The Tastiest Dish in Edo: Print, Performance, and Culinary Culture in Early Modern Japan, 3(2) East...

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2013 DOI: 10.1163/22106286-12341249

East Asian Publishing and Society 3 (2013) 184-214 brill.com/eaps

East asian Publishing and sociEty

The Tastiest Dish in Edo: Print, Performance and Culinary Entertainment

in Early-Modern Japan*

Eric C. RathUniversity of Kansas

[email protected]

AbstractJapanese television has turned cooking into a competition, as exemplified by the show Iron Chef and its imitators. Readers in the early modern period could enjoy similar contests between famous restaurants and popular dishes as presented on one-page broadsheets called ‘topical fight cards’ (mitate banzuke). Tracing the history of mitate banzuke as they developed from kabuki and sumo banzuke, this article offers a close reading of one culinary banzuke published in the 1830s, examining how it borrowed the format and graphic presentation of sumo banzuke to turn a list-ing of ordinary seafood and vegetable side dishes into an entertaining culinary contest. Sushi, sashimi, and tempura, which are the modern hallmarks of traditional Japanese cuisine, scarcely appear on the culinary banzuke examined here, which spotlights the more frugal fare and dietary preferences of urban commoners and illuminates the ways that popular print culture made fun with food.

Keywords Early Modern Japan, Banzuke, Food, Sumo, Parody

How do I become a millionaire? Which part of Japan makes the tastiest fish flakes? Where can I find the most talented doctor in the city, the best hot-spring resort, the most scenic view, or the wisest scholar in the country? These are among the questions readily answered by ‘topical fight cards’, mitate ban-zuke. Mitate banzuke were a genre of inexpensive, one-page woodblock prints about the size of a newspaper page that developed in the eighteenth century as

* I presented versions of this paper at ‘Social relations and cross-cultural communication in the medieval and early modern world’, a symposium honoring Professor Diane Owen Hughes at the University of Michigan in March 2012, and at the conference ‘Mapping theories of perfor-mance and visual culture in the early modern world’, at the University of Kansas in April 2012. I appreciate the advice on improving this article provided by those who attended these events and the two anonymous readers.

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mailto:[email protected]

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‘visual puns’ (mitate) on the fight cards that showed printed rankings of sumo wrestlers (sumō banzuke).1 Meant to advertise wrestling tournaments, sumo banzuke displayed information in a set format that became familiar enough to readers to allow the sumo banzuke to become a template for other topics simply by replacing the names of wrestlers with other subjects, giving rise to the mitate banzuke. For example, the mitate banzuke, ‘Parody sumo of com-plete household items for newlyweds’ (Ara zeitai ichi no shodōgu mitate sumō), lists all of the supplies a newly-married couple should purchase. Following the format of a sumo banzuke, there are two teams of household goods. The roster for the first team begins with tubs for serving rice, followed by bamboo poles for hanging washing, and a cooking stove. The rival squad stars a pulley for raising and lowering a well bucket, followed by a stick for raising the washing pole, and a washing board. The ‘referees’ are a box for combs, a pin-cushion, a pole for drying laundry, and a washtub.2

As the preceding example demonstrates, mitate banzuke added a new and fanciful dimension to mundane subjects by creating, categorizing, and grad-ing data, compressing a large amount of information onto a single page. Some mitate banzuke provided utilitarian guides to consumers enabling them to know at a glance where to find the best local produce, tastiest sake, or the most popular grilled eel restaurant, but other banzuke were created purely for fun. One example offers a list of instructions on how to become wealthy: ‘think of money as a god or Buddha’, the card announces, ‘so that you will believe there is a heavenly punishment for using cash frivolously’.3 Another compares the habits of ‘the foolish and the wise’ (Tōsei ahō to kashiko no mitate sumō). A different mitate banzuke raises existential questions about ‘things that seem to exist but do not exist’ and ‘things that appear not to exist but do exist’. From the last example we learn that a female impersonator may appear not to have a penis but actually does, and that scholars might appear to have money but do not.4 Owing to their parodies of sumo banzuke and their humor, some scholars have translated the term mitate banzuke as ‘parody flybill’.5 Yet, mitate banzuke also addressed serious topics. Some compared the devastation wrought by different fires and earthquakes, while others boldly named the merchants who did or did not donate money in response to the dire Tenpō-era famine of

1 This became the standard size for mitate banzuke after 1844. See Aoki, Ketteiban banzuke shūsei, 8.

2 Ishikawa Eisuke introduces this undated source and estimates that it was published between 1840-1868: Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke zukushi, 53-55.

3 Aoki, Ketteiban banzuke shūsei, 159.4 Aoki, ‘Asobigokoro mansai no mitate banzuke no tōjō’, 323.5 Gerstle, Kabuki heroes on the Osaka stage 1780-1830, 15.

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the 1830s.6 Sumo banzuke helped fans anticipate and enjoy wrestling bouts, while mitate banzuke brought the details of daily life into imagined athletic competition, making champions of everyday items and quirky topics. Mitate banzuke reflect daily life at the same time that they codify its details according to specific rules, turning prosaic subjects or even painful memories of tragedies into visually entertaining displays.

Sumo program of economical everyday cooking methods (Nichiyō ken’yaku ryōri shikata sumō banzuke 日用儉約料理仕方角力番附) is a mitate banzuke dedicated to food, printed around the 1830s (see Figure 1).7 Rather than cel-ebrate the haute cuisine of banquets or of tea gatherings, or list the greatest restaurants or the famous local specialties, Sumo program of economical every-day cooking methods (hereafter Sumo program for cooking) brings into focus the daily meals of commoners living in Edo, Japan’s largest city. In the nineteenth century the city sported a vast array of specialty restaurants that served what can be described as the staples of modern Japanese cuisine: sushi, sashimi, and tempura.8 Yet, sushi, sashimi, and tempura do not figure prominently in Sumo program for cooking, which concentrates instead on the simmered, boiled, and grilled dishes meant to accompany the soup and rice served at daily meals taken by urban commoners in the nineteenth century.9 Hence, Sumo program for cooking offers insight into popular traditions of Japanese cuisine different from the sushi, tempura, and sashimi considered ‘traditional’ today.

Besides serving as one of Japan’s culinary capitals, Edo was the hub of the country’s publishing business; and with at least 3,000 books published annually in the early modern period, Japan’s print culture was on par with the ‘most advanced Western cultures before modern times’.10 The complex-ity and variety of Japan’s early modern print culture is exemplified by pub-lications on food which included texts on materia medica (shokumotsu honzō

6 For mitate banzuke on serious topics of famines and natural disasters, see Kikuchi, ‘Tenpō no kikin’ and Nitta, ‘Saigai e no kanshin’.

7 The version used in this study is from Waseda University: Waseda Daigaku Engeki Hakubut-sukan, microfilm 85-010. Ishikawa pegs the dating of this culinary banzuke to the Tenpō era (1830-1844). See Ishikawa, ‘ “Okazu banzuke” ni miru Edo shomin no nichijō shoku’, 112.

8 A survey conducted in 1811 found that there were 7,663 eateries and stores selling prepared food in Edo in 1810, which included 718 sellers of udon or soba, 237 grilled eel shops, 217 sushi stalls, 938 high class restaurants (ryōrijaya), and 2374 pubs (niuri izakaya) selling simmered dishes with rice. The remaining food purveyors sold sweets (kashi) and snacks like rice cakes and crackers. See Ehara, Nihon shokumotsushi, 151.

9 The popularization of the habit of consuming three meals a day differed depending on sta-tus, location, and occupation; and there are differing scholarly views about whether three meals became commonplace in the late sixteenth century or in the late eighteenth century. See Ehara, Nihon shokumotsushi, 181. In some rural areas, farmers ate five or six meals a day.

10 Kornicki, The book in Japan, 140.

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Figure 1. Sumo program of economical everyday cooking methods (Nichiyō ken’yaku ryōri shikata sumō banzuke 日用儉約料理仕方角力番附), a mitate banzuke dedicated to food, printed around the 1830s.

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食物本草) that described the pharmacological qualities of foodstuffs; sur-vival guides for coping with famines (kyūkōsho 救荒書); manuals of house-hold advice and general knowledge (chōhōki 重宝記) that contained recipes, pointers on dining etiquette, and advice on how to serve food for parties; agricultural primers (nōsho 農書) written by and for farmers; guides to famous sites and local delicacies (meisho annai sho 名所案内書); and several hundred different cookbooks (ryōribon 料理本). Cookbooks consisted of recipe collec-tions and offered samples of menus, meant to serve as references to creating or imagining elaborate banquets for special occasions. For instance, Record of everyday dishes (Nenjū bansai roku 年中番菜録), which was published in 1849 and was thus contemporaneous with Sumo program for cooking, is organized by ingredient—vegetables, raw fish, salted fish, and dried fish—and provides 119 simple recipe ideas for soups and side dishes (bansai or sōzai) using these foodstuffs. With its focus on everyday cooking and simple ingredients, Record of everyday dishes has been characterized as one of the few ‘practical guides to home cooking’ published in the early modern period, since other cook-books presented meals and recipes too complicated or expensive to create in practice.11 But, like its predecessors and the entire genre of early-modern cook-ery texts, the focus of Record of everyday dishes is on banquets and entertaining rather than the foods created for daily meals, and many of the recipes include notations about their suitability for serving to guests.12

Unlike the fanciful and elitist world of culinary books, Sumo program for cooking presents a more down-to-earth perspective on the diet of urban com-moners in the early modern period, one that has affinities with the genre of mitate banzuke. Where writers of culinary books had pages of room to develop their ideas and could describe dishes using ingredients such as expensive game fowl, rare fish, and exotic fungi, the creators of Sumo program for cooking were restricted to a single page to delineate and rank 212 simple side dishes served at home on a daily basis. As introduced below, mitate banzuke were much less expensive than books, targeted a different audience, and sometimes offered more candid views than licit publications which needed to pass through the hands of censors, making mitate banzuke more revelatory about culture at its most popular level.

A lack of primary records about the daily meals of Edo townspeople makes Sumo program for cooking a valuable document for understanding the diet of commoners, but it is a source that has to be used with due attention both to its

11 Higashiyotsuyanagi, ‘The history of domestic cookbooks in Japan,’ 130. The point that early-modern cookbooks were more intended for imagining elaborate meals than actually for preparing and eating them is made in Rath, Food and fantasy in early modern Japan, 112-81.

12 Senba, Nenjū bansai roku, 302-3.

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limitations and to its distinct format.13 Often-cited sources such as Morisada mankō, which consists of 53 volumes of observations about daily life written in the first three decades of the nineteenth century by Kitagawa Kisō (also known as Morisada) (1810-?), provide broad observations about urban food culture such as the frequency of meals, the availability of prepared foods for purchase, and what people generally ate.14 Kitagawa wrote: ‘In the mornings it’s rice with miso soup, for lunch it’s cold rice with a side dish of vegetables or fish, and for dinner its pickles with tea poured on rice.’15 In Japan’s cities, daily meals adhered to this structure of rice, soup, and one or two side dishes until after World War II. However, beyond such generalities, the specifics of the diet such as which side dishes commoners typically consumed on a daily basis in Edo have proven difficult to reconstruct from existing documenta-tion. The 212 menu items appearing in Sumo program for cooking suggest the types of food choices available and the ways common ingredients were typically prepared, but questions remain about how frequently these featured side dishes were actually eaten. The eminent scholar of Japanese food culture, Ishikawa Naoko, has affirmed the importance of Sumo program for cooking as a primary source about the diet of Edo’s commoners, but she has also admit-ted the difficulty of determining whether the culinary banzuke reflected what they actually ate or instead suggested what they desired to consume.16 Unable to resolve this question, Ishikawa and other scholars have carefully explicated the contents of culinary banzuke, but they have not fully considered how the banzuke format shaped its representation of food.17

Addressing a similar dilemma about whether or not Edo-period comic books (kibyōshi 黄表紙) on theatrical topics faithfully or spuriously reflected scenes from the kabuki theater, Adam Kern draws attention away from the question of the accuracy of comic books to focus on the ways that they structured infor-mation by set visual conventions.18 Kern’s approach suggests moving beyond the study of the foodstuffs appearing on a culinary banzuke to consider how the fight-card format shaped its representation of food. This approach reveals that the aim of Sumo program for cooking was not to reflect or shape eating habits—

13 Since most of the documentary evidence is restricted to banquets, festivals, and the culinary habits of the elite, cultural geographer Arizono Shōichirō has gone so far as to claim that there are no primary sources to reveal what commoners typically ate everyday in the early modern period. See Arizono, Kinsei shomin no nichijō shoku, 4.

14 The postscript of Morisada mankō dates to 1867, but Kitagawa’s date of death is unknown.15 Cited in Ishikawa, Shoku seikatsu to bunka, 161. 16 Ishikawa, ‘ “Okazu banzuke” ni miru Edo shomin no nichijō shoku’, 112. 17 Other scholars who have written about culinary banzuke include Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke

zukushi, and Nakada, Ōedo nan de mo rankingu.18 Kern, ‘Kabuki plays on page’.

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although it probably did both—but rather to entertain the viewer by placing food in the new and completely absurd context of a sumo match. Rather than simply suggest recipe ideas, Sumo program for cooking transformed mundane foodstuffs like sardines and dandelion greens into mighty contestants poised in an epic struggle; and it gave dishes new meanings by assigning them ranks denoting their prowess relative to one another. In elevating the daily foods of Edo’s commoners, the culinary banzuke by extension lauded the consumers of these meals in a manner hitherto absent from published culinary writings. Before undertaking a close reading of Sumo program for cooking to learn about the dishes it features, we need to examine the origin of the banzuke genre and its particulars, because that helps us to understand the world of the culinary banzuke where the mundane is celebrated and where fish and vegetables dishes can become rival wrestlers not simply possible food pairings.

From banzuke to mitate banzuke

Though the earliest lists of sumo wrestlers date back to the Heian period (794-1185), the first printed sumo banzuke appeared in the mid-eighteenth century and took their inspiration from promotional materials advertising kabuki per-formances, which appeared one hundred years earlier.19 There are three main categories of these printed works as described by kabuki historian Akama Ryō: 1) promotional posters (tsuji banzuke), which advertised upcoming perfor-mances; 2) cast lists (yakuwari banzuke) sold during performances to inform audiences about the roles assigned members of the cast; and 3) illustrated program booklets (ehon banzuke) depicting actors in highlights of the plays and published during or after a play run.20 Promotional posters and cast lists were meant to bring new audiences to the theater and guide them to under-standing performances, but illustrated program booklets were made as souve-nirs with the collector of theatrical memorabilia in mind. All three categories became important collectors’ items for fans of kabuki, as Yōko Kaguraoka explains: ‘Fans enjoyed looking at various kinds of banzuke—promotional materials equivalent in function to today’s posters, advertisements, and

19 Akama Ryō indicates the oldest kabuki banzuke printed in Edo is dated to 1675, but he also judges that this might actually be a later work. There are three kabuki banzuke printed in Osaka from 1681, but these early kaomise banzuke do not show the performance; instead, they depict all the actors who will perform with the troupe in the coming year. He estimated that pro-motional posters were not created in Edo until the Kyōhō era (1716-35), and he dates the oldest banzuke in Kyoto to 1764. See Akama, ‘Kabuki no shuppanbutsu (1): jōen shuppanbutsu’, 7.

20 See Akama, ‘Kabuki no shuppanbutsu (1): jōen shuppanbutsu’, 2. My translation of these terms derives from Kaguraoka, ‘Osaka Kabuki fan clubs and their obsessions’, 35.

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pamphlets. Through perusing and collecting these materials, enthusiasts were able to relive their memories of past performances.’21

Sumo banzuke, which proved the most influential inspirations for mitate banzuke, developed around 1750 when sumo was evolving into a regular fundraising spectacle (kanjin) at religious institutions. There were two styles of sumo banzuke, horizontal and vertical. In both versions, the middle part of the print bears the names of the promoter, referees, and sponsors, and informa-tion about the time and location of the bout. Rival teams of wrestlers appear on either side of the card, with the wrestlers in ranked order. The horizontal versions only provided space for one list of names of wrestlers, while verti-cal versions allowed the inclusion of several rows of names with the highest ranking wrestlers at the top of the page and lower ranking ones beneath them in progressively smaller panels with the names appearing in smaller print. Over time, the vertical style of banzuke became the dominant form; it was retained when sumo became a sport in the Meiji period (1868-1912), and is still used to this day with little change in format. Like their counterparts in the kabuki world, sumo fans retained banzuke both as reminders of past bouts and for their talismanic value, since it was believed that sumo banzuke could avert calamities and prevent disease if they were pasted in the entranceways to homes.22

Mitate banzuke as Underground Publications

Today, a committee of referees and judges undertakes the task of creating sumo banzuke, and they lock their draft copies in a safe before a bout to keep the information secret until 13 days before a tournament.23 The production of mitate banzuke in early-modern Japan was a more nebulous affair, under-taken by presses operating outside the licit publishing trade. The early-modern warrior government (bakufu) only rarely involved itself in suppressing pub-lications, leaving censorship and the supervision of books and prints to the publishers’ guilds. Beginning in the Kyōhō era (1716-36), publishing guilds required their members to submit a copy of any publication for approval. After a bakufu edict in 1722, publishers were supposed to display the real names of authors and publishers on printed works, but this rule was often ignored.24

21 Kaguraoka, ‘Osaka Kabuki fan clubs and their obsessions’, 31.22 Dai Nihon hyakka zensho, ‘Banzuke’.23 For information about the creation of sumo banzuke today, see Schuler, ‘How to read a

banzuke’.24 Kornicki, The book in Japan, 333, 339, 350-51.

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In contrast to books and woodblock prints, most mitate banzuke do not bear the names of their publishers, authors, or date of publication.25 When this information does appear, pseudonyms were common. At times the creators of banzuke appear to be mocking the laws requiring that they list the names of the authors. One culinary banzuke presents its publishing team as, ‘Cheap Uemon of the Low-Price Shop in the Heart of Economy Ward and Discount Tarō of the Cut-Rate Shop in Hot Tea and Salt on Rice Ward’ (Ken’yaku hodaisho machi Nedan’ya Yasu-uemon, Ochazuke shio-cho Yasu’uriya Tokutarō).26 Without passing through guild censors and without the overheads needed to create elaborately illustrated woodblock prints or books, monochrome ban-zuke printed on one sheet of paper could be created quickly in response to current events or popular trends with typical print runs of up to 500 copies.27 Publishers may have intentionally omitted dates on their banzuke so that the information appeared new.28

Mitate banzuke were a type of broadsheet (kawaraban) sold by news ped-dlers called yomiuri, who wore sedge hats to disguise their identities. Broad-sheets featured news events such as love suicides, natural disasters, vendetta killings, and the appearance of mysterious creatures, all topics that the licit book trade was ordered to avoid and which was a further reason for omit-ting mention of the banzuke’s creators. Though the warrior government issued several edicts prohibiting the sale of broadsheets, there is no evidence that bans were heeded.29 Since mitate banzuke were created by businesses that did not belong to guilds and were sold by disguised peddlers, their creators have been described as ‘underground’ or ‘guerilla’ presses.30 But, like the legitimate publishing business, the presses creating mitate banzuke operated in the major cities. Judging from surviving examples, most of the mitate banzuke were cre-ated in Osaka followed by Edo, with some printed in Kyoto.31

In addition to banzuke, ‘banzuke vendors’ (banzuke uri) peddled other inexpensive publications including calendars, guides to houses of prostitution in the Yoshiwara area of Edo (Yoshiwara saiken), auspicious prints to bring happy dreams on New Year’s Eve (takarabune), and other printed ephemera. Calendars were needed for ritual observations and for business use, but only

25 Aoki, Ketteiban banzuke shūsei, 20.26 Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke zukushi, 32.27 Ishikawa asserts that up to 500 copies of banzuke were printed, but she does not provide

any supporting documentation for this. See Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke zukushi, 133. Bestselling books and prints sold upwards of 4,000 copies in the early modern period.

28 Ishikawa, ‘ “Okazu banzuke” ni miru Edo shomin no nichijō shoku’, 109.29 Kornicki, The book in Japan, 63, 65.30 Aoki, Ketteiban banzuke shūsei, 12; Hayashi and Aoki, Banzuke de yomu Edo jidai, 47.31 Aoki Michio, Ketteiban banzuke shūsei, 13, 15.

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recognized publishers called koyomishi 暦師 could make and sell calendars, so the illustrated single-sheet calendars sold by peddlers were illegal.32 Yoshi-daya Kokichi, the publisher who produced Sumo program for cooking, appears to have focused most of his publishing endeavors on sheet music of popular songs, but his vendors also sold rat poison.33 Because publishers of banzuke were also distributors, the chief audience for these inexpensive prints was in urban areas, although some examples probably made their way as souvenirs of the cities to the countryside.

Mitate banzuke were much less expensive than the cheapest books, which added to the banzuke’s appeal. Comic books cost the equivalent of one or two bowls of noodle soup, but mitate banzuke were priced at little more than the cost of an inexpensive snack.34 With a bowl of soba selling in the nineteenth century for sixteen coppers (mon), banzuke priced at six coppers were less than half the amount, costing just a bit more than a serving of four small rice dumplings on a stick (dango) priced at four coppers.35 Though originally produced as leaflets sold separately, mitate banzuke became collectables, and books of compilations were published. Souvenir of the East (Azuma miyage) was one such collection of banzuke published in Edo in 1852, and it may have been a response to Joyful collection (Tanoshimi sōshi) printed in Osaka in 1851, a collection of banzuke from twenty-three different publishers.36 Compila-tions of banzuke such as these demonstrate the fan base for these whimsical, inexpensive publications, which could be read and reread for their humorous insights.

Sumo program for cooking was published by Yoshidaya Kokichi in Bakurō ward in Edo, a location named for its horse market, but home to several small presses that created mitate banzuke besides Yoshidaya, including the publishers Marukichi and Sen’eidō.37 Yoshidaya, which appeared on the publishing scene by 1819, survived as an enterprise after the fall of the Tokugawa warrior gov-ernment in 1868, changing the shop name to Yoshida in 1877. Yoshida was a

32 Kornicki, The book in Japan, 354-55.33 Groemer, ‘Edo’s “Tin Pan Alley” ’, 16.34 It is difficult to translate Edo period prices into modern equivalents. For one attempt

to ascertain the cost of food in the Edo period according to modern values, see Miyauchi, ‘Inshokubutsu no shūshi keisan’.

35 Kern, Manga from the Floating World, 40; Miyoshi, Edo seigyō bukka jiten, 140, 193, 375.36 Both texts are available online through the Waseda University Kotenseki Sōgō Dētabāsu:

http://www.wul.waseda.ac.jp/kotenseki/index.html (accessed on November 2, 2011).37 Banzuke by these publishers are listed in the banzuke database appended to Hayashi and

Aoki, Banzuke de yomu Edo jidai, 1-70. There are several book publishers also in Bakurochō active in the nineteenth century including Eisuidō, Ten’suidō, and Wakabayashi Seibe’e, which published books by major authors including Santō Kyōzan (1769-1858), Tamenaga Shunsui (1790-1843), Kyokutei Bakin (1767-1848), and others.

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major player in the minor field of Edo’s Tin Pan Alley music business, making money by creating short songbooks of one to six pages each with some illus-trations and tips to performance.38 Besides Sumo program for cooking, Yoshida also published mitate banzuke about festivals, holidays, hot springs, famous places in Edo, and nagauta music as well as the culinary works, Banzuke of soy sauce makers in the Kantō area (Kantō shōyuya banzuke) and Pride of Edo: grilled eel and tea on rice banzuke (Edo jiman kabayaki chazuke banzuke).39

Reading a banzuke

Mitate banzuke borrow both the distinct style of lettering and format of sumo banzuke and this contributes to their visual appeal. Sumo lettering, Edo letter-ing, and strong lettering (chikara moji) are among the terms used to describe the thick writing style used for sumo banzuke and mitate banzuke.40 Sumo let-tering crystallized under Mikawaya Negishi Jiemon in Edo in the 1780s, and is also called the Negishi-style (Negishiryū). Mikawaya and his descendants controlled the creation of sumo banzuke until 1870, but the same lettering style persists to this day when sumo banzuke are created by a special commit-tee of officials (shinpan) and referees ( gyōji) before a tournament.41

Besides the thickness of the lettering, creators of sumo banzuke recast Japa-nese characters (kanji) and syllables (kana) to make them more visually enter-taining. For example, in the Negishi style, ‘the tree radical becomes a hat’ (ki kanmuri): thus, when writing the two radicals in the Japanese character for pine tree (matsu 松) the tree radical is placed on top of the other radical instead of next to it (枩). Creators of mitate banzuke also liked to replace both Japanese characters and syllabary with other Japanese characters that have a different meaning but a similar pronunciation. For example, in Sumo program for cooking, the syllable ‘o’ (ho ほ in classical orthography) is written with the character usually read dō or onaji (同), which is not one of the typical readings for this character nor is the character historically linked with the syllable ‘o’, which derives from a different Chinese character (於).42 The character onaji

38 Groemer, ‘Edo’s “Tin Pan Alley” ’, 15-16, 19, 28.39 For a list of Yoshida’s banzuke, see the banzuke database appended to Hayashi and Aoki,

Banzuke de yomu Edo jidai, 5, 6, 14, 29, 51.40 Edo lettering is a generic term coined in the mid 1950s for the distinct style of writing used

for printed materials advertising the kabuki stage (kaiteiryū moji), the lettering style of small stage theaters ( yose moji), the lettering for pilgrims’ calling cards plastered on shrines and temples (sensha moji), and sumo lettering. Tachibana, Edo moji nyūmon, 6, 8.

41 Tachibana, Edo moji nyūmon, 51-52.42 Hiragana ho is derived from the character 保.

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can also be read as dō in compounds, and it has wider possible readings when it appears in proper names (for example, atsu, tomo, nobu), but none of these are read ‘o’. Readers of culinary banzuke need to recognize the strange pho-netic use of Japanese characters to be able to decode words in order to under-stand, for example, that a phrase that might be read as shidō kara (志同から) is not a typographical error that should be interpreted as ‘from kindred sprits’ (dōshi kara 同志から) or a misspelling of ‘from leadership’ (指導から), but instead should be read as shiokara meaning ‘salt cured fish intestines’ (usually written 塩辛), denoting a delicious snack.

A further characteristic of the lettering on mitate banzuke is the way in which the characters and syllables jostle with each other for room as if fighting for space. Syllables become compressed, stretched, and sandwiched together. The syllable ‘shi’ (し) is a noticeable contestant in these bouts sometimes stretch-ing to stand straight as if victorious and other times almost swallowed by the syllables it trails behind. While modern readers such as myself have to confess their difficulty in deciphering mitate banzuke, it seems that part of the style of playbills, banzuke, and other expressions of Edo lettering was their flirtation with illegibility, according to specialist Tachibana Ukitsu, who writes:

In the hopes of drawing a capacity crowd, the names of kabuki plays on old illus-trated playbills appear to fill the entire space without leaving a gap, making the work almost illegible. The illegibility does not indicate a weakness in the work’s advertising power; instead, there was likely a special value in the connoisseurship of reading the illegible. Rather than the function of letters to communicate mean-ing, attention was given to their shape to convey feelings. This was common in other types of Edo lettering.43

Edo lettering turned writing into a form of competition using substitution and distortion to create a visual judo for readers to grapple with. This style of lettering is especially suited to sumo and mitate banzuke, which represent a conflict between two opposing sides that is simultaneously a struggle for the reader to decode. The playfully written disorder on a kabuki banzuke would have enhanced their appeal to the kabuki fan able to demonstrate proficiency in decoding them, while the same complexities could have prevented govern-ment officers from discerning a theater’s performance plans, which suggests that an additional reason why kabuki banzuke are so challenging to read was to mask a theater’s operations from the gaze of unsympathetic officials.44

43 Tachibana, Edo moji nyūmon, 24-25.44 I am grateful to Peter Kornicki for this observation.

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Readers of mitate banzuke might have trouble puzzling through idio-syncratic lettering or spellings, but they would be familiar with the format of mitate banzuke borrowed from the banzuke of sumo.45 Indeed, it would be hard to redesign sumo banzuke since they succeed in presenting a large amount of information in a visually economical way. Banzuke are read from right to left, top to bottom. Information at the top and center or in larger font is more important than data at the bottom or sides in smaller font with the exception of the name of the publisher, which typically appears in the bottom left hand corner in large letters. A central panel divides the wrestlers on the ‘western side’ on the left hand side of the page from the ranks of the ‘eastern side’ on the right hand side. In sumo banzuke the division between eastern and western wrestlers is arbitrary and does not indicate how the wrestlers will com-pete with one another in a match. On a modern sumo banzuke, the central panel contains the bold words ‘official roster’ ( gomen kōmuru) and gives the particulars about the match such as the date and location as well as the names of the referees, sponsors (kanjinmoto), and assistants (sewayaku). The names of the wrestlers along with their birthplace appear on either side of the page. In both the western and eastern divisions, the highest-ranking wrestlers appear in the top column, or ‘main event’ (makunouchi), in order from right to left beginning with the stars (ōzeki), co-stars (sekiwake), headliners (komusubi), and opening acts (maegashira).46 Lower columns show the wrestlers all graded as ‘opening acts’. As the rank of the wrestler diminishes, so too does the size of the script used to write their names until these become almost impossible to read without magnification.

Sumo program for cooking follows a similar format as a sumo banzuke except that its western team, which appears on the left side of the page, is comprised of seafood dishes and the opposing eastern team is made up of vegetarian dishes. Occupying the place of referees and other officials are the basic ingre-dients for cooking as introduced below. Taking inspiration from the advertise-ments for the all-male kabuki theater and from sumo wrestling, the entire cast of foodstuffs on Sumo program for cooking—from pickle officials to the teams of wrestling seafood and vegetarian dishes—is by implication gendered male. On the one hand, the masculinization of fish and vegetable dishes adds to the humor of the banzuke, but on other hand it could also imply the male appropriation of female domestic labor. Selections of popular verse (senryū) and fiction in the examples cited below reveal that domestic cooking was

45 Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke zukushi, 6.46 Though the title of yokozuna existed since 1789, the ranking did not appear on sumo

banzuke until the 1890s. See Thompson, ‘The invention of the yokozuna and the championship system’, 176.

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often represented as women’s work that could be trivialized or even sexualized. In early-modern Japan, men dominated the world of professional cooking and until the Meiji period (1868-1912) only men published cookbooks and other culinary texts, although the authorship of many early-modern culinary writings is unknown. Nevertheless, even though cooking was often represented as a feminine activity in comic verse, in practice some men even in samurai households helped prepare meals in the home, and most men usually shared in the labors of creating pickles and homemade miso.47 Accordingly, the manly foodstuffs on the banzuke could be an acknowledgement of the contribution of men in creating them rather than an attempt to diminish women’s role in cooking at home. Of course, gendered divisions of labor as they relate to pro-duction and consumption of food are important topics for study, but thinking too closely about them in this instance might cause us to forget the ridiculous-ness of personifying side dishes and weighing their relative prowess as wres-tlers, which is the crux of the humor of Sumo program for cooking.

Where is the Rice?

Sumo program for cooking introduces 212 side dishes, but this mitate ban-zuke, which lists a variety of ingredients and toppings in supporting roles, fails to mention any grain dish. On the one hand, for many city dwellers and the elite, rice was synonymous with meals to the point that it was frequently omitted from the published menus appearing in culinary books and in pri-vate records of banquets. On the other hand, the absence of rice or any grain dish indicates that the creators of the culinary banzuke recognized that not everyone in Edo consumed boiled white rice as their sole staple grain every meal every day. Contrary to the fully polished white rice consumed today, city dwellers in Edo typically ate rice with the hull mostly but not entirely milled away, and many consumers economized by mixing barley with their rice, as described below. Though the extent to which polished rice was consumed in early modern Japan is a complex and contentious topic, it would be remiss not to consider the main staple grain to be eaten with the side dishes appearing in Sumo program for cooking given that in the early modern period 80-90% of the caloric intake in a typical 2,500 calorie diet came from grains, and com-moners typically ate three to four cups of grain daily.48 However, the absence of a staple grain is further indication that the culinary banzuke is less about

47 Takeuchi, ‘Chōri to jendā’, 133-35.48 Ehara, Nihon shokumotsushi, 184.

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daily meals and more about the imagined contest between side dishes refereed by condiments.

In the early modern period, and certainly by the nineteenth century, people in cities, who comprised about 10% of Japan’s population by 1800, relied upon rice as a staple food.49 Peasants in rural hinterlands grew rice, but they often had to consume other grains like millet and barley, either to be able to pay their taxes in rice or because local conditions did not favor rice cultivation. Edo and Osaka were the terminus points for these rice taxes. Approximately 47.5 million gallons of rice arrived in Edo annually to be consumed by mem-bers of the warrior government, paid out in salaries to samurai officials, or sold for government revenue.50 At the beginning of the early modern period, nearly all of the rice available for commoners was brown rice, but by 1650 the first milling shops (tsukigomeya) appeared in Edo, and by 1750 consumption of polished rice became the norm for the Edo city dweller.51 Nevertheless, the most commonly consumed type of rice in cities left 30% of the bran after milling, making the rice slightly darker (and healthier) than the white rice eaten today.52

Polished rice is tasty with a flavor mild enough to accompany any side dish, and as a staple it could be prepared in a number of ways: boiled (himei’i), steamed (kowai’i), boiled then steamed (yutori meshi), reheated by itself (futat-abi meshi) or by pouring hot tea on top to make chazuke, or prepared as a por-ridge (kayu) that could also be mixed with vegetables (zōsui) or flavored with miso or soy sauce (ojiya). In Morisada mankō, Kitagawa provides directions on how urban commoners typically made rice in the early nineteenth century: ‘Today, in the three major cities everyone boils rice in a caldron without even mixing in any other grains.’ Yet, cooking rice on a small stove with a wood fire was troublesome and expensive, a task urban commoners only wanted to undertake once a day. Kitagawa explains that in Edo people only cooked rice once a day in the morning and ate cold rice for lunch and dinner, while resi-dents in Osaka and Kyoto ate rice porridge for breakfast made from the previ-ous day’s rice and cooked rice for the midday meal.53 Edo’s citizens ate cold rice for lunch and dinner, so culinary texts provided clues on how to preserve

49 Ehara, Nihon shokumotsushi, 218. Arizono contends that rice became the main staple in cit-ies by the late nineteenth century, Arizono, Kinsei shomin no nichijō shoku, 19. Ishikawa Naoko suggests an earlier date of the Bunka-Bunsei periods (1804-1830), Ishikawa, ‘ “Okazu banzuke” ni miru Edo shomin no nichijō shoku’, 106.

50 Ōkubo, Edokko wa nani o tabete ita ka, 12.51 Ishikawa, Shoku seikatsu to bunka, 16; Ōkubo, Edokko wa nani o tabet eita ka, 13. 52 Arizono, Kinsei shomin no nichijō shoku, 113.53 Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 5, 40.

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the quality of cooked rice during the hot summer.54 Since cooking rice was a familiar task, published culinary books do not provide much attention to rice dishes with the exception of Collection of famous rice dishes (Meihan burui 名飯部類) published in 1802, which provides 87 different ways of preparing rice.55

Rice occupied an important place in the diet of urban commoners despite the fact that it could be quite expensive. One family of carpenters living in Edo in the first decades of the nineteenth century spent 70% of their house-hold budget on foodstuffs and firewood and almost half of these expenses went to purchasing rice.56 Commoners could economize by purchasing less refined rice because rice-milling shops priced their products according to dif-ferent grades of polishing. In the mid-nineteenth century, eight cups of the most highly milled rice (unfortunately we do not know the exact milling rate in this instance) cost 64 coppers, which was 3.5 times more than the least polished rice.57 The cost of rice also showed great volatility. A nineteenth-century advertisement for one greengrocer’s ‘rice sale’ showcased a two-day’s supply of little less than eight cups (one shō), of the lowest quality of white rice for 124 coppers and the highest grade of rice for 144 coppers.58 This advertisement probably dates from 1829 when the price of a little less than eight cups of rice was 124 coppers. However, the price of rice continued to rise. In 1834, the same amount of rice cost 180 coppers, rising to 250 cop-pers in the second month of 1837 owing to the devastating Tenpō Famine, which drove the price of rice to 396 coppers by the seventh month of that year. Commoners would have felt these price hikes most acutely if they were in the habit of purchasing a 100 coppers’ worth of rice each day at stores that sold rice in that fixed amount.59 The amount of rice they would have brought home with 100 coppers in 1837 would have been two-thirds less than the amount they received in 1829, cutting their daily rice ration from six to just two cups. Conversely, when rice prices fell, commoners could eat more highly polished rice, leading to increases in ‘Edo sickness’ (Edo wazurai), a condition associated with the lifestyle of city dwellers but now attributed to thiamine (Vitamin B) deficiency known today as beriberi.60 Since the cause of beriberi was not discovered until the twentieth century, the cost of rice rather than

54 Ōkubo, Edo no fāsuto fūdo, 120.55 Ishikawa, Shoku seikatsu to bunka, 16, 26-27.56 Miyauchi, ‘Inshokubutsu no shūshi keisan’, 244-45.57 Takahashi, Edo ajiwai zufu, 17-18.58 Ishikawa, ‘ “Okazu banzuke” ni miru Edo shomin no nichijō shoku’, 113-14.59 Ōkubo, Edokko wa nani o tabete ita ka, 13, 26.60 Dohi, Edo no komeya, 31.

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health concerns prompted many residents of Edo and elsewhere to make their rice last longer by cooking it with cracked barley (hikiwari mugi ), typically in a proportion of seven parts rice to three parts barley.61 The custom of eating rice mixed with barley remained widespread in Tokyo in the first half of the twentieth century not just for the lower classes and laborers but also among thrifty merchant households.62

While it was acceptable to blend barley and rice and boil them together, commoners in the major cities were reluctant to stop eating polished rice entirely and switch to brown rice or barley alone, which were considered pro-vincial as Kitagawa noted in Morisada mankō: ‘There are places in the country-side where rice is consumed undiluted, but in most instances it is consumed there mixed with barley.’63 As noted previously, city dwellers also mixed barley with their rice, but in the countryside the proportions used were seven parts barley to three parts rice, the exact opposite of the ratio in cities.64 One eigh-teenth-century comic poet from Edo observed, ‘The bride who is expert in cooking barley comes from sturdy rural stock.’65 Barley produces a slime when boiled, requiring the cook to rinse the barley after boiling, and then re-boil the barley. Not only did this require more effort than cooking rice alone, but it also necessitated using more firewood or charcoal, which were expensive in cities owing to transportation costs, giving urban residents further incentive to prefer unadulterated rice.66 Kitagawa admitted that some commoners in cities ate barley for health reasons or because they liked it, but most city dwellers only consumed barley without rice on seasonal occasions, dressing it up with yam gruel (tororo), pieces of dried seaweed (nori) and bonito flakes (katsuo-bushi), or other toppings to transform the humble dish into a luxury.67

In sum, fluctuations in the cost of rice, differences in quality based upon milling rates, divergent customs about when and how best to prepare it that varied according to the time of day and local custom, and whether rice should be diluted with barley or served alone rendered rice or any other grain too diffuse a topic to translate easily to the culinary banzuke, which is why it was omitted. Designating white rice as the staple grain dish on the banzuke might also have alienated buyers who could afford to create their own pickles or

61 Segawa, Shoku seikatsu no rekishi, 56.62 Koizumi, Chabudai no Shōwa, 8-9.63 Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 5, 40.64 This was the typical ratio of barley to rice in most rural areas until the Taishō period (1912-

1926); see Segawa, Shoku seikatsu no rekishi, 56.65 Mugimeshi o, jōzu na nyobō, gaseimono. From Karai Sen’ryū’s (1718-1790) Senryū hyōman

kuawase, published in 1761, cited in Watanabe, Edo no onnatachi no gurume jijō, 72.66 Arizono, Kinsei shomin no nichijō shoku, 113.67 Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 5, 40.

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could occasionally purchase an inexpensive side dish (priced at 2 coppers less than the cost of a banzuke as described below), but who were unable or unwill-ing to serve undiluted polished rice every day because of the cost. Ultimately, given that readers would have derived 80-90% of their daily caloric intake from eating three or four bowls of some type of grain prepared in a similar way day after day, it is no wonder that they would take a greater joy and inter-est in studying the merits of side dishes, especially ones poised to wrestle one another as on the culinary banzuke.

Side Dishes Steal the Show

Besides providing necessary vitamins in a diet based largely on grains, side dishes broke the monotony of having rice or another grain with every meal, and Sumo program for cooking offered 212 possible dishes to star in a meal. Rather than simply list these dishes, the format of the culinary banzuke neces-sitated ranking them against one another. No doubt the appeal of Sumo pro-gram for cooking was the way it personified and elevated mundane foodstuffs for an audience accustomed to viewing these prosaic ingredients as part of their rather drab diets.

Sumptuary laws promulgated in the seventeenth century restricted com-moners to only two soups and three side dishes for banquets, but daily fare was far simpler for city dwellers, whose diet consisted of just one soup and sometimes just one side dish with pickles for lunch and dinner.68 Recall Kita-gawa’s comment in Morisada mankō that residents of Kyoto and Osaka cooked rice for the midday meal and people in Edo cooked their rice in the morning. He added that people in Osaka and Kyoto ate their noon-day rice with miso soup and two to three side dishes consisting of simmered vegetables (nimono) or some fish. In Edo, Kitagawa explained that lunch consisted of cold rice with side dishes of cooked vegetables or fish. Only the wealthy, Kitagawa noted, could afford the time and fuel to cook rice for every meal, although even most wealthy families still had one meal of cold or reheated rice dai-ly.69 That wealthy families were expected to cook rice more than once a day and consume a plentiful variety of side dishes was an expectation revealed in Shikitei Sanba’s (1776-1822) comic novel, The Bathhouse of the floating world (Ukiyoburo 浮世風呂), published in serial format from 1809 to 1813. One of the bathers in the bathhouse turns to his companion to point out the dissolute

68 Miyauchi, ‘Inshokubutsu no shūshi keisan’, 256.69 Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 5, 40.

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son of a wealthy merchant, criticizing the miserliness of the man’s father. He observed, ‘All year round, he had gruel boiled in tea for breakfast, and just a little soup for lunch. At night all he had with his rice was pickled radish, but that takes a lot of salt to make, so he limited himself to just two slices for the whole meal.’ The bather’s companion adds that the parsimonious master only drank sake once a year.70 Though written for comic effect, Sanba’s account of merchant frugality contained a grain of truth as reflected in the household rules of one wealthy merchant family, the Itō household. Recorded in 1800, the rules of the Itō household declared that family members should have only one side dish a day priced somewhere between 3-5 coppers, because ‘anything more than that was exorbitant.’ But, unlike the miser in Sanba’s novel, mem-bers of the Itō family could enjoy sake every day as long as they did not imbibe before noon.71 Regardless of the wealth of a family, one author of humorous verse observed that not everyone in the household could enjoy the same side dishes, quipping: ‘The in-laws get the side dish, but the daughter-in-law has the pickle of filial piety with her tea on rice.’72

Pickles, eaten with every meal, have a central place in everyone’s diet in the early modern period, as reflected in their prominence in Sumo program for cooking, which lists thirteen different type of pickles cast in the roles of ‘refer-ees’, and three additional varieties of pickles as ‘attendants’:

Referees Rice-bran pickled vegetables (nukazuke) Dried fermented soybeans (tera nattō)Osaka-style pickles (Ōsakazuke)73 Pickled scallion (rakkyōzuke)

Spicy mustard pickles (karashizuke)74

Daikon pickled in rice bran (takuanzuke) Pickled apricots (umeboshi)Pickled slender daikon (hosonezuke)75 Pickled eggplant (nasubizuke)

Vegetables pickled in sake lees (Narazuke)Pickled daikon or turnip stems (kukinazuke) Kakuya-style pickles (Kakuya kozuke)76

70 Cited in Watanabe, Edo no onnatachi no gurume jijō, 90. Translated by Leutner in Shikitei Sanba and the comic tradition in Edo fiction, 156-57.

71 Miyauchi, ‘Inshokubutsu no shūshi keisan’, 254.72 Oya ni sai, yome no chazuke wa, kō no mono. Here filial piety (kō no mono) is a pun for pickle

(kō no mono). This poem is included in the massive compilation of senryū, Haifū yanagidaru, compiled and published annually from 1765-1840; cited in Watanabe, Edo no onnatachi no gurume jijō, 70-71.

73 Osaka-style pickles are a mixture of green onion, ginger, mioga, and perilla added to finely chopped daikon. The vegetables are salted and then compressed with a weight, Seijō Daigaku Minzokugaku Kenkyūjo, ed. Nihon no shokubunka, 305.

74 To make karashizuke, vegetables previously pickled in salt are flavored with kōji (mold inoculated rice), mustard, salt, vinegar, and soy sauce for further pickling.

75 Hosonezuke is an abbreviation of hosonedaikonzuke, indicating a pickle made from a variety of thin daikon (hosonedaikon).

76 According to legend, once when Tokugawa Ieyasu had a toothache but craved daikon pick-les, his chef Iwamoto Kakuya created this dish of finely sliced daikon pickles, softened in water

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Attendants Fish purée flavored in sugar and soy sauce (denbu) Vegetables pickled in salt (hishio)77

Zen meditation soybeans (zazen mame)78

Vegetables pickled in miso Salt pickled peppers wrapped in sun-dried perilla leaves (Nikkō tōgarashi)

Pickles would be expected at every meal, just as referees and attendants were needed at every sumo match. Therefore, instead of being classified as side dishes, pickles were essential toppings represented as officials on the banzuke with the most well-known and frequently-served pickles-takuanzuke and ume-boshi—appearing in the largest font. Pickles shared billing with ‘Zen medita-tion soybeans’, which were simmered with sugar, and ‘Fish purée’, mashed fish flavored with sugar and soy sauce. But, pickles clearly dominate the middle section of the culinary banzuke, because they were synonymous with house-hold foods as reflected in the comic verse: ‘The beauty of the hands that turn the wet rice bran [for pickles].’ The poem refers to the daily chore of turning the fermented rice bran used for pickling so that it does not rot, a task under-taken in this case by a woman, whom this verse also makes an object of sexual desire. Another verse reveals a similar male perspective on pickle making: ‘The master of the house shows great care praising [his wife’s] pickles made in damp rice bran.’79 The poem cautions a husband to appreciate his wife’s labors in performing daily tasks, a sentiment reinforced by the common saying: ‘delicious pickles are the wife’s official policy in a frugal home’, recorded in a celebrated collection of pickle recipes published in 1836.80

While pickles made an appearance at almost every meal, the foodstuffs listed as ‘sponsors’ and ‘assistants’ in Sumo program for cooking played a fun-damental role in cooking. The ‘sponsors’—shaved cured bonito and cooking sake—are basic ingredients for stock, and the ‘assistants’—sweetened miso and salt-cured fish intestines—represent saltiness and sweetness, two essential fla-vors in Japanese cooking.

Sponsors Shaved cured bonito (katsuobushi) Cooking sake (sakashio)

and served with a dash of ginger infused soy sauce: Nakamura, Shinpan Nihon ryōri gogenshū, 142.

77 Hishio could also refer to a fermented sauce made from soybeans or wheat. 78 Zazen mame, named after the seated meditation practice of Zen monks, are said to prevent

frequent urination and facilitate long periods of sitting. See Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke zukushi, 32.79 Nuka miso o kakimawasu te no utsukushisa, cited in Watanabe, Edo no onnatachi no gurume

jijō, 183. Nuka miso o homeru to teishū yudansezu, cited, in ibid., 185.80 Hanagasa, Shiki tsukemono shio kagen, 252.

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Assistants Sweetened miso (namemono) Salt-cured fish intestines (shiokara)

Bonito flakes were an essential ingredient to making stock for a simmered dish or for creating miso soup. Morisada mankō indicates that households in Osaka and Kyoto made their own miso in the winter months from soy-beans, the fermenting agent kōji (grain inoculated with the mold Aspergillus oryzae), and salt. In contrast, people in Edo purchased their red or darker red ‘country-style’ (inaka) miso.81 The sweetened miso on the culinary banzuke is miso mixed with honey or sugar and used as a topping for grilled vegetables or tofu to create the dish called dengaku. The culinary banzuke includes recipes for ‘Grilled tofu with sweet miso’ and ‘Buds of Japanese pepper’ (ki no me dengaku). Sweet miso is partnered in the banzuke with another fermented dish, shiokara, a concoction of fish, seafood, and their intestines preserved and cured in salt. Where sweet miso is used as a topping for tofu and vegetables, shiokara is an accompaniment to a grain dish or eaten alone as a snack when drinking sake.

Curiously, soy sauce, which is mentioned in Sumo program for cooking as a base for soup (shitaji) and as a marinade for grilling in the dish ‘Dried squid grilled with soy sauce’ (surume tsukeyaki), does not receive its own place as a referee or sponsor, suggesting that soy sauce had yet to enter fully into daily cooking for all commoners in Edo. Soy sauce is central to Japanese cooking today, but it was a medieval invention or import that was not commonly used in cooking until the middle of the eighteenth century in Japan, when it began to replace miso as the main means of flavoring food.82 Flavored vinegar, not soy sauce, was the accepted accompaniment to sashimi until the early decades of the nineteenth century, and vinegar is said to have the advantage of helping to preserve raw fish.83

Sumo program for cooking announces its side dishes for ‘kitchens all over the world’, implying that they were to be prepared at home, but many of these foods were also available ready-made for purchase in cities, making them even more familiar to readers of the culinary banzuke. By the early nineteenth cen-tury specialty ‘four-copper stalls’ (shimon’ya) sold a variety of prepared foods for four coppers each. Introduced in 1768, the four copper coin (shimonsen)

81 Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 5, 44.82 Ishikawa also noted the absence in Sumo program for cooking of the liquid sweetener mirin,

which is used frequently in cooking today. See Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke zukushi, 132.83 Ehara, Nihon shokumotsushi, 139.

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was one of the smallest denominations in circulation, and became a synonym for something cheap whether it was rotgut sake sold for ‘four coppers for ¾ of a cup’ (shimon ichi gō) or the lowest blend of cut tobacco called ‘four-copper powder’ (shimonko).84 Specialty shops billed themselves as selling ‘anything for four coppers’ (nan demo shimon), and ‘four copper variety shops’ (yoridori shimon) were the early modern equivalent of five and dime stores.85 In Mori-sada mankō, Kitagawa mentioned ‘side dish shops’ (sai’ya) found throughout Edo that sold raw abalone, dried squid, grilled tofu, devil’s tongue (konnyaku), arrowhead (kuwai), lotus root, and burdock all simmered in soy sauce and displayed for sale to customers in large bowls on store shelves.86 Priced at four coppers, even members of the frugal Itō family mentioned earlier could afford the purchase of pre-made side dishes, which also helped families economize on the cost of charcoal or firewood necessary to make these dishes at home.

Prepared from raw ingredients or purchased ready-made, the dishes featured in Sumo program for cooking live up to their name as frugal eating choices, as exemplified by the top ten seafood dishes appearing on the left side of the culinary banzuke.

Star Dried salted sardines (mezashi iwashi)

Co-star Simmer of shellfish and sliced dried daikon (mukimi kiri boshi)87

Headliner Roasted coastal shrimp (shibaebi karairi)88

Opening Acts Tuna in miso soup (maguro karajiru) Gizzard shad and daikon (kohada daikon) Small sun-dried sardines, toasted (tatami iwashi) Grilled sardines flavored with salt (iwashi shioyaki) Thinly-sliced salted tuna (maguro sukimi) Salt-preserved bonito (shio gatsuo) Salt-preserved herring (nishin shiobiki)

Three of the top ten fish dishes employ sardines, a humble fish that could be netted near Edo.89 The Record of everyday dishes indicates the versatility of the

84 ‘Four-copper powder’ sold for four coppers for 3.75 grams (1 monme).85 Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke zukushi, 115. For a description of shimon’ya, see Suzuki, Bakin no

shokutaku, 142-44.86 Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 1, 124.87 Nakada indicates that this is a simmered dish, Nakada, Ōedo nan de mo rankingu, 162.88 Shibaebi are approximately 10 cm in length; ‘coastal shrimp’ is my literal translation. The

name refers to the shallows in the bays where they live.89 Takahashi, Edo ajiwai zufu, 51.

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sardine for cooking by referring to ‘a hundred tricks with sardines’ (iwashi hyakuchin), a reference to a series of bestselling culinary books that promised a hundred different recipes for tofu, eggs, and other common foods. Yet, the author of Record of everyday dishes warned readers to avoid certain uses of sar-dines: for example, adding sardines to soup, though a custom in Edo, was a lower-class practice and such a dish should not be served to guests.90 Indeed, one theory about the derivation of the word for sardine, iwashi, was that it came from the word meaning ‘vulgar’ (iyashii).91 Accordingly, early-modern culinary books, which frequently dressed up ordinary dishes and ingredients with exotic names, referred to sardines as gomame, which evoked the benefits of hard work (gomame ni hataraku). Another euphemism for sardines, ‘prepar-ing the fields’ (tatsukuri), also carried an auspicious bucolic meaning despite the fact that it might remind some that sardines were so inexpensive that they could be used as fertilizer.92 Finally, the word ohoso was a word for sardine pre-ferred by sophisticated women. But common folk did not want their favorite fish to put on such airs as seen in the following comic verse: ‘When called ohoso, sardines are disliked in tenements.’93 Casting dried sardines as the most powerful sumo wrestler in the culinary banzuke elevated the measly fish to dizzying heights and would have earned a chuckle from readers.

The term Edo mae, which refers to fish caught in or near Edo, has become synonymous with the fresh fish served in sushi today; however, like the dried sardines just mentioned, the other seafood dishes appearing in Sumo program for cooking were either preserved in salt or cooked: none were served raw. Looking at the remaining top ten fish on the list, which includes gizzard shad, bonito, tuna, and herring, all were preserved in salt or cooked to avoid the problem of spoiling in the age before refrigeration. Of the 86 different types of seafood appearing on the culinary banzuke, almost 40% (39.6%) were pre-served, in contrast to the 67 varieties of vegetables and greens most of which were served fresh.94 All of the remaining fish appearing on the program were cooked and not served raw: the only sashimi recipes are for those that use vegetables. Salted versions of fish, unlike their fresh counterparts, would have been more familiar to readers who would have laughed at seeing preserved or

90 Senba, Nenjū bansai roku, 328.91 Kaneda, Edomae no sakana, 98.92 Gomame and tatsukuri are sometimes translated as anchovy, but the fish can also be con-

sidered a variety of sardine called in Japanese katakuchi iwashi. See Nakamura, Shinpan Nihon ryōri gogenshū, 147.

93 Ohoso to yonde, nagaya de nikumareru, cited in Nishiyama, Tabemono no Nihonshi sōkan, 431.

94 Ishikawa, ‘“Okazu banzuke” ni miru Edo shomin no nichijō shoku’, 127.

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boiled fish given greater prominence in the culinary banzuke and more desir-able raw cuts of raw fish completely ignored.

The main reason for the preference for salted or dried fish was cost. Raw fish could be purchased at sashimi restaurants in Edo, but it was quite expen-sive and probably out of the price range of most buyers of mitate banzuke. Morisada mankō quotes the price of sashimi at 48 to 200 coppers per serving at specialty restaurants in Edo on days when fish was plentiful, implying that the prices could be higher on other days.95 As one comic verse put it, ‘Sashimi is like eating money, so says my wife.’96 The poor man’s version of sashimi appears in Sumo program for cooking, namely salted tuna (maguro sukimi), an expensive delicacy nowadays, but cheap in the early-modern period. Accord-ing to Morisada mankō, inexpensive specialty stores sold maguro and bonito for 50 coppers a serving.97 Since tuna was viewed as a relatively cheap fish, one of the recipes on the culinary banzuke dresses it up as a substitute for pheasant.

The ranking of vegetarian foods similarly typecasts the cheapest dishes as the most powerful wrestlers. Six of the top ten vegetarian dishes on Sumo program for cooking utilize tofu, beginning with the top vegetarian dish, ‘Sim-mered eight-cup tofu’ (hachihaidōfu), a popular recipe that called for marinat-ing long strips of tofu in four cups of water, two cups soy sauce, and two cups of sake, or some variation of these liquids.98 The tofu is then simmered in the marinade.

Star Simmered eight-cup tofu (hachihaidōfu)

Co-star Simmered konbu with fried tofu (kobu abura’age)

Headliner Julienne fried burdock (kinpira gobō)99

Opening Acts Simmered soybeans (nimame)100

Grilled tofu simmered in soy sauce soup ( yakidōfu suishitaji)

95 Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 5, 54. 96 Cited in Watanabe, Edo no onnatachi no gurume jijō, 99. 97 Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 1, 124. 98 For instance, another recipe for this dish uses six cups water, one cup of sake, and one

cup of soy sauce, and the same recipe notes that other proportions are possible. See Matsushita, Zusetsu Edo ryōri jiten, 148.

99 This dish is fried in sesame oil and flavored with sugar, chili pepper, sake, and soy sauce. See Hosking, A Dictionary of Japanese food, 79.

100 Mame usually refers to soybeans, but the recipe can be made with other beans such as kidney beans or black soybeans (kuromame). The beans are soaked until plump and then brought to a boil, after which the water is changed and the beans cooked until tender. Sugar is added and then soy sauce, Nakamura, Shinpan Nihon ryōri gogenshū, 526.

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Hijiki seaweed with tofu (hijiki shiroai) Simmered dried daikon (kiriboshi nitsuke) Simmered taro stems and fried tofu (imogara abura’age) Fried tofu grilled with soy sauce (abura’age tsukeyaki) Boiled mustard spinach with soy sauce (komatsuna hitashimono)

The prevalence of fried tofu dishes reflects its low price. Small servings of grilled and fried tofu cost just five coppers.101 ‘I love tofu’, declared Cheap Hyōe, one of Shikitei Sanba’s bathers in Bathhouse of the floating world, ‘but I can only buy a small half block, and if there is any left I would never give it to the dog!’ True to his name, Cheap Hyōe chose an inexpensive way to sup-port his tofu habit. ‘Everywhere there are eateries and these are so convenient’, he declares, ‘so I can buy a serving of grilled tofu, and satisfy my stomach.’102 Senba Gengo, writing in Record of everyday dishes, explains, ‘Everyone enjoys tofu’, but he declared that it was inappropriate to serve tofu to guests in the hot summer, indicating that the more elite audience of Senba’s cookbook sought to distinguish itself from lower-class diners epitomized by Cheap Hyōe who strove to eat tofu all the time.103

Following the ‘miscellaneous’ section at the top of Sumo program for cook-ing, the dishes are organized into four seasonal sections with twenty dishes on each side for each season, except for fall which has twenty-six dishes for each side, and winter which offers only nineteen vegetable dishes, but twenty seafood dishes. Sumo program for cooking includes only one egg dish, ‘Omelet simmer’ (tamago toji), listed at the bottom of the page, standing lonely in the category of winter seafood dishes. In this recipe, the egg is used as a binding for pieces of fish and seafood in broth to create a fish omelet in soup. The section of spring dishes below can serve as a sampling of the types of menu suggestions offered by season.

101 In contrast, the price of fresh tofu was high in Edo, which makes the number of grilled tofu recipes in the highest ranks in Sumo program for cooking understandable since these were less expensive to make. Vendors sold blocks of fresh tofu for twelve coppers in Osaka and Kyoto according to Morisada mankō, but in Edo the price of fresh tofu was 50-60 coppers per block depending on the price of soybeans, albeit that the blocks in Edo were slightly bigger than the ones in Osaka and Kyoto. See Kitagawa, Morisada mankō, vol. 1, 170. After some tofu makers created smaller blocks of tofu and tried selling these for the same price, a city ordinance (machi bure) promulgated in Edo in 1843 stipulated that a block of fresh tofu should measure 21cm in length × 18 cm width × 6 cm thickness. See Ehara, Nihon shokumotsushi, 143.

102 Shikitei, Ukiyoburo, 156.103 Senba, Nenjū bansai roku, 323.

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Spring dishes in Sumo program for cooking

Fish VegetarianTuna à la grilled pheasant Vegetable spring rolls (kenchin)104 (maguro kijiyaki)105 Boiled seaweed with shellfish Carrot and daikon salad (ninjin shiroae) (hijiki mukimi ) Sardines in vinegar and miso Wakame seaweed in vinegar and miso (iwashi nuta) (wakame nuta)Sardine fishballs (iwashi tsumiire)106 Wild chervil roots stir-fry (mitsubane abura iri )Mackerel preserved in miso Vegetable chowder (noppei ) (saba misozuke)Slow-simmered snails (tanishi iritsuke) Salad of lotus root buds (hasu ki no me ae)Fresh-water clam soup (shijimejiru) Parboiled and pressed lettuce (hōrensō hitashi)Grilled salted trout (yakishio masu) Fried tofu in soy sauce soup (aburaage suishitaji)Salted herring roe (kazunoko) Wild chervil with dried daikon (mitsuba harihari)Small saurel with wild chervil Boiled udo with nori in clear soup (koaji mitsuba) (nori ni udo suimono)Dried sardines (teri gomame) Daikon in miso black bean stock ( gototsuke harihari)Squid with buds of Japanese pepper tree Grilled tofu with sweet miso and pepper Japanese (ika ki no me ai) buds (ki no me dengaku)Dried squid grilled with soy sauce Seared burdock (tataki gobō) (surume tsukeyaki)Fishcake of prawn and fish muscle Bracken with ganmodoki (warabi (shiba to suji kamaboko) ganmodoki )107

Fish paste cake simmered with greens Salad of Japanese butterbur leaves (nani hanpen) ( fukihakiri ae)

104 Finely chopped vegetables and bean sprouts are wrapped in fried tofu or soy milk skin (yuba) and then fried, boiled or steamed. The dish was popularized in early modern Japan as part of Chinese-style Buddhist vegetarian cuisine (fucha ryōri).

105 In the dish ‘Tuna à la grilled pheasant’, fatty tuna serves as the substitute for the more expensive fowl. The dish is prepared using thinly sliced tuna, which is first marinated in soy sauce and miso, then grilled.

106 Tsumiire are made with fish paste mixed with flour, salt, and other seasonings. They are formed into balls and dropped into boiling water or hot broth to cook.

107 Ganmodoki, also known as hiryōzu, is tofu mixed with yam, chopped vegetables, gingko nuts, and other ingredients, which is formed into a ball and deep fried.

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Oyster salad (kaki namasu) Raw seaweed in vinegar, soy sauce and sugar (nama nori sanpaizu)Short-neck clam salad (asariki namasu) Parboiled and pressed edible chrysanthemums ( yomena hitashimono)Fish cake with yam and wild cheveril Dandelions in miso dressing (tanpō (shinjo mitsuba) misoae)Octopus with yam (iidako tsukuimo) Stems of greens parboiled and pressed (kukutachi hitashi)Boiled and dried small sardines Dropwort in sesame dressing (taseri no (chirimen zako) goma’ae)

In contrast to modern diets filled with animal protein, the dishes in Sumo program for cooking have been called ‘health foods’, in spite of the fact that the preserved seafood and the pickles were high in salt.108 The list of ingredients indicates a preference for vegetables at a ratio of three to two compared with seafood; and fresh items outnumber preserved foods seven to three.109 The frugality of the dishes in Sumo program for cooking is perhaps what is most surprising by modern standards of Japanese cuisine. Some dishes in the Sumo program for cooking incorporate dandelions and carrot leaves as ingredients. And one has to look hard to find dishes familiar to modern diners. Tempura appears just once as an autumn fish dish. There are two vegetarian sashimi dishes using eggplant and devil’s tongue, but no sashimi dishes using raw fish and no mention of sushi at all.

The variety of side dishes in Sumo program for cooking belies the fact that diet in early-modern Japan was quite monotonous. Rather than a parade of different delicacies like those on the culinary banzuke, the role of a side dish in a daily diet was probably akin to a one-man show where the enter-tainer’s contract keeps getting extended day after day if not week after week. The monotonous diet lasted through the first half of the twentieth century in Japan. ‘Our daily meals were pre-determined’, observed Mrs. Kinoshita Kiyo, an 84-year old resident of Tokyo born in 1915, who reflected on her childhood in Asakusa, the heart of the city’s merchant downtown. Mrs. Kinoshita’s account bears many similarities to the diet of Edo common-ers. She states:

Besides pickles and miso soup, there were boiled soybeans for breakfast, boiled vegetables and a grilled fish for lunch, and for dinner something like fried veg-etables, a simmered dish, or some fish or vegetables poached in soy sauce. Sashimi

108 Ishikawa, Ōedo banzuke zukushi, 30; Nakada, Ōedo nan de mo rankingu, 163.109 Ishikawa Naoko, ‘“Okazu banzuke” ni miru Edo shomin no nichijō shoku’, 127.

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was a treat only for a special occasion, and there wasn’t anything like fruit for a dessert after a meal like today.110

Like the dishes appearing on Mrs. Kinoshita’s table, the side dishes featured in Sumo program for cooking were boiled or grilled. But unlike in the real world, where only a few dishes appeared at once and could be the same day after day, the dishes in Sumo program for cooking were presented simultaneously and in far greater diversity, making them much more appealing for readers accus-tomed to a drab parade of the same foods every day.

Beyond the diversity of dishes appearing on the culinary banzuke, the heroic new roles given ordinary foodstuffs in Sumo program for cooking would have resonated the most to a wide audience. Ordinary readers could easily pass up eating a snack to purchase a banzuke, but they would have been unable or unwilling to forego several weeks of meals to afford a printed cookbook that described a style of dining far removed from their life experiences. Nor should consumers of the culinary banzuke have to worry that they are miss-ing anything by not reading best-selling culinary books or dining at the finest restaurants, since elite food culture is not mentioned at all in Sumo program for cooking. Instead, the banzuke proclaims its dishes, for ‘kitchens all over the world’. The everyday foods appearing on the culinary banzuke made from tofu or sardines, not to mention the ubiquitous varieties of pickles, would have been all too familiar at meals even in poorer households. Sumo program for cooking puts these commonplace foodstuffs on a pedestal, ignoring more rarified and expensive delicacies in order to champion the meals of Edo’s com-moners and by extension the people who ate them. True to the genre of mitate banzuke that celebrate the mundane, Sumo program for cooking translates the everyday efforts of the average consumer having to contend with eating simi-lar foods day after day (and perhaps sometimes even struggling to afford them) into an imagined contest where the dishes themselves, made more desirable for their diversity and prestigious ranks, fight with one another for the diner’s attention. Readers of culinary banzuke become empowered spectators of the contests between vegetables and fish, which were certainly silly but perhaps easier to understand for their simplicity than the economic forces controlling the market or the rigid status system of the Tokugawa government which obstructed social mobility and constrained consumption with sumptuary laws. While an actual meal was only a transitory experience and may not even have tasted good, the imagined struggles between fish and vegetables writ-ten in a bold cursive that calls out for the viewer’s attention on the culinary

110 Hausu Shokukin Kabushiki Kaisha Hību Shitsu, Meiji, Taishō, Shōwa no shokutaku, 77.

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banzuke could be studied and enjoyed time and again, offering entertainment even when other forms of nourishment and the means to procure them were lacking.

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The Tastiest Dish in Edo: Print, Performance, and Culinary Culture in Early Modern Japan, 3(2) East...

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Transcript of The Tastiest Dish in Edo: Print, Performance, and Culinary Culture in Early Modern Japan, 3(2) East...