The Strength of Thoughts, the Stench of Blood: Amazonian ...

Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of LowlandSouth AmericaISSN: 2572-3626 (online)

Volume 4Issue 1 Special Issue in honor of Joanna Overing: In theWorld and About the World: Amerindian Modes ofKnowledge

Article 7

May 2006

The Strength of Thoughts, the Stench of Blood:Amazonian Hematology and GenderLuisa Elvira BelanundeUniversity of St. Andrews, [email protected]

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Recommended CitationBelanunde, Luisa Elvira (2006). "The Strength of Thoughts, the Stench of Blood: Amazonian Hematology and Gender," Tipití: Journalof the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America: Vol. 4: Iss. 1, Article 7.Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol4/iss1/7

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Tipití (2006) 4(1&2):129–152 © 2006 SALSA 129ISSN 1545-4703 Printed in USA

The Strength of Thoughts, the Stench of Blood: Amazonian Hematology and

Gender

LUISA ELVIRA BELAUNDEUniversity of St. [email protected]

JoannaOveringhasarguedthatifthestudyofAmazonianmenstrualpracticesweretoavoidfallinginaCatch-22thatwouldsentencewomentothelosers’benchinthegameofprestigeagainstmen,ithadtodistanceitself from theoretical assumptions about patriarchy and draw insteaddirectly upon indigenous understandings of autonomous selves andthoughts-made-bodies (1986). Her depictions of the Piaroa necklacesof“beadsofknowledgeofmenstruation,”brought fromcelestial crystalboxes andwornbywomenon and“in” their bodies, became classics ofAmazonian literature, setting a landmark for the study of indigenoustheories of corporality and thought. Men and women’s beauty, skills,fertility, products and children, she states, are their thoughts: they aretheoutcomeoftheircapacityforknowledge,carefullyincorporatedfromthe gods and put in action autonomously in their work. According toOvering:

ForthePiaroaallculturalcapabilityiswizardry,includingmenstruation,whichisconsideredalongwithhunting,fishingandsorceryastranscendentknowledgeacquiredthroughmaripa teau,or“lessonsinwizardry”(1986:147).

InPiaroaclassificationallcreationforwhichanindividualisresponsibleissaidtobethatperson’sa’kwa(thought).Thus,theproductsofone’slabor,aperson’schild,andasorcerytransformation,suchasthewizard’stransformationintojaguaroranaconda,areallsaidtobethatperson’s“thoughts”(1986:148)

Twentyyearslater,agrowingwealthofethnographiesenablesustoputtogetheracross-culturalpictureofwhatbloodistoAmazonianpeoplesandexplorewhythemanagementofitsflowiscrucialtobothgenders.Here,IlaythegroundworkforanAmazonianhematologyaimingtounlockthesignificanceofbloodinrelationtogender,knowledgeandcosmology.I

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130 Luisa Elvira Belaunde

focusonissuessuchastheembodimentandgenderingofspirits,thoughtandstrengthintheblood,themanagementofbloodthroughpracticesofdietandseclusion,andtheprocessesof“changeofskin”setinmotionbybloodlettingandthestenchofblood. Despite Overing’s inspiring insights, the study of menstruation didnot make it to the central stage of Amazonian theoretical debates. Infact, thesamemaybesaidofgender,anunpopularcategoryofanalysisamongAmazonianists (Descola2001). Ihope the argumentsgatheredherewillcontributetoreversethissituation.Mostrecentethnographiesof Amazonian perspectival shamanism and cosmology highlight thetransformationalmultiplicityofthebodyconceivedasaremovable“skin”or“cloth”(ViveirosdeCastro1996;seealsoRosengren(intra);Santos-Granero(intra),Storrie(intra);andLagrou(intra).Ontheotherhand,somerecentandnot-so-recentethnographiesalsoprovideexaminationsof indigenousconceptsofbloodandits linkstopersonhood(C.Hugh-Jones1979;Albert1985;Brown1985;Crocker1985;Lima1995;Reichel-Dolmatoff1997;Karadimas1997;Goulard1998,Surrallés1999;Guzmán1997; Belaunde 2001; Conklin 2001a; Gonçalves 2001; Rodgers 2002;Garnelo2003;Colpron2004).There isaneedtoarticulateAmazoniannotionsofbloodwithcurrentviewsonperspectivisminordertopositiongenderwithinthetheoreticaldebatesoncosmology.Indeed,ourapproachestocosmologymaymisstheirtargetsunlesswetacklethequestionofblood.Substantialethnographicevidenceshowsthatamongadiversityofculturalgroupsblood isconceivedasafluidembodyingandgenderingpersonalspirits, thought and strength, and transporting knowledge to all bodyparts.Bloodoperatesbothwithinpeople’sbodiesandoutsidethem.Thebloodletbypeoplehasatransformationaleffectuponlivedexperience,andopens the curtains of communication andperceptionusually separatingdailyexperiencefromothercosmologicalspace-times.Itsinterconnectionwithshamanismisthereforefundamental.ThroughoutAmazonia,lettingbloodisthe“changeofskin/body”par excellence,anditiswomenwhomostsalientlybringitaboutintheirmensesandchildbirth. InordertotacklethequestionofwhatbloodmeanstoAmazonianpeoples, I turn once again to Overing for inspiration. In the articlementionedabove,shesuggeststhatgenderrelations,likeallothersocialrelations,arearticulatedarounda“philosophicalnotionofwhatitmeanstobedifferentandequal”(1986:140),aPan-Amazonianprinciplesustainingthe appropriatemixingof thingsdifferent and same for the creationofsocialexistence.ThisprincipleunderpinstheAmazonianconceptionofreciprocityasboth“arelationshipofequalityandofdifference”atworkinalldimensions,fromdailylifetocosmology(Overing1981).Themixture

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The Strength of Thoughts, the Stench of Blood 131

ofdifferenceandsamenesssustainsallrelationshipsofreciprocity,includingrelationshipsbetweensame-genderandcross-genderpartners.Menandwomen are united in reciprocal links and transactions in siblinghood,seduction,marriageandotherritualaspects.Therefore,theirrelationshipsalsorespondtoadynamicsofequalitywithindifference,andofdifferencewithinequality. AnthropologistsfromvarioustheoreticalapproacheshaveincorporatedOvering’ssuggestion,buttheyhavedonesoprimarilywithrespecttomaleaffinalpartnershipsofpoliticalandcosmologicalscope.Asregardsmale-femalepartnerships,theinvestigationhasmostlyremainedconfinedtotheauthor’sstudents.Forexample,Gow(1991),Lagrou(1998),McCallum(2001),andLondoño(2001)haveconsistentlydemonstratedthatgenderrelations are woven together by the means of intertwining processes ofdifferenceandsameness.MystudyofAiro-Paigender(Belaunde2001)is probably the most extreme as it sustains that men and women are,dependingonwhereonestands,eitherthesamespeciesortwodifferentspecies.Nottwohumanspeciesthough,buttwospeciesofbirds.GenderthuspermeatesAiro-Paiperspectivalcosmology. From the point of view of the Airo-Pai gods, men are carnivorousoropendolas(Icteribus sp.),singerbirdsandweaversofnestshangingfromtree branches. Women are talkative green parrots (Amazona sp.), seedeatersnesting inholesopenedup intreetrunks. Thus,eachgender,orratherbird species,provides itsownnest tobringup its chicks, aswellasitsmaterialtechnologies,food,defensivestrategiesandunderstandingsofpowerandgenderrelationswithin itsspecies. Menaretheir father’syoung,womentheirmother’s. Yet, suchaspeciesdifferentiationbringsouttheequalityexistingbetweenthegenders,sincebothmenandwomenhave the same full responsibilities towards the raising of their young.Conversely, fromthepointofviewof the living,menandwomenareasamepai“people.”Hence,theirdifferentiationisconstructedoutoftheirsameness. Afewdaysafterbirth,girls’genitaliaareoperateduponandthe canihuë neanco “dark skin/body” border of their labia minora is cutoff, causing thembleeding. Girlshave theirbodiesmadeopen—likeaparrot’snest—lesttheyremainëmëje paiye,“likemen,”meaningunabletomenstruateandgivebirth.Thusconstructed,theabilitytoletbloodsetsthegendersapart,butnotinarigidnordefinitivemanner.Womenaresaidtobe“likemen”whentheycarrynotracesofblood,meaningnovisibletracesbutalsonotracesofblood’sstench.Menaresaidtobe“likewomen”whencarryingtraces,orthestench,oftheirownorotherpeoples’blood.Although bleeding is primarily defined as a female attribute, for bothgendersblood-lettingbringsaboutachangeofcanihuë“skin/body.”Such

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The Strength of Thoughts, the Stench of Blood: Amazonian Hematolo

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asheddingisrequiredforfertilityandrenewal,butitalsorendersmenandwomenvulnerabletotheattackofbloodthirstyspirits.Observingaperiodofdietandseclusionisthebestmeansofregulatingthetransformationaldynamicssetinmotionbybleedinganditsstench. TakingthetheAiro-Paiethnographyasastartingpointtolaygroundsfor anAmazonianhematology, I argue that blood constitutes themainvehicleofbothgenderequalityandgenderdifference. Bloodgeneratesrelationships that unite humans as much as they divide human beingsintomenandwomen. Indeed,manyethnographies showthatblood isconceivedascreatingarelationshipbecauseitcirculatesthroughthebodyputtingallitspartsincommunicationandfillingthemwiththoughtandstrengthforpurposefulaction.NooneexpressesthisbetterthanMichaelBrown(1985)inhisintroductiontoAwajun(Aguaruna)magic,whenheasksShajiánWajai’sanapparentlytrivialquestion:“Dopeoplethinkwiththeirheadsortheirhearts?”AccordingtoBrown:

Hedrankfromabowlofbeerthathiswifeheldouttohim,thensaiddelib-erately,“Thepeoplewhosaythatwethinkwithourheadsarewrongbecausewethinkwithourhearts.Theheartisconnectedtotheveins,whichcarrythethoughtsinthebloodthroughtheentirebody.Thebrainisonlyconnectedtothespinalcolumn,isn’tit?Soifwethoughtwithourbrains,wewouldonlybeabletomovethethoughtasfarasouranus!”(1985:19)

With characteristic Amazonian sense of humor, Shajián Wajaimakes it clear thatblood isnot something tobeconstantly spiltbut tobemovedthroughtheveinsendowingallbodypartswiththoughts.Theheart is the center from which thoughts are propelled, reaching all theorgansandenablingapersontoactupontheworld in interactionwithothers.Thefood,objects,words,music,smellsandchildrenproduced,aremanifestationsofaperson’sgoodcirculationof thoughtsexteriorized inphysicalrealitythroughtheirskilfulandeffortfulwork.InAwajun,asinmanyAmazonianlanguages,“thought”entailsthenotionofrememberingwithcompassionthoseonelovesanddoingsomethingtoalleviateortoavoid their suffering.1 The thoughts circulating in the blood thereforetranslateintoworkandtheeffectivebestowalofcarebetweenkinsfolk. Similar notions are found among many other Amazonian culturalgroups.InYine(Piro),giglenshinikanutameans“memory,love,thought,andthinkingaboutsomebody.” Thememoryof thecarereceivedfromotherssustainsrealkintiesandthesenseoflivedexperienceandhistory,while lack of generosity brings about the breakdown of kinship (Gow1991:150). In Candoshi, the characteristic expression magochino “myheart thinks” is better translated as “my heart thinks about somebody,

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orsomethingwithregardtosomebody,”sinceone’sthoughtsarealwaysintendedtobenefitsomeonewhomoneholdsinmind,orrather,intheheart (Surrallés 1999:128). Among the Wari’ and the Airo-Pai, lazy,mean,andenviouspeople,unwillingtobestowcareuponothers,aresaidto“havenoheart”forthey“don’tknowhowtothink”(Belaunde2001:107;Conklin2001b:141). Such a lackofheart entails a lackofbodygiventhatthoughtlesspeopledonotexerciseanyproductivebodilyskills.Theirbodies are “worthless” (no vale, the Airo-Pai say in Spanish). Lackingthought,lackingbodyandlackingkinarethusinextricablylinked,apointoftenrenderedexplicitinAmazoniansemantics,suchasinSharanahua,accordingtowhich“mykin”literallymeans“myflesh”(Siskind1973:22). Althoughtheheartisaperson’scenterofthought,thisdoesnotmeanthat itmonopolizesall thoughtprocesses. Thoughtmayalsobe seatedinotherpartsofthebody,buttheheartbringsthemall togetherunderits unifying beat and flow of blood. Thinking with one’s heart meansthinkingasafluentwhole,ratherthanasdisconnectedbits.Furthermore,thecentreofthoughtmaynotevenbeconfinedtoaphysiologicallydefinedorgan.AmongtheCashinahua,forexample,allbodypartsaresaidtobethoughtfulsincetheyallhaveyuxinspiritscarriedinthebloodflowandinthebreath,andmoldedinthehumanbody.Alivingbodyissustainedbyitsspiritualcapabilitiesofknowledgeandagency,andiscontinuouslylearning from its interactions with others as it exteriorizes itself in itsproductsofwork(seeSantos-Granero(intra),onnoncorporealmodesofknowing).Forthisreason,afullyknowledgeableperson,una haida haiyaki,issomeonewhoseentirebodyisknowledgeableandwhoishardworkingandgenerouswithknowledgeandproducts(Kensinger1995:246;Lagrou1998:78;McCallum2001:5;DeshayesandKeifenheim2003:105). Among theMuinane, the center of thought is lodged in a person’s“basketofknowledge,”correspondingtothethoraciccage,andisfedwiththehearingofwordsofadvicefromeldersandtheconsumptionofspiritualfoods, such as tobacco and coca for men, manioc, peppers and scentedplants forwomen(Londoño2004:28). AmongtheMacuna,üsi,avitalspirit linkedtobreath,resides intheheartandcombineswithtüoiare,alearningabilitybasedonhearingandimitation.Thoughtsarerecordedinone’s“earcottons”andkeptinvarious“benchesofthoughts,”oneofwhich,inwomen’scase,islodgedintheuterus,whilstoneofmen’s“benchesofthoughts” is an extension of their bodies—a ceremonial wooden benchusedforsitting(Mahecha2004:160).AmongtheWari’,thephysiologyof the heart is inextricably linked to affect, digestion and breath. Theheart transforms food into blood through the intermediary of breath.Whenapersonmakesaphysicaleffort,deeperbreathingfostersastronger

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heartbeat,whichinturnfacilitatesthetransformationoffoodintobloodandfluidbloodcirculation,which in turn, leads to theaccumulationofbody fat and stamina tokeepworking andproducing food for self andkin.Thoughtfulpeoplearehardworking,robustandhealthy,whilstlazy,meanandenviousonesareslimandill.Sadnessalsocontractstheheart,impedinggoodcirculationandleadingtothelossoffatand,eventually,todeath(Conklin2001b:142). Theheartanditsbloodflow,therefore,appearasthehubofaperson’sexistence in constant transformation throughout his or her life cycle.ThisideaisalsoprominentinChristopherCrocker’s(1985:45)ground-breakingexaminationof theBororo“hydraulics”ofraka. Bloodand itsderivatives, semenandmilk, are raka, the siteof theunionof thebope,principlesoforganictransformation,andthearoe,theeternalsoul-namesrecycled through thegenerations and that sustainall livingbeingswiththeir spiritual vitality. The blood flow takes the immortal soul-namesalongtheirreversiblecourseofaperson’slifeandsocialhistory,enablingthatpersontolearn,workandbemovedbypredatoryappetitesspecifictohisorherbeing,genderandsubjectivity.AsCrockersuggests,duetotheirbloods,menhunt,womengather,birdsflyandjaguarskill(1985:36). Crocker’s study provides key elements of Amazonian hematology,resonating with several other ethnographies, which I summarize asfollows. Babiesarebornwith littleblood. For this reason, theirspiritsare weakly connected to their bodies, they have little knowledge, andthey may easily become ill and die. The connectedness of their spiritsincreasesastheirbloodlevelsgrowaftereatingandincorporatingnamesandcapabilities fromspiritualsources. Throughoutchildhood, learningthroughimitationandhearingfollowssame-genderlines,culminatingatpuberty,whenboysandgirlsreachtheirmaximumbloodpotential.Fromthen on they should exercise their capabilities “copulating, carrying outphysical labor,dancingandsinging”(Crocker1985:42). Intheiryouth,menandwomenhavedifferentbloods,knowledge,staminaandappetites,and women’s menstrual and postpartum blood poses a threat to men’shealth,upsettingtheirbloodflow. Ingeneral, illness isconceivedasanimbalance of a person’s blood volume, speed, temperature, color, smelland/orthickness.Emotionalstatesarealsostatesofthebloodandmayendupinillness.Anger,inparticular,entailsanaccelerationandheatingofblood,andneedsmanagingwithcare. Theobservanceofperiodsofdietandseclusion,includingsexualabstinence,isakeytechniqueofbloodflowregulation.Dietandseclusionareobservedindividuallybymenandwomen and, to a minor extent, collectively by all those close to them.2Blood runs down the generations. Through their bloods and derived

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sexualfluids,menandwomentransmittotheirchildrentheir“physical,moralandspiritual”personalcharacteristics(Crocker1985:109). Bloodalsounitescoresidentsincirclesofsupportandrevengeincaseofinjuryand/ordeathofabelovedone. As timegoesby,people living togethercome to share theirfluidsandbecomealike. Withaging, thebloodofbothgendersweakens and the connectionof their spirits is attenuated.Menandwomenloosetheirproductiveskillsandtheirdrivetopredate,manifestedinthelossoftheirteeth.Finally,ancestorsneverfight,theyareneverill,fortheyhavenoblood(Crocker1985:117). Recentethnographiesprovidenewandmoredetailed linksbetweenblood,genderandknowledge.InherstudyofCashinahuapersonhood,McCallumargues(2001:5)thatbodyandgenderareinseparablebecausethere is no body preexisting gender. Rather, “gender is embodiedknowledge.”Ifollowonfromherargumenttoshowthattheembodimentofknowledgeingenderedpersonsgoeshandinhandwiththegenderingofblood.Forexample,Guzmán(1997:57)mentionsthecaseofaQuichuaCanelomanwhohadabloodtransfusionfollowinganaccident.Whenhewokeup,heworriedlyaskedwhetherhehadreceivedthebloodofawomanoraman.Forheconsideredthatifhehadreceivedawoman’sblood,hewouldhave incorporatedaspectsof thatwoman. Whatdifferentiates aman’sbloodfromawoman’sbloodisnotanimmutablegenderessence,butrathermenandwomen’spersonallifeexperiences:whattheyhavelearned,eaten, and done, and with whom; the spiritual powers and names theyweregiven,andbywhom;thecompanytheysharedthemostduringdaytimeanddreams.Allthoselivedexperiencesareembodiedintheblood,differentiating men from women, as well as differentiating one personfromtheotherinauniqueway.Differencesbetweenwomen,andbetweenmen,remainhighlysignificantandcannotbereducedtoen blocpredefinedstaticgenderidentities.Eachpersonembodiesbeingamanorawomaninhisorherownpersonalmanner. Various recent ethnographies show that, generally, male blood isconsidered thicker, darker, hotter, and it carries stronger thoughts thanfemaleblood,duetothefactthatusuallymen’sworkusuallyrequiresmoreintenseexertionandboldnesstofacedanger.Butthisdependsontheactualworkcarriedoutbyindividualmen. Thesightofaman’sveinsbeatingprotuberantlyunderhisskinisaproofofhisownpersonalmanlythoughts.Thisdoesnotentailthatmalebloodisbetterthanfemaleblood.Rather,itmeansthatgenderedpersonshavethekindofbloodcorrespondingtotheirownpersonalspirits,thoughtsandwork.Furthermore,hardworkingwomenmayhavemorestrength inthebloodthanmanymen;certainlymore than male urban dwellers, forever sitting behind a desk (Goulard

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1998:119;Surrallés1999:103;Colpron2004:202).Itcouldbearguedthat“vitality”isamoreappropriatetermfordescribingtheindigenousconcept.Isuggest,however,thatvitalityandstrengthrefertotwodifferent,thoughintimately linked, notions. Vitality refers to the spirits, souls and/ornames,infusinglife,knowledgeandstrengthintheblood(seeRosengrenintra;andSantos-Granero intra). Ontheotherhand,strength ismorespecifically theability tocarryouta skilled job requiringdisciplineandsweating,thatisenduring“suffering,”asAmazonianpeopleoftenputitwhenspeakinginSpanishorPortuguese.Strengthis,therefore,acrucialdemonstrationofspiritualvitality. Thisideaismadeclear,forexample,in theUitotowordsofknowledge, rafue. Men’s rafue, infusedwith thespiritualvitalityofcocaandtobacco,areneverthelessnothingbutbakaki“stories”unlessthey“makerealitydawn”withthesufferingandsweatofa person’s work (Candre and Echeverri 1993:162; Echeverri 2000:43).Sweatis“thepathofbirth,”boththebirthofproductsandthebirthofchildren.AsYinewomenexplain,“makingstrength,”sweatingandcopingwithpainbythemselvesarethemeansthroughwhichwomenmakebabiesdawnintothisworld(Belaunde1993:134).3

Nevertheless, it is preciselywomen’sdemonstrationof strength andthoughts in childbirth that most significantly distinguishes their bloodfrommen’s.ThroughoutAmazonia,postpartumbleedingisconsistentlyregardedastheformofbloodlossthatbringsaboutthegreaterspiritualdangersfor the father, baby and mother, and for all those sharing theirexistence. Menstruationcomessecond,andethnographies indicatethatmenstrualbleedingisregardedasaformofchildbirthbleeding,inasmuchas it is often attributed to an interrupted pregnancy, and/or a purge ofexcessive and/or dirty blood needed to initiate a successful pregnancy.Menstruationiscertainlynotconceivedasa“naturally”occurringorganicprocess.Itisproducedbyothers,bythemeansofritualinterventionandphysical manipulation of female genitalia, including sexual intercourse.Indeed, the ideas that sexual intercourse causes women to menstruate,thatsexuallyinactivewomen“dryout,”andthattheaccumulationinthewomboflargequantitiesofsemen—fromoneormorefathers—isrequiredto interrupt menstruation and complete gestation, are found acrossAmazonia (Albert 1985:580; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997:62; McCallum2001:17;Conklin2001b:116;Rodgers2002:107). Menstruation isalsowidelyattributedtowomen’ssnake-likesheddingof“skin/body”andtheirsynchronicitywithmooncycles. Cross-culturally, aswell aswithin culturalgroups,menandwomenhold multiple, not necessarily consistent or integrated, understandingsof menstruation. Unfortunately, there are few ethnographic studies on

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this specificmatter. Nevertheless, thepoint Iwould like to stresshereis that the available evidence indicates that Amazonian views drawprocessual links between menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation,contraception, and (possible) abortion. Methodologically, this impliesthatonestageoftheprocessneedstobeunderstoodwithrelationtotheothers(Belaunde1997).Inordertograspthesignificanceofmenstrualandpostpartumbleeding,oneshouldthereforesituatebleedingwithintheprocessofgestation:gestationstartstobeapossibilitywithmenstruation;itiscarriedoutwiththeaccumulationofsemeninthewomb,andcompletedwithpostpartumbleeding. That is,bleedingmarksboth thebeginningandtheendofaprocessofdédoublementandgenerationofanewbeing.Indeed,acrosstheAmazon,women’smenstrualandpostpartumbleedingissalientlyconceivedasadangerousdédoublementeffectuatinga“changeofskin/body.”4 Tofurtherthestudyofbleeding,oneshouldthereforeturntothosemastersofdédoublement,snakesandthemoon.ThroughouttheAmazon,bleedingisrelatedtowomen’sintimaterelationshipwithanacondas.Thewateranacondaisamasterofdédoublement,forithasatwoforkedtongueandpenis,mayliveinwateraswellasonlandandtrees(Lagrou1998:241),andembodiesthecosmicrainbowandunderwaterserpentregardedasthe“mother”or“owner”ofallsnakes.Likesnakes,womenshedtheirskin/bodyandproducepoisonoussubstances.Theirpoisonis,asGussarguesfortheYekuana,“themosttoxicandsavageofallculture”(1994:67).Butforatropicalforestpeopleusedtoderivetheirlivelihoodfromtheskilfuluseofpoisons,menstruationisapreciousgift.Morethananyotherpoisonused inaYekuana’s livelihood—curarehuntingpoison,barbascofishingpoison,bittermanioc,animalandplantpsychoactivesubstances,etcetera—women’s bleeding brings about the most dramatic transformations andrequiresthemostcarefulprocessing.Italsohasthepowerofrenderingother poisons ineffective, an ideaheldby various other cultural groups.Curareandbarbasco,andevensnakepoisons,arespoiledbymenstruation(Brown1985:65).Maniocbeerturnsfoulanddangerous.Materialtools,blowguns,basketsandfishingtrapsbecomeuseless.Huntersmisstheirshots and become irritable (Lima 1995:203; Rivas 2004:15). Shamansarealsoaffected.Theymaygetheadaches,suffernasalhemorrhagesandswollen spleens, and become unable to contact the divinities. Instead,during shamanic sessions they attract bloodthirsty spirits and havemaddening “bad trips” (Arévalo 1986:155; Fausto 2001:342; Belaunde2001:53). Ingeneral,contaminationwithwomen’sbloodisheldasoneofthemajorcausesofillness(Garnelo2003).AccordingtotheMacuna,the stenchofwomen’s blood“kills people’s thoughts,” soiling their“ear

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cottons” with heat and making people angry (Århem et al 2002:207;Mahecha2004:06).Inotherwords,thebloodletoutofwomen’sbodiesaffectsthebloodcirculatinginsidemenandwomen’sbodies,anddestroysitsabilitytoconveyspirits,thoughtandstrengthtoallbodyparts.UsingtheMacunaexpression,onecouldarguethatthebloodletbywomenisa“killerofthoughts”andskillfulagency,andisthereforehighlynegative.Yet,atthesametime,theobservanceofdietandseclusioncleansesandrestoreswomen’sbloodflow,makingitstrongerandmorethoughtful.Italsogiveswomenlongerlivesthanmen(C.Hugh-Jones1979). Women’s successful transformation when bleeding depends on theobservance of strict restrictions, principally by themselves, but also bytheirpartners.Bleedingwomengenerallyinterruptmost,oratleastsome,of their daily chores and observe a period of sexual abstinence, eatingfoodconsidered“bland,”suchasvegetablesandthemeatofanimalsandfishsaidtohave“littleblood.” Theirdietexcludesthemeatofanimalsregardedashaving“lotsofblood,”suchastapir.Womenalsoavoidgoingtotheriverortheforest,touchinganypieceofmaterialcultureandcomingclosetomen.Restrictionsareparticularlyenforcedduringthecelebrationofagirl’sfirstmensesandafterchildbirth,buttheyarealsoobservedtoaminordegreeeverytimemenstrualand/orpostpartumbleedingoccurs.Atpresent,amongmanyculturalgroups,thereisatrendtowardsabandoningsuchpractices,aswellasotherindigenousreproductivepracticessuchascontraceptionandbirth-spacing(Mahecha2004:162;Belaunde2005:141).Until the recent past, however, female puberty was endowed with thehighestsocialsignificanceamongmanyculturalgroups,andcelebratedinextraordinarygatheringsoftheentirekinnetwork(Guss1994:165;Gow1999:235;ValenzuelaandValera2005:60). Menwerefullyinvolvedintheorganizationofthefeastandtheywerealsorituallyresponsibleforlookingaftertheirwomenwhenevertheywereinseclusion.AmongtheMacuna,tothisdate,malehealersareresponsiblefor providing ritually chanted red body paint carayurú (Bigmonia chica)to cover the stench of women’s “peeling skin” with a hail of spiritualimperceptibility, protecting them from attracting bloodthirsty spirits.5Schoolgirls,studyingawayfromhome,regularlyreceivespecialordersofchantedcarayurúfromtheirparentsbackinthevillage.Menoftencookandlookaftertheirfamilieswhiletheirwivesremaininconfinement(Århemet al2004:210;Mahecha2004:170).Women’sbleedingthuscreatesanarenawherethebalancingofpowerrelationsandinterdependencybetweenmenandwomenisactedout. Of all the aspects relating to women’s bleeding, women’s ritualsubordination tomen is theonlyone thathasgeneratedaprofusionof

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anthropologicalwritings.Amazonianmythicalnarrativesconcerningtheoriginofmenstruationasderivingfromadispossessionofpower,expressedforexamplethroughstoriesofhow,originally,men,notwomen,bled,areputforwardbyseveralanthropologistsinsupportoftheargumentthatwomenhaveasubordinatedstatusinsociety.Nevertheless,someauthorscontendthattheritualsubordinationofwomendoesnottranslate intodaily life(MurphyandMurphy1974;Jackson1992;Ladeira1997;Franchetto1999;Lasmar2002;CoimbraandGarnelo2003;Garnelo2003).Regardlessofwhethermythicalnarrativesareorarenotindicesofmalehierarchy,itisundeniable that thesenarrativesmakeapointof categoricallyassigningbleedingtowomen,thussanctioningtheimpositionofsevererestrictionsuponthem.But,itisequallytruethatthesamenarrativesassigntomenthedifficultresponsibilityof“healingtheworld”andlookingafterthewell-beingofbleedingwomeninacosmosfilledwithdangerandrevenge.6 Therefore,ratherthanreadingsuchnarrativesasmereindicesoffemalesubordination, I suggest, following Overing’s (1986) footsteps, readingthemasstatementsonthegenderingofbodiesandritualresponsibilities.In the mythical repertoire of each cultural group, menstrual narrativesdonotstandinisolation,butratherbelongtowidermythicalcyclesthatnarrate the progressive acquisition of proper male and female agencies.Somenarrativestelloftheacquisitionofmenstruation,othersofgenitalia,others of breastfeeding, others tell how women learned to give birththroughthevagina,andsoforth.Intheprocessofbecominggendered,maleandfemaleconfrontoneanotherdrivenbytheirappetitesforfoodandsex,progressivelyshapingtheirbodiesandacquiringknowledgeandresponsibilities. ThePiaroamythoftheoriginofmenstruation(Overing1986)providesagoodexample.Buok’ausedtohavesuchalongpenis,hecarrieditwrappedaroundhisshoulders.Womenadoredhim,butinsteadofsatisfyingtheirdesire, his penismade them insatiable for sex. Theirhusband, Wahari,Buok’a’syoungerbrother,drivenby jealousy,choppedBuok’a’spenis toasmallersizeandwomenacquiredmenstruationaftercopulatingwithhimbleeding.Astheybled,theydroppedtheirworkandWahari“wasleftwithalltheworktodo.”Waharithendecreed:“Menshouldnotmenstruate,womenshould.”AcomplementarytaleisfoundintheAiro-Painarrativeaboutthevagina dentata(Belaunde2001:63).Moon’swiveshadapairofclappingjawsintheirvaginas,threateningcastrationtowhoeverdaredtoapproachthem.Moonusedhiswives’bitingjawstocarvepalmsinhishandsandfeet.Then,withhisnewhands,herolledapieceofAstrocaryumfiberstomakethread,andusedittopullouthiswives’jaws,causingthembleeding. These two narratives, which some may relate to castration

11




anxiety(Gregor1985),aremorepreciselystoriesaboutthemutualshapingofgenderedbodiesandmoderatedappetites.WhilePiaroawomenwereravenousforsex,Airo-Paiwomenfiercelyrejectedit.Attheend,Buok’aisnotcastrated,butgivenanormalsizepenis,andMoonturnsthethreatofcastrationintoatooltogetdexteroushandsandfeet,andtodisarmtheferociousvagina.Nevertheless,boththePiaroaandtheAiro-Painarrativesmakeitclearthattheacquisitionofgenderedbodiesgoeshandinhandwiththeonsetofrivalryandrevenge:therevengeofblood. The significance of revenge in relation to the transformations setin place by bleeding becomes clearer when considering that women’scycles are also closely associated with the moon. The moon governsthe tides—the waning and waxing—of all liquids, including blood, asthey run along meandering snakelike rivers and veins. In Amazoniancosmologyandmythology,Moonisamajorfigure,oftenexplicitlypairedtothewateranaconda,asintheCashinahuafigureofYube“Moon/Snake”(Lagrou1998:240). Yet, thefigureofMoonhasbeen left outofmosttheoreticaldebates. Amajorgapexists, inparticular,with regards to amythicalthemefoundacrosstheAmazon,whichmaybecalledthestoryofMoon’sincest.Elsewhere(Belaunde2005),Iattempttobeginfillingthis gap by undertaking a comparative analysis of the theme. WithunfailingAmazonianhumor,numerousnarratives—eitherseparatedshortnarrativesorsectionsoflongerones—relatetheoriginofwomen’sbleedingtoanincestuousrelationshipbetweenMoonandhissister.7Typically,thestoriesgoasfollows.Moonvisitshissisteratnight,hidinghisidentityinthedark.Wishingtoknowwhoherloveris,shestainshisfacewithblackpaint(Genipa americana).Hisincestuousdeedsarerevealedwhen,inthedaylight,sherecognizesherownprintonhisface.Moonisthenashamedand/orkilled,oftenbydecapitation,literallyloosingfaceandplacinghisseveredheadupintheskyasareminderofhisdeeds.TheSharanahuaversionreportedbySiskindprovidesagoodexample.

“Listen,Iwilltellyou,”saidBasta:InthedarknessMoonmadelovetohissister.Itwaseveningandhekeptmakinglovetoher.Shewonderedwhoherloverwas,sointhedarknessshepaintedhalfofhisfacewithblackgenipa.Thenextdayshewatchedthemengoingalongthepath.Suddenlyshesawtheman.“No,itcannotbe,itismyolderbrotherwhohasgenipaononesideofhisface!”“Mayyoudie!”shesaid.“Mayaforeigner(nawa)killyou!”Heranfromhisangrysister,crying…(Siskind1973:46).

AsIhavearguedelsewhere(Belaunde2005:261–80), thenumerousvariationsofthestoryofMoon’sincestandkillingfoundacrossAmazoniahave as a common leading thread a quest for knowledge: the desire to

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knowwhoone’sloveris,awishfulfilledbythemeansofawoman’sfirstactofwriting,whichbroughtaboutMoon’skilling.Beforedepartingforthesky,Moonleavesthebloodofhiskillinginremembrancetowomen,andinrevengeforawomanhavingimprintedherpalmonhisface.Variousversionsofthestoryestablishthatafterbleeding,women’sbelliesgrewwithpregnancy, thus directly linking menstruation to the onset of gestation.Moon,shininginthenightskywiththeinscriptionofincestonhisface,is aprimordialdead fatherbreaking through thedarknessofnight andignorance,andimposinghisrevengeuponthelivinginthebloodletbywomenatmenstruationandbirth.Hisshameanddeathcreatethesine qua nonconditionfortheexistenceofkinshipthroughtime:memory.Thememory of the primordial incest and killing reenacted in the blood bywhichchildrenareborn. From these narratives, it emerges that the differences between thebloods of men and women reflect their different knowledge of Moonand incest. Indeed, amongvarious culturalgroups,whenwomenbleedtheyaresaidto“seeMoon,”reenactingintheirbloodflowthemythicaleventsofMoon’sincestandrevenge.8However,women’sbloodisseldomgivenattentioninthedominantparadigmofincestestablishedbyalliancetheory,suchasinLévi-Strauss’(1964:318)MythologiquesandinSiskind’sSharanahua ethnography. Exception made of the Barasana studies (C.Hugh-Jones1979;S.Hugh-Jones1979), theemphasis isplacedalmostunilaterallyupon theestablishmentof theexchangeofwomenbetweenmaleaffines,whichis indirectly impliedbyanthropologists(sincerarelymentionedinthenarratives)tobeaconsequenceoftheincestuousbrother’sexpulsion. MyownreadingofthestoryofMoon’sincestfollowstheexplanationsprovidedbyTomásRomán,aUitotoleaderofColombia.InaspeechheldinNovember2004attheUniversityofLeticia,heexplainedinSpanishthat although animals, referring to land mammals, especially peccaries,were people in mythical times and were similar to Uitoto people in asmuchastheytoohadleadersandlivedorganizedingroupswhileroamingintheforest,theyneverthelessdifferedfromUitotobecause:“Theydonotremembertheirparents.Whentheyaregrownuptheydonotrecognizetheirparents.That’swhytheycommitincest”(Belaunde2005:255). FollowingTomás Román’s explanations, I suggest that the story ofMoon’s incest isa taleofhowmemorymakes itpossible forwomentodistinguish brother from husband. In bleeding, women assert, in anembodiedform,theirknowledgeof incestandtheirabilitytorecognizetheir kin. Thus, the myth presents the differentiation of sibling fromspousefromafemaleperspective,notamaleperspectiveaspresentedin

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alliancetheory. Bleedingisafemalecapacityforknowledgeentailingthemostsociallysignificantconsequences,andhenceitcanbeseenasafemalepowerratherthananindexoffemalesubordination.Atthesametime,theknowledgeof bleeding is not solely confined to women, since men are also bornfromthebloodletbywomenandmayalsobleedandcausebleedingtothemselves and other. Although banished from among the living, theprimordial incest of Moon is the founding instance of human kinshipforitimposesthedomainofmemory.Thatis,itimposesthedomainofenduringknowledge,orrather,thedomainofaknowledgethatreturns—thatdoesnotget lost—like themoonfinds itwayback in the sky, likeonecomesbacktoconsciousness,remembersandrecognizesone’skinandsurroundingsafterwakingupinthemorning.Itshouldbepointedoutthat invariousAmazonianlanguages, thewordfor“moon”ispolysemicand, among other meanings, it translates as “time/season” (Reichel-Dolmatoff1997:65).Moon’sincestandkillingthereforeestablishesthetimesofhumanmemory. TheideaiscrucialtoAmazonianconceptionsofknowledgesince,asIhaveargued, inAmazonian languages“thinking”means rememberingone’skin,longingforthem,andactingsoastobestowcareandsustenanceuponthem.Theabilitytorecognizeone’skin,inscribedinthebloodflowgovernedbyMoon,isdeterminantofhumanthoughtanditsexerciseindailyproductiveactivities.Furthermore,Moon’sincestandkillingremainspresentindailylifeandengenderschildren.Periodically,thebloodwomenletduringmenstruationandthepostpartumreenacttheepisodesofMoon’srevenge.Incestuousandnonincestuousrelationshipsthereforecoexistasmythicalanddailyrealitiesalsocoexist.Childrenarebornfromwomen’ssexualintercoursewithmen(whoaretheirchildren’snon-incestuouslivingfathers)andwithMoon(whoistheirchildren’sprimordialincestuousdeadfather).9 Although women’s bleeding is the most salient form of “change ofskin/body,”menmayalsoundergotransformationssimilartowomen’s.Forexample,intheXinguarea,atpubertyboysshedbloodfromtheirearsasameansofopeninguptheircapacitiesforhearingandmoralunderstanding.Excessiveblood retention andblood loss,heat and cold, are consideredharmful; therefore bleeding is used as a technique for managing men’shealth throughout their lives. Scarification, in particular, is frequentlyperformedbyfighterstobecomestrongandtoexpeltheexcessivebloodaccumulatedinthebelly,whichcauseslaziness(Seegeret al1979).Bloodin the belly also affects homicidal men, who are considered to “ingest”their victim’s blood in the act of killing. The enemy’s blood is said to

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penetratehiskiller’sbelly inrevenge(Albert1985:375;Lima1995:132;Conklin 2001b:161; Fausto 2001:467; Viveiros de Castro 2003:47;Århem et al 2004:224). Ethnographies fromvarious regions show thatAmazonian people draw explicit parallels between male posthomicidalandfemalemenstrualand/orpostpartumseclusion.AsViveirosdeCastro(2003)pointsout,posthomicidalseclusionritualsrevealthefeminizationofhomicidalmen inasmuchas thekillerwhosuffers the revengeofhisenemy’sbloodissomehowimpregnatedbyitandspirituallyboundtohisvictim’scorpseandpostmortemdestiny.Afterobservingaperiodofdietandseclusion,thekilleremergesfromconfinementendowedwithanewbody,spiritsandknowledge,readyagaintobegineating,working,sexualrelationships, and engendering a child from the transformation of hisenemy’sandhisownblood. Thefeminizationofthekiller,oneshouldstress,doesnotmeanthathomicidal men may turn into women as a sanction for not followingseclusionrestrictions(Belaunde2005:187).Rather,ithighlightsthefactthat homicidal men are “like women,” borrowing the expression usedbytheAiro-Paiandseveralotherculturalgroups, inasmuchasbleedingoperatesadédoublementsimilartowomen’s“changingskin/body”duringmenstrualandpostpartumbleeding.Theinextricableassociationbetweenbleedingandbeingfemaleisnotsurprising,giventhatitiscategoricallystated in Amazonian mythology in numerous ways. Bleeding entailsbeinginthefemalepositionandsufferingrevenge,whichisnecessaryforfertilityandrenewal.Homicidalmendonotbleedtheirblood,onemayargue.It’stheirenemies’blood.But,womendonotbleedtheirownbloodeither.TheybleedMoon’sblood.Bothhomicidalmenandwomenfindthemselves under the revenge of their enemy’s blood and vulnerable tosimilardangers. Inorder toprotect themselves fromsuchdangers,andappropriatelyprocess their enemy’s blood for renewal and fertility, theyneedtoobservesimilarritualsofdietandseclusion. Theactuallistofdangersattributedtothehomicidalmenandbleedingwomenwhobreaktheirdietandseclusionvariesfromculturalgrouptoculturalgroup.Somearemoreseverethanothers,includingmeteorologicalthreatsliketheonsetoffloods,windsanddarkness,andpersonalthreatslike bad posture, laziness, gluttony, precocious aging, illness, madness,seductionandabductionbyspirits,pregnancybyspirits,anddeath(Albert1985;Lima1995;Conklin2001b;Fausto2001;ViveirosdeCastro2003,Reagan2003;Århem et al2004;). Acommonidearuns throughallofthesedangers:while“changingskin/body”menandwomenaresusceptibleto undergoing an uncontrolled transformation that would render them“other,”andalienatethemfromtheirkin,eitherpartlyorcompletely.In

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theworstscenarios,suchalienationwouldeitherkillthemorrenderthemtotallyunabletorecognizetheirkin:becominglost(Belaunde2005:187).Forexample,considerthewordsofMacunahealers:

Awomanischangingskinwithmenstruation;thatiswhyshecannotgototheforestorstayunderthesunorgototheriver[…]Ifshewalksbytheriver,aviolentwindawakes;inthetreesthereisaspeciesofstalkcalledbutuasenathatcomedowntoearthandtakeontheshapeofanyanimal.Theycomedowntreestoattackthewomanwhohashermensesandtheymaytakehertotheirhouse;inthatmomentthewomanbecomescrazywhensheseeshowanimalscomeoutfromeverywheretokidnapher(inÅrhemetal.2004:211–213;mytranslation).

Throughout Amazonia, the blood let, and especially its stench,is regarded as having a transformational effect upon lived experience,similar to psychoactive substances, opening the curtains of perceptionand communication usually separating daily experience from “other”cosmologicalspace-times.But,unlikepsychoactiveplantsubstances,thestenchofblooddoesnot enable the communicationwithdivine space-timesforhealingpurposes.Insteaditsetsinplaceuncontrollablespace-times of transformational multiplicity, when/where animal/plant/spiritstake human form—as they had during the primordial mythical space-times—and take revenge upon humans, seducing and stealing thosewhoaremadeperceivablebythestenchofblood,renderingtheseunlikethemselves,sickandalientotheirhumankin. The Asháninka homicidal rituals illustrate well the transformationofperspectiveandalienationattachedtomenwhoareimpregnatedwiththestenchoftheirenemies’blood(Regan2003).Tothemironti,aspiritwiththeshapeofatapirwhohasaninvertedperceptionofthegenders,homicidalmenareattractivewomen,whomheseduces indreams. Forthisreason,itiscrucialthatkillersshouldremainawakeduringseclusion.Ifakillerfallsasleep,hewouldfallunderthemironti’sspellandperceptionoftheworld,becomingpregnantbyitandgivingbirthtomonkeysandlizards.Madlyinlove,thekillerlosesthememoryofhiskin,fleeingfromthem,wailingfortheloveofmironti.Theonlystrategytochaseamirontiawayistosprayhimwithbreastmilk,sinceinitsinvertedperceptionofgender,women’sbreastsareenormoustesticles,whichhorrifyhim.Thekiller,however,mayneverrecoverthememoryofwhohewasbeforefallingunderthespell.Somemayarguethatthisritualunderstandinghighlightsthe extreme feminization of the killer. However, the killer seduced bythemironti doesnotbecomeanAsháninkawoman,motherofAsháninkachildren.Hebecomesanalienatedbeing,unabletorecognizehiskin,and

16




mothertomonsters. AmongtheAsháninkaandseveralotherculturalgroups,asimilarthreatofalienatingfertilityisplaceduponbleedingwomen.Storiesproliferateabout women who, breaking their bleeding confinement, went by therivershore,fellunderadolphin’sspell,andgavebirthtodolphinchildren,Somewomenaresaidtohavegonemad,irreversiblylosingthememoryoftheirkin,anddrowningfortheloveofadolphin.InvariouspartsoftheAmazon,bothruralandurban,thechildrenofunknownfathers—asocialstatepracticallyinexistentintherecentpast—arecalled“dolphin’schildren,”andwhentheyarefair-skinned,theyare“reddolphin’schildren,”forreddolphinsareconsideredspiritsofdead“whites.”Thedolphinfigurehasthusbeenrecasttomakesenseofthecurrentbreakdownofpaternalresponsibilities, population mixing and seduction exerted by “whites,”their ways of life and their money, and the disillusion often followingrelationshipswithsuchtrickyandevasive“others”(Regan1983:80;Slater1994:202;Gonçalves2001:371;Lasmar2002:28;Cárdenas2005:6; andValenzuelaandValera2005:43). The aspects of Amazonian hematology brought together in thispaper revealwhatcouldbecalledacross-cultural“snake-like” theoryofblood,articulatedaroundthenotionof“changeofskin/body”thatiskeyinAmazonianperspectivalshamanismandcosmology.If,asViveirosdeCastro argues, “the body is the site of perspectives” (1996:128), then Isuggestthatbloodisanoperatorofperspectives.InAmazonia,bloodisapsychoactivesubstance,probablythemostpowerfulone.Itcarriesthoughtandstrengthandembodiesaperson’sspiritsandknowledge,bringingbacktomemory theknowledgeof self andkin sustaining livelihood. Bloodunites humans as much as it divides them into men and women, first,because blood transports embodied knowledge gendering the person,andsecond,becausebleeding isexplicitlya femaleposition,although itisnotoccupiedbywomenonly. Women’sbleedingistheremembranceofMoon’s incestandkilling, theprimordial instance foundingmemory,kinshipandfertility,derivingfromthetransformationalfertilityofMoon’srevenge.Menmayalsobe“likewomen”whentheyfindthemselvesundertherevengeoftheirenemy’sblood,similartobleedingwomenundertherevengeofMoon.Bleedingis,onemaysay,aprimordialfemaleprerogativesharedbybothgenders,becausebothgendersarefertileandbleedingis“the possibility to make other beings emerge” (Gonçalves 2001:233).But it is a possibility that needs to be managed with care to obtain afertilitythatprovidescontinuitytohumanmemory.Thestenchofblood,betrayingbleedingevenwhenitcannotbeseenortouched,setsinmotionthetransformationalmultiplicityofrevengeof“other”cosmologicalspace-

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times,bringingaboutthedangeroflossofhumanmemory. Given the salient place of bleeding in cosmology, I suggest thatAmazonian shamanism should be better characterized as a shamanicreproductivecomplex.Studyingshamanismasthoughitexistedoutsidemenandwomen’spracticesofbloodmanagementisanamputationofitsscope.10Evenwhenwomendonotattendshamanicsessions,whichisoftenthecasegiventherestrictionsplaceduponthembytheirbleeding,theymanagetheirbloodflowjointlywiththeirpartners.Menmaynotpracticeshamanismeitherwhentheycarrythestenchofbloodorofsemen,abloodderivative. The couple’s joint management of their blood bears salientconsequencesupontheirreproductive life(Reichel-Dolmatoff1997:65).Furthermore,amongvariousculturalgroups,womenpossessavarietyoftechniquestomanipulatetheirbloodflow,acquireshamanicexpertise,andattend and lead shamanic sessions when they are “like men,” protectedfromthetransformationalmultiplicityofthestenchofblood(Perruchon1997;Mader1997;Belaunde2001;Colpron2004).Beingaman,orbeingawoman,isnotarigidlydefineddichotomy.BorrowingOvering’swords,itisamatterofdifferencewithinequality,andequalitywithindifference.

NOTES

Acknowledgments. Research for this paper was funded by the Coordenação deAperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Ensino Superior (CAPES, Brasil) and theInstitutodeSaúdeColetiva (ISC)of theUniversidadFederaldeBahia. I amgratefultoFernandoSantos-GraneroandGeorgeMentorefortheircommentsandorganizingtheeditionofthisvolume.ManythankstoJoannaOveringandNapier, aswell as toallher students,withwhomIhave sharedmanypleasanttimesofdiscussion. 1. For comparison, in Iquito, a Záparo language of Perú, the indigenousconceptofthoughtisexpressedassaminíjuuni “beingpreoccupiedwithsomeone”and tar++ni“feelingnostalgiawhenabsent.” Interestingly,“toprepare food” is saminiini, evidencing the link between thought and food provision (Bier andMichael2003;Sullón2005:9). 2.Observingdietandseclusiontogetherisanaffirmationofkinshipties(DaMatta1976).Duringgestation,childbirthandthepostpartum,dietandseclusionareinstrumentalinconstructingmen’sresponsiblepaternitytowardsthefetusandmother(Ladeira1997;Rival1998;Belaunde2005:271).

3.InIquitom+ra“children”andm+r++ni“toengender,tohavechildren,”issemanticallyrelatedtoandm+r+taani“tocope,toendureineffort”;cut++niis“tobeborn,”cut++t++ni“tolookafterabirthingwoman,”and.cut+t++ni“todawn”(Sullón2005:7;Huamancayo2005:8).

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4. In Iquito, Qu++raqui, “menstruation” is the radical from which derivequ+raani , “topeel, to take the skinoff.” Qu+racama is ahut usedbywomenduringtheirmenses,regardedasadangerousplace,andqu+ranameansdanger(Sullón2005:5).

5.Similarideasaboutredbodypaint(carayurú Bigmonia chicaand/orachioteBixa orellana)areheldthroughouttheAmazon(Vilaça1992:67).

6.AccordingtotheMacuna,menstruationcameaboutwhenthefourmaleAyabaroa“LivingBeings”stoletheyuruparíflutesfromRõmi Kumu,the“WomanHealeroftheWorld.”Sheconsequentlycursedthemasfollows:“Sinceyoustole‘that thing’ fromme,even if youaregoodhealersandhave lotsofknowledge,you will live having problems with other peoples, until the end of the world”(Mahecha2004:158;mytranslation).Duringtheyuruparímalepubertyrituals,theboysaresubjectedtorestrictionssimilartobleedingwomenandhomicidalmen.Iftheyweretobreaktheirdietandseclusiontheywouldbecomepregnantoftheyuruparí,gomadand/ordie(Århemet al 2004:224).

7. Among the Desana, the girl is Moon’s daughter (Reichel-Dolmatoff1997:165). Among Iquito, she is his mother-in-law (Huamancayo 2005:3).AmongtheUitoto(Belaunde2006)thegirl’sdesiretoknowherlover’sidentityisinstigatedbyhermother,andamongtheShipaia,(Lévi-Strauss1964:318),byhernon-incestuousbrothers.Thecomparativeanalysisofthesocialsignificanceofthesevariationsstillneedstobedone.

8. Listening to the story of Moon’s incest has a performative effect uponwomenandmayeffectivelycausethembleeding,asSiskindreports(1973:57)fortheSharanahua.Kensinger(1995:35)alsostatesthatateachnewmenses“menandwomenareremindedoftheconsequencesofincest.”

9. Multiplepaternity(BeckermanandValentine2002)mayinvolveseveralliving fathers, whose semen accumulate in a woman’s womb, and also severalspiritordeadfathers.MoonisnottheonlyspiritfatherfoundintheAmazon.Among the Shipibo, children may be fathered by living fathers and cháiconibocelestialspirits(Colpron2002:267).Amongculturalgroupspracticinghomicidalseclusionrites,deadenemiescontributetofatheringtheirkillers’children(Fausto2001:467;ViveirosdeCastro2003:47).AmongthePirahã,gestationstartswitha“fright”sufferedbymenstruatingwomenduetotherevengeofanimalsofpreywith“lotsofblood”(Gonçalves2001:227).

10. SnakesandthemoonalsohaveamajorplaceinAmazonianshamanism.Among ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis caapi) drinkers, such as the Cashinahua,ayahuascaisconsideredthebloodofYube“Moon/Snake.”Itisalsocallednawa himi,meaning“enemy’sblood.”Ayahuascamakesthosewhodrinkitpregnantofworldsofimagesemergingfromtheirbellies(Lagrou1998:98).

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