Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches on East African Traditional Musical Instruments: Case Study on the Bol Negero Aerophone Ensemble of the Berta People Timkehet Teffera

The basic prerequisite for conducting in-depth scientific studies is, without doubt, an appropriate methodological approach and its accurate elaboration. “Ethnomusicology is both a field and a laboratory discipline; the laboratory phase must flow out of the field phase, and we must seek to achieve a balance between the two…” (Merriam, 1964: 39). Depending on the subject matter to be discussed, the technological orientations that require a thorough preparation at the outset, of course, vary from one research objective to the other. For that matter, it is important to raise questions about specific aspects of study and to seek suitable answers.

In this paper, a theoretical methodology consisting of all relevant issues has been designed to examine traditional musical instruments, particularly aerophones found in East Africa. How should traditional musical instruments of a human group, a culture, a region or a nation be examined? Which methodologies are to be applied to perceive, understand, interpret and help to acquire a thorough knowledge about music instruments, songs and dance repertoires related to them? Which methodology must a scholar, who is aspiring to utilise collected data in the laboratory, follow prior to meeting the research objectives? Since music is a product of human societies, which aspects of culture are to be considered in the intended study?

My presentation is divided into two sections. Part one discusses how to make use of materials, which comprise explicit data about musical instruments collected during fieldwork. My considerations will concern all relevant concepts that a fieldworker is required to take into account. These are, among other things, history and evolution of musical instruments, their areas of distribution, designations and terms, classification into groups and subgroups, organology, methods and techniques of instrument making and playing, materials used, instrument decorations, symbols and meanings,

2

14 Timkehet Teffera interrelation between instruments, their makers/players, functional and non-functional, namely musical and extra-musical, roles, use and function of instruments in society, music perception, processes of learning, adapting, creating and innovating. Each of these issues will be highlighted with respective illustrations of various types of aerophones, both used as solo and ensemble1 instruments, found in the diverse cultures of East Africa.

The second part will assess an aerophone ensemble in detail, known as bol negero ensemble used among the Berta people residing in western Ethiopia. Recordings and relevant data collected in the field (2005) will be given a closer look, and the points elaborated in part I will be highlighted in part II.

General Overview: East Africa

East Africa covers a vast geographical area, inhabited by about 200 million people representing approximately 600 diverse ethnic backgrounds. They speak more than 400 languages that are classified in Afro-Asiatic, Nilo-Saharan and Niger Congo language families. Neither the general history nor the music history of East Africa has been independent from political, economic, religious and cultural influences. These factors had their respective impact and contribution towards shaping the musical landscape of this region into what it has become today. Commodity trade, slave trade and colonisation led to political and economic supremacy and religious re-orientations. In this case, we can cite the expansion of Islam as an example, a religion which entered the East African territory from the 7th century A.D., following the commencement of trade relations between East Africa and West Asia. After a while, in the 9th century, Persia, Indonesia and China established trade relations with East Africa. Due to this fact, there was a strong presence of traders from these countries in the coastal regions along the Indian Ocean for a long period of time. However, around the 18th century, these areas were re-occupied by Omani Arabs, whose prime goal was slave trade. The development of trade relations between these countries and East Africa resulted in cultural exchanges in general and enhanced the musical cultures of the region in particular (Davidson, 1969: 78; Kubik, 1982: 36, 1994: 49-50, 72; and 2001: 83; Simon, 1983: 298-9; Nketia, 2000: 20). The

1 Widely represented aerophone ensembles in East Africa are stopped single end-blown flute ensembles without finger holes as well as end- and side-blown trumpet and horn ensembles.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 15 expansion of Islam in East Africa has fully or partially influenced a wide geographic area, which includes countries such as Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan and Uganda, as well as the coastal regions of Kenya and Tanzania including Zanzibar and Pemba Islands. This historical process led to the development of, among others, Kiswahili culture, mainly in the coastal regions of Kenya and Tanzania. Today, this culture not only reflects distinct socio-political and religious features, but it also comprises a particular type of musical tradition, which can be described as a fusion of deeply-rooted African and alien elements.

Furthermore, migrations within East Africa and from adjacent regions like Central Africa, as well as West and Southeast Asia have constantly been root causes of power struggles and territorial expansions. These situations have led to diverse cultural exchanges as well as disproportional regional developments. The same applies to musical traditions and practices, which constantly kept on changing during the course of history and are still changing to date. The pattern of change, though, varies from one cultural area to another. There have been indications that some musical traditions, i.e., songs, dances and music instruments, entirely disappeared after being practised for only one or two decades, while others remained for a longer period due to the existence of powerful institutions. For example, in the ancient kingdoms of Buganda, Bunyoro and Nkore of Uganda the expression of culture and music was always given high priority (Kubik, 1982: 5, 16-17). Buganda assimilated many foreign influences, which made significant contributions to the enrichment of the court music. The mentality of ancient Bugandan kings, their inquisitiveness and consistent desire to attract attention from the broad population, coupled with the existence of an organised, centralised state, were crucial factors that may have led to the increased potential of cultural assimilation of their kingdom. The fact that they were enthusiastic about accepting foreign cultural artefacts, which they accumulated in the royal palace, and their outlook towards a strong cultural persistence were remarkable. The result was a high traditional conformity which facilitated the stability of the entire traditional music repertoire. “The famous royal drums of the Kabaka (king) of Buganda belonged to the most honourable instruments. Drums usually played in sets thus accompanied almost all his private and official activities. They were played on departures and arrivals of the Kabaka from and back to the palace, when he woke up in

16 Timkehet Teffera the morning, welcomed guests and whenever he demanded private entertainments” (Teffera, 2006: 37). Apart from the royal drums, chordophones and aerophones, played both as solo and ensemble instruments and symbolised as court music instruments as well, exclusively served the Bugandan kingdom. Aerophones played in ensembles were likewise used to demonstrate power and status of legendary East African empires. For example, side blown trumpets called Amakondere or Makondera and the end-blown flutes Embilta were thus represented by ancient royal kingdoms of Uganda, Rwanda, Tanzania and Ethiopia. It is assumed that such music traditions remained stable, due to their “limitation” within a court. In this regard, certain types of instruments, performance styles, song and dance repertoires remained unknown to the general public. This situation, on the other hand, had a negative impact, because whenever such ancient kingdoms were demolished, the respective music repertoire along with the musical instruments vanished to a large extent, due to the fact that they were either strange to the masses or they no longer fit the given time and space.

In spite of the decline of such institutions, former versatile court musicians, as in the case of Buganda, have immensely contributed towards maintaining the legacy of the past kingdom by transmitting their artistic skills to the younger generation. Nonetheless, their efforts were not crowned with success, due to lack of interest from the younger generation, or support from concerned parties which would have motivated the aging court musicians to continue sharing their know-how and experience. Consequently, according to my informant Albert Bissaso (2005), the enhancement of richness of the traditional Bugandan court music repertoire to the population was missing.

Instrument Classification and Organology

Although very little is known about the extent and variety of traditional musical instruments found all over East Africa until today, it is a fact that the richness of this region is not just limited to drums with which the African continent is often identified. On the contrary, all four primary

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 17 divisions of instruments2 are represented in the various musical cultures (Kubik, 1982: 6; Wachsmann, 1988: 78-79). Differences and similarities are observed accordingly concerning instrument manufacturing methods, material selection and availability, playing techniques and styles, tuning systems, and social use and function of each instrument. Unlike the technological advancement of Western musical instruments which largely follow standard norms, East African instruments represent numerous traditional methods of instrument manufacturing. Hence, they do not reveal standard norms, since they are customarily manufactured by hand depending on the individually learned and adopted behaviours of the makers that have been orally transmitted from father to son. Ethnomusicological studies of non-Western instruments, particularly those conducted in the initial period of this discipline mainly refer to the heterogeneity of African traditional instruments. An example is Ankermann’s publication of 1901 which deals with the traditional musical instrument collection of Africa preserved at the Ethnological Museum of Berlin3. Ankermann (1901: 3) chiefly discusses the arbitrary use of instruments’ identification which leads to confusions and misinterpretations. As an option, he suggests the significance of a uniform and universally applicable scheme of instrument classification which can be applied to all traditional and/or folk music instruments.

In 1914, a few years later, the organologist Curt Sachs developed a classification system of non-Western musical instruments in collaboration with Erich von Hornbostel. The concept of this scheme merely refers to the nature of the instrument and the technique of sound production.

Even if renowned scholars like Mahillon had already proposed a similar valuable systematic work in 1893, the Sachs-Hornbostel scheme was revolutionary and fundamental with a paramount importance for the scholarly world despite some criticism4. Nevertheless, this scheme has – to a 2 Membranophones, chordophones, idiophones and aerophones. 3 German: Ethnologisches Museum; until 1999 Museum für Völkerkunde. 4 At this point, mention must be made that Sachs and Hornbostel did not intend to

represent this scheme as an absolute entity, but rather as a possible reference for all interested parties (scholars, museums with instrument collections, etc.). In the introduction of their academic work, they have evidently explained that this system will, without doubt, require thorough revisions, improvements, completions and elaborations in the future through ongoing research studies.

18 Timkehet Teffera great extent – paved a way for ethnomusicologists who have since then been utilising it as a starting point to undertake extended organological studies depending on their area of expertise and consequently to circumvent the so far existing unmethodical confusions of terms, designations, classifications and descriptions of traditional musical instruments (Stockmann and Elschek, 1969: 13-14). Confusions in this regard still exist today to some extent, as long as writings with partially false information and descriptions considerably hamper academic investigations.

Hornbostel-Sachs’s scheme divides wind instruments proper into three major groups, namely flutes, reed-pipes and trumpets/horns5. Although this elaborated classification can be used as a basic tool of the inquiry, it is also advisable to find out whether a scheme exists in the given musical culture. This measure is essential, since the concept of instrument classification is culture-specific, comprising a number of factors related to cultural values and understandings. Kartomi (1990: 3) notes that “… the desire for rational structure, the urge for spontaneous expression … is an attribute of being human. Classification is needed, then, partly in order to grasp, remember, and teach others the diversity of species. It results from the desire to simplify and understand. To classify groups of objects such as musical instruments is a fundamental principle of human thinking. Except for a few human groups who do not use any musical instruments, cultures around the world have developed their own formal or informal ways of classifying instruments or ensembles.” Hence, the question of instrument taxonomy in a given culture should be considered as a whole, namely in its totality.

So the first and foremost step of our methodological approach should focus on the identification of the physical and technical nature of a music instrument, namely how sound is brought into vibration. In the case of aerophones, it is principally the body of air which is brought into vibration; i.e., the vibrating air is contained by the instrument itself: flutes, reed-pipes and trumpets. This organological assessment is indispensable not only for the systematic classification of aerophones in explicit groups, subgroups and variations, but also for the purpose of clarifying their relationship, namely their similarities and deviations, with one another.

5 This paper does not consider the first group of aerophones: the so-called free aero-

phones.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 19 Instrument Manufacturing Methods and Techniques

This aspect concentrates on the entire process of instrument manufacturing technology, material selection (e.g., wood, gourd or bamboo), the preparation, methods and techniques applied, and of course the tools used for instrument making. This study should at first examine the environmental preconditions in relation to the material selection for instrument making. Even though material selection largely depends on the environment in which a human group resides, there are also a number of factors and criteria related to social, cultural and aesthetic values, why the instrument maker prefers one material over another. One of the major reasons for material selection lies in the practical use of the instrument that is expected to produce the respective pitch/es along with the required sound quality. It is clear that the technological development, innovation and the experiments of musical instruments have always taken place in all parts of the world including in the whole of East Africa. Through the interactions of human communities during the course of history, musical instruments have left their places of origin and been introduced in other areas where they were cultivated over time and subjected to many alterations, reformations and innovations in the new area, even if certain local and regional norms may still be ascertained. These changes, however, not only refer to the diverse instrument manufacturing methods and techniques, but are also linked with their subsequent uses and functions in the respective cultures.

Data referring to the personality of the instrument makers differ considerably from culture to culture. Information about their status in society as professionals, semi-professionals or laymen, is of equal interest and needs to be considered as well. “The economic role of instruments is also of importance. There may be specialists in the society who earn their living from instrument construction, but whether or not these exist, the production of an instrument inevitably involves the economic time of the producer“ (Merriam, 1964: 45). Additionally, the extent of the instrument makers’ contribution to the music culture and relevant musical occasions on which the musician plays the manufactured instrument/s require examination as well.

So who are the instrument makers and what role do they play in traditional East African cultures? The instrument maker may simultaneously be the musician himself. For example, it is very common that in many

20 Timkehet Teffera communities shepherds make flutes for their own use and entertainment. They habitually play the instrument while guarding their flocks. In cases like this we should not expect standard norms and/or uniformity due to the individuality of such music instrument. This is because they are made in many different ways and techniques depending on the personal desire of the maker who later on becomes the owner of the flute6.

On the other hand, there are also music cultures in which professional instrument makers with long-term experiences play a considerable role. In the case of flute and trumpet ensembles, many East African communities still enjoy the skill of instrument makers who construct the various sets of instruments in one step. The endere flute ensemble (Figure 1) that possessed a glorious past and a high status in the former Bugandan court of Uganda testifies to one of the old instrument manufacturing traditions in East Africa. Unlike today, this flute ensemble used to consist of six differently sized end-blown flutes (each with 4 finger holes) played together along with other musical instruments, e.g. drums. Like a number of other Bugandan court music instruments, endere flutes were constructed by well experienced artisans who were primarily responsible for the royal court. Over the centuries a standardised norm of instrument construction was developed in the Bugandan kingdom, which has been partially maintained until today. A new set of endere was customarily made by taking an already existing set as a sample. This procedure not only simplified the manufacturing process,

6 End-blown, exclusively cylindrical, flutes known as shepherd’s instruments are found

all over East Africa. In many regions, bamboo, reed and wood are very common whereas plastic, metal and copper tubes are especially favoured materials nowadays for flute making essentially because of their durability. The sizes of the instruments (tube length and diameter) vary from one area to the next and from one instrument maker to the other depending on the individual inspiration, cultural experience and background. The flutes may consist of 2-6 finger holes accordingly fixed to obtain the required pitch/pitches. Flutes known as alamoru, ebune, biringi, ekinimba, endere, fodima, foodhin, forima, gobais, nyamulero, washint, woissa/woyssa found among the Acholi, Karamojong, Kiga, Baganda, Madi ethnic communities of Uganda, the Teso, Turkana, Kikuyu of Kenya; the Afar, Amara, Hamar, Benna, Beshada of Ethiopia and the Bajuni, Midgan of Somalia are very common shepherd’s instruments in East Africa. Apart from the end-blown flutes, a few side-blown flutes with and without finger holes are used by the Mijikenda of Kenya and the Gishu community of Uganda. Flutes such as the chivoti, ekibiswi, emborogo, ekirongwe, ikere, umwere and ludaya/lusweye also belong to shepherd’s instruments.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 21 but it was used for the precise reproduction of the flutes in terms of tube length, diameter, fixing of finger holes, acoustic accuracy as well as the correct tuning. The flutes were then checked by means of playing them together as in the ensemble. All necessary corrections were then completed in this process (Teffera, 2009: 129-130).

Figure 1: Set of Endere end-blown flutes, Buganda / Uganda. (Photo by courtesy of Peter Cooke, 25th December 2006)

In a number of East African cultures, flutes and trumpets belonging to one set are constructed by skilled and experienced instrument makers of the respective communities also in one step. Flute ensembles called andinga of the Gumuz; abbi–birare, bol negero, bol–tsitsim and bulhu of the Berta society of Ethiopia/Sudan; and pile and woissa ensemble of the Maale and Ari people of Ethiopia are some of the numerous flute ensembles observed in East Africa. All the flutes of these ensembles are closed bamboo flutes, each producing a single pitch. Hence, a required number of flutes must be played together in the hocket technique in order to create a full, sense making melodic and rhythmic structure. Although relatively fewer in number, certain music cultures of this geographical region are known for their trumpet ensembles. However, some of these ensembles, which are no longer used today, belonged to the highly respected instruments of old kingdoms. On the contrary, waza trumpet ensembles (Figure 2), with their long history deriving from former kingdoms, still identify the Ethiopian and Sudanese Berta today, and accompany their everyday life. The trumpets are made of several segments of calabash that are fitted together and glued with a special gum locally known as adegela. For the long middle tube, a suitable bottle gourd is required. This part is then extended

22 Timkehet Teffera by a conical or a half globular gourd bell that is relatively large in its diameter. A funnel-shaped mouth piece is inserted in the top opening of the tube.

Figure 2: Set of waza end-blown trumpets of the Berta/Ethiopia and Sudan. (Photo by T. Teffera, 13 February 2005, Gambella)

The trumpets are of various sizes each producing a single pitch as in the case of the flutes mentioned above. A waza ensemble usually consists of 10 to 12 trumpets.

Another point of discussion that similarly requires a thorough inquiry is the tradition of instrument decoration observed in quite a few cultures of East Africa. Artistic ornamentations applied on an instrument and technical know-how not only reveal the expertise and proficiency of the instrument maker, but they may also provide information about social and aesthetic values and status ascribed to the respective instrument as well as the symbolic aspects associated with it. Among others, in the ancient Bugandan kingdoms, the tradition of instrument decoration was given high priority during the process of manufacturing. Hence, during a musical performance, it was completely taboo for a musician to present an undecorated music instrument in front of the Kabaka. Musicians playing such “naked” instruments were obliged to be seated in the back rows of the ensemble in order to keep them away from the sight of the king. As a result, a unique tradition of instrument ornamentation developed over time in central Uganda, which widely spread towards southern, south eastern and

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 23 northern regions of the country. Today, similar instrument decoration traditions with a great variety of ornaments are observed among the Basoga, Alur, Acholi, Lango and Labwor. This tradition has largely been sustained in many parts of Uganda until the present day (Teffera, 2009: 131-2). In the case of the Endere flute set discussed above, their pleasant physical appearance lies in the striking ornamentation of the instruments’ bodies with copper wires wrapped around the instrument’s body in certain distances (Figure 1).

According to my investigations made so far on instrument decorations applied to aerophones, a series of varieties is observed in numerous traditional cultures of East Africa. There is a great selection of instrument decorations resembling geometric patterns, metaphoric depictions, circles, squares, triangles, rows, dots, etc. Such ornamentations are usually completed by carving, burning or painting the instrument’s surfaces. Furthermore, the tubes may fully or partially be covered or wrapped with colourful beads, animal skin, e.g., snake, lizard, sheep and goat, or with strips/cords of metal, copper (also flat metal), leather, fabric, twisted or braided plants and grass, just to mention a few. In some areas, it is also customary to hang fringes of animal hair at the bottom of the tubes. Some selected aerophones, preserved in The Museum of Ethnology in Vienna, are represented in Figures 3a-d as examples (all photos made by Timkehet Teffera, 15th May 2006).

Figure 3a7

Figure 3b8

Figure 3c9

Figure 3d10

7 End-blown flute of the Haya, Tanzania; material = wood; 4 finger holes (421.111.12),

cylindrical, mouthpiece = v–shaped, tube covered with leather and embroidered with colourful beads; inventory no.: 060830, Collector: Paul Kollmann in 1897.

24 Timkehet Teffera Instrument Designations/Terms

The arbitrary application of names of musical instruments and music-related expressions as observed in ethnomusicological discourses of non-written cultures has caused quite a lot of confusion. Western scholars who carried out fieldwork during the 18th and 19th centuries in various parts of the world initially gave attention to the task of collecting both musical instruments and sound documents. The social and cultural context of instruments was never taken into consideration until the early periods of the 20th century. The idea of seeking for names/terms of instruments, their function and meaning in culture, was ignored (Kubik, 1982: 5-7).

The fact that even within a single society striking differences exist at times was realised around the beginning of the 20th century (Simon 2008: 19-23). Hence, scholars gradually became aware that in Africa one and the same music instrument can possess various names in different areas, or one and the same terminology may be applied to one or a number of instruments or even to music related matters such as singing and dancing, rhythm, melody and meter in diverse cultures. On the other hand, there are also communities who may use just a few or no instruments. In such cases generic names are accordingly used. “A terminology to a given culture only becomes possible where phenomena have to be distinguished from an intracultural standpoint. An ethnic unit which only knows a single dance will have no name for it, but only a generic name for “dance”. However, where a number of dances are customary there will soon be a need for distinctive designations so as to make it possible to refer clearly to them. In this way a terminology is gradually built up. A guitarist who uses nine different modes of tuning for his instrument will in all probability possess a terminology for this, but not a guitarist who only has one method” (Kubik, 1979: 222-23).

8 End-blown flute from the Karagwe region, Tanzania; material = bamboo; 4 finger holes

(421.111.12), cylindrical, mouthpiece = v–shaped, tube embroidered with burnt-in patterns, inventory no.: 060784, collector: Paul Kollmann in 1897.

9 Side-blown horn of the Haya, Tanzania, material = calabash/gourd (423.122.2), conical, oval shaped blowing hole, inventory no.: 060854, collector: Paul Kollmann in 1897.

10 Side-blown horn, source = unknown; material = ivory, (423.122.2), conical tube, oval shaped blowing hole with decorative patterns carved on the instruments’ body, inventory no.: 097812, collector: Johann Becker.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 25

Figure 4: Pilea flutes of the Maale. (Photo by T. Teffera, 10th March 2005, Beneta village, South Ethiopia)

For the sake of avoiding needless confusion in the application of terms of traditional music instruments, a methodical collection of relevant data should be accomplished right at the outset. It is thus advisable to detect the names/terminologies of instruments as they are used in the language of the society under examination, since they may constitute supplementary key information about the culture bearers and their music; i.e. form, material, sound, playing method as well as their social meanings and status (Stockmann, 1998: 14). Among the Maale people of south Ethiopia for instance, end-blown Pilea flutes (Figure 4) played in sets of 5 up to 9 musicians represent human beings. Among others, the flutes Bo’ule (also U’uli), Meccho (also Macho) and Zolliti successively correspond to the husband (or the family head), the wife (or the mother) and the ritual or political leader, customarily the chieftain. Hence, the social statuses of these individuals are reflected and reproduced in a Pilea ensemble performance through the produced pitches of each flute.

26 Timkehet Teffera Therefore, it is of paramount importance to take the linguistic aspect of research very seriously, since language—as an integral part of ethnomusicological inquiries—can contribute a lot towards understanding and interpreting music. Referring to the close link of music and language in Africa, particularly the widely spread tonal languages in sub-Saharan Africa, a series of scientific researches has been conducted in the past decades. A special feature of music cultures associated with tonal languages lies in the fact that certain ideas, words, word combinations and/or sentences can be reproduced through the sounds of musical instruments. Such activities, however, do not take place just for fun, but they may at times even be used to transmit important messages, signals or instructions. The case of the Bugandan royal drums that are beaten at certain times of the day to inform the people about activities taking place in the palace can be mentioned in relation to tonal languages. For that reason, it is essential to note the diversity of languages and hence always to combine scientific investigations with linguistic and historical contexts.

Musical Instruments in History

Like the history of music, the history of musical instruments is inseparably associated with the history and settlement of human societies who created, developed and used them in both musical and extra-musical spheres. Whereas the musical function of musical instruments is related to practical music making (music performing); in the non-musical sphere the instrument rather serves as a symbolic artefact of the human group in a given geographical space.

A comprehensive study of the history and evolution of musical instruments requires the compilation of all relevant source materials. These may, among others, refer to iconographic and archaeological records as well as available and accessible music instruments of earlier periods that are preserved in museums. Furthermore, early paintings, myths, legends, stories, and all relevant written sources (travelogues, literature, manuscripts, etc.) are to be considered as supplementary source materials to gain a detailed historical and distinctively organological summary of the examined instrument/s in past and present times. The major part of the study must at the same time spotlight all kinds of changes that have been generated by various internal or external influences and processes of new adaptations, efforts of creativity

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 27 and preservation of the given music culture which entails musical instruments.

The dussul trumpet ensemble of the Nymang people may be mentioned as an example in this regard. The Nymang, who reside in the Nuba Mountains of central Sudan, customarily construct their end-blown dussul trumpets from a series of gourds which fit together. The gourds are glued to one another, the largest being the last segment of the instrument as shown in Figure 5. A

dussul ensemble may consist of 4 or 5 trumpets of various sizes, each producing a single pitch.

Figure 5: End-blown trumpet, dussul.

The dussul is a valuable instrument of the Nymang possessing a high social status in the history of the community. Its sound is primarily associated with the proclamation of war symbolising manliness and bravery. Therefore, the instruments are blown to cry the alarm (Stockmann, 1998: 13). War songs and dances are accompanied by a dussul ensemble, which includes a double-headed drum serving as time-keeper. Through the sound of the dussul, the Nymang were mobilised to go to war, defend their territory and fight their enemy. For generations, it has been customary to

preserve sets of dussul trumpets in the cool caves of the numerous Nuba Mountains in order to protect them from decay under the hot and humid air. The trumpets are only occasionally brought out of the cages and put back again after use. During the ca. 20 years of civil war between North and South Sudan, the government11 in Khartoum strictly prohibited dussul playing, so that the instruments could not be played or maintained for a long period of time. Around the end of 2003 and the beginning of 2004, peace talks made considerable progress in securing reconciliation between South Sudanese rebels and the central government. Consequently, in early 2005, South Sudan was granted autonomy for six years to be followed by a referendum about independence (Chiari, 2008: 51-6; Mückusch, 2008: 39-50). The war was over, and by the time the Nymang were able to continue

11 The Nymang people belong to Southern Sudan. The Sudanese government/s who

predominantly favoured and represented the policies of Arab dominated North Sudan.

28 Timkehet Teffera performing their dussul ensembles, the instruments—stored too long in the caves without protection and care—were already damaged. However, for the sake of continuation of the dussul playing culture, musicians had to look for adequate means to rebuild the instruments by and guarantee their utilisation (Teffera, 2009: 422-28). According to my observation, at least in the case of the Nymang people whom I had visited in 2005 in the small Kellara village, they replaced the missing gourds by plastic tubes and attached them to the last remaining gourd (Figures 6a-b).

Figures 6a-b: Dussul set with attached plastic tubes and drum.

Instruments and their Geographical Distribution

What information are we supposed to draw from the existence or the absence of aerophones in the area of research? What types of aerophones are expected in which East African cultures and regions? Which cultures can we associate with the use of aerophones in general and with specific types in particular?

Settlement areas usually reveal the way of life of a society either as pastoralist, semi-pastoralist or agricultural. Depending on the settlement area and way of life of a community, the researcher can roughly imagine or expect the existence of certain kinds of instruments and musical practices. Unlike settled agriculturalist societies who inhabit fertile areas for farming, societies with pastoralist lifestyles, for example the Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania, move with their cattle from one place to the next in search for fresh water sources and fertile pasture, and also to give the grassland a chance to grow again.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 29

Figure 7: Emouo end-blown trumpet. (Photo by courtesy of Zeke, 1995, Kenya)

The Maasai generally do not posses any musical instruments, since their lifestyle does not allow them to transport them (especially heavy instruments like drums) from one area to the next. In very rare cases, they use a side-blown and single-pitched kudu horn called Emouo (Figure 7),

30 Timkehet Teffera which is among other uses, blown to gather young Moran warriors. So the absence of musical instruments in traditional music performances (singing and dancing), e.g. group songs of the Moran, is largely compensated by human voices consisting of polyrhythmic structures; i.e. guttural sounds, emphatic shouts and body movements; i.e. feet stamping, high jumps and hand clapping12.

Use and Function of Instruments in Society

The study of use and function of musical instruments in society explores their close link with the cycle of human life, community structures, patterns of human knowledge, belief and behaviour (Merriam, 1964: 47). What purposes/functions do aerophones fulfil in the various societies of East Africa? In which cultural contexts and/or on which occasions are they played, where (venue of performances), why, for whom? What is the place of the instruments in the cultural, social, political and religious life of a community? Apart from their musical functions, are there also aerophones with extra-musical functions possessing symbolic meanings for a certain class, a group or a nation, and thus only considered as artefacts rather than as sound producing instruments? In his theory referring to the study of folk musical instruments and their functions in society, Stockmann (1998: 11-12) notes the following13:

12 Other pastoralist communities such as the Karamojong, Jie, Pokot and Tepeth of

northeastern Uganda may, in rare cases, use animal horns or end-blown flutes to accompany song and dance performances (Ankermann, 1901: 75; Kubik, 1997: 1170, Anderson/Wachsmann, 2001: 36).

13 In original: “Die sozialen Funktionen der Volksmusikinstrumente und der von ihnen produzierten Musik, die sie in ihren jeweiligen historischen sozialen Zusammen-hängen erfüllen, sind von ihren musikalischen Funktionen nicht zu trennen. Grund-sätzlich lässt sich feststellen, dass Musikmachen mit Volksmusikinstrumenten wie jede menschliche Aktivität der Sicherung und Bewältigung des Lebens dient. Es ist eine spezielle Art der permanenten Auseinandersetzung des Menschen mit seiner Umwelt, das heißt eine emotionale und kognitive Auseinandersetzung mit seiner Gesellschaft, seiner Individualität und seiner natürlichen Umwelt, in der er lebt. Die wichtigsten Aktivitätsbereiche, in denen Volksmusikinstrumente zum Einsatz kommen, sind die materiellen Lebens- und Arbeitsprozesse der Hirten und Bauern, Handwerker und Arbeiter.“ (Translation by the author).

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 31 “The social functions of folk musical instruments as well as the music they produce in their respective historical and social contexts should not be separated from their musical functions. Making music and playing instruments should be understood as one of the human activities that need to take place in order to secure and manage the everyday life within a given community. It is a special way of permanent confrontation of man with his environment; i.e., an emotional and cognitive confrontation with his own society, his individuality and the natural environment in which he lives. These most important domains of daily activity, in which folk music instruments are used, indicate the material life and the work processes of the shepherds and farmers, craftsmen/artisans and labourers “.

Figure 8: Gunda horn. (Photo by T. Teffera, North Tanzania)

In reference to aerophones, there are a number of East African communities that use flutes or horns principally for the purpose of producing signals as a form of auditive communication. In very rare cases, however, such music instruments may be played in traditional musical performances along with other instruments. For example, in the so-called kome mdinga flute/drum ensemble of the Gumuz people of southeast Sudan and west Ethiopia, the end-blown trumpet, trumba, made of sheet metal, is blown to encourage all

32 Timkehet Teffera the active and passive partakers of the musical performance. The Hamar, Amhara and Tigray people of southern and central Ethiopia accordingly make use of the same trumpet which they likewise call turumba, among other things, to prevent people from a forthcoming danger (e.g. wild animals, war), to gather the village community for various purposes and also to announce the demise of a person and to call for the community to take part in the funeral and mourning ceremony.

In a number of East African cultures, we may moreover observe hunting-horns (animal horns) blown to transmit important messages or codes that create an integral part of their activity. The side-blown horn gunda (Figure 8) of the Wasamba of north Tanzania is, for example, such an instrument that is exclusively used for hunting.

Lango and Didinga men of the Sudan furthermore use end-blown flutes called lalipe and liri as signal instruments in order to announce their departure to or their homecoming from a hunting tour. The flutes are also played when the respective person visits friends and relatives. In doing so, he may herald his arrival from a certain distance to inform the host indirectly. The flutes are found in every household of the Lango and Didinga and the most interesting thing is that nearly every male member of the community owns his own distinct melody which only he is permitted to play on his flute. Since the community also associates a certain melody only with a certain individual, it is strictly prohibited to play the melody of another person.

Unlike signal instruments, there are also aerophones in various East African cultures that are inseparably associated with certain music occasions such as wedding feasts, religious ceremonies or possession cults and other traditional rituals. An example is the embilta flute ensemble (Figure 9) of the Tigray, Ethiopia. These are end-blown flutes without finger holes, played in a set of three musicians. Today, this ensemble is primarily played either in traditional marriage ceremonies or on religious festivities of the Orthodox Christian community of this area.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 33

Figure 9: Embilta flute ensemble. (Photo by courtesy of Yared Orchestra)

The Embilta ensemble accompanies and entertains the bridal party throughout this special day, hence giving the whole ceremony a graceful atmosphere. The flutes are played in hocket style, i.e., when playing together, every flutist inserts his own melody part at the right moment to create a melodic-rhythmic line which is then repeated in a cyclic form.

To wrap up this section, we may state that in the process of time, musical instruments turn out to gain a special meaning and a stable place in society through their specific musical or extra-musical role in close relation with their social function.

Music Instruments and Gender Role

The term gender refers to the social and cultural constructions; i.e. activities, responsibilities, rights, behaviours and roles of masculinities and femininities which are considered as normal and as such taken for granted or accepted by the members of a given society. It should not be exchanged with male and female categories as such. So in reference to musical instruments we need to examine whether there are any specific divisions of distinct masculine and feminine roles observed in traditional music performances; namely instrument playing, singing and dancing.

34 Timkehet Teffera

Figure 10: Pilea flute ensemble of the Maale.

Since the diverse East African cultures possess different schemes of male and female roles, it is difficult to draw a distinct model of gender role. However, it would not be wrong to state the male dominance over the usage of instruments, including their manufacturing. In reference to aerophones, this feature is observed almost all over East Africa. Aerophones are predominantly associated with masculinity, often symbolising manliness. Thus, they are exclusively played by men, whereas women customarily take over the singing and dancing part. Mention must be made that this gendered division of labour observed in the musical landscapes of East Africa is not just limited to aerophones, but also to chordophones and membranophones. The only music instruments which women may sometimes play are limited to gourd rattles or concussion idiophones with which they keep time and hence decorate the given music performance. Particularly in aerophone ensembles, there are only a few exceptional cases where we may observe female community members actively participating in instrument playing along with their male counterparts. An example is the pilea flute ensemble of the Maale of south Ethiopia (Figure 10). In a few cultures of East Africa, flutes are related with femininity. Hence they fit in the female domain only. Women use such instruments usually for self entertainment and to pass time, to calm down a crying baby or to protect corn fields from animals.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 35 Gender issues in relation to the study of African musical cultures in general have still not been given due attention today in academic inquiries of the past, and yet they are an important aspect which gives us factual information about community structures, distinctive role, status of musicians, and the significance of music in the community’s everyday life.

Musical Instrument Analysis

Analysing the sound of musical instruments is an integral part of research. Considering the overall nature of the instrument, namely its shape, size, material, and classification, method and technique of sound production, as well as the produced pitch/es per se, has to be examined. The classification of an instrument to a group, sub-group or a specific category as a first step reveals which playing technique needs to be applied to bring sound into vibration.

The consideration of traditional scales applied in the diverse cultures of East Africa is likewise essential to understand music. In this regard, pitch/es of instruments should be checked in relation to the scale/s employed in the respective musical culture. Additionally, it is necessary to find out the musical function of the instruments. In East African flute and trumpet ensembles for instance, each instrument belonging to the ensemble mostly produces a single pitch. So it is important that all instruments belonging to one set play together in order to create a full melodic-rhythmic structure. So for a complete piece of music, a minimum number of at least five or six musicians must play together in one group. The distinct feature of these ensemble performances lies in the creation of a multifaceted tonal bank resulting from the interlocking of the various short melody fragments. Therefore, since a flute or a trumpet cannot be played without the others, all instruments have equal significance in the given ensemble.

Other points refer to the inquiry of melody, rhythm, metre, timbre, tonal range and quality, pitch and aesthetic value. Equal importance should, moreover, be given to songs, dances, song lyrics, etc. with which the examined musical instruments are directly related.

The discussion so far proves how important it is to create a well elaborated concept of theoretical methodology which is directed to the specific objectives of the researcher. The practical prosecution of such a

36 Timkehet Teffera methodological structure or technique—as it has been explicitly explained so far from all possible perspectives—confirms how multifaceted ethnomusicological studies can/should be and what a comprehensive knowledge and experience the researcher can gain at the end.

The Bol Negero Ensemble of the Berta14 The Berta society examined in this paper inhabits the Benishangul-Gumuz15 National Regional State with the capital Assosa. This administrative region, located in west Ethiopia, is one of the less-developed areas of the country. Berta groups also reside in Sudan, in the districts of Ed-Damazin and Roseires, south of the Blue Nile. Despite different settlement areas, the Berta of both countries share common historical, social, cultural and religious roots. Thus, they consider themselves as one unit only artificially divided by the political border of the two countries. The community is divided in various clans, each clan possessing a separate settlement and a chieftain.

The original settlement area of the Berta is assumed to be eastern Sudan, namely the regions that used to be ruled by the Funj Sultanates of Sennar from 1521 to 1804. It is assumed that part of the Berta community migrated during the 16th and 17th centuries to western Ethiopia where they at first settled in the district Menge. History as well reveals that the Berta constantly suffered political, cultural and religious suppression under the Funj Sultanate, the Sudanese Arabs, the Mahdist and Ethiopian Emperors who primarily used them as slaves. The Berta have even suffered under their own leaders who were intensively involved in enslaving their own people16.

14 This part of my presentation is a revised version of my article published under the title:

“The Bol Negero Ensemble of the Berta of West Ethiopia”. In: Annales D’Éthiopie: Musiques Traditionnelles D’Éthiopie, Volume XXIII 2007-2008, Olivier Tourney (editor), Centre Francais des Études Éthiopiennes [French Center for Ethiopian Studies], De Boccard, Paris, 2008, pp. 281-314.

15 The name Benishangul is an altered version of the original designation Bela Shangul which denotes Rock of Shangul, a sacred stone found in a mountain located in the Menge district. The Berta people in Ethiopia represent the largest Nilo-Saharan group of people of the country.

16 One of the beneficiaries, who fostered the slave trade in collaboration with Sudanese and Ethiopian merchants, predominantly during the 19th century, was Sheikh Khojele and his family.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 37 Due to the strong Arabic-Islamic influence from northern Sudan, the Berta were converted to Islam in about the mid of the 19th century. Today nearly all Berta are Muslim.

The bol negero17 ensemble used to play a vital role in former Berta kingdoms of the 19th century. Due to their special status, the ensemble instruments were mostly preserved in a special place within the royal palace and they were taken out only on special occasions related to the royal kingdom. Today this ensemble—along with various other ensembles of the Berta—is played for collective entertainment. Every member of the community may therefore take part in the musical performances without differentiations in class, age or gender. It is also customary that very village possesses at least one aerophone ensemble, among other musical instruments, that is stored in the house of the ensemble leader or in the farmstead of religious chieftains of the respective locality.

In the bol negero flute ensemble, from 10 up to 24 end-blown stopped bamboo flutes (Figure 11) of various lengths are played together. The aerophones are mostly accompanied by the kettledrum, negero (Figure 12), and gourd rattles, asese (Figure 13).

Figure 11: Part of the bol flutes; Figure 12: Drum negero.

Instrumental set-ups18 may vary considerably from one area to the next. An ensemble should comprise a minimum of 5-6 musicians, each of them playing a flute of different pitch resulting in creating the traditional scale.

17 Also = bol naggara, balu nagaru, bul nagaro. 18 For details about the instrumental settings that are in the numerous Berta villages both

in Sudan and Ethiopia, performance styles and music repertoire (songs and dances), see Teffera, 2008.

38 Timkehet Teffera The term bol negero indicates a flute-drum setting. However, the bol negero ensemble I examined in the small village called Nifro Gebeya, located approximately 12 km south of the city of Assosa, consisted of 19 bamboo flutes, a drum, asese rattles and very unusually two end-blown straight calabash trumpets (Figure 14). My informant Almahadi Hojele explained that it is quite usual to add more instruments at will, but the two trumpets are exceptional in this regard. So far available researches as well define the bol negero as a flute-drum ensemble.

In any case, from the shortest tube in ascending order the bol flutes are called 1. al meshir al Awel, 2. al meshir atani, 3. al meshir atalit, 4. tego bala, 5. tego dañe, 6. aqidare, 7. amadine, 8. asholfa, 9. bolmoshan, 10. bolmoshan dañe, 11. and 12. amadine dañe, 13. niñe haro, 14. asholfa dañe, 15. bolmosha dañe, 16. amadine dañe, 17. asholfa dañe, 18. dingil balla and 19. adingil dañe, as well as the two trumpets, Bonder Balla and Bondoro Dañe.

Figure 13: Asese rattle; Figure 14: Trumpets bonder bala / bondoro dañe.

Flute and trumpet sets belonging to one ensemble are usually manufactured by skilled professionals who have long experience. In doing so the instrument maker first cuts the smallest pipe and continues with the next larger successively. In the process of construction, each pipe is tuned by comparing it with adjacent pipes in order to complete the respective scale. While fixing the pitches, flutes requiring correction will be readjusted by applying suitable techniques accordingly. The customary correction made is the shortening of the tube length until the desired pitch is achieved. If this method fails, the pipe should be replaced by a new one. At last, the entire set will again be checked in a performance. In rare cases musicians also produce their own flute individually. Afterwards all flutes will be brought

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 39 to a specialist who may advise the musicians and prove the pitch of each instrument separately as well as in sets.

Except for the asese rattles that are shaken by female participants, all aerophones including the drum are exclusively male instruments. Artur Simon who conducted comprehensive ethnomusicological fieldworks on similar bol negero ensembles in various Berta villages of the Sudan describes that in the flute or trumpet ensembles of the Berta, the instruments belonging to one ensemble are, from musical point of view, usually divided into two groups. Each group consists of five flutes or trumpets with different pitches revealing the traditional scale. Similar to the results of my investigation, Simon confirms that all other instruments added to the already sounding first five instruments, are octave repetitions in the higher or lower registers. Thus, they only serve to complement the timbre and to highlight some of the pitches. The instrumental set-up, i.e. the number of the instruments playing in one ensemble, however, does neither change nor influence the melodic structure of the performed musical pieces.

So in my case, the bol negero ensemble altogether consisted of 21 instruments. Since there was no way to record the music by means of a multitrack technique I had to ask each musician to play the single pitch on his respective instrument. In doing so, I attentively observed the playing technique, namely how the musician positions his lips on the mouthpiece (embouchure) to produce sound (Figures 15).

By means of computerised spectral analysis I had the opportunity to detect the exact pitch of each instrument. Figure 16 shows the arrangement of the instruments from high to low frequencies. Often the intervals occurring are major second and third. The tonal range stretches over 3 octave registers. From technical point of view, I was able to observe that the longer the tube, the more complicated it was for the respective musician to produce the technical keynote; this refers for instance to the flutes 17, 18 and 19 where the partials were more audible than the keynotes.

40 Timkehet Teffera

Figure 15: Playing method of the Bol flute.

Figure 16: Bol negero ensemble: pitches noted from the highest to lowest frequency.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 41 Some of the frequencies of the above given pitch sequence are repeated in different octave registers. As we may ascertain from the chart shown in Figure 17, the pitches of the flutes 1–5 are repeated in the same sequence one octave lower, namely flutes 6–10. In the subsequent lower octaves, i.e. flutes 11-19 and trumpets 1 and 2, some of the first five pitches occur in irregular succession including two strange pitches, flutes 12 and 15 (e’ and a). This is a bit confusing, because I doubt whether they belong to the traditional scale, as already explained earlier. Nevertheless, I believe that the first five pitches, flutes 1-5, are important since they represent the traditional Berta scale with its intervals19.

Used pitches

Figure 17: Pitches repetition in lower octave registers.

After identifying the frequency of each flute/trumpet, the first step of the analysis is accomplished. This phase opens a door for the subsequent step of the work. So now the musical piece performed by the entire bol negero ensemble can be examined with rather less complication (Figure 18).

Almost all bol negero performances, regardless of whether they are meant to accompany songs or not, comprise one common characteristic in their structures. This is rooted in their constantly repetitive melodic and rhythmic phrase and their slight variations. Every attentive listener would perceive this soon after a musical performance has started. The bol negero piece I

19 These seemingly strange pitches might probably be unintended pitches. I even assume

that the flutes playing these pitches might possibly not belong to the ensemble under discussion. On the day the music recording took place in the Berta village, there were quite a lot of other ensembles which likewise performed music. Although it might rather seems unusual, but I suspect that instruments from other aerophone ensembles (as in the case of the two calabash trumpets very uncommonly added to this flute ensemble) might have joined the ensemble I was recording.

42 Timkehet Teffera examined in this paper as well confirms this familiar attribute. So in the examined music example, one phrase consists of 18 elementary pulses (see the vertical lines of each phrase).

Mention must be made that some of the pitches that were previously demonstrated by every musician individually, sound a bit higher or lower during the ensemble performance; e.g., the pitch b of flutes 4, 9 and 14 sounds ½ a tone lower in the combined performance; i.e., close to b , and pitch d of flutes 13 and 17 is now ½ a pitch higher, namely close to d#.

I have transcribed the first two phrases played by the ensemble, whereby the second phrase is to be considered as a variation of the first. Each pitch is given a different colour for a better illustration of the entire melodic and rhythmic fragment or pattern each instrument is playing (line-by-line) and simultaneously to show how all the instruments are fused and/or inter-locked with one another as can be observed in the three staff notations exposed at the bottom. On the left column, the pitches of each flute and trumpet are written down. In this musical piece both the kettledrum Negero and the asese gourd rattles are not played. In Figure 19, the phrases of the musical piece that are repeated in cyclic form, including their variations, are demonstrated as obtained from pitches of the highest flutes.

The bol negero ensemble often accompanies traditional group songs of the Berta, whereby the ensemble instruments habitually imitate the main vocal part of the given song. Thus, every instrument player must insert his time-line-pattern at the exact spot of the given phrase.

For the sake of comparison, another bol negero ensemble piece recorded by Arthur Simon in one of the Berta villages in Sudan has been demonstrated in Figure 20. Simon’s recordings comprise songs and instrumental pieces with the usual short and recurring phrases arranged in a cyclic form. Unlike the bol negero ensemble I recorded, this ensemble comprises 14 flutes, gourd rattles and a kettledrum.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 43

Figure 18: Bol negero ensemble performance with 18 elementary pulses: chord structure.

In comparison with my music example represented above, in Simon’s example a phrase consists of 8 elementary pulses. The drum and the gourd rattles play the basic rhythmic pulses, hence serving as time keepers. Simon (2003: 42) explains the notation as follows: “The entrances of each instrument are notated on the horizontal lines. The vertical lines mark the elementary pulses, and the duration of the timeline pattern is given by the respective number as 8, 12, or 16. The notation mainly does not show the duration of the tones, but the entry or beginning of the tones, which are generally very short or staccato. Those sounds which are played longer than the time unit or pulse are notated with tie. If the tie is interrupted, the tone might be played twice in a row in some variations. Notes or dots in parentheses are only played in certain variations. The transcriptions show the basic melody as played within one time-line pattern and the most important variants (var.). The main notes of the melody as played by the instruments are marked by circles.”

44 Timkehet Teffera

Figure 19: Bol negero ensemble performance: melodic rhythmic outline of cyclic phrases as perceived.

Since musical perceptions are subjective phenomena, individually recognised melodic and rhythmic lines accordingly vary from one person to the next. We may recognise, perceive and understand various structures and interpret them in our own way. But if we have not observed the music performance live (on the spot), then we will not be able to make sure whether my hypothesis is justified. For that matter, it is always wise to leave some options for further possibilities rather than being confident about a research result. Only this kind of approach paves a way to future productive investigations. The discussion made so far has shown that even within the same culture of the Berta there exist a number of deviations in terminology, meaning and musical event which can vary considerably from one another. This also refers to the social context of traditional music occasions that may change in many different ways.

For the Berta both in Sudan and Ethiopia, we may make the following statement: The long lasting experience of playing together in an ensemble requires a rather homogeneous community consisting of people who live in one area for a relatively long period of time, sharing a common culture and values and having plenty of opportunities to practise their musical instruments and the everyday life. So it requires continuity and a traditional time consciousness.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 45

Figure 20: Bol negero ensemble, recorded by Artur Simon; Place of recording: Gafilli, in the area of Qessan; Recording: 24.10.1983; Track no. 13: Al-khawaja Bale Wasalo la Gafilli [the small khawaja came to Gafilli]. (Simon, 2003: track 13).

The fact that only men play the aerophones, whereas women often take over the role of singing, hand clapping and shaking rattles to accompany the ensemble, merely indicates the status and roles of the male and female community members. This arrangement, which has been practised in this manner for generations, serves the Berta people and shows the foundation of this community, which strengthens and portrays/identifies it. Each member of the society takes his/her place and responsibility in society for granted, and the extended families residing in every Berta village always exist as a whole or as an entity.

Conclusion

It is important to work out a set of methods prior to the beginning of ethnomusicological studies. The objective should focus on finding the secret of the respective music and culture, to make conclusive statements with a minimum of bias, and even to make new discoveries. The preparation of such a theoretical concept for an in-depth study of music and culture

46 Timkehet Teffera should, of course, fit the main subject matter the researcher is aiming to deal with.

Taking my own experiences on the assessment of East African aerophones in general and the case study of the bol negero ensemble of the Berta people in particular, I have tried to draw your attention on how to work out an appropriate methodology prior to starting with a research. We have discussed how to collect relevant data during fieldwork and how to use them effectively during the phase of analysis. This is the major responsibility an ethnomusicologist is supposed to take towards the respective culture that should by no means be enriched by speculative generalisations.

The methodological utilisation of collected data which should be accompanied by an appropriate research outcome should help to understand the past and offer new perspectives for the future. So apart from the organological and technological examination of music instruments, the music repertoires they create are equally significant and hence deserve a thorough assessment as well. Further thorough evaluations of the subject matter can be achieved step by step through repeated fieldwork on the spot and more selective data collections. This method will enable one to avoid unnecessary speculations, since they would adversely influence and affect future research.

Scholars interested in exploring traditional East African music in general should above all consider the close link of music with the social culture, language and history along with their tangible idioms. This approach will unquestionably help to avoid speculative interpretations and possible premature conclusions about this part of Africa. Research outcomes which culminate in misleading presumptions and blank justifications should, therefore, by no means be taken for granted.

References

Ankermann, Bernhard (1901). Die afrikanischen Musikinstrumente. Direktion des Königlichen Museums für Völkerkunde in Berlin (editor). Vol. III–1. Berlin: Haack Press.

Chiari, Bernhard (2008). Der zweite Bürgerkrieg und seine Auswirkungen auf die Gesellschaften des Sudan. In Bernhard Chiari (Ed.), Wegweiser zur Geschichte Sudan (pp. 51-64). Ferdinand Schöningh: Paderborn.

Theory and Practice of Ethnological Researches 47 Davidson, Basil (1969). A History of East and Central Africa to the late

Nineteenth Century. New York: Doubleday.

Kartomi, Margaret J. (1990). On Concepts and Classifications of Musical Instruments. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.

Kubik, Gerhard (1979). Patterns, perception and recognition in African Music. In J. Blacking & J. Kealiinohomoku (Eds.), The Performing Arts - Music and Dance (pp. 221-249). The Hague: Mouton.

Kubik, Gerhard (1982). Musikgeschichte in Bildern: Ostafrika, 1/10. Leipzig: Verlag für Musik, 5-11, 14-20, 33-37.

Kubik, Gerhard (1994) Afrika südlich der Sahara. Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1. Kassel: Bärenreiter–Verlag, 49–194

Kubik, Gerhard (2001). Tanzania. In Stanley Sadie (Ed.), New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 25 (pp. 82–89). London: Macmillan Publishers.

Merriam, Alan P. (1964). The Anthropology of Music. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press.

Mückusch, Andreas (2008). Der erste Bürgerkrieg und die schwierige Unabhängigkeit 1956-1983. In Bernhard Chiari (Ed.), Wegweiser zur Geschichte. Sudan (pp. 39-50). Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh.

Nketia, Kwabena J. H. (2000). Die Musik Afrikas (3rd ed.). Wilhelmshaven: Florian Noetzel Printing House.

Barz, Gregory & Timothy Cooley (eds.) (1997). Shadows in the Field: New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology. New York: Oxford University Press.

Simon, Artur (1983). Islam und Musik in Afrika. In Artur Simon (Ed.), Musik in Afrika (pp. 297–309). Veröffentlichungen des Völkerkundemuseums Berlin. Neue Folge 40. Abteilung Musikethnologie IV. Berlin: SMPK.

Simon, Artur (2003). Die Musik der Berta am Blauen Nil [The Music of the Berta from the Blue Nile–Sudan]. Audio CD booklet. SM 17082. WERGO GmbH. Berlin and München: Museum Collection Berlin.

Simon, Artur (2008). Ethnomusikologie. Aspekte, Methoden und Ziele. Berlin: Verlag für Bibliothekswissen.

48 Timkehet Teffera Simon, Artur (1998). Zur Theorie und Methode der Erforschung von

Volksmusikinstrumenten. Studienbegleitende Text- und Arbeitshefte Heft 5. Institut für Musikforschung Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg. Online Publication.

Stockmann, Erich & Oskar Elscheck (1969). Zur Typologie der Volksmusikinstrumente. Studia Instrumentorum Musicae Popularis, 1. Stockholm: Musikhistoriska Museet, 11-22.

Teffera, Timkehet (2006). The Role of Traditional Music Among East African Societies: The Case of Selected Aerophones. In Rūta Žarskienė (Ed.), Tautosakos Darbai, 32 (pp. 36–49). Vilnius: The Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore.

Teffera, Timkehet (2008). The Bol Negero Ensemble of the Berta of West Ethiopia. In Olivier Tourney (Ed.), Annales D’Éthiopie: Musiques Traditionnelles D’Éthiopie, 23, 2007-2008 (pp. 281-314). Centre Francais des Études Éthiopiennes. Paris: De Boccard.

Teffera, Timkehet (2009). Aerophone im Instrumentarium der Völker Ostafrikas. Berlin: Trafo.

Wachsmann, Klaus Peter & Kathleen Margaret Trowell (1988). Ostafrika. Außereuropäische Musik in Einzeldarstellungen. Kassel: Bärenreiter, 78–90.

Informants

Bisaso, Albert (2005). Son of the experienced Bugandan court musician Albert Sempeke. Bissaso acquired a lot of know-how about the traditional music of the Buganda from his father. He plays various traditional musical instruments, among them the xylophone Amadinda, the one-stringed fiddle Endingidi and a number of flutes. The interview was made in Kampala, Uganda, May 2005.

Hojele, Almahadi (2005). Director of the Ethnographic Museum in the town of Assosa: Interview about the traditional musical instruments of the Berta. The interview was made in Kampala, Uganda, February 2005.