237
APPENDIX C
A THEOLOGICAL REFLECTION: AN EVANGELICAL PERSPECTIVE ON DEALING WITH ISSUES OF POWER
The current conventional model in the hermeneutical process places the hermeneut
at the apex of the process. In this role, the hermeneut becomes the central actor. Still,
while there is recognition that part of the hermeneutical process includes the target
community of the hermeneut and the work of the Holy Spirit, the spotlight remains in the
hermeneut. The hermeneut is not only the main actor, he/she is also the director, the
producer, the script writer and the editor. In short, the current conventional model
prioritizes the presence of the hermeneut over those of the other participants in the
hermeneutical process. As a result, the greatest value in the hermeneutical process is
belongs to the hermeneut over the others. Consequently, there is much power that is
placed on the hands of the hermeneut. The impending problem from this development
underscores the ethical requirement upon the hermeneut. A misuse of power though
means deprivileging others. This includes marginalizing, discriminating and overcoming
“the others.”
The issue of power as stated above is a microcosm of a bigger problem when
correlated with conventional evangelical response to the development of insider
movements globally. The issue of power centers around what constitute the scope of
238
theologizing, conversion, translation, biblical interpretation and ecclesiological dynamics.
And too often, the ending becomes a lose-lose situation for both the church and IM
communities, with the church institution taking the brunt of negative criticism. The
question that is being reflected herewith is a matter for the church to consider concerning
how to deal with issues of power.
Phil 2:5-11: A Christocentric Consideration
Commonly known as the “kenotic” passage, the key term in the passage focuses
on the act of “emptying” that Jesus accepted upon himself. Jesus could have certainly
seized his rightful equality with God and remained in such position of ultimate power.
Instead, he chose to give up such power and intentionally chose to take the form of a
human being. That he chose to do so with full knowledge that he will suffer the cruelest
form of death during his lifetime is indeed most incredible. In spite perhaps in the seeming
chaos surrounding his decision to give up his deity, the totality of his experience
exemplified nothing but the value that perhaps God requires upon His creation the most:
humility.
The incarnation of Jesus Christ from the highest position of deity into the sphere of
“sinful” humanity is indeed defined by his attitude of humility to obey even to the point of
death. Essentially, Jesus gave up his power of deity to become powerless, which is
attested by his status at birth. The incomprehensibility of such choice is echoed by the
seeming reign of chaos even during his birth. It is a birth that should have been a grand
239
event because God had chosen to be with his creation in human form. Yet, instead, he
was born in a lowly manger which definitely is not emblematic of power.
Perhaps it will serve the conservative evangelical church community to start with
this attitude of humility as it seeks to build a relationship with Muslim believers engaged in
an insider movement paradigm. In taking this attitude of humility, the evangelical church
community is giving testimony to a life of obedience in Jesus Christ. It is an obedience, in
turn, that does not seek to delve into any power issue, but rather it is an obedience that
seeks to enter a relationship powerless. Ultimately, the attitude of humility that is evident
in obedience to Christ Jesus is the transforming power within an incarnational initiative. It
is power that seeks to “walk with and work among” Muslim believers in insider movement
communities.
Acts 15:1-12: An Ecclesiastical Consideration
Addressing a particular complaint that they were preaching a different gospel,
Paul, Barnabas and company were forced to face the church council in Jerusalem headed
by Peter. The complaint came from by a certain group within the emerging church-
institution. It stemmed from a disagreement concerning the practice of circumcision
according to the law of Moses as a condition for one’s salvation among non-Jewish
believers of Jesus Christ. Along their way to Jerusalem, however, Paul and company
described to other believers the manner by which people from other ethnic groups were
turning about their lives to obey Jesus Christ as they believed the message of the gospel.
Finally, when they reached Jerusalem, they reported the many things that God had done
240
with them among the people of other ethnic groups. As they were sharing God’s
blessings, believers who chose to carry on their Pharisaic tradition stood up and argued for
a condition as an added requirement to salvific faith. They had, of course, previously
argued with Paul and company about the matter at hand. After much debate in front of
the council, Peter eventually made the statement that would forever affect the constitution
of the emerging church institution (v.9): God made no distinction between us and them,
cleansing their hearts by faith. He then followed this truth-statement with an exhortation
that places the burden of proof upon those who were complaining against Paul and
company (v.10), “Why do you put God to the test by placing upon the neck of the
disciples a yoke which neither our fathers nor we have been able to bear?”
There are two critical church values involved in dealing with power issues from
this passage. I refer to these as values rather than Scriptural truths since Peter, on behalf
of the Jerusalem council, used an ethical responsibility to clarify an interpretation of a
doctrinal belief:
You know that in the early days God made a choice among you, that Ishould be the one through whom the Gentiles would hear the message ofthe good news and become believers. And God, who knows the humanheart, testified to them by giving them the Holy Spirit, just as he did to us(vv.7,8).
The first value is with respect to the breaking down of division between Jews and Gentiles
as one comes to a salvific faith in Christ. The second value is a reminder to avoid adding
conditions and requirements which are not found in the Scriptures. Accordingly, it would
seem that the burden of proof is upon the Christian church institution to guard against
241
those who would use power based on religious status against marginalizing other
believers.
Interestingly enough, years later, Paul found himself writing to the communities of
faith in Galatia about the very same issue that Peter addressed in Jerusalem. Paul
expressed his frustration concerning how some believers in Galatia had been persuaded by
others who were posturing a “different” gospel (Gal 1:6-12). This “different” gospel had
added conditions and requirements to salvific faith in Christ Jesus. These are: 1) others
were forcing Gentile believers to keep Jewish customs (Gal 2:4), 2) others were adding to
the gospel the need to observe the Law and exert human effort in order to receive the
Holy Spirit (Gal 3:1-3), and 3) the practice of circumcision is justified by keeping the Law,
which is really the continuing crux of the issue at hand (Gal 5:2-4). In essence, this
“different” gospel preached that salvation in Jesus Christ requires grace by faith plus
circumcision. In turn, as response to this, Paul expounded on a social ethical value that
has since been part of the evangelical church tradition (Gal 3:23-29):
Now before faith came, we were imprisoned and guarded under the lawuntil faith would be revealed. Therefore the law was our disciplinarianuntil Christ came, so that we might be justified by faith. But now that faithhas come, we are no longer subject to a disciplinarian, for in Christ Jesusyou are all children of God through faith. As many of you as were baptizedinto Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ. There is no longer Jew orGreek, there is no longer slave or free, there is no longer male and female;for all of you are one in Christ Jesus. And if you belong to Christ, then youare Abraham's offspring, heirs according to the promise.
Both the events in Jerusalem and Galatia were predicated by power issues which seek to
reinterpret the content, message and conditions of the gospel. It is a credit to the wisdom
of Peter and Paul to call outrightly those in the church who sought to overcome other
242
believers by either using their status as power or overcome others believers through their
“misleading” exposition of the gospel.
A Summary
I believe that it is the evangelical church’s responsibility to walk and work with
those who have chosen to live a missional life according to an insider movement paradigm.
The church needs to exercise, however, an affirming and non-discriminatory relationship
with believers in this particular context. The intention will to practice humility gives
witness to an attitude that imitates the incarnational love that God has provided to His
creation. In fact, it could be surmised that power issues in the body of Jesus Christ can
find mediation when humility is exercised mutually. Humility can further redeem broken
relationships caused by the use of power to overcome others.
243
REFERENCES CITED
Acoba, E.2005 “A Locus for Doing Theologies.” In Doing Theology in the Philippines.
Pp. 24-36. Manila: OMF Literature.
2006 “Negative Hermeneutic: An Interpretational Structure for Naming theChristian God from the Underside.” In Naming the Unknown God. Pp. 44-59. Manila: OMF Literature.
Adeney, Miriam2004 “Trends in Asia: Implications for Mission.” In OMF Mission Roundtable
Consultation. Unpublished manuscript.
Baker, J2002 Nelson Mandela and the End of Apartheid in South Africa. Online.
Internet. (Available from http://nhs.needham.k12.ma.us/cur/baker_00/2002_p7/js_cc_p7/mandela3) Accessed Sept 21, 2008.
Barnett, Richard, and John Cavanaugh1994 Global Dreams: Imperial Corporations and the New World Order. New
York: Simon & Schuster.
Barron, Robert1998 And Now I See: A Theology of Transformation. New York: The
Crossroad Publishing Company.
Bautista, Violeta2005 “The Socio-Psychological Make-up of the Filipino.” In Readings on
Filipino Culture. Melba Maggay, ed. Pp. 1-6. Quezon City: ISACC.
Beattie, Warren2004 “Plenary Paper on Globalization.” In OMF Mission Roundtable
Consultation. Unpublished manuscript.
244
Beidelman, T. O.1982 Colonial Evangelism. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Bello, Walden2001 The Future in the Balance: Essays on Globalisation and Resistance.
Diliman: University of the Philippines Press.
2004 The Anti-Development State: The Political Economy of Permanent Crisisin the Philippines. Manila/Bangkok: University of the Philippines/Focus onthe Global South.
Beltran, Benigno1987 The Theology of the Inarticulate. Manila: Divine Word Publications.
Bestor, Theodore2005 “How Sushi Went Global.” In Cultural Anthropology: A Perspective on the
Human Condition. Emily Schultz and Robert Lavenda, eds. Pp. 381-382. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bhaba, Homi1990 “Interrogating Identity: The Postcolonial Prerogative.” In Anatomy of
Racism. D. Goldberg, ed. Pp. 183-209. Minneapolis: University ofMinnesota Press.
Bosch, David1983 “An Emerging Paradigm for Mission.” In Missiology October 11/4: 472-
506.
1991 Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Braswell, George1996 Islam: Its Prophet, Peoples, Politics and Power. Nashville: Broadman and
Holman Publishers.
Brueggemann, Walter1998 “Exodus in the Plural (Amos 9:7).” In Many Voices, One God. W.
Brueggemann and G. Stroup, eds. Pp. 15-34. Westminster: John Knox.
Brummer, Vincent1992 Speaking of a Personal God: An Essay in Philosophical Theology.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
245
Bulatao, Jaime1992 “Split Level Christianity.” In Phenomena and Their Interpretation. Pp. 22-
31. Manila: Ateneo de Manila Press.
Caldwell, Larry1999 “Towards the New Discipline of Ethnohermeneutics: Questioning the
Relevancy of Western Hermeneutical Methods in the Asian Context.” Journal of Asian Mission 1/1:21-43.
Caputo, John1997 The Prayers and Tears of Jacques Derrida: Religion Without Religion.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
2000 More Radical Hermeneutics: On Not Knowing Who We Are. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Chossudovsky, Michel1997 The Globalisation of Poverty. Penang: Third World Network.
Clammer, John2001 Japan and Its Others. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press.
Cochrane, James1999 Circles of Dignity: Community Wisdom and Theological Reflection.
Minneapolis: Fortress Books.
Comaroff, Jean1985 Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance: The Culture and History of a South
African People. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Comaroff, Jean, and John Comaroff1991 Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism and Consciousness
in South Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Constantino, Renato1974 Identity and Consciousness: The Philippine Experience. Quezon City:
Malaya Books.
Cooper, David1996 “Modern European Philosophy.” In The Blackwell Companion to
Philosophy. Pp. 702-721. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
246
Cormie, Lee1994 “Seeds of Hope in the New World (Dis)Order.” In Coalitions for Justice.
C. Lind and J. Mihevc, eds. Pp. 360-377. Ottawa: Novalis.
Craig, Edward2000 “Metaphysics.” In Concise Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Pp.
567-570. New York: Routledge.
Currie, Gregory2000 “Narrative.” In Concise Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Pp. 610-
613. New York: Routledge.
Dery, Luis Camara2001 A History of the Inarticulate: Local History, Prostitution and Other Views
from the Bottom. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
Development Academy of the Philippines1998 Alternatives to Globalization. Manila: IBON Foundation.
Diesto, Genaro1995 The Effects of Colonial Mentality on the Religious Consciousness of
Filipino Consciousness. Unpublished manuscript.
2003 “Contextualization: An Agenda for the Churches.” In Journeys in Faithand Ministry. N. Bunda, E. Carnaje, G. Diesto Jr. and L. Ruiz, eds. Pp.84-154. Iloilo: Institute for Advanced Theological Studies.
Dussel, Enrique1995 The Invention of the Americas: Eclipse of “the Other” and the Myth of
Modernity. M. Barber, transl. New York: Continuum.
Doi, Takeo1971 The Anatomy of Dependence. Tokyo: Kodansha International.
Douglas, J. D., ed.1975 Let the Earth His Voice. Minneapolis: World Wide Publication.
Endo, Shusaku1966 Silence. Tokyo: Kodansha International.
England, John C., ed.1982 Living Theologies in Asia. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
247
Enriquez, Virgilio1992 From Colonial to Liberation Psychology: The Philippine Experience.
Diliman: University of the Philippines Press.
Espiritu, Socorro, et al.1976 Sociology in the New Philippine Setting. Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing
House.
Fabella, Virginia1980 Asia’s Struggle for Full Humanity. New York: Orbis Books.
Fabella, V., Sergio Torres, eds.1985 Doing Theology in a Divided World. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Fanon, F.1963 The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press, Inc.
Featherstone, Mike1990 Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity. SAGE
Publications.
Ferm, Deane William, ed.1986 Third World Liberation Theologies: A Reader. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Fox, Jeremy2001 Chomsky and Globalisation. Cambridge: Icon Books.
Francis, Carolyn and John Nakajima1991 Christians in Japan. New York: Friendship Press.
Freire, Paulo2000 Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum.
Friedman, J.1997 “Global Crises, the Struggle for Cultural Identity and Intellectual
Porkbarrelling: Cosmopolitan versus Locals, Ethnics and Nationals in anera of Dehegemonisation.” In Debating Cultural Hybridity. P. Werbnerand Tariq Modood, eds. Pp. 70-89. London: Zed Books.
Gadamer, Hans-Georg1989 Truth and Method. Joel Weinshemer and Donald G. Marshall, transl.
Revised edition. New York: Continuum.
248
Geach, Peter1957 Mental Acts: Their Content and Their Objects. London: Routledge.
Gener, Timoteo2001 Prospects and Spaces for Filipino Theologizing in the Context of
Globalization(s). Unpublished manuscript.
Giddens, Anthony1990 The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Gledhill, John1994 Power and Its Disguises. London: Pluto Press.
Goddard, John2006 “Cloth Stood for Liberty.” In The Toronto Star, Oct 4, 2006.
Goodman, Mary 1967 The Individual and Culture. Homewood: Dorsey Press.
Grenz, Stanley, and John Franke2001 Beyond Foundationalism: Shaping Theology in a Postmodern Context.
Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press.
Groome, Thomas1991 Sharing Faith: The Way of Shared Praxis. San Francisco: Harper Collins
Publishers.
Hadamitzky Wolfgang, and Mark Spahn1981 Kanji and Kana: A Handbook and Dictionary of the Japanese Writing
System. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle.
Hallengren, Anders2001 Nelson Mandela and the Rainbow of Culture. http://nobelprize.org/
nobel_prizes/peace/articles/mandela/index.html, Sept 25, 2008.
Hammond, Sue Annis1998 The Thin Book of Appreciative Inquiry. Plano: Thin Book Publishing.
Hanson, Paul1978 Dynamic Transcendence. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
1986 The People Called: The Growth of Community in the Bible. Louisville:Westminster John Knox Press.
249
Hayford, C.1971 Gold Coast Native Institutions. Reprinted. London. Cass.
Hauerwas, S., N. Murphy, and M. Nation1995 Theology Without Foundations: Religious Practice and the Future of
Theological Truth. Nashville: Abingdon Press.
Heidegger, Martin1962 Being and Time. John Macquarrie and Edward Robinson, transl. New
York: Harper & Row.
Huntington, S.P.1993 “The Clash of Civilization?” In Foreign Affairs 72:22-49.
Ihde, Don1974 Paul Ricouer: The Conflict of Interpretation. Evanston: Northwestern
University Press.
Ileto, Reynaldo Clemena1979 Pasyon and Revolution. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Inda, Jonathan Xavier and Renato Rosaldo, eds.2002 “Introduction: A World in Motion.” In The Anthropology of
Globalization. Jonathan Inda and Renato Ronaldo. eds. Pp. 1-34. Malden: Blackwell.
International Conference on Alternatives to Globalization1998 Altenatives to Globalization. Manila: IBON Foundation.
Jocano, F. Landa1997 Filipino Value System: A Cultural Definition. Manila: Punlad Research
House.
1999 Working with Filipinos: A Cross-Cultural Encounter. Manila: PunladResearch House.
Karnow, Stanley1989 In Our Image: America’s Empire in the Philippines. New York: Random
House.
Kaufmann, Walter1999 “Nietzsche, Friedrich.” In Philosophy and Ethics. Pp. 703-716. New
York: MacMillan Library Reference USA.
250
Kearney, Michael1996 Reconceptualizing the Peasantry: Anthropology in Global Perspective.
Boulder: Westview Press.
Kierkegaard, Soren1983 Fear and Trembling. Howard Hong and Edna Hong, eds and transl.
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Kitamori, Kazo1965 The Theology of the Pain of God. Richmond: John Knox Press.
Kolarcik, Michael1981 The Ambiguity of Death in the Book of Wisdom 1-6: A Study of Literary
Structure and Interpretation. Roma: Editrice Pontificio Instituto Biblico.
Kraft, Charles1981 Christianity in Culture: A Study in Dynamic Biblical Theologizing in Cross-
Cultural Perspective. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
1996 Anthropology for Christian Witness. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Kurasawa, Fuyuki2004 The Ethnological Imagination: A Cross-Cultural Critique of Modernity.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Lindbeck, George1984 The Nature of Doctrine: Religion and Theology in a Postliberal Age.
Philadelphia: Westminster Press.
Lumbera, Bienvenido1994 “Consolidation of Tradition in Nineteenth Century Tagalog.” In Philippines
Studies 17:389-440.
Lyotard, Jean-Francois1984 The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. G. Bennington and
B. Massumi, transl. Manchester: University of Manchester Press.
Lyotard, Jean-Francois, and Jean-Loup Thebaud1985 Just Gaming. Wlad Godzich, transl. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press.
MacIntyre, Alasdair1957 Metaphorical Beliefs. London: SCM Press.
251
Maggay, Melba1999 Filipino Religious Consciousness. Quezon City: ISACC.
2001 Reflections on Culture and Globalization. Quezon City: ISACC.
2005a “Notes from lecture.” In The Gospel, Culture and Filipino ChurchWorkshop. Davao City, Philippines, November 3-6.
2005b “Towards Contextualization from Within.” In Doing Theology in thePhilippines. Pp. 37-50. Manila: OMF Literature.
2006 Personal interview with Dr. Melba Maggay. Missisauga, Ontario, Canada,December 17.
Melnyk. B. M., and E. Fineout-Overholt2005 Making the Case for Evidence-Based Practice. Philadelphia: Lippincott
Williams & Wilkins.
Miller, Stuart Creighton1982 Benevolent Assimilation: The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899
– 1903. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Morantte, P. C.1984 Remembering Carlos Bulosan: His Hear Affair with America. Quezon
City: New Day Publishers.
Marcus George E., and Michael M. Fischer1986 Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experiment Moment in the Human
Sciences. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
McKenna, Thomas2000 Muslim Rulers and Rebels. Manila: Anvil Publishing.
Moltmann, Jurgen1974 The Cruicified God. Translated by R.A. Wilson and John Bowden. New
York: Harper and Row Publishers.
Nandy, Ashis1983 The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism. Delhi:
Oxford University Press.
Olthuis, James2001 The Beautiful Risk. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing.
252
Olthuis, James, ed.1997 Knowing Other-Wise: Philosophy at the Threshold of Spirituality. New
York: Fordham University Press.
Osborne, Grant1991 The Hermeneutical Spiral: A Comprehensive Introduction to Biblical
Interpretation. Downers Grove: Inter Varsity Press.
Osborne, Richard and Borin van Loon1997 Introducing Sociology. Cambridge: Icon Books.
Palmer, Richard1980 “The Liminality of Hermes and the Meaning of Hermeneutics.” In
Proceedings of the Heraclitean Society: A Quarterly Report on Philosophyand Criticism of the Arts and Sciences. Published by the Western MichiganUniversity Department of Philosophy, 5:4-11.
Pannenberg, Wolfhart1972 “The Nature of a Theological Statement.” Zygon 1/1:6-19.
Pannikar, Raimundo1989 The Silence of God. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Pelmoka, Juana Jimenez1996 Pre-Spanish Philippines. Manila: Philippines Graphics Arts.
Perlas, Nicanor2000 Shaping Globalization: Civil Society, Cultural Power and Threefolding.
Quezon City: CADI.
Pieris, Aloysius1982 “The Asian Sense in Theology.” In Living Theology in Asia. John
England, ed.. Pp. 171-175. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
1988 An Asian Theology of Liberation. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Pieterse, Jan Nederveen2004 Globalization and Culture. New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers.
Platinga, Alvin1983 “Reason and Belief in God.” In Faith and Rationality: Faith and Belief in
God. Alvin Platinga and Nicholas Wolterstorff, eds. Pp. 16-23. NotreDame: University of Notre Dame Press.
253
Pompa, Leon1996 “Philosophy of History.” In The Blackwell Companion to Philosophy. Pp.
415-442. Oxford: Blackwell.
Rafael, Vicente2000 Contracting Colonialism. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Ramos, Rodel1994 The Search of a Future: The Struggle of Immigrants. Toronto: R. J.
Ramos Enterprise.
Rifkin, Jeremy1995 The End of Work: The Decline of the Global Labor Force and the Dawn of
the Post-Market Era. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons.
Rollins, Peter2006 How (Not) to Speak of God. Massachusetts: Paraclete Press.
Rusling, James1987 “Interview with President William McKinley.” In The Philippines Reader:
A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism, Dictatorship, and Resistance. Daniel B. Schirmer and Stephen Shalom, eds. Pp. 22-23. Boston: SouthEnd Press.
Sanneh, Lamin1990 Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact of Culture. Maryknoll:
Orbis Books.
2003 Whose Religion Is Christianity? Grand Rapids: Eerdmans PublishingCompany.
Schiller, Nina and Georges Fouron2002 “Long-distance Nationalism Defined.” In The Anthropology of Politics.
Edited by Joan Vincent. Pp. 356-365. Malden: Blackwell.
Schirmer, Daniel and Stephen R. Shalom, eds.1987 The Philippines Reader: A History of Colonialism, Neocolonialism,
Dictatorship, and Resistance. Boston: South End Press.
Schlutz, Emily and Robert Lavenda2005 Cultural Anthropology: A Perspective on the Human Condition. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
254
Schreiter, Robert1986 Constructing Local Theologies. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
1997 The New Catholicity: Theology Between the Global and the Local. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Segovia, Fernando2000 Decolonizing Biblical Studies: A View From the Margins. Maryknoll:
Orbis
Shaw, R. Daniel1988 Transculturation: The Cultural Factor in Translation and Other
Communication Task. Pasadena: William Carey Library.
1989 “The Context of Text: Transculturation and Bible Translation.” In TheWord Among Us. D. Gilliland, ed. Dallas: Word Pub., pp. 141-159.
Smith, James K. A.2000 The Fall of Interpretation. Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press.
Song, C. S.1979 Third-Eye Theology. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
1982 The Tears of Lady Meng: A Parable of People’s Political Theology. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
1986 Theology From the Womb of Asia. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Strobel, Leny Mendoza2001 Coming Full Circle: The Process of Decolonization among Post-1965
Filipino Americans. Quezon City: Giraffe Books.
Swartley, Keith, ed.2005 Encountering the World of Islam. Atlanta: Authentic Media.
Tanner, Kathryn1997 Theories of Culture. Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress Press.
Tilley, Terrence, ed.1995 Postmodern Theologies. New York: Orbis Books.
255
Travis, John, and Anna Travis2005 “Appropriate Approaches in Muslim Contexts.” In Appropriate
Christianity. Edited by Charles Kraft. Pp. 397-414. Pasadena: WilliamCarey Library.
Trible, Phyllis1978 God and the Rhetoric of Sexuality. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
1984 Texts of Terror. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
U, Alan Saw1981 “Justing Love.” In Living Theology in Asia. Edited by John England. Pp.
135-141. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Van der Veer, Peter1997 “The Enigma of Arrival: Hybridity and Authenticity in the Global Space.”
In Debating Cultural Hybridity. P. Werbner and Tariq Modood, eds. Pp.90-195. London: Zed Books.
van Engen, Charles1989 “The New Covenant: Knowing God in Context.” In The Word Among Us:
Contextualizing Theology for Mission Today. Dean S. Gilliland, ed. Pp.74-100. Dallas: Word Publishing.
1996 Mission on the Way: Issues in Mission Theology. Grand Rapids: BakerBook House.
Vattimo, Gianni1991 The End of Modernity: Nihilism and Hermeneutics in Postmodern Culture.
Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press.
Vitug, Marites and Glenda Gloria2000 Under the Crescent Moon: Rebellion in Mindanao. Quezon City: Ateneo
Center for Social Policy and Public Affairs.
Walsh, Brian, Hendrik Hart, Robert Vander Vennen, eds.1995 An Ethos of Compassion and the Integrity of Creation. New York:
University of America Press.
Walsh, Brian and Keesmat, Sylvia2004 Colossians Remixed: Subverting the Empire. Downers Grove: Inter
Varsity Press.
256
Watts, Alan1995 The Philosophies of Asia. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company.
Werbner, Pnina1997 “Afterword: Writing Multiculturalism and Politics in the New Europe.” In
The Politics of Multiculturalism in the New Europe: Racism, Identity andCommunity. P. Werbner and Tariq Modood, eds. Pp. 261-267. London:Zed Books.
Wheatley, Margaret1999 Leadership and the New Science: Discovering Order in a Chaotic World.
San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers.
Wolterstorff, Nicholas1983 “Introduction.” In Faith and Rationality: Reason and Belief in God. Alvin
Platinga & Nicholas Wolterstorff, eds. Pp. 1-15. Notre Dame: Universityof Notre Dame Press.
Yango, Emelito1992 A Contextualization of the Japanese Concept of Dependence Through the
Old Testament Covenants. Unpublished document. Fuller TheologicalSeminary - School of World Mission.
2001 Muslim-Christian Relations in Mindanao: Hope for a Broken Land. Online. Internet. (Available from www.global-prayer-digest.org/monthdetails/2001/md-June-2001.asp) Accessed October 2005.
2003 “Towards a Theology of Communities in the Kingdom of God.” InPhronesis. 10/1:7-28.
Zucker, Catherine1996 Postmodern Platos. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Zuidervaart, Lambert1994 Adorno’s Aesthetic Theory: The Redemption of Illusion. Massachusetts:
MIT Press.
257
VITA
Emelito Acoba Yango was born on December 22, 1959 in Manila, Philippines toSalvador Yango and Nora Acoba. In 1973, he immigrated to Windsor, Ontario, Canadaunder the guardianship of Valerio Acoba and Marina Marcelo, who became a second setof parents to him.
Emelito grew up in both Roman Catholic and evangelical Protestant religioustraditions. At St. Joseph School for his elementary schooling, he received the sacramentsfrom the Catholic church. At the same time, he was discipled through regular bible studiesby youth leaders at Balut Christian Church. His spiritual journey has been ecumenicalsince the beginning. He learned quite early to find points of reconciliation between thesetwo Christian traditions.
After graduating in 1978 from Riverside Secondary School in Windsor, Emelitoentered Ontario Bible College. He graduated in 1982 with the degree, Bachelor ofTheology (majoring in Cultural Anthropology and Missions). After pursuing graduatestudies at Ontario Theological Seminary (Master in Theological Studies) and University ofToronto - Wycliffe College (MA in Religious Studies), Emelito graduated in 1992 withthe degree, Master of Arts in Missiology (with concentration on cultural anthropology andcontextualization) at Fuller Theological Seminary - School of World Mission in Pasadena,California, USA.
Emelito, together with his wife Kathy, served in Japan as church planters amongurban blue-collar workers with OMF Int. from 1985-1992. From 1992-1997, he served inthe inner-city of downtown Toronto, Canada, with Yonge Street Mission while teachingsocial sciences at Centennial College. In 1998, Emelito rejoined OMF. Since then, he hasbeen leading a ministry outreach with Malikha Urban Poor Team (MUPT), which servesamong Muslim communities in the southern Philippines. In 2004, he started a street-leveloutreach work among the disenfranchised communities in the downtown area of DavaoCity. Emelito also taught at Koinonia Theological Seminary from 1999-2006. Since2001, he has been teaching at the Ignatian Institute of Religious Education, a Jesuitgraduate school at Holy Cross College of Davao City.
Emelito is married to Katherine Jean MacKenzie and they have three children,Ryan Robert, Jenna Marie and Kenzie Scott.
258
Top Related