The Social Category Caboclo - History, Social Organization, Identity and outsider's Social...
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THE SOCIAL CATEGORY CABOCLO HISTORY, SOCIAL ORGANIZATION, IDENTITY AND OUTSIDER'S SOCIAL CLASSIFICATION OF THE RURAL POPULATION OF AN AMAZONIAN REGION (THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES) by Deborah de Magalhães Lima-Ayres A dissertation submitted to the University of Cambridge in partial fulfilment of the conditions of application for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social Anthropology King's College Free School Lane Cambridge Cambridge January 1992
Transcript of The Social Category Caboclo - History, Social Organization, Identity and outsider's Social...
THE SOCIAL CATEGORY CABOCLO
HISTORY, SOCIAL ORGANIZATION, IDENTITY AND OUTSIDER'S SOCIAL
CLASSIFICATION OF THE RURAL POPULATION OF AN AMAZONIAN
REGION (THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES)
by
Deborah de Magalhães Lima-Ayres
A dissertation submitted to the University of Cambridge in partial fulfilment of the
conditions of application for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Social Anthropology King's College
Free School Lane Cambridge
Cambridge January 1992
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE .................................................................................................................... i
SUMMARY ..................................................................................................................ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ........................................................................................... iv
GLOSSARY OF WORDS IN PORTUGUESE .......................................................... vi
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
AIMS AND SCOPE OF THE THESIS .......................................................................1
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CHAPTERS............................................................8
THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND THE PLACE OF THIS
STUDY IN THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL LITERATURE ..........................................10
A NOTE ON FIELD WORK AND ON THE ANTHROPOLOGIST'S
BACKGROUND .......................................................................................................13
THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES REGION: THE ENVIRONMENT AND
SOCIAL CONDITIONS............................................................................................17
CHAPTER 2. WHO ARE THE CABOCLOS TODAY?
On the identity and the identification of the rural population of the middle
Solimões region
INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................22
THE CABOCLO STEREOTYPE: PARAMETERS OF SOCIAL
CLASSIFICATION ...................................................................................................22
The etymology of the word ......................................................................................23
The caboclo as a relational category .......................................................................24
The use of the term by Amerindian groups .............................................................25
The regional stereotype: objective and subjective
attributes...................................................................................................................27
The caboclo in the Amazonian literature .................................................................29
Caboclos and Northeasterners: contrasts, comparisons
and convergent evolution.........................................................................................32
Recapitulation of the colloquial conception of caboclos ..........................................38
AN ANTHROPOLOGY OF THE CABOCLO?.........................................................39
Review of the caboclo in the academic literature ....................................................40
Problems with the use of the term in the literature ..................................................43
Suggestions .............................................................................................................46
THE QUESTION OF CABOCLO IDENTITY...........................................................48
The pejorative connotation of the term ....................................................................48
Lack of an association with a political movement....................................................49
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The parameters used in the people's construction of
their own identity ......................................................................................................51
CONCLUSION.........................................................................................................57
CHAPTER 3. HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF CABOCLOS AND THE
PORTUGUESE COLONIZATION OF THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES
On the politics of ethnic domination and the cultural construction of a
subordinate social category
INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................58
CATHOLIC MISSIONS AND AMERINDIAN LABOUR...........................................61
The missions and territorial expansion ....................................................................62
The Aldeias and Amerindian labour .......................................................................64
The missions in the middle Solimões ......................................................................67
The end of the mission period .................................................................................69
THE DIRETÓRIO AND THE MIXTURE OF RACES ..............................................71
The objective of the Diretório..................................................................................72
A critical view of the Diretório by a government
official: the Ouvidor Sampaio's report.....................................................................75
Boundaries, Amerindians and food disputed in the
middle Solimões.......................................................................................................79
The population's ethnic composition after the Diretório .........................................82
Summary of the consequences of the Diretório.....................................................84
THE CABOCLO AS THE MIXED BLOOD:
DISCRIMINATION AND REVOLT...........................................................................85
The control of labour after the Diretório..................................................................86
The aftermaths of Independence: the Cabanagem revolt.......................................88
The mixed blood in the eyes of the white:
"a degrading race"....................................................................................................90
CONCLUSION.........................................................................................................95
CHAPTER 4. MODERN HISTORY OF CABOCLOS AND THE MIDDLE
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SOLIMÕES
On the consolidation of the economic basis of the definition of caboclos
INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................97
THE RUBBER PERIOD AND THE ROLE OF DEBT BONDAGE IN THE
EVOLUTION OF THE AMAZONIAN CLASS STRUCTURE ................................100
Aviamento before the rubber boom......................................................................100
Consolidation of aviamento during the rubber era ...............................................102
Class structure and the "caboclization" of migrants ..............................................106
FROM SUJEITO TO LIBERTO: THE EVOLUTION OF THE MARKET IN
THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES REGION .....................................................................110
First phase: forest extraction with urban-based
trade and residence ...............................................................................................111
Second phase: forest extraction with rural
residence and trade ...............................................................................................112
Third phase: forest extraction and rural residence
with urban commerce.............................................................................................117
CONCLUSION.......................................................................................................123
CHAPTER 5. EMPIRICAL MODEL OF THE CABOCLO ECONOMIC SECTOR
On the diversity of forms of social and economic organization of caboclo
communities of the middle Solimões region
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................124
LOCATING CABOCLOS IN THE ECONOMY OF THE MIDDLE
SOLIMÕES ............................................................................................................125
Peripheral economies ............................................................................................125
The constitution of peripheral economies..............................................................126
Merchant control of caboclo production in the
middle Solimões today...........................................................................................127
The issue of exploitation ........................................................................................130
THE TWO DIRECTIONS OF CABOCLO ECONOMIC PRODUCTION...............131
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Classification of modern types of domestic production .........................................132
Chevalier's critique of the conception of a peasant
sector in peripheral economies..............................................................................133
The distinction between the two spheres of production
based on the criteria of relations of production......................................................134
CHARACTERISTICS OF CABOCLO DOMESTIC PRODUCTION .....................136
The organization of economic activities within
caboclo households ...............................................................................................136
Characterization of parental authority in relation to
the developmental cycle of the domestic group ....................................................138
Sexual division of labour ........................................................................................140
The association between production, property and
reproduction ...........................................................................................................141
Economic relationships between households .......................................................144
THE DIVERSITY OF CABOCLO COMMODITY PRODUCTION.........................146
Land tenure and the social relations involved in
commodity production............................................................................................147
Wage labour...........................................................................................................150
The balance between commodity production and
household self-provision ........................................................................................151
Commodity production and inter-household
relationships ...........................................................................................................153
Commodity production and ethnic identity.............................................................154
COMMODITISATION AND CABOCLO DOMESTIC PRODUCTION ..................154
The concept of commoditisation............................................................................155
Amerindians, caboclos and proletarians................................................................156
Commoditisation and inter-household exchange ..................................................157
Commoditisation and patterns of consumption and
use of forest resources ..........................................................................................159
CONCLUSION.......................................................................................................160
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CHAPTER 6. ECONOMIC ETHNOGRAPHY OF CABOCLO COMMUNITIES
On cultural, social and economic causes of caboclo poverty
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................162
SOCIAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF NOGUEIRA, VILA
ALENCAR AND VIOLA..........................................................................................163
Location of settlements and commercial opportunities .........................................164
Differences related to the environment..................................................................164
LAND TENURE......................................................................................................166
Land tenure and entrance of new residents in the
terra-firme community Nogueira...........................................................................166
Land-tenure and entrance of new residents in the
várzea communities Vila Alencar and Viola ..........................................................168
Land partition .........................................................................................................170
Land tenure and claims of kin................................................................................172
ECONOMIC PRODUCTION IN VÁRZEA AND TERRA-FIRME..........................174
Manioc production..................................................................................................175
Varieties of manioc.................................................................................................176
Shifting cultivation ..................................................................................................177
The agricultural calendar .......................................................................................178
Harvest ...................................................................................................................179
Cycles of commodity production and sale.............................................................182
Seasonality and consumption................................................................................185
Summary................................................................................................................186
LABOUR AND VOLUME OF PRODUCTION .......................................................186
Chayanov's thesis on the specificity of a Peasant
Economy ................................................................................................................187
Family composition and caboclo agricultural
production...............................................................................................................188
Analysis of the evolution of sizes of roças in
terra-firme...............................................................................................................190
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The influence of land availability ............................................................................192
The influence of extra-family labour on sizes
of roças..................................................................................................................193
Dependence on yields from previous roças for
financing ajurís ......................................................................................................194
Economic differentiation of Nogueira residents .....................................................195
Additional demographic and idiosyncratic factors .................................................200
The combination of autonomous and corporative
economic behaviours .............................................................................................201
CONSUMPTION AND EXCHANGE .....................................................................202
Purchase ................................................................................................................202
Manioc flour as a measure of expenditure ............................................................203
Inflation...................................................................................................................204
CONCLUSION: EXAMINING MAXIMIZATION AMONG CABOCLOS ................209
CHAPTER 7. KINSHIP AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF CABOCLO
COMMUNITIES
On usufruct rights, shifting agriculture and the maximization of kinship
relationships
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................212
THE DEVELOPMENTAL CYCLE OF HOUSEHOLDS.........................................214
The cycle of the co-habiting family ........................................................................214
Shifting agriculture and the definition of
land holdings based on usufruct rights ..................................................................221
The kinship basis of claims on capoeiras and barracas .....................................223
THE KINSHIP STRUCTURE OF RURAL COMMUNITIES..................................231
The density of kinship relationships.......................................................................231
"Relinking marriages".............................................................................................234
Urban migration......................................................................................................236
THE PEOPLE'S CONCEPTION OF KINSHIP RELATEDNESS (1):
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The kinship terminology .........................................................................................238
The basic elements of caboclo kinship terminology ..............................................238
Caboclo kinship terminology compared.................................................................245
THE PEOPLE'S CONCEPTION OF KINSHIP RELATEDNESS (2):
The classification of individuals and households...................................................248
The association between kinship and locality........................................................248
The politics of kinship.............................................................................................251
CONCLUSION.......................................................................................................255
CHAPTER 8. SAINTS, ENCANTADOS AND RURAL COMMUNITIES
On caboclo religious practice and symbolic identity
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................257
AN OUTLINE OF CABOCLO POPULAR CATHOLICISM....................................258
Saints and encantados .........................................................................................259
Ethic and theodicy..................................................................................................268
SAINTS' FESTIVALS.............................................................................................272
The symbolic identity of caboclo Catholic communities ........................................272
The saints' festivals in the middle Solimões ..........................................................275
Social implications of saints' festivals ....................................................................278
RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND THE CABOCLO SOCIAL CATEGORY .................281
Syncretism and caboclo popular Catholicism........................................................282
The three Catholic religious sectors: the Church,
the urban congregation and the rural congregation ..............................................286
Religious diversity ..................................................................................................290
CONCLUSION.......................................................................................................293
CHAPTER 9. CONCLUSION
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................294
MAIN ARGUMENTS AND ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA............................................294
RURAL AMAZONIANS AND CONCEPTS OF DEVELOPMENT ........................301
THE ECOLOGICAL MOVEMENT IN WESTERN AMAZONIA, EXTRACTIVE
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RESERVES AND THE CREATION OF A NEW SOCIAL IDENTITY:
"The People of the Forest".....................................................................................305
A NEW PRACTICE OF CONSERVATION: VÁRZEA PEOPLE AND THE
FLOODED FORESTS OF THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES..........................................307
THE CABOCLO: A PROVISIONAL TERM? .........................................................309
REFERENCES .......................................................................................................310
APPENDIX 1. DOSSIER ON THE RESIDENT HOUSEHOLDS OF
FIVE COMMUNITIES .............................................................................................330
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PREFACE
The work described in this thesis was conducted from the Department of Social
Anthropology, University of Cambridge, and in affiliation with the Brazilian Research
Council (CNPq), the Brazilian Ministry of Education (CAPES) and the Federal
University of Pará (UFPa), under the joint supervision of Dr. Stephen Hugh-Jones
and Dr. Keith Hart. I declare that this dissertation is my own original work, except
where explicitly stated otherwise. No part of this dissertation has been submitted to
any other university for any degree or diploma, and the text does not exceed 80,000
words.
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SUMMARY
The term caboclo is widely used in the Brazilian Amazon as a category of social
classification. Caboclo is also used in the academic literature to refer to Amazonian
peasants. This dissertation discusses the complexity of each use of the term. In
colloquial speech, the definition of the social category caboclo is complex,
ambiguous, and is associated with a negative stereotype. In anthropology, the
definition of caboclos as "Amazonian peasants" is objective, and distinguishes
traditional Amazonian inhabitants from recent migrants. Both the colloquial and the
academic conceptions of the caboclo consist of outsiders' constructions of
categories of social classification. While this work argues in favour of maintaining
the academic use because it provides a reference term for a distinctive Amazonian
population, it suggests that the conceptual nature of the term, as well as the
difference between the colloquial and the academic uses should be acknowledged.
This way, the ambiguity of the colloquial use would be avoided and the colloquial
concept itself could be regarded as an important theme of analysis.
The complexity of meanings and the negative stereotype of the colloquial use are
associated with the history of Portuguese colonization of Amazonia. This work
discusses the history of Portuguese occupation and ethnic domination of native
Amerindians which led to the constitution of Amazonia's low class rural population.
The definition of caboclos as "Amazonian peasants" is discussed, based on field
work carried out in the middle Solimões region. Caboclos are described as a
peasant sector of the economy of this region, and their economy is characterized by
two productive spheres, distinguished by different relations of production:
production for direct use and commodity production. An economic ethnography of
rural communities in the two main regional habitats, várzea and terra-firme, shows
the diversity of social and economic conditions in these rural communities. An
analysis of the kinship basis of the social organization of rural communities
demonstrates the role of kinship in the economic, political and religious organization
of rural settlements. While religion constitutes a basis for the construction of
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community identity, religious practice does not constitute a basis for the formation of
a symbolic identity at the level of the caboclo social category at large. Religion both
creates links between caboclos and other social categories which follow the same
religion and differentiates between caboclos with different religious identities.
This work argues for the lack of involvement in a political movement as the reason
for the absence of a collective identity among caboclos. Contemporary concern for
the conservation of Amazonia may provide a basis for the constitution of a political
consciousness among caboclos. The rural people's recognition of the role they
might play in this new phase of Amazonian politics might lead to the creation of a
collective identity and motivate the people to adopt their own term of self-ascription.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This work would not have been possible without a great deal of help from many
people. I am especially grateful to Dr. Stephen Hugh-Jones, my supervisor, for his
constant encouragement and intellectual support. Stephen has been more than a
formal supervisor. His friendship and understanding have contributed towards
making my stay in Cambridge both pleasant and productive. I am also very grateful
to Dr. Keith Hart, who co-supervised my work, for accompanying the development
of this study and for providing many stimulating comments on earlier drafts of this
work.
A number of people read and made important criticisms on earlier versions of
chapters of this dissertation. I am deeply indebted to Dr. David Lehmann, Dr.
Barbara Bordehorn, Dr. Simon Colleman, Dr. Maya Unnithan, Dr. Stephen Nugent,
Dr. Richard Bodmer, Dr. Neide Esterci, Dr. Silvia Maia, and Dr. David MacGraff for
many useful comments. I am especially indebted to Dr. Françoise Barbira-
Freedman for reading, commenting and editing several chapters. Many friends
helped to improve my writing and corrected mistakes that one normally incurs when
writing in a foreign language. Sarah Green, Dr. Suzanna Rostas, Dr. Helen Watson,
Dr. Peter Henderson, Dr. David MacGraff, Dr. David Oren, Marta and Fabio Lahar,
deserve special thanks for their patience in editing different sections of the thesis. I
am grateful to the staff of the Department of Social Anthropology, in especial to
Mary, Margareth and Humphrey, for logistic support. Members of the writing-up
group - Barbara, Maya, Dan, Simon, Leela, Mario, Elizabeth, Paula, Clarissa, and
Mauro among others - were always great companions for coffee-brakes. My
Brazilian friends Luis, Mercedes, Vera, Marta, Fabio and their children provided me
and my family with a home-like environment in Cambridge.
I am deeply thankful to members of the Department of History and Anthropology of
the Federal University of Pará for granting a two year permission of leave and to
Professors Angélica Motta Maués and Ana Rita Alves for valuable discussions on
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the question of caboclo identity.
In Tefé, I owe a great deal to Dona Áurea, Ubiracy, Ana, and Dorotil Bessa, and to
Sônia and Inaldo Lima. I wish to thank all of them for their generous help on many
occasions. This work would not have been possible without the cooperation of the
residents of Nogueira and Vila Alencar. Their good humour and warmth easied the
pain of treating friends as "subjects". I shall remain for ever grateful to Margarida
and José, and to Madalena and Julino from Nogueira; and to Áurea and Pedro, and
Chagas and Marculino from Vila Alencar for their hospitality.
Family members usually provide the most important help to cope with the trials and
tribulations of coping with a thesis. My family has been especially supportive.
Throughout field work and writing-up, I have benefited enormously from the help of
my mother-in-law Iza, my mother Valdece, and my sister Patrícia. Other female
friends have also shared with me the responsibilities of motherhood, but the three
have done far more then the normal duties of close relatives. To three people I owe
my deepest thanks: my husband Márcio and our children Daniel and Lucas. Their
unlimited kindness and patience to cope with my absence made this work possible.
Finally, I wish to acknowledge the financial support of the Brazilian Research
Council (CNPq), the Brazilian Ministry of Education (CAPES) and the Federal
University of Pará (UFPa). King's College Cambridge helped with funds to purchase
field equipment and was especially helpful in providing a supplementary Nursery
grant for my sons Daniel and Lucas.
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GLOSSARY OF WORDS IN PORTUGUESE
açaí - (Euterpe precatoria, PALMAE) a palm fruit which is used to make a popular
drink
ajuri - a communal work party gathered mainly for manioc cultivation; a collective
form of labour exchange
Aldeia - a mission village during the colonial period
arigó - pejorative term for migrants from the Northeast
arraial - urban festival organized by the Church for the celebration of patron saints
aviador - one who supplies goods on credit
aviamento - trade based on barter calculated in terms of monetary values; involves
an informal credit relationship where manufactured goods are supplied in advance
in exchange for future payment in regional products; also a noun for the goods
supplied on credit
baiana - women from the state of Bahia; a typical large, white costume used by
women in Afro-Brazilian rituals and by food sellers in that state
barraca - a small thatched hut where a griddle for toasting manioc flour is placed
beijú - a pancake made either from fermented or fresh manioc dough
bicho visagento - shadows, ghosts or souls which take the visible form of an
animal
bôto - (Inia geoffroyensis or Sotalia fluviatilis) the Amazonian freshwater dolphins
brabo - untamed, wild, uncivilized (when applied to Amerindians) or unacquainted
with regional customs (when applied to Northeastern migrants)
Cabanagem - a popular revolt which took place in the Amazon between 1835 and
1836
cachaça - sugar-cane rum
cafuzo - cross between black and Amerindian
camponês - peasant
capoeira - secondary forest; farm plots left to fallow
caristia - hardship
cariú - tupi term for white men
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castanhal - (pl. castanhais) property of brazil-nut groves
catequista - lay instructor of Catholicism trained by the Church
caucho - (Castilloa sp., MORACEAE) a large Amazonian tree which produces latex
of a low commercial value
cearense - person born in Ceará state; in an extended use, migrants from the
Northeast of Brazil
cobra grande - gigantic snake which has the form of an Anaconda or Boa
(Eunectnes murinus or Boa constrictor); it is attributed with supernatural powers
colono - migrant farmer from the Northeast
colocação - area of a castanhal assigned to a group or a family of brazil-nut
collectors
comadre - term for women linked by godparenthood ("co-mother")
compadre - term for men linked by godparenthood ("co-fathers")
compadrio - godparenthood
comunidade - settlements with a political organization implanted by the Catholic
Church; in an extended use refers to any rural settlement in the middle Solimões
crente - a collective term for Protestants of different denominations ("believer")
crueira - coarse grains which remain after manioc flour is sieved
cupuaçú -large Amazonian fruit (Theobroma speciosum, STERCULIACEAE);
belongs to the same genus of cocoa
curupira - a goblin-like forest creature with inverted feet and no anus who punishes
hunters and protects forest animals
derruba - felling of trees for agriculture
desobrigas - periodic travels of Catholic priests to distant areas to provide for basic
sacraments
desvio de produção - the sale of extractive products to regatões, bypassing the
patron landowner to whom the producer is in debt
diária - daily wage
Diretório - extensive royal legislation decreed in 1757 which concerned
Amerindians; among other things, it removed the missionaries from the
responsibility of "civilizing" Amerindians and replaced them by lay directors
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Dona - Mrs
encantado - generic term for mischievous invisible human beings and/or
supernatural entities; belief of Amerindian origin
espiritismo - (also known as kardecismo) Spiritism influenced by the work of the
French Allan Kardec
farinha - coarse manioc flour
feiticeiro - witch
festa de santo - saint's festival
freguês - client in the patron-client relationship of aviamento
gaúcho - farmer or rancher from southern Brazil
gentio - heathen
goma - starch taken from manioc tubers
inverno - rainy season, coincides partially with the high-water season (literally
"winter")
Irmandade da Cruz - Amazonian messianic movement
juiz da festa - (judge of the feast) in saints' festivals, the person who is in charge of
the expenses for the saint's feast
juiz do mastro - (judge of the mast) in saints' festivals, the person in charge of the
expenses for the feast for raising the mast
Kupen - the term given by Gavião Indians (Tocantins river) for white men
liberto - freemen
língua-geral - lingua franca used in colonial times, based on the Amerindian
language family Tupí-Guaraní
macacheira - a group of varieties of edible manioc or cassava tubers (Manihot
esculenta, EUPHORBIACEAE)
mameluco - half-breed of Amerindian and European parentage, used as a
synonym for caboclo
mandioca - a group of several varieties of manioc or cassava tubers (Manihot
esculenta, EUPHORBIACEAE) which contain poisonous glucosides; only edible
after the poison is removed
maniva - the plant which produces manioc
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manso - tame; when used to refer to settled Amerindians, civilized
marreteiro - small trader
mercadoria - commodity
mordomo - in a saint's festival, the person responsible for organizing evening
prayers held between the feast for raising the mast and the feast for the saint
mulato - cross between white and black
município - subdivision of a Brazilian state, equivalent to a county
nordestino - born in the Northeast of Brazil; in Amazonia, generic name for
migrants from this region
novena - evening prayer (can be accompanied by a snack) held in the house of a
mordomo
Ouvidor - a public officer of colonial times, similar to a judge
pajé - shaman
pajelança - shamanism
panema - bad luck in hunting and fishing
parentes - relatives, kin
patrão - a patron who provides goods on credit (see aviamento), may be also a
landowner
pelourinho - whipping-post
piá - ritual performed during the first manioc harvest
pirarucú - one of the largest Amazonian fish (Arapaima gigas)
plantação - in the agricultural calendar, the period of planting
posseiro - squatters; in the Araguaia river, people who have the right to occupy the
land.
povos da floresta - people of the forest
produção - production
quadra - rough square measure used in Amazonia, considered equivalent to a
hectare
quebranto - young children's disease attributed to the effect of an adult having
admired the child
queima - the burning of fields for agriculture
xvii
rancho - Amazonian term for basic shopping
recreio - Amazonian passenger boat
regatão - (pl.regatões), itinerant trader(s)
regime do toco - regional term for the hardship regime of early aviamento
réis (mil-réis) - old Brazilian currency substituted in 1942 by the cruzeiro
reza - prayer
rezador - person who cures ailments with ritual prayer and/or blessings
ribeirinho - riverine dweller
roça - cultivated field; usually refers to a manioc field
roçagem - clearing land of underbrush
saldo - balance of the account in aviamento
seringal - (pl. seringais) a property of rubber groves
seringueiro - rubber tapper
sertanejo - inhabitant of the dry, interior lands of the Northeast of Brazil
Seu - Mr
sujeito - subject
tacacá - Amazonian drink made from manioc juice, spices and dried shrimp
tapioca - edible starchy grains made from manioc
tapuio - Tupi term for enemy; old Amazonian term for settled Amerindian,
occasionally applied to mixed breeds
tarefa - rough Amazonian square measure, equivalent to 50m2
terra-firme - non-flooded Amazonian terrains
tipití - tube made of palm fibbers used to strain manioc mash
troca de dia - one day labour exchange
tambaqui - (Colossoma sp.) the largest among Amazonian frugivorous fish
várzea - low, fertile land along Amazonian rivers, floodplain
verão - drier season, coincides partially with low water season
visagem - ghost, phantom, or spirit
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 AIMS AND SCOPE OF THE THESIS
This thesis has two main objectives. The first is to assert the conceptual nature of
the term caboclo, distinguishing between two different uses of the term: (i) as a
category of social classification in colloquial speech and (ii) as an analytical
category of anthropological studies. The second objective is to present an
ethnography of the rural population of an Amazonian region, the middle Solimões,
focusing on the economy, kinship and religion of rural communities.
This thesis shows that, colloquially, the caboclo is a complex category of social
classification that includes geographical, racial and class dimensions. Considering
the geographical dimension, the caboclo is recognized in Brazil, as one of the
country's regional "types" (see IBGE, 1975). A country of 8,500,000 km2, Brazil is
characterized by a diversity of rural "types of people", distinguished by their
geographical locations, economic activities and cultural backgrounds. Among these
general types are the gaúchos from the South, baianas from the state of Bahia,
and sertanejos from the Northeast, to name a few. The distinctiveness of each
regional type is related to each region's geography, history of colonization and the
ethnic origins of its population. In this sense, caboclos are recognized by Brazilians
in general, as the characteristic type of rural Amazonian people (see figure 1.1).
While other Brazilian regional types are more restricted stereotypical
representations (appearing in general descriptions, in folklore and being used to
display regional identities), the caboclo is also a category of mixed races and refers
to the offspring of white and Amerindian. The combination of a specific racial type
and a geographical region is related to the history of Amazonia. In contrast to other
regions of Brazil, the colonization of Amazonia included policies that attempted to
2
integrate (i.e., enslave, intermarry and "civilize") the native Amerindian population
into the colonial society (cf. chapter 3).
The influence of the Portuguese was also greater in the Amazon. Due to climatic
conditions, as well as economic opportunities, migrants from other European
countries preferred to settle in southern Brazil. In comparison to the Northeast and
Southeast, the number of black slaves in Amazonia was also small, and the colonial
economy, oriented towards the extraction of forest products, depended mainly on
Amerindian labour.1
Besides caboclo, there are in Brazil, other racial categories of mixed people, such
as mulato (offspring of white and black) and cafuzo (Amerindian and black). But
whereas other racial categories are not associated with any specific Brazilian
region, caboclos are. And in contrast to other regional types, the noun caboclo is
also used as a category of social classification. Although the association between
race and class is not always real or precise, it is used in the construction of the
Amazonian upper class as "white", whereas the lower rural class is referred to as
caboclo.
Within the Amazonian region, the term caboclo is also employed as a relational
category. In this use, the term caboclo identifies a category of people that stands in
a lower social position in relation to that which the speaker identifies him/herself
with. The parameters used in this colloquial classification include the qualities rural,
Amerindian descent and uncivilized (i.e., illiterate and rustic), which are contrasted
to urban, white, and civilized. As a relational category, there is no fixed group
identified as caboclos. The term can be applied to any social group or person that is
1 For this reason, Amazonian culture presents a stronger influence of Portuguese and Amerindian traits in comparison to other Brazilian regional cultures. The "mixture" of the two ethnic groups is condensed in the racial and cultural definition of the caboclo. Indeed, the main feature of caboclo culture is the syncretism of Portuguese and Amerindian traits (Galvão, 1955).
3
"more" rural, Amerindian, or rustic in relation to the speaker him/herself. In this
sense, the use of the term is also a means through which the speaker asserts
his/her identity (non-caboclo or white).
However, neither the conceptual nor the relational nature of the term are explicit. As
a result, the colloquial use of the term leads to the assumption that there is a
concrete population which can be immediately identified as and bears the identity of
caboclos. In addition, in recent years, the term has been used in the anthropological
literature, but without considering its difference from the colloquial concept. Thus the
need to clarify the distinctiveness of each use of the term.
In contrast to the colloquial use, the concept of caboclos employed in anthropology
points to a fixed rather than to a relational social category: the Amazonian
peasantry. The definition of peasants, like that of caboclos, is also loose, and
requires specification. This thesis presents a qualification of the Amazonian
peasantry, showing that colonial policies, implemented during the eighteenth
century, explicitly aimed at the constitution of an Amazonian peasantry which would
produce commodities for the European market. In its three hundred years of
existence, the Amazonian peasantry has shown periods of intensive market
participation, alternated with periods of low market participation when subsistence
activities predominated.
Following the anthropological use, this thesis adopts the term caboclo to refer to
small rural producers who belong to an economy dominated by merchant capital.
The objective use of the term caboclo has the advantage of specifying a social
category which lacks its own term of self-ascription, and points to the historical
process of its constitution. But although the term conveys an exact meaning to
potential readers of this work (Amazonianist anthropologists), it leaves a question to
be answered: if it is an "observer's" identification term, what is the people's own
identity? This thesis shows that caboclos, i.e. small Amazonian rural producers, do
not have a collective identity, nor an alternative term of self-ascription. The only
4
category of self-ascription that is commonly employed by all the rural people is that
of "the poor". Stronger notions of identity are based on kinship, religion, ecology of
settlement and economic occupation. These parameters do not constitute a basis of
unification but of differentiation of the rural people by themselves. Families are the
basis of the formation of small groups and are directly related to the organization of
rural communities. And within each community, different family groups often
compete for leadership. Thus, in common with peasants in general, the social
category caboclo is characterized by the lack of a strong collective identity. Instead,
the rural people have local or fragmented identities.
The ethnography of two rural communities, Nogueira and Vila Alencar
(complemented with data from other communities), concentrates on the economy
and kinship organization of these settlements. Economy and kinship are shown to
be closely associated. Economic activities are organized by kinship relations,
especially at the level of households. The core feature of the relations of production
in caboclo communities of the middle Solimões region is their land tenure practice.
In caboclo communities, the land (or the territory) is considered a communal
resource, but agricultural plots and fallow holdings are respected as properties of
those who work on them. Claims on land are based on notions of kinship and
residence. Thus, the definition of land ownership is stated as a social relation. It is
shown that the rural people of the middle Solimões have a broad conception of
kinship relatedness, and this is interpreted as a strategy to increase options of
residence, land claims and networks of labour exchange.
The caboclo land tenure system based on usufruct rights is probably an inheritance
of Amerindians. It is also influenced by the fact that Amazonian economy is
dominated by extraction enterprises. In the middle Solimões region, there are many
extraction properties owned by people identified as "whites" or patrons. Few of
these properties have clear legal status, and most are held simply on the basis of
tradition. The occupation of these territories was initially based on commercial
domination (that is, control of both extraction itself and the commercial exchange of
5
extraction products for manufactured goods). Today, many caboclo communities
are located in these large properties, but even there, caboclo farm holdings are
considered private. No rent is charged for agriculture, only for products extracted in
the property. The distinction between the caboclo and the "white" practice of land
tenure is an important one. It differentiates the two social categories in relation to
political and economic power, and points to cultural distinctions as well. This thesis
focuses on the caboclo conception of land tenure, and presents an analysis of the
kinship basis of land claims. It does not discuss the contemporary economic system
of the extraction properties at length, nor does it present a full account of the
merchant activities of patrons today.
Besides ideas on land tenure, Amerindian cultural influence is also present in many
words used by the rural people, and in their knowledge and use of the environment
(particularly in relation to agriculture and fishing). The belief in forest spirits,
however, is the aspect of caboclo culture most frequently pointed out as
"Amerindian". In the same way as Amerindian words, knowledge, and technology
are embedded in a predominantly Portuguese culture, so Amerindian beliefs are
part of a religious system identified as Catholic.
Caboclo religiosity is discussed in this thesis, focusing on two aspects: the religious
identity of caboclos in general, and an ethnographic description and analysis of
community rituals. It is shown that caboclo religion both links the rural population to
the wider Amazonian society, and distinguishes caboclos as people who have a set
of beliefs and rituals of their own. Like the majority of the Brazilian population, most
caboclos are Catholics. Although the caboclo belief in forest spirits distinguishes
caboclo Catholicism from other forms of popular Catholicism practised in Brazil,
religious syncretism is widespread in Brazil. A country renowned for its lack of
religious dogmatism, within its encompassing Catholic framework there are many
"alien" religious practices, mainly those of African origins. The common saying "God
is Brazilian", expresses succinctly the accommodating Brazilian ethos. Thus, at the
level of religious ideology and practice, there are no absolute boundaries isolating
6
caboclos from other Amazonian or even Brazilian social categories, even though, in
relative terms, caboclos have a peculiar set of religious beliefs.
This evidence is used to further clarify the nature of the concept of the caboclo. The
caboclo is a category of social classification employed by outsiders, based on the
recognition that the Amazonian rural people share a set of common attributes. But
this is a not a homogenous nor an absolutely distinctive social category. It is
important to assert the conceptual nature of the term for there is danger in taking
the term caboclo for granted (as a number of anthropologists have done so far).
Such attitude may imply the existence of absolute boundaries for an ideal social
group that is not found in real life. Thus, the term caboclo must be understood as a
general category for reference, in the context of Amazonian society at large.
In this respect, it is important to note that the ethnographic material presented in this
thesis is not representative of all Amazonian rural people. The livelihood of small
rural producers of the middle Solimões differs from that of small producers of other
Amazonian regions in many aspects. To compare with conditions in upper Juruá
(Acre state), in the middle Solimões, small producers are more self-sufficient in
terms of agricultural and protein provisions; have more access to markets and are
thus less dependent on commercial mediation. And in comparison with Eastern
Amazonia, in especial Southern Pará state, in the middle Solimões there are less
conflicts over land and fewer large scale capitalist enterprises which impose the
adoption of different strategies, and represent different cultural conceptions, of land
occupation.
The thesis concludes by pointing to the importance of caboclos in Amazonia today.
The condemnation, by academics and the media, of the colonization projects and
government policies for developing the Amazon, implemented in the 1970s and
1980s, resulted in growing national and international pressures for the conservation
of the region. International financing agencies such as the British Overseas
Development Administration and the World Bank, are now giving priority to projects
7
that present a conservationist overtone. This is an important political shift and it is in
this context that caboclos have an important role to play. Whereas the colonization
projects gave priority to the settlement of migrants from both the South and
Northeast of Brazil, caboclos are today at the centre of the political agenda. Their
knowledge of the forest, instead of being negatively perceived (as rusticity), is
positively valued and can be used for their political advantage. Research on
ecologically sound alternatives for the use of the forest will approach not those
populations regarded as "more entrepreneurial" (i.e., the migrants from the South
and Northeast), but the people previously neglected by the development
programmes: the Amerindians and the caboclos.
1.2 THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CHAPTERS
Chapter 2 discusses the problematic of the term caboclo. It presents an analysis of
the regional stereotype of the caboclo based on a review of Amazonian literary
fiction, showing that the evaluation of the caboclo is marked by ambiguity and
preconception. The chapter also discusses the historical the historical evolution of
the term and shows that it is used to denote the native peasantry of the present, in
contrast to both Amerindians and recent migrants. The lack of a permanent social
group which is referred to as caboclo is also a feature of the contemporary
colloquial use of the term. This is contrasted to the anthropological definition of the
caboclo. A review of the anthropological literature on the caboclo is presented,
showing that its definition of the term is consistent and refers to the native
Amazonian peasantry, which is characterized by a distinctive culture. Chapter 2
concludes by discussing the reasons for the rural people's rejection of the term
caboclo and their lack of a collective identity.
Chapters 3 and 4 present an analysis of the historical origins of the Amazonian rural
population. The two chapters describe the three main phases of the evolution of the
rural population. The historical process is expressed in the three definitions of the
term caboclo: the domesticated Amerindian, the mixed breed, and the low class
8
Amazonian people. It is suggested that the permanence of the same term - caboclo
- to identify social categories that are defined by different ethnic, racial and social
attributes, is a consequence of the same function (manual labour) and position
(subordinate class) occupied by the three different historical "types" of rural
Amazonian people. Parallel to the general history of caboclos in Amazonia, both
chapters present a more detailed account of the history of the middle Solimões
region.
The historical material presented in chapters 3 and 4 relate the political and
economic events that were responsible for the constitution of a peasant sector in
Amazonia to conditions prevailing in the merchant and industrial sectors of the
wider international economy. Based on this background, chapter 5 presents a
general account of the caboclo sector in the form of an empirical model, that is, a
model intended to portray, in a meaningful way, the diversity of the ethnographic
data on the social and economic organization of caboclo communities in the middle
Solimões region. The model provides a framework to understand the caboclo sector
as being formed by a diversity of types of commodity productions, which are
associated to a basic domestic organization of production, common to all small
producers of the middle Solimões region.
Following this general account of the caboclo sector, chapter 6 presents an
economic ethnography of three rural communities located in the two major types of
Amazonian habitats: the várzea or seasonally flooded lowlands, and the terra-
firme or non-flooded higher grounds (see section 1.6 below). The first part of the
ethnography describes the different annual cycles of production in each
environment. The second part is an analysis of the determinants of the volume of
household economic production. It discusses Chayanov's (1966) thesis on the
peasant economy and its basic rationale, namely, a subjective calculation of the
volume of production. A survey of household composition and agricultural area is
used to test Chayanov's proposition on the correlation between volume of
production and consumer/worker ration. The results suggest that there is both a
9
"Chayanovian slope" (cf. Sahlins, 1988) occurring as a trend and demographic-
independent differentiation between households. The chapter concludes by pointing
to the possibilities available for the rural population to increase production, and raise
their level of income.
Chapter 7 describes the kinship system and the social organization of rural
communities. It looks at the patterns of marriage, household formation, and the
kinship-basis of the social organization of the communities. The chapter analyses
the the density of kinship ties in rural communities and argues that this density is
related to the developmental cycle of households. Caboclo kinship is characterized
by an emphasis on collateral kinship (i.e. living relatives). This is the result of
dependency on parental generation for access to land and labour, combined with
the land tenure system based on usufruct rights. In peasant societies where
inheritance is the principal means of gaining access to land, on the other hand,
lineal kinship (i.e. ancestors) is given emphasis.
Chapter 8 looks at the religious identity of caboclos. It describes the main attributes
of caboclo popular Catholicism, and refers to the phenomena of religious
diversification. The syncretic nature of caboclo religiosity differentiates it from the
orthodox form of Catholicism. The cult of saints is described as a community ritual
that provides a symbolic reference for the community and expresses the particular
kinship structure of each settlement. In relation to the social category at large,
though, it is shown that religion does not provide a basis for the formation of a
collective symbolic identity.
The conclusion summarizes the main arguments of the dissertation and discusses
the future of the caboclos of the middle Solimões.
1.3 THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND THE PLACE OF THIS STUDY IN
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL LITERATURE
10
This thesis asserts the conceptual nature of the term caboclo, defining it as a social
category of analytical thought. A social category is an abstraction, a unit of a system
of social classification designed to portray the differences between people in
society. In contrast to a social group, a social category consists of an artificial
aggregation of people that is based on the identification of common attributes
shared by people who do not necessarily engage in any relationship because of
their similarity. The attributes that define a social category can be biological, social
or cultural. A social group on the other hand, consists of an actual or real human
aggregation that is defined by close interaction and personal relationships (see
Keesing, 1975: 9-10).
Thus residents of the community Nogueira of the middle Solimões region constitute
a social group. They interact regularly and are bound by kinship relationships.
Residents of Vila Alencar, a community which is located only 4 hours distant from
Nogueira, constitute a similar social group. But whereas both communities can be
referred to as caboclo communities (because both present the attributes that define
the social category caboclo), the two communities are not part of a same social
group since they do not have any kind of recurrent relationship, nor are they likely to
be engaged in any communal relationship in the near future. By extension, all
communities, households and individuals classified as Amazonian caboclos do not
constitute a social group. For this reason, the concept of caboclos is not presented
as being an equivalent term to the concept of class. The concept of class is used to
distinguish social categories which, like the social category caboclos, are defined on
the basis of economic criteria and hierarchical differentiation. But the notion of class
also implies existence of explicit political interests, especially in the Marxist sense,
when the notion of class is close to that of a social group based on the existence of
a "unified group consciousness" (Giddens, 1980: 62), which the population referred
to as caboclos lack.
The attributes that define the social category caboclos are economic and cultural.
Caboclos are small scale Amazonian family producers that live from the exploitation
11
of forest resources. Knowledge of the forest, food habits and housing patterns
constitute the main cultural attributes that distinguish caboclos from recent migrant
producers. Because of their similar economic attributes, though, both caboclos and
migrants can be allocated into the more general social category of peasants.
The concept of peasants used in sociological and anthropological studies is defined
by a number of attributes such as: rural, a combined production for the market and
for direct consumption, predominance of family labour, low level of technology, and
linkages to undeveloped markets. Although the economic basis of the concept of
peasants has been challenged (cf. Ennew et al. 1977), the theoretical development
of the concept of simple commodity producers has rather maintained the economic
basis of the concept of peasants. The two categories of rural producers have been
differentiated on the basis of 'degrees of commoditisation' (Friedmann, 1978; 1980),
that is, a difference in dependency on commodity relations for reproduction. Thus
while the category of peasants is maintained to refer to small producers that present
a lower level of market integration, simple commodity producers refers to family
forms of production that are integrated into a fully developed market economy.2
Following this conception of categories of rural producers, I identify caboclos as a
type of peasants rather than of simple commodity producers. However, the level of
commoditisation among caboclos is not homogeneous. Not only is there great
variation in market participation between different producers but also between the
activities of same individual caboclos who can present variation in time in their
degree of market participation. But because market conditions prevailing in rural
Amazonia prevent the full development of a sector of simple commodity producers
2 "...'simple commodity production' identifies a class of combined labourers and property owners within a capitalist economy, and the circuits of reproduction of simple commodity production intersect with those of commodity, landowning, and banking capital, and with markets in labour power, in abstractly determined relations. 'Peasant' household reproduction involves important communal and/or class relations which limit the penetration of commodity relations into the productive process" (Friedmann, 1980: 162).
12
as such, the category of caboclos is identified as a type of peasantry (see chapter
5).
The anthropological literature on rural Amazonian people is not extensive. The main
works were made in the 1950s, by Charles Wagley (1976 [1953]) and Eduardo
Galvão (1955). Both adopted the term caboclo to refer to the rural people. More
recent works on Amazonian peasants (such as Moran, 1974; Parker, 1981; 1985;
Parker et al., 1983; Nugent, 1981), follow their use of the term.3 The general
literature on Amazonia, covering topics such as ecology, development, and
economic history (e.g. Forewaker, 1981; Weinstein, 1983; Sioli, 1984; Bunker,
1985) also make reference to caboclos, translating the term as the Amazonian
peasantry. Commenting on the complexity of the meaning of the term, Wagley
(1985) recently pointed out that the term was "imposed" on both him and Galvão, by
their colleagues, government officials and people from the city of Belém. Whenever
the two researchers outlined their research programme they heard the reply: "So
you are going to study the caboclos" (Wagley, 1985: vii). During my research, I
heard the same comments, and, following the pioneer works of Wagley and Galvão,
adopted the term caboclos to define the subject of this thesis.
1.4 A NOTE ON FIELD WORK AND ON THE ANTHROPOLOGIST'S
BACKGROUND
The theme of this work is closely related to my experience of living in the city of Tefé
with my family for two years, between 1983 and 1984. During this period, I visited
many rural communities located on lake Tefé and on the rivers Japurá and
Solimões. These consisted of short term travels, and provided most of the
background information for this thesis. I had written an M.Phil. dissertation on the
aviamento system (see chapter 4), and was acquainted with the literature on
caboclos. I had also planned a Ph.D. on caboclos, and oriented my informal
research to this theme. More important, I think, the experience influenced my
3 See chapter 2 for a review of this literature.
13
perception of caboclos from a close distance, but still as an "outsider". That is,
because of our personal backgrounds, me and my family were allocated within the
local class structure as members of the upper class. Whereas a foreign researcher
would probably be less restrained by the local system of social classification, we
were given a definite position in the local society. The people's perception of our
position, and my own self-perception, made me constantly aware of social
boundaries. Also, during this period, we were frequently moving between the urban
and the rural environments. This fact, combined with the early finding that the rural
people did not self-label themselves as caboclos, presented me with the question of
who the caboclos were, and to whom.
In Tefé, we were welcomed by the members of the high "society": the patrons, shop
owners and politicians of the town. My research theme was intriguing for most of
them, who considered it to be of "bad taste". In the rural communities, on the other
hand, we were always differentiated, even in the two settlements where I carried out
the official field work for this thesis, during 1986 (7 months) and 1988 (1 month).
The people always called me Dona Deborah (Mrs) and not even older people called
me by my name only. The use of the title was a sign of respect that derived from
their perception of me as a white, educated and wealthy urban person. My closest
friends, Margarida and Áurea, who opened their homes to me, also used the title.
When once Áurea called me comadre (or co-mother in compadrazco, cf. chapter
8), she quickly corrected herself with embarrassment.
In several occasions the people's perception of our differences was verbalized,
mainly by the women. They spoke of physical traces, like colour of skin and the
thickness of the hand and feet, of food habits, and also of knowledge, but rarely of
wealth. Although not verbalized, the economic difference between us (which was
impossible to overcome) was expressed in other ways. To give only one example,
some people own engines and use them in their canoes to travel to Tefé. There is a
charge for extra passengers, intended to share the cost of petrol. In this and in
similar occasions, I was always charged a higher fee.
14
Thus, during field work, my position as an observer was not neutral. Instead, many
observations made by the people revealed that they never stopped seeing me as
someone different. Although I could not take advantage of being fully accepted as
an insider, the treatment I was given enabled me to observe the rural people's
perception of the social boundary between us, and note that it was distinctive from
the urban people's understanding of the division between them. The finding that the
rural people and the urban people have different perceptions of each other is a core
argument of this thesis. It is related to my background, and the experience of
dealing with both social categories, the urban and the rural people.
My friends in the town considered caboclos to be a different kind of people, as if the
difference between them were determined by natural attributes, almost racial, rather
than by social ones. Most upper class people did not regard caboclos as the
Amazonian poor. They would say that caboclos are poor, though, implying that
poverty is a feature of caboclos, in the same way as it can be said that Eskimos
have dark hair. As I argue in this thesis, on the other hand, it is the poor that are
called caboclos. That is, caboclo is not an intrinsic personal attribute, but a category
of social classification which individuals can loose if their social status is changed.
This is a subtle difference in phrasing, but an important one. It shows that those
who distinguish themselves from caboclos justify their separation by representing
the social boundary as being determined by nature.
During field work, the treatment I received showed me that the rural people resent
their social position, but are not aggressive towards those they regard as being
upper class. In some occasions I witnessed a reaction in the form of bitter
complaints on the government's lack of concern for their situation. The rural people
perceive themselves as being socially underprivileged. Therefore, they conceive the
difference between themselves and the upper class as being a matter of status, not
of nature. Lack of formal education is their major interpretation for their social
position. Accordingly, the search for better life conditions is associated with the
15
willingness to provide their children with the opportunity of learning in schools.
To conclude this impressionistic account of the field work experience, because of
my background, I had many reasons to emphasize the otherness of the rural
people. On the contrary, this work points to the openness of the boundary between
those called caboclos and the others. This is not to say that there is nothing
particularly distinctive about the rural Amazonian people. Coming from the South, I
found many customs and traditions in Amazonia that were unknown to me before.
What is meant is to contest the boundary with which caboclos are presented,
showing that it is a cultural construction of others, but not of those called caboclos.
Most of the field work was based on participant observation. More formal research
was related to the measurement of farm plots, collection of genealogies, and data
on economic activities. Because of my interest in their economic production, the
rural people usually associated my work with that of the extension service, which
occasionally employs women for surveys. Some of the historical material was
collected in the Public Archives of Belém. In the text, all translations of Portuguese
quotes to English are mine.
16
1.6 THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES REGION: THE ENVIRONMENT AND SOCIAL
CONDITIONS
The middle Solimões region consists of a geo-commercial region, comprising a
section of the Solimões river4 at the point of its conjunction with two of its right and
left tributaries, the Tefé and Japurá rivers (see figure 1.2). This region includes four
municípios (counties): Maraã, Tefé, Uariní and Alvarães. Tefé is also the name of
the largest town and is the commercial centre of the middle Solimões region.
Tefé is an old Amazonian town, founded by missionaries in the seventeenth century
(cf. chapter 3). Today, it has a population of approximately 30.000 inhabitants. The
town is well furnished with shops and has a market where fresh vegetables, meat
and fish can be found. Telephone and mail services are available, there are two
national banks, and basic medical facilities can be obtained. There are no cinemas,
theatres or newspapers edited in the town; night clubs, a local radio station,
television broadcasted from the South and a video rental shop are the main modern
entertainments.
Of the towns of the middle Solimões, only Tefé has an airport, with daily flights to
Manaus, which is connected to the rest of the country and has international flights
as well. In Tefé, there are small roads and streets where cars circulate, but traffic is
limited to the town for there are no highways from Tefé. All travel to and from Tefé is
made by river or air. Despite airport facilities, the river is still the major means of
transport in all the middle Solimões, for both people and goods.
Other towns in the region are: Alvarães, approximate population today of 5,000
inhabitants; Uariní, population 6,000 and Maraã, population 10,000 (personal
communication, IBGE-SDDI, Manaus). According to the 1980 census (the 1990
4 Solimões is the name given to the upper section of the Amazon river, from Manaus to the Peruvian border.
17
census has not been completed yet), approximately 51% of the population of the
município of Tefé was urban (IBGE, 1983).5
The rural population of the middle Solimões is scattered along the riverbanks. There
are virtually no settlements located inland, distant from a river. Rural settlements are
characteristically small, formed by fifteen households in average (figure 1.3).
Travelling along the major rivers of the middle Solimões region and smaller
tributaries, now and then one sees such small clusters of caboclo houses.
Occasionally one sees isolated houses as well. The houses are small, around forty
square meters, and follow a regional style of architecture. Caboclo houses are built
above the ground, all in wood, with a thatched or corrugated aluminum roof, usually
with a veranda in the front, facing the river.
Most caboclo houses have three rooms: a living room, a single bedroom where all
family members sleep, and a kitchen, usually at the back of the house. Household
members are invariably related by kinship (cf. chapter 7). Each household is a
separate unit of production, consumption, and a dwelling place. Every household
cultivates its own manioc garden, and to a lesser degree, other crops such as sweet
manioc, fruit trees, maize, beans, and a variety of vegetables. The diet is
complemented by fish and game, also provided by household members. Most
families have one or more canoes, kept in the shore in front of their houses. Small
wooden drafts mark each household's port, where women do the washing, and
family members bath.
Residents refer to their settlements as "communities" (comunidades), a term which
originates from the work of the Movement for Basic Education (MEB) - a lay
organization associated to the Catholic Church. In the 1970s, the MEB (later joined
by government extension agencies and the prelacy of Tefé), began to encourage
5 At the time, the municípios Alvarães, Maraã and Uariní had not been decreed yet, and parts of their present territory were included in the município of Tefé.
18
rural settlements to organize themselves into self-administrative communities. The
community project was broadcasted through MEB's own radio station and was
accompanied by the distribution of pamphlets and personal visits to each locality.
The idea of setting up self-organized communities was widely welcomed. Currently,
the majority of rural settlements in the middle Solimões are self-labelled
communities, although not all rural settlements are equally enthusiastic followers of
the original programme.
The formal organization of communities involve the constitution of a body of
political-administrative posts elected by the community. The major posts are: the
community president, vice-president, and secretary. The main function of this
organization is to represent the community in matters related to extension services.
The power structure is less relevant in internal affairs, in which case the kinship
structure provides the effective order (cf. chapter 7). Most communities have a
school teacher, and a few have a health agent, trained by the Amazonas state
Secretary of Health. In contrast to this well organized formal political organization,
communities are very lacking in basic facilities. Only a few communities have an
electrical generator, usually donated by the mayor, but most do not function for
need of repair.
Average daily temperature in the middle Solimões region is 29oC, with very little
variation over the year (2o only). Variation in daily temperature is higher than the
variation in monthly temperatures over the year. Average minimum daily
temperature, which occurs between 0300 and 0600 hours, is 21o, and maximum
temperature, which occurs between 1200 and 1400, is 31o. Total annual rainfall is
around 2,500 mm. The region lacks a dry season, but there is considerable
variation in rainfall through the year. From December to March there are up to three
times more rain than between July to October (Ayres, 1986).
There are two major types of habitats in the region, várzea and terra-firme (figure
1.4). Each habitat determines different life conditions for the population living in
19
them. The major difference relates to economic activities, discussed at length in
chapter 6.
Várzea is the lowland or river floodplain, annually inundated by the rise of water.
Várzea soil is annually fertilized with sediments carried by the water from the
Andes. The variation in water level in the region may reach up to 12 meters (Ayres,
1986). The seasonal variation in water level changes drastically the outlook of
várzea settlements. The high water season occurs between January and July, with
the peak at May, June. During this period, most communities are completely
inundated. People have to use canoes to move between houses, and during more
sever floods, the floor of houses have to be raised. Low water season occurs
between August and December. Long beaches are formed and water has to be
fetched at long distances.
Terra-firme is the higher ground, not affected by variation in water level. Variation in
rainfall regulates economic activities in this type of habitat. Soils have low fertility,
despite the wrong impression given by the luxurious rain forest characteristic of
terra-firme. The rain forest and agricultural production as well, depend on recycling
nutrients which are found in the existing biomass. Slash-and-burn cultivation
practised by locals is necessary to fertilize the soil in terra-firme.
Várzea represents only 3% of the entire Amazonian region. According to Meggers
(1977), pre-Colombian Amazonian population was more numerous on várzea than
on terra-firme. Amerindian groups formed larger settlements there. Villages had
more than 300 inhabitants. Amerindian groups such as the Omágua which
inhabited the várzea of the Solimões, took advantage of the fertility of soils and the
abundance of fish in várzea lakes. In contrast, terra-firme supported smaller
population densities; villages had up to 100 inhabitants. In the middle Solimões
today, this settlement pattern is reversed. Settlements on terra-firme are more
numerous and larger than on várzea. In the municípios of Tefé and Alvarães, in
1988, 152 communities were located on terra-firme (comprising 1,800 households
20
in total), whereas only 47 communities were located on várzea (with 464
households in total) (SUCAM-Tefé, personal communication). Modern economic
activities and social organization patterns are more adapted to life in terra-firme.
Despite the fertility of várzea soils and lakes, better subsistence provision is no
longer the most determinant factor for residence choice. The people prefer terra-
firme because of the stability of the environment and the security this brings to
commodity production.
21
CHAPTER 2
WHO ARE THE CABOCLOS TODAY?
On the identity and the identification of the rural
population of the middle Solimões
2.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter deals with the problem of the identity and identification of the rural
population of the middle Solimões. It centres on the analysis of the use of the word
caboclo, a term widely applied to refer to the Amazonian rural population in
general.
The chapter is divided into three sections. The first two deal with the use of the
term as a category of social classification, both in terms of Amazonian colloquial
discourse and in terms of the anthropological literature. The chapter's third section
deals with the question of the incongruity between the use of the term as a category
of social classification and the rural people's own self-conception, for those who are
called caboclos usually reject it as a term of self-ascription.
2.2 THE CABOCLO STEREOTYPE: PARAMETERS OF SOCIAL
CLASSIFICATION
This section discusses the complexity of the term caboclo used in colloquial speech.
Colloquially, the caboclo is a context-specific (or relational) social category that is
associated with an ambiguous evaluation of the population being referred to.
22
2.2.a The etymology of the word
There are at least two different etymologies given for the word caboclo. Costa
Pereira (1975: 12) quotes Teodoro da Silva, who asserts that caboclo derives from
the Tupi caa-boc, which means "that which comes from the woods". Parker (1985a:
xix), suggests another etymology, found in Aurélio B. Ferreira's Dictionary (Ferreira
1971). Ferreira suggests that the name comes from the Tupi word kari'boka,
meaning "child of the white man". Both etymologies are speculative, but in my
opinion the first one is more likely to be correct. This is because in the Amazon,
caboclo was initially used as a synonym for tapuio, a generic term of contempt
which Amerindian tribes used when referring to individuals of other tribal groups. In
Tupi, according to Veríssimo (1971 [1878]: 14), the word tapuio means the hostile,
the enemy, the slave. After colonization, the term was used to designate the settled
Amerindian and carried the same connotations of scorn it had when used among
tribal groups.6
As with tapuio, caboclo is a term of contempt for the other, and a reference to
"otherness" is found in the first etymology. This is expressed by the allusion to a
kind of "expatriation": the removal from a savage origin ("that which comes from the
woods"). The reference to mixed marriage on the other hand, seems to me less
likely to be correct because only subsequently did caboclo acquire the meaning of a
cross between white and Amerindian, and this was by extension. Veríssimo and
other writers criticized this semantic evolution, holding that the popular use of the
word tapuio or caboclo to designate the mixture of Amerindian and white was
"erroneous" (Veríssimo, 1971 [1878]: 13; Costa Pereira, 1975: 12).
6 The term tapuio was also applied to the tribal Amerindian, when it was distinguished from the settled Amerindian by adding the adjective brabo (savage), as opposed to manso (tame), or "civilized" one. The etymology of tapuio is also controversial. Inglês de Souza (1973 [1875]: 144) says it derives from the Tupi words tapa and puir, which means "that which runs from home". This is similar to the first etymology of the caboclo referred to above.
23
2.2.b The caboclo as a relational category
The contemporary use of the term caboclo is characterized by a similar reference to
otherness and exclusion. In only a few instances is caboclo used as a term of self-
ascription (see section 2.2.c below). Most frequently, the term is rejected by those it
designates. Considering the large geographical region in which caboclo is used as
a colloquial term, it can be observed that it is applied to a sequence of less inclusive
social groups in a segmentary way. Both Ribeiro (1970: 375) and Wagley (1976:
105) describe this segmentation, and my own research corroborates their
statements.
For the urban population of the larger cities of the Amazon, Belém and Manaus, the
population of the interior - including the urban population of the smaller towns like
Tefé - may be considered caboclos. Thus, in these larger cities, a conversation
could discuss "the caboclo from Tefé". Among the urban population of Tefé, as in
the smaller Amazonian towns, it is mainly the members of the upper class who refer
constantly and generally to the rural inhabitants as caboclos. The urban upper
class may sometimes refer to the urban poor as caboclos as well. The rural
population rejects the label caboclo and considers that it refers not to them, but to
Amerindians.7 In Roraima (North Amazonia) the term caboclo (deformed to
caboco), refers to civilized Amerindians. According to Rivière (1972: 28-31), the
term is also rejected by those it refers to and to address someone as caboclo "is
highly derogatory and the term carries a definite pejorative sense" (Rivière, 1972:
29).
Wagley (1976: 105) concludes: "The Amazon "caboclo" ... exists only in the
concept of the groups of higher status referring to those of lower status". Ribeiro
7 In Wagley's research, rural dwellers differentiated themselves by occupation. Rural farmers designated the rubber tappers by the term caboclo. The rubber tapper on the other hand, used the term caboclo to refer to the Amerindian (Wagley 1976: 104-5).
24
(1970: 375) agrees with this, stating that the caboclo is always the "other". The
term is transferred to the next social category which stands in an inferior position to
that of the speaker, until it reaches the tribal Amerindian. Because the term caboclo
conveys the meaning that the "other" is inferior to ego, its use also constitutes a
means for attributing the identity of white to the speaker him/herself.8
2.2.c The use of the term by Amerindian groups
Wagley (1985: viii) is not strictly correct in his assertion that caboclo is never used
as a term of self-ascription ("No one, even the innocent indian, uses the term to
identify themselves"). There are a small number of tribal groups which themselves
use caboclo as a term of self-ascription. For instance, in the middle Tocantins
River, the Gavião speak of themselves as caboclos. The context for this use is the
opposition and conflict with whites, whom the Gavião refer to using a specific term:
Kupen (Laraia & Da Matta, 1967: 122-3). Cardoso de Oliveria (1972a) and Fígoli
(1985) give other examples of the use of caboclo as a term of self-ascription. The
Tikuna of the Upper Solimões and the tribes of the Upper Negro River who are in
contact with whites define themselves as caboclos in opposition both to tribal
("savage") Amerindians and to whites. In Acre as well, the term caboclo is used by
Amerindian groups, and there, whites are called Cariú. In the middle Solimões, the
descendants of the remaining Amerindian groups (Cambeba, Tikuna, Maioruna,
Uitoto, Miranha and Cocama), occasionally use the term caboclo as a self-
identification label, though mostly only when they recall their past. In the context of
contemporary events, these groups identify themselves as "indians", since this term
has recently gained political valorization (cf. Faulhaber, 1987a & 1987b).
It must be added that the use of caboclo as a term of self-ascription by certain
8 Van Den Berghe (1979), presents an analysis of the colloquial classification of ethnic groups in Colombia as either indians, mestizos or cholos. The definition of these three categories of ethnic classification presents a complexity that is analogous to the term caboclo.
25
Amerindian groups is always linked to the context of their opposition and ethnic
conflict with whites. Among themselves, they are Gavião, Tikuna, Miranha etc.
Moreover, it is only in the local context of close ethnic contact between Amerindian
and white populations that the term caboclo is recognized as an identification label
and/or a term of self-ascription for Amerindian groups. Otherwise, the concept of
the caboclo is associated with the non-tribal, rural Amazonian population. This
population is essentially "Brazilian", i.e., identifies itself with, and is identified as
belonging to, the "white" Brazilian nation. In contrast, the remaining Amerindian
groups stand in an ambiguous ethnic relationship with the nation State.
Caboclo and indian are equivalent terms in the sense that both are essentially
identification labels which may or may not be used for self-identification. Although
an "indian" identity currently has political significance, until recently the term (which
originates from a historical mistake), was only a generic category of identification
used by whites and had no relation to the identities of the individual tribal groups it
referred to.9 The analogy between the concepts indian and caboclo is a useful one,
for the validity of the term indian has long been established and thus helps to
understand how an identification label such as caboclo gained a concrete meaning
among certain social groups despite not originating from those it designates.
9 For a discussion on the indian stereotype, see Cardoso de Oliveira (1972b). See also Laraia & Da Matta (1967: 122) on the regional stereotype of the Gavião.
26
2.2.d The regional stereotype: objective and subjective attributes
In the middle Solimões today, the rural people are commonly referred to as
caboclos. Other generic names such as "rural workers", ribeirinhos (river dwellers)
or "agriculturalists" may be heard occasionally, but they do not carry the same
regional connotation as does caboclo. "The caboclo" is mentioned whenever "the
typical Amazonian man" is discussed. Although the term is sometimes applied to
the urban poor, the image of this "typical Amazonian" is essentially rural and
riverine. A 1988 calendar which was prepared with photographic material on
"Brazilian Types", illustrated the caboclo with a picture of a strong man paddling a
canoe, showing a rain forest in the background. This image of the caboclo is
recurrent. The concept evokes the figure of a man associated with the Amazonian
environment (see plate I).
The masculine symbolism of the caboclo is not only a consequence of the male
article used in Portuguese ("O caboclo"). Whereas the definition of other social
categories such as "Peasant" might evoke the image of family and subsistence, the
masculine connotation of the caboclo is related to the economic role of men in
providing for the necessities of life which are closest to nature, i.e., hunting and
fishing. As discussed below, the Amazonian environment and caboclo economic
performance are central components of the caboclo stereotype. Although caboclo
woman plays a pivotal economic role, she appears only in secondary associations
to the prototype. In relation to the role of man, hers is less exotic and closer to
"culture", i.e., agriculture and domestic activities. She is presented however, in
another context: as "a caboclinha" or the (female) dear little cabocla, symbolizing
tame sensuality.10
10 Gender stereotypes can be interpreted through the history of colonization. Portuguese colonists were mainly men who took Amerindian women for wives and concubines. The history of male conquest of Amazonia is symbolized in both stereotypes: the male stereotype of the exotic caboclo hunter and fisherman who confronts the wilderness, and the female stereotype which represents male domestication of Amerindian sexuality.
27
The caboclo archetype is also composed of cultural features which distinguish their
way of life from white and urban existence. The characteristics of a distinctive
architecture, means of transportation, economic implements, management and
knowledge of Amazonian resources, food habits, religion, mythology, kinship, and
social mannerisms express the existence of a "caboclo culture" which is basic to the
concept of this "typical Amazonian".
Indeed, the existence of a rural population which has a distinctive life style, in close
relationship to the forest, justifies it being grouped as a specific social category.
Moreover, early colonial policies induced the creation of an Amazonian subordinate
class with which the social category caboclo is closely associated (see chapter 3).
However, the regional concept of the caboclo is more than a reference to the rural
people or their life style. It includes a stereotype which suggests that this
Amazonian dweller is lazy, indolent, passive, crafty, and suspicious. And the same
cultural features which distinguishes caboclos (the thatched hut, slash-and-burn
agriculture, Amerindian methods of fishing and hunting, etc), are stated as evidence
of inferiority, for they are regarded as "primitive". Basically, the negative
qualifications originate from the fact that caboclos are considered "poor".
As with the term caboclo, poverty is also a cultural concept. The caboclo is not only
poor in relation to international standards of living but also in relation to the high
economic and social performance expected of the neo-Brazilian in Amazonia. This
expectation derives from the colonial intention of establishing an entrepreneurial
peasantry in the Amazon (cf. chapter 3). It also relates to the myth that the
Amazonian environment is a realm of richness, which the "ideal" peasantry would
materially exploit. However, the rural population was, and still is, faced with both a
harsh environment which is only deceptively "abundant", and with unfavourable
economic and political conditions instituted since the early colonial period.
The idea that caboclos are to be blamed for their poor material conditions is based
28
on an ethnic stereotype of the Amerindian.11 Because caboclos are the "heirs" of
Amerindian cultural background, it is believed that they follow the former's
"unwillingness to perform hard labour". In this extended prejudice, caboclos are
seen to possess the Amerindian stereotypical characteristic of idleness (as opposed
to the ideal of industriousness). This alleged indolence is judged by their relatively
poor economic achievements. Their living conditions, on the other hand, are not
considered. The luxuriance of the forest and the magnitude of the Amazonian
environment imposes a contrast with poverty and, together with the issue of race,
this comparison is responsible for caboclos being judged to be lazy and, therefore,
human failures.
2.2.e The caboclo in the Amazonian literature
In Amazonian literature, the theme of the contrast between Amazonian people and
their environment is recurrent. As Richard Preto-Rodas points out in his review of
the Amazonian fiction, the topic of "man" and environment cuts across the main
stylistic phases (Preto-Rodas, 1974). Literary material is a specially relevant source
of data for the analysis of the caboclo stereotype, not only because of its informative
potential but also because, in this case, the spectrum of interpretations presented
are made by urban literate people, and thus they represent the essence of the non-
caboclo point of view.12
11 The subject of caboclo poverty is constantly interpreted as associated with race - i.e., as the result of innate characteristics, inherited from the Amerindian. As social misery, the theme of the racial composition of the poor population is dealt with in extremely ambiguous terms. This subject is approached in chapter 3, when the evolution of the Amazonian population is analyzed.
12 The use of literary material is also important because of the paucity of ethnographic research on caboclos. Criticizing this absence, Salles and Isdeboki (1969: 258) say: "[until the late 60s], literary fiction has been the only source of knowledge ... on the caboclos". In Motta Maués' (1989) discussion of "Amazonian identity", Amazonian literature is also used to illustrate regional constructions and negative representations of the caboclo and the Amazonian environment.
29
As Preto-Rodas states, Amazonian literature is characterized by a tendency to
portray "what is peculiar and exotic to the average urban Brazilian reader" (Preto-
Rodas, 1974: 182). In the characterization of the region, the exotic elements
portrayed are the lushness of the forest and Amazonian folklore. The theme of
social misery on the other hand, is included as a subject for speculation. Compared
to the nineteenth century narratives and the accounts of the early twentieth century
foreign travellers who preferred to depict the Amerindian as the human
representative of Amazonia, Brazilian writers only occasionally make reference to
the aboriginal population (Preto-Rodas, 1974: 195). In Amazonian literature, the
neo-Brazilian caboclo is the main human type described. This concentration is
probably related to the fact that the caboclo represents the disillusionment of a
civilized Amazonia. Whereas the Amerindian is not immediately judged poor, the
issue of poverty is directly associated with the caboclo.13
Although the "human failure" which the caboclo symbolizes is constantly associated
with the Amazonian environment, this association is not devoid of ambiguity. In
Amazonian literature, both the caboclo and the environment are represented in
contradictory ways. Besides being portrayed as a tropical paradise, Amazonia is
also represented as a green hell (cf. Preto-Rodas, 1974).
An example of such disagreement is found in Terra Imatura by Alfredo Ladislau,
originally published in 1923 and considered as a "classic literary work" by
Amazonian critics. The first essay of the book presents some of the contrasting
opinions on the population and the Amazonian environment in the form of a
dialogue between two regional characters. The two interlocutors have opposing
13 The Amerindian can be thought "lazy" or "inept for civilization" but their ethnic distinction provides them with a "justification" for their different economic behaviour which precludes them from receiving the attribution of "poor". Ethnic difference, in turn, is often regarded in evolutionary terms and the "indolence" of the Amerindian is considered to be the result of "the primitiveness of their race".
30
views on the region's potential for development. Both however, agree that caboclos
lack energy and will to carry out this task by themselves.
One of the interlocutors holds that not only the environment, but also the people are
inadequate. The land is judged "immature", not ready yet to sustain a civilized
population and the people are considered to be of a poor racial stock. The "feeble
mixed breed" is said to be "incapable of undertaking the tough duty of domesticating
a fiercely wild nature" (Ladislau, 1971 [1923]: 17). The only solution envisaged to
develop Amazonia is through the introduction of a "stronger race".
The second character disagrees with this. He believes that Amazonia is a rich land
and that it can sustain a successful economic programme, if only politicians stopped
neglecting the region. This interlocutor says, "[Amazonia is] still foreign land in the
national consciousness" (Ladislau, 1971 [1923]: 18). Contrary to the first character,
the second interlocutor holds that the task of developing Amazonia must not be
given to migrants from an "alien" nation but to Brazilians. However, the idea put
forward undermines the potential of the native Amazonian to accomplish this
development alone. The caboclo is not considered sufficiently strong nor
determined. The solution foreseen is to organize an "influx of strong blood", and he
suggests that it should come from the migration of settlers from the Northeast of
Brazil.
The ambiguous relationship between people and their environment follows in other
Amazonian literary works. To simplify the exposition, it can be said that the
spectrum of opinions invariably adopt, in different combinations, the following
standard binary oppositions: capable/incapable caboclo population, with
rich/adverse Amazonian environment. Preto-Rodas' review (1974) gives a plain
synthesis of the controversy in the literature. Here, I would like to pick up one
related theme: the distinction between caboclos and Northeasterners in Amazonia.
2.2.f Caboclos and Northeastern migrants: contrasts, comparisons and convergent
31
evolution
Up to the first half of this century, a large scale migration of settlers from the
Northeast of Brazil took place mainly in association with the economy of rubber (see
chapter 3). The exact number of migrants is not known. Up until 1910, the
estimates range from 300,000 to 500,000 (cf. Santos, 1980: 99). In any case, the
number of Northeasterners was large enough to provide a clear distinction between
the caboclo and the Northeasterner populations during the first half of this century,
and a number of literary works of that time concentrated on this distinction.
The separation between caboclos and Northeasterners is a historical one, and it is
important to consider it in this sense. By looking at the literary context in which the
comparison between the two populations is made, we can observe how the caboclo
stereotype is made the subject of debate. Moreover, giving the analysis of this
distinction a temporal dimension reveals the evolution of the meaning of the term
caboclo.
I will consider the works of Alfredo Ladislau (1971 [1923]) and Vianna Moog (1975
[1936]) in order to analyze the distinction they make between caboclos and
Northeasterners. These two authors show the same concern to classify types of
Amazonian populations in terms of origins, and thus emphasize the separation
between caboclos and Northeasterners. They differ markedly, however, in the
opinions they hold of each population. More specifically in Moog, we find an
attempt to define who is the "genuine" caboclo. By comparing his definition with
previous and subsequent ones, the concept of the caboclo is shown to present a
historical dimension.
In the essay Os Mongo-Malaios e Os Sertanejos (1971 [1923]), Ladislau
expresses dissatisfaction with the general application of the caboclo stereotype to
the Amazonian rural population. But he does not attempt to negate the general
preconception of caboclos; his critique is aimed only at making a proviso: that the
32
stereotype applies only to a sub-group of the Amazonian rural population, for it fails
to distinguish between the caboclo who descends from the aboriginal Amazonian
population and the Northeasterner migrant (Ladislau, 1971 [1923]: 73).
For Ladislau, the two constitute different social categories, classified by him as the
"Mongolian-Malayan" (alluding to a theory of the racial origins of the aboriginal
population), and the "Sertanejo" (the inlander from the Northeast). Ladislau
proceeds to present an explicit denigration of the caboclo by means of "statements
of evidence". A "real case of a caboclo" is presented, in such a way that it
corroborates the stereotype. "Unfortunately" he says, the conventional
representation of the lazy and indolent caboclo is confirmed (Ladislau, 1971 [1923]:
74). The culture and temperament of a man from the Northeast (also stated to be a
real case), on the other hand, is shown to differ substantially from that of the
caboclo, and the two men are compared on antithetical terms.14
But whereas Ladislau holds the opinion that Northeasterner migrants ranked higher
than caboclos, in fact, among themselves their relative statuses were reversed.
Thus, the great number of Northeasterners who migrated to Amazonia in the first
four decades of this century, were called by the native population by such terms as
Arigós, Nordestinos, Colonos, Cearenses, and Brabos. In association with
these terms, the autochthonous population held their own negative stereotypes of
the migrants. The Northeasterner was represented as a fierce and violent man,
ignorant of the ways of living in the forest and unaccustomed to the abundance of
water (the Northeast is an arid region, commonly assaulted by severe droughts).
In contrast to Ladislau, Vianna Moog supports the regional ranking. Thus, in O
Ciclo do Ouro Negro (1975 [1936]), the caboclo is compared to the
14 Ladislau was himself a Northeasterner, and this is likely to have influenced his evaluation of the two populations. However, his opinion was not only personal: favouritism towards Northeastern migrants (considered a "better breed" than the caboclo) was widespread.
33
Northeasterner in favourable terms. The basis of Moog's distinction between the
two populations is their different origins. In contrast to Ladislau's comparison, Moog
does not differentiate them on the basis of moral and intellectual qualifications.
In Moog's analysis of the constitution of the Amazonian population, the caboclo is
presented along with the Amerindian as one of the autochthonous Amazonian
populations. The discussion of the Northeasterner on the other hand, focuses on
his contrasting life experiences: from the arid Northeast to the fluvial Amazon
region. Having thus discarded the Northeasterner from the autochthonous
population, Moog criticizes the fact that caboclos are represented as a uniform
group and proposes his own classification of "caboclo types": the "Mameluco of
Agassiz" (a reference to the description made by the naturalist, to which I refer later
in chapter 3); the "Mongolian-Malayan" defined by Ladislau; and the "Genuine
caboclo" which, for him, is only represented by the mixed breed. I will return this
definition of the caboclo after presenting Moog's comparison between his "genuine
caboclo" and the migrant from the Northeast.
In criticism of those who follow Ladislau's favouritism towards the Northeasterner,
Moog (1975 [1936]: 74) states: "It is time we do justice to the genuine Amazonian
caboclos, who until now have been depreciated in comparisons made to the
Cearense of the upper rivers". Moog's defense of the caboclo-mixed breed is
based on the theories of race which dominated the intellectual thinking of his time
(see chapter 3). Following the optimistic line of interpretation of miscegenation,
Moog considers the caboclo "a good racial balance". The qualities of the indian and
white races are combined and produce a well adapted hybrid race, suited to live
with the Amazonian social and ecological environment. And although Moog
confirms caboclo's lack of ambition, it is only to praise the fact that this quality
provided him with the means to cope with life in the Amazon valley. Whereas many
Northeasterner migrants returned home after the collapse of the rubber economy
(see chapter 4), the caboclo remained despite unfavourable economic conditions.
"If it was not for the unambitious caboclo, it would not be difficult to predict the future
34
of the Amazonian population. Thanks to [the caboclo] ... Amazonian civilization
continues its march" (Moog, 1975 [1936]: 74).
Moog is not alone in his praise of the caboclo. Both in the literature and in regional
discourse, what is represented as "laziness", is considered wisdom. "The caboclo
is a happy man", I often heard from urban traders in Tefé. In the positive
idealization, the caboclo is phrased as happy and wise for, it is said, he is satisfied
with sheer subsistence and is thus able to enjoy life with minimum effort. Preto-
Rodas refers to Leão (1956: 207 ff.) as another literary appraisal of the caboclo.15
Returning to Moog's definition of the "genuine caboclo", it is important to consider its
temporal context. In 1878, Veríssimo had made his own assertion on which people
were to be classified as tapuios and caboclos. Veríssimo's academic preoccupation
was to preserve what was then the traditional meaning of the term, i.e., the "civilized
Amerindian". The inclusion of the mixed breed in the same category was simply
"wrong". According to Veríssimo, the right terminology for the mixed-breed was
curiboca or mameluco.
In Moog, as in Ladislau, the effort is to distinguish the Northeasterner from the
caboclos. And specifically in Moog, the preoccupation is also to define who the
"genuine caboclos" are. In contrast to Veríssimo, Moog states that the term refers
only to the mixed breed, while the civilized Amerindian is considered to be the "true"
tapuio. Thus, in 1936, Moog expresses the view that tapuio and caboclo are no
longer synonyms.
15 Positive evaluations of the caboclo are also found in academic literature. Moran (1974: 136) for instance, regards the caboclo as the "the most important human adaptive system [of the Brazilian Amazon]". The negative view of the caboclo corresponds to the more general criticism against the "lazy native". Sahlins' (1988) provided the most influential anthropological critique of the "lazy native syndrome", replacing it with the idea of "subsistence affluence". See also Bauer (1979) for a review of historians' explanation for "peasant indolence" that points to the difference between the labour timing of peasants (seasonal labour) and industrial workers (time-oriented labour).
35
Today, the distinction between the caboclo mixed breed and the second and third
generation of Northeastern migrants is vague. Only in a few Amazonian regions,
where the number of migrants was large and they concentrated in one settlement
(for instance in Colonia, a settlement near the town of Santarém), are the two
populations still separated. Thus, in Santarém, the migrants and their descendants
have until now been known as Nordestinos, Colonos, or Cearenses. In the
middle Solimões and in other Amazonian regions, such distinction disappeared.
The differentiation between caboclos and tapuios has also become blurred.
Nowadays, the term tapuio is rarely used. The Amerindians who abandon tribal life
and turn to a "civilized" one are no longer called tapuios. Ironically, they are more
likely to be the only ones to refer to themselves by the term caboclo.
This contemporary definition of the caboclo is adopted in the academic literature. In
the first academic publication on the Amazonian caboclo, "The Amazon Caboclo:
Historical and Contemporary Perspectives" edited by Eugene Parker (1985),
caboclos are defined as "a mixed-blood group resulting from the intermarriage of
Amerindians with early Portuguese settlers and later, with Northeasterners" (Parker,
1985b: 6). In contrast to the first decades of this century, in the 1980s,
Northeasterners are no longer separated from caboclos. In fact, in this same
volume, Barbara Weinstein presents a historical account of the "caboclization" of
Northeasterners. A classification of contemporary types of Amazonian populations
is also presented. According to Parker: "in Amazonia, there are three distinct
interior populations: Amerindians, Amazon caboclos, and peasant
pioneers/migrants" (Parker, 1985a: xxxvii).
Comparing the definitions presented in Veríssimo (1878) and Moog (1975 [1936])
(one that Parker (1985) also adopts), we see the historical dimension of the term
caboclo. The caboclo is a construction of who is "native" in a given moment of
history. The "typical Amazonian" of the time is always defined in contrast to those
36
who are recent migrants and the Amerindian groups on one side, and the social
group identified as white, urban and wealthy on the other. The term constitutes an
"intermediate" category in the system of social classification, allocated between
opposite social categories. Initially the opposition was phrased exclusively in terms
of race. Nowadays the definition of caboclos implies a series of oppositions: poor
versus rich, savage versus civilized, forest versus city, and, in the moral evaluation,
indolent versus entrepreneurial.
2.2.g Recapitulation of the colloquial conception of caboclos
In Amazonian colloquial speech, the term caboclo has two uses: an objective and a
relational use. The objective use is more restricted, appearing in the media, in
literary fiction and in politician speeches, and it designates the Amazonian
indigenous rural population. Despite referring to a concrete population, this use is
associated to a subjective and ambivalent evaluation of the rural people. Both in the
literature and in the regional discourse, the portrait of the caboclo ranges from a
lazy and backward human failure, to a wise and rational individual, perfectly
adapted to Amazonia's social and ecological environment. The Amazonian
environment itself is another source of disagreement, and is conceptualized as
either abundant or harsh. A common factor along these opposing views is the issue
of caboclo poverty. The caboclo stereotype and the opinions held on the qualities
of the environment are used to explain human poverty and Amazonia's
underdevelopment.
The relational form of use is the most common one. In this mode, caboclo might
designate an indian, a rural dweller, or one of the urban poor, depending on the
relative status between the speaker and the individual or the population being
referred to. Thus the most common use of the term caboclo is characterized by an
ambiguous definition of the population being referred to. As a result, the system of
regional classification of individuals as either caboclos or whites (the main
categories of social classification in the middle Solimões region) is not coherent. To
37
illustrate this point, in his research, Wagley asked residents of a settlement in the
lower Amazon to classify twenty well known members of the community according
to ethnic categories used by the local people (white, brunette, caboclo, and black).
There was no consensus in the answers received (Wagley, 1976: 134).
Therefore, the term caboclo used in colloquial speech does not refer to a bounded
social group, nor does it corresponded to an ethnic group. According to Barth (1969:
13), the critical features for the definition of an ethnic group are self-ascription, as
well as ascription by others. Following Barth's definition, not even the population of
settled Amerindians who were referred to as caboclos during colonial times could
be considered an ethnic group. Despite the fact that these "early caboclos" were
clearly differentiated on an ethnic basis from white Europeans, they did not
constitute a political group or possess a collective identity. As we shall see in the
following chapter, the population of settled Amerindians consisted of an assemble of
individuals from numerous tribes, each bearing his/her own tribal identity.
2.3 AN ANTHROPOLOGY OF THE CABOCLO?
In comparison to studies of Amerindian societies, studies of Amazonian rural
inhabitants are relatively scarce. Despite this neglect, there are a number of
important publications dealing specifically with the rural population. The more
recent of these refer to rural inhabitants as caboclos, and as such they are
presented as a concrete social group. But given the ambiguity of the colloquial
concept, how does the Anthropology of the caboclo define its subject matter?
A review of the academic literature on the caboclo, presented below, explores the
problems and the benefits of adopting the term. In order to avoid propagating the
ambiguity of the colloquial category of social classification, the conceptual difference
between the academic and the colloquial use of the term should be recognized. In
academic literature, the term caboclo is essentially a theoretical category, an 'ideal
type' in the Weberian sense.
38
2.3.a Review of the caboclo in the academic literature
The first anthropological studies of the caboclo were made in the early 1950s by
Wagley (1976 [1953]) and Galvão (1955). Both accounts were based on the same
small town in the lower Amazon (Gurupá). Wagley focused on the general social
and cultural features of the community, whereas Galvão concentrated on the
religious life of the town. Although both present a "community study" approach,
Galvão tends to generalize more than Wagley, and several times extends his
findings to speak of "the caboclo religion".
Wagley and Galvão's main contribution is their characterization of "caboclo culture".
This is defined as a "mixed culture", where Iberian and Amerindian traits are
combined. Today, the two publications constitute classic references to the study of
caboclos. Indeed, in more recent works, their accounts are compared to the
present conditions and used as basis for the definition of "traditional caboclo
culture" (Moran, 1974; Parker, 1981).
The next significant published studies of caboclos were the articles by Moran (1974)
and Ross (1978). Both approach caboclo culture from an ecological perspective
and present it as an "adaptive system" which evolved in response to Amazonian
ecology and social history (Moran, 1974: 145; Ross, 1978: 216).
Ross defines the caboclo population as "the Amazon peasantry" and gives an
historical account of their evolution. He takes up the issue of caboclo poverty and
explains it as a product of the establishment of capitalism and institutions of class
exploitation in Amazonia. Caboclo economic behaviour is interpreted as an
adaptive response to the constraints of the region's ecological conditions and
economic structure. Thus, Ross writes: "The present system of caboclo horticulture
is essentially pragmatic within the narrowly circumscribed field of alternatives
allowed by the dominant economic system ". Justifying caboclo's preference for the
39
cultivation of manioc, he continues: "far from being a retrograde dietary preference
[manioc] may be one of the few crops which could permit the caboclos a tenable
subsistence strategy in an ecosystem dominated and transformed by external
market relations. That even manioc cannot alleviate their poverty, however, is not,
as some writers suggest, a reflection on peasant indolence, but rather a
condemnation of the colonialist economy" (Ross, 1978: 218).
Moran (1974: 136) uses the term caboclo to refer to a "cultural type rather than to
the fact, or degree, of racial mixture". The focus of analysis is the "caboclo adaptive
system". "Caboclo culture", however, is described in generalized terms and is
based mainly on the accounts of Wagley and Galvão. The presentation gives little
attention to the diversity of cultural forms and thus idealizes a "caboclo culture".
Moran also discusses the consequences of "modernization", looking at the impact
modern change has had on a named "tradition". But to define a "caboclo tradition"
entails an arbitrary choice of historical context. Other periods of caboclo history, for
instance the rubber boom (cf. chapter 4), could as easily be represented as a
dividing line between tradition and change. Despite my criticism of such idealization
of caboclo culture, I consider the ecological framework to be sound. Indeed, the
present debate on Amazonian development and conservation has much to gain
from the knowledge of micro environments which caboclos undoubtedly possess
(see chapter 9).
The dissertations of Maués (1977; 1987) and Motta Maués (1977) are important
contributions to the knowledge of caboclo cultural systems, as they provide
examples of its diversity. The three studies were made on the Northeastern coast
of Pará (the Salgado), a region where fishing is the main economic activity. Maués
presents an analysis of religion and shamanism (1977) and popular catholicism
(1987), and Motta Maués (1977) studied the status of caboclo women in the
community of Itapuá. Although the three studies were undertaken among caboclos,
the authors designate the population by reference to the community (Itapuá
residents) and the region of study (Salgado).
40
In fact, the first publication to present "caboclo" as an analytical category appeared
only in 1985, in a volume edited by Eugene Parker. Parker himself presents his
contribution as a starting point to promote future studies on caboclos. His assertion
that "many assumptions and generalizations about caboclo culture are based upon
insufficient or incomplete evidence" (Parker, 1985a: xliii) still holds. No other work
has been published on caboclos since Parker's collection of essays.
Parker's volume consists of nine articles, and presents two main foci: the origins
and the transformations of caboclo culture. The first three papers (written by
Parker, Anderson, and Weinstein) deal with the history of caboclos. Together, they
cover the period from 1615 (the beginning of Portuguese colonization) to 1920 (the
aftermath of the rubber economy). This history is named by Parker the
"caboclization" of Amerindians and poor settlers, i.e. their transformation into a
specific caboclo "class and culture" (Parker, 1985b: 2).
The four proceeding papers deal with the forces of economic development and its
consequences in three communities of the Brazilian Amazon: Itacoatiara (by
Wesche), São Felix do Xingú (Schmink), and Itaitúba (Miller), and one in a
community of the Peruvian Amazon, San Jorge (Hiraoka). The focus on the
transformation of "traditional" caboclo communities is intended to portray one of the
most alarming facts of present day Amazonia: the growing rates of urban migration.
This process entails the "de-caboclization" (the term is Parker's) of the rural
Amazonian population.
The two final papers deal with caboclo concepts of health and disease (Elisabetsky
& Setzer; Posey & Santos). These studies complement other works on caboclo
medicine, such as Furtado et. al. (1978) and Amorozo & Gely (1988). Together,
they constitute important contributions to the knowledge of caboclo's medical use of
plants. Their importance is even more significant in face of the urbanization/"de-
caboclization" process.
41
2.3.b Problems with the use of the term in the literature
In Parker's volume, caboclos are defined as the Amazonian indigenous peasantry.
Caboclos are differentiated from recent migrants on the basis of their cultural
specificity - that is, the Amerindian cultural heritage and knowledge of the
environment. Indeed, in his introduction, Parker states that all contributors agree
with the early statement of Moran (1974), claiming that caboclo is a "cultural type"
(Parker, 1985a: xxi). I agree that it is only by discerning between relative cultural
differences that we can separate recent migrants from caboclos, for in terms of
economic criteria alone, both occupy the same economic position in relation to the
market, in that they are both small rural producers.
But in addition to cultural specificity, Parker states that caboclos constitute an
integral population. He says: "The caboclo population of Amazonia constitutes a
coherent indigenous population in the rural environment that has only experienced
one significant infusion of "new blood" - the nordestino [i.e., the northeasterner].
The very nature of the rubber economy provided the impetus for nordestinos to
adopt caboclo cultural patterns. It would appear, then, that the development of
Amazon caboclo culture has been accomplished to a very great extent by the
descendants of the first caboclos and that the caboclo population has retained a
considerable measure of its original integrity to a very great degree" (Parker, 1985a:
xxiv, original emphasis).
In my opinion, however, caboclo population and also, in this respect, "caboclo
culture", are neither coherent nor integral. Even if theoretically, the category
caboclos is restricted to the indigenous Amazonian peasantry, this definition should
not imply the existence of an homogeneous social group.
As Salles and Isdeboki wrote, there is not an Amazonian caboclo but many
regionally distinguished "types of caboclos": "The caboclo is not an homogenous
42
ethnic population, despite having a high percentage of indian blood. It tends
towards a progressive miscegenation. As in the rest of the country, neither is it
culturally homogeneous. And there is also a great variety of ecological types.
Moreover, the individuals can be classified according to the types of economic
activities they perform. Regionally, there are small social enclaves, such as the so-
called "caboclos of the riverbanks", "caboclos of the woods", "caboclos from
Salgado", "caboclos from Marajó", or from the "isles", etc. And there are groups of
small farmers, herdsmen, fishermen, canoeists, rubber tappers, collectors" (Salles
and Isdeboki, 1969: 258).
This typology of caboclos presented by Salles and Isdeboki is based on a colloquial
classification. It points out the important fact of the diversity of caboclo social and
cultural forms, while at the same time emphasizing the need to study caboclos as a
collectivity. Salles and Isdeboki choose to speak of caboclos "as a general group"
by referring to "caboclo civilization" (Salles and Isdeboki, 1969: 258). This hinges
upon an issue which, as mentioned above, is a second problem of adopting caboclo
as an analytical category: the lack of a clear distinction between the academic and
the colloquial use of the term.
Unlike colloquial categories of social classification, analytical categories must
present coherence. The ambiguity of informal discourse cannot be maintained in
academic exposition. Since caboclo in its colloquial use can be an attribute of racial
qualities (Amerindian physical traits), economic status, or rural residence, what is
the status to be given by anthropologists to the "anomalous" social categories
produced by the classification system itself, such as the rural trader, or the mixed
blood urban dweller? In the academic use, the term caboclo (albeit an ideal social
category), refers to a concrete population and this is not exactly the same as the
colloquial use. Colloquially, the term establishes social identities, orders social
statuses, and consequently differentiates existing power relations.
Miller's paper on the changes in the caboclo community of Itaitúba (in Parker's
43
volume, 1985) illustrates this question. Miller acknowledges that caboclo is a
relative term of social classification and explains that he uses the term to "refer to
those rural residents of the Amazon, primarily subsistence farmers, who by virtue of
their extended residence in the region have developed this unique adaptation to the
tropical forest" (p: 168). But following this definition, Miller (1985: 193) presents a
discussion based on the classification of caboclos into three types, "1) gold miners
and backwoodsmen, 2) small farmers, and 3) lower-class town dwellers". After
discussing the characteristics of the "town caboclos", Miller (1985: 193) concludes
by placing them at the end of a continuum of cultural change and states: "they are
in fact, hardly caboclos at all".
Here we see an example of the difference between the regional and the academic
classification of caboclos. Poor town dwellers can be classified locally as caboclos
but this contradicts the theoretical conception of caboclo as essentially a rural
cultural type. Thus we see that, because caboclo is neither a term adopted for self-
ascription nor is it associated with a coherent social group, in both the academic
and the conversational use of the term, it is up to the speaker to define who are and
who are not caboclos.
2.3.c Suggestions
Despite the absence of a clear statement within academic literature acknowledging
that the caboclo is an analytical concept rather than a concept which derives from
colloquial speech, I believe there is academic consensus regarding the theoretical
meaning of the term. To summarize the use of the term in the literature, the
caboclo is theoretically classified as: the indigenous Amazonian peasantry (Ross,
1978; Parker, 1985), which developed a distinctive cultural adaptation to the
Amazonian environment (Moran, 1974; Parker, 1985) and social history (Ross,
1978). Alternatively, the caboclo is simply conceptualized as "a class and a culture"
(Parker, 1985).
44
The theoretical conception of the caboclo need not imply that the analytical category
(indigenous peasants and culture) is defined by neat boundaries. As long as it is
acknowledged that this is an academic classification, an ideal type, we can avoid
problems such as "not finding caboclos in the field", or not being able to answer
"how many caboclos exist", or of speaking of caboclos who are "hardly caboclos".
The distinction between the academic and the colloquial uses also means that more
attention is given to the differences of complex meaning that each use conveys.
As discussed in chapter 1, I present caboclos as a social category rather than as a
class (see section 1.3), that is defined by economic and cultural attributes (see also
chapter 5). What are the advantages of adopting this terminology? The value of the
anthropological use of caboclo lies in providing for a term of reference - "the
indigenous Amazonian peasantry" - which points to the historical and cultural
specificity of this population. To employ the term peasant would increase the level
of abstraction of the object of enquiry and would not allow for a distinction between
recent migrants and caboclos.
Despite the "fuzziness" of its conceptual boundaries, the analytical category caboclo
defines a field of enquiry which has unfortunately suffered from academic neglect.
Commenting on this omission, Wagley suggests perhaps it results from the "nature
of the term caboclo" (1985: vii).
Besides the difficulty of conceptualizing caboclos pointed out by Wagley, the
stereotypical representation also contributes to making caboclos an academically
"unattractive" topic of research. One reason for this could be related to the
ambiguity of the mixture involved in caboclo's social and cultural formation. In
contrast to Amerindians, caboclos are not sufficiently "others", although they are
also not "equals". The "impurity" of caboclos could be responsible for them being
considered "uninteresting". A second reason relates to the nature of the
"otherness" of caboclos in relation to the middle and upper urban literate class, from
whose ranks academics are most likely to come. Among these classes, the social
45
category of the poor is made distant by means of both social and cultural barriers.
The negative values of society (lack of education, amorality, uncleanliness and
criminality), are associated with the poor, making theirs a world apart. Alternatively,
the poor are patronized. But caboclos are a special kind of "poor".
Although, as I discuss below, the attribute "poor" is central to the rural people's self-
conception, the caboclo stereotype disguises caboclo poverty by ascribing it to a
cultural pattern and thus blaming the people's Amerindian characteristics. The
"remoteness" of the poverty of caboclos is doubled, for they are considered to be
"willingly" poor. Consequently, caboclos (in contrast to Amerindian groups) barely
have a place, not only in the academic literature, but also in the nation's political
consciousness. By calling attention to a neglected population, an anthropology of
the caboclo can play an important political role.
2.4 THE QUESTION OF CABOCLO IDENTITY
In this section, I discuss the reasons why caboclo is not used as a term for self-
identification and present some of the attributes which the rural people employ to
define their own notions of identity and difference.
2.4.a The pejorative connotation of the term
The fact that caboclo does not constitute a term for self-ascription relates, in the first
place, to the pejorative connotation of the term and the meaning of "domesticated"
Amerindian (and not that of a cross-breed between white and indian), which it
conveys amongst the rural population.
When caboclo is used by certain Amerindian groups as a term for self-ascription,
the pejorative connotation is understood. As Cardoso de Oliveira states (1972a),
the use of caboclo as a term for self-identification is a way Amerindians
acknowledge their inferior social position vis-a-vis whites. Discussing the use of the
46
term among the Tikuna, Cardoso de Oliveira states that it is a "negative" identity
(i.e., that of the indian seeing himself from the white point of view). For this reason,
the Amerindians who individually migrate from the upper Negro River to the city of
Manaus do not reproduce their caboclo identity through generations but use it only
for themselves (cf. Fígoli, 1985).
2.4.b Lack of an association with a political movement
A second reason why caboclo is not used as a term of self-ascription derives from
the fact that it was never associated with a political movement. There are other
cases of terms used for the identification of social groups which either gained or
developed a positive political value and for this reason were accepted as terms of
self-ascription. The social classification "indian" is a well known example. Two other
cases are those of the terms posseiro (squatter), discussed by Esterci (1987), and
camponês (literally peasant), analyzed by Sigaud (1978). Both cases are briefly
described next.
Esterci (1987) gives an account of the fight over land in the region of Santa
Terezinha, Araguaia River, which occurred in the early 1970s. During this period,
the Brazilian government was interested in the establishment of capitalist
enterprises in the Amazon region. Many incentives where given for national and
international companies to purchase land at low market prices. Subsequent to the
sale of large tracts of land, the prior settlers on these lands, who had no formal legal
ownership, were expelled. The expulsion of the early settlers often involved
violence. Although the companies and/or the government were legally responsible
for the re-allocation of the settlers, in most cases the settlers were left on their own
and simply "advanced the frontier" to open further unoccupied lands (cf. Velho,
1976; Forewaker, 1981).
According to Esterci, the arrival of the new land owners forced a change in the
conception of land property and, in the battle for the occupation of land, settlers
47
adopted a new terminology of self-identification. Beforehand, settlers conceived of
land ownership in terms of the labour performed on it. They considered themselves
as the "proprietors" of the fields in which they worked. The legal definition of land
ownership, however, gave the companies the status of proprietors while settlers
were categorized as "squatters" (posseiros), a term unknown to them before. In
the sequence of conflicts which took place, the early settlers adopted "squatters" as
a political category of self-ascription. The term was not used in the juridical sense,
however. For them, "squatters" was a synonym for their old understanding of the
term "proprietors". Posseiros meant "those who have the right to occupy the land"
and who were politically engaged in the mobilizations intended to defend these
rights (Esterci, 1987: 99).
The context for the adoption of the term "peasant" (camponês) by rural workers in
the plantation region of the state of Pernambuco, Northeast of Brazil, is especially
illustrative. According to Sigaud, political leaders and land owners were the first to
attribute the term peasant to rural workers during an uprising in the early 1960s.
The participants of the protest accepted the term. "Peasant" became a term of self-
ascription used by rural workers in general thereafter. The memory of the 1960s
uprising is closely associated with the contemporary use of the term. Rural workers
refer to themselves as peasants when they want to represent their collective identity
as a labour force, particularly in the context of their demands for political rights
(Sigaud 1978: 15).
Before its introduction to the colloquial vocabulary, the term peasant was used only
by the left press, whilst it was totally absent from political discussions. Sigaud
reports that, prior to the 1960s, landowners referred to their workers as "caboclos".
Apparently, caboclo was never a term of self-ascription. In Sigaud's research, she
did not find any instance of rural workers referring to themselves by the term.
Nowadays, landowners use the term caboclo rarely, using it to mean "non-
politicized rural workers". In this respect, Sigaud mentions a landowner who stated
that, in his estate, there were "no peasants, only caboclos" (Sigaud, 1978: 14).
48
Indeed, Sigaud's article is entitled "The Death of the Caboclo".
Recently, in the rubber fields of the Amazonian state of Acre, rural workers became
involved in a well publicized political movement, where they identified themselves
and their cause as that of the "rubber tappers" (seringueiros). The movement is
directed against the destruction of the rain forest by ranchers who bought bankrupt
rubber estates with the intention of establishing cattle pastures there (cf. Bakx,
1988). The rubber tappers have their own syndicate, and their cause and their
identity as a political group gained international recognition, especially after the
assassination of their leader Chico Mendes in 1988. The political movement in Acre
has also been associated with the construction of the identity of "people of the
forest" (see chapter 9) which refers to the political association between rubber
tappers and Amerindian groups.
2.4.c The parameters of the rural people's construction of their own identity
In the middle Solimões, however, the rural people do not constitute an organized
political group. Compared to southeastern and western Amazonia, conflicts over
land are relatively few and have not followed the escalation of violence and deaths
which occur in the other regions. Since the Cabanagem revolt of 1835 (cf. chapter
3), the middle Solimões has not experienced any major political conflict.
The relationship between the rural people and the political leadership of the middle
Solimões is characterized by patronage. Although rural dwellers do not have a
special term of self-ascription, they frequently use the term "poor" to speak of
themselves and of their position within Amazonian society.16 Political patronage
complements and reinforces the people's self-image. A discussion of local's
conception of politics will illustrate this point.
16 The complementary category "rich" is also commonly referred to. Rich and white (sometimes also patrons) are intrinsically associated categories.
49
In middle Solimões the rural poor conceive of local political and administrative
institutions as resources which, besides community work, should provide individuals
with personal benefits. During election times, locals nominally exchange their votes
for consumer goods such as a corrugated iron roof, timber for house building, or
simply money. Candidates have no real guarantee that they will be paid back with
votes. But locals fear the possibility of votes being inspected and of gifts having to
be returned, and this secures the effectiveness of the gift campaign. Indeed, after
the elections for members of the municipal council in 1986, a candidate took back
the engine which he had given to a community in the Lake Tefé because the results
showed that the majority of the community's votes had been for another candidate.
A politician is judged good or bad according to his response to the people's
demands for personal financial support. Thus, elected mayors and councillors
specifically reserve part of their financial resources to distribute small sums among
the poor population. On ordinary week days, it is common to find a long queue of
poor people in front of the city hall waiting for an opportunity to speak to the mayor
and ask him for financial help.
Given the fact that the rural people in the middle Solimões have access to such
patron/client political relations, there is no incentive for them to organize a political
movement which would induce the construction of a collective representation and
the adoption of a term of self-identification. At the moment, individual alliances with
patrons and politicians appears to be more beneficial to them.
While the rural people conceptualize their relationship with social groups of higher
status on the basis of such a vague collective conception as that of "the poor", more
assertive notions of identity are found among the people themselves. I summarize
these notions below, but they will be dealt with more extensively in other chapters of
this dissertation.
50
The ecology of settlements constitute an important attribute of identity, and this is
one of the bases upon which the rural people distinguish between themselves. The
two main regional landscapes are called várzea, the seasonally water-inundated
floodplain, and terra-firme, the flood-free higher grounds (cf. chapter 1). These two
ecological settings impose contrasting living conditions. They present different
seasonal cycles and allow for a diverse set of economic activities to take place.
Given these differences, locals distinguish among themselves as vargeiro, or
people from várzea, and terra-firmeiro, or people from terra-firme (cf. chapter 6).
Economic activity constitutes another level of self-identification and distinction.
Most rural dwellers I have spoken to, define themselves as agriculturalists. Locals
claim that their profession is agriculture despite undertaking other economic
activities, such as timber extraction, collection of brazil-nuts, and fishing, and even
though, in many cases, these activities constitute their main sources of income. In
the context of their dependence on a patron or trader, the people also speak of their
status as "clients" (fregueses), and discuss the shortcomings of this unfavourable
economic position.
The rural dweller's most intrinsic notion of identity is found at the community level.
At this level, the main parameters of their definition of "sameness" and "otherness"
are: common residence, kinship relatedness, place of birth, religious devotion, and
personal names. The combination between these individual attributes provide the
basis upon which the local people interact among themselves.
Rural settlements are called "comunidades" or communities, following a
programme of community organization introduced by the Catholic Church (see
chapter 1). Prior to the introduction of the term community, the words village,
settlement, or locality were employed (povoado, localidade, or sítio). Local
residents use the word community (often phrased as "our community") to convey
the notion of common rights of residence and common use of land and water
51
resources related to their settlements' territory.17
In the middle Solimões region, kinship and residence are strongly related (cf.
chapter 7). All rural communities are identified by reference to one or more
dominant kindred groups. In the communities, even though not all individuals have
local kinship relations, the statement "we are all kin here" is commonplace. The
distinction between "insiders" and "outsiders" is made on two levels: by considering
the individual in isolation and by taking account of the household unit. Thus, the
statement above is often complemented by "only x household(s) is(are) not kin".
Individuals enter the community mainly through marriage, but retain their individual
status as outsiders. The household they live in, however, is recognized as a
household of kin. Only households in which neither spouse is related to the
dominant kindred(s), and who were not born in the locality, are considered total
"outsiders". Individuals not born in the locality but who have an acknowledged
kinship link to a local kindred, are granted with rights to community resources.
These issues are discussed at length in chapter 7, where it is also analyze how land
claims are made on the basis of kinship identity.
The communities I stayed in are Catholic, as are the majority of rural settlements in
the area. There are also a small number of Protestant communities in the region,
as well as cases of a minority of Protestants living in predominantly Catholic
communities. Although there are a number of Protestant Churches in the region
17 An incident in which I was involved illustrates how the concept of the community conveys the meaning of common property. "Community" is also evoked when there is a reason to establish the boundary between residents, kin and friends, on one side, and strangers on the other. Visitors from Tefé often go on Sundays to swim and picnic in the sand shore in front of the community of Nogueria. My first visit to the community was made in such a manner. One of Nogueira's residents, angrily shouted at me "this is a community madam, what do you want here?". The claim that I was intruding was repeatedly expressed with reference to the community status of the settlement. (Other residents laughed and told me not to worry because my antagonist was drunk.)
52
(Pentecostal, Jehovah's Witness, Seventh Day Adventist, Baptist and others),
Protestants are colloquially known by the generic name crente (literally "believer").
The construction of crente identity depends on its contrast with Catholicism (in
terms of recurrent claims of superiority), while the identity of the Catholic is
comparatively more self-focused.
The Catholicism practised by the rural people is essentially a popular one, with
emphasis on the devotion of saints and little stress on sacraments and orthodox
rituals. Most communities celebrate one or more patron saints, considered the
guardian(s) of the community. Annual feasts celebrate their patron saints with a
traditional ritual. By constituting a common focus of devotion, the patron saint
provides the community with its metaphysical identity (cf. chapter 8).
At the level of the individual, social identification and identity are associated with
(and communicated through) the person's name. In the middle Solimões, most
individuals have two names: a Christian name and a nickname. The difference
between the person's Christian name and the nickname are well marked and which
of them is used (or given), constitutes an important marker of inter-personal
proximity or distance.
The Christian name is "the person's name", distinguished from the nickname which
is "how the person is called" or, "how we call him/her". While the Christian name is
exclusively an attribution of parents and guardians over the child, the nickname is
an attribution of an individual's identity which is bestowed by the community.
Neighbours, relatives and acquaintances both refer to and address the person by
his/her name, to the extent that the Christian name of some individuals is hardly
known. Nicknames are usually derived from nature (names of animals, fish, fruits
or plants). Usually, the nickname is explained by a personal story, often a
humorous or satirical event involving the person. I was told that only men have
nicknames, and indeed the majority of them do. However, although comparatively
53
less frequent, some women are also nicknamed.
The Christian name is only given after Baptism. Before that, babies have no names
(they might be referred as anjinhos, meaning "little angels"). It is common to find
siblings with similar names, such as all starting with the same letter, or all being
combinations of their parents' names. Compared to the nickname, the Christian
name is formal. I was told it is given to strangers and authorities like the priest, the
extension service, the MEB, etc.
To summarize the discussion on the identity of Amazonian rural people, it is argued
that, in contrast to the objectivity postulated in the use of the term caboclo, the
people who are referred by the term lack a collective identity which would provide
them with a comprehensive and immediate notion of difference between
themselves and other social categories belonging to Amazonian society. In relation
to their position in society at large, the rural people from the middle Solimões see
themselves as 'the poor'. This identity is the basis of their relationship with the
political leadership of the middle Solimões. At more inclusive social levels, group
and personal identities are based on the following attributes: ecology of settlement,
profession, community of residence, kinship status within the community, locality of
birth, religion and names. These parameters are more relevant to the relationship
among the rural people themselves than to their relationship with "outsiders" (urban
and upper class people), for whom the use of the label caboclo itself establishes the
main boundary for drawing social and cultural differences.
2.5 CONCLUSION
This chapter showed that the colloquial use of the term caboclo is marked by
ambiguity and preconceptions. The historical dimension of the term was also
discussed and it was seen that caboclo refers essentially to the native Amazonian
peasantry in a given moment in history.
54
The review of the academic literature showed that it defines the caboclo as the
indigenous Amazonian peasantry which presents a distinctive set of cultural
features. However, because of the ambiguity of the colloquial use of the term, it
was argued that academic discourse must acknowledge that its definition of the
caboclo is an abstraction from the original meaning of the term.
The rural people's identity vis-a-vis the national society at large was shown to be
based on their self conception as the poor. More intrinsic notions of identity were
outlined in this chapter and more extensive discussions of these parameters will be
presented in other chapters.
55
CHAPTER 3
HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF CABOCLOS AND
THE PORTUGUESE COLONIZATION OF THE
MIDDLE-SOLIMÕES
On the politics of ethnic domination and the cultural
construction of a subordinate social category
3.1 INTRODUCTION
Among the many definitions for the term caboclo, the one given by Boxer (1963: 87)
is a particularly useful one. It states that caboclo is:
"used variously for (a) cross-breed of white and Amerindian stock, (b) domesticated
Amerindian, (c) any low-class person, usually of colour".
The three different meanings Boxer identifies (if ordered as b-a-c) correspond to the
main phases of the history of the evolution of the caboclo population. In the
seventeenth century, Amerindians were brought to either missionary or secular
white settlements and "tamed". Subsequently, the "domesticated" Amerindian inter-
married with whites, and by the mid-eighteenth century, had generated a large
mixed population. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, the "mixed breed"
was an established social category and had stronger links to colonial society than
the settled Amerindians. The "mixed-breed" developed a style of living, moulded in
Iberian terms, but preserving a distinctive body of Amerindian cultural features. In
terms of both social status and cultural expression, contemporary low-class
Amazonians are the direct descendants of the nineteenth century mixed-breeds.
This chapter characterizes the main factors responsible for the constitution of the
56
caboclo population. This history can be divided in two phases: in the first phase, the
caboclo social category was defined by ethnic criteria (the "domesticated"
Amerindian and the "mixed-breed"). As we shall see, the development of the
caboclo population was initially based on the colonial policies of ethnic domination.
In the second phase, the caboclo social category was defined mainly by economic
criteria ("low class person"), and this is discussed in the next chapter. This chapter
concentrates on early Amazonian colonial history, and attempts to explain the
political basis of the formation of the first two "types" of caboclos.
The early cultural perception of the settled Amerindians and the mixed-breeds by
the white elite is also considered here. The understanding of the emerging caboclo
population by the elite of the time is presented as the historical source of the
negative stereotype of the caboclo in contemporary colloquial speech.
The caboclo population originates from the colonial encounter with Amazonian tribal
groups (cf. Parker, 1985b). The impact of colonial mercantile activities and the
establishment of a colonial society are important factors in the creation of the social
category. But the social and ecological characteristics of pre-contact Amazonia also
influenced this historical outcome of Portuguese settlement in Amazonia. This
chapter shows that the caboclo population did not only "descend" from the
Amerindian in terms of inheritance of cultural traits, nor simply in terms of the same
label of social identification; the caboclo actually occupied the economic role
assigned to the Amerindian during the development of Amazonian colonial society -
which the Amerindian, qua Amerindian, did not fulfil. Abundance of land and social
and economic independence meant the Amerindian could lead a viable existence in
the forest. This constituted, in effect, Amerindian resistance, a refusal to conform to
the subordinate role they were assigned in the colonial order.
This resistance went strongly against colonial interests. The successful
development of Western economic and social structures depended on the
incorporation of Amerindian labour. Official policies were divided between satisfying
57
the settlers' demand for servile labour and defending the free status of the
Amerindian, a position which reflected Catholic reasoning and eighteenth century
utopian constructions (Hemming, 1978). As discussed below, the 1757 legislation
of the Diretório was a direct result of this confrontation. The purpose of the
legislation was to transform the Amerindians into peasants, who would produce for
the market and purchase European manufactured goods. This project could only
succeed when escape to the forest was no longer a viable option. The forced
cultural transformations resulted in the creation of the caboclo population.
Nineteenth century accounts written by naturalists and government officials about
the emerging mixed population provide historical data on both the elite's
expectations and the caboclo's actual response to these expectations - which,
overall, was a negative response. Although the caboclo's existence represents the
success of colonial policies intended to make the Amerindian a dependant
consumer and a market producer, all accounts criticise the small scale of caboclo
market participation.
An account of the history of the middle Solimões region illustrates the
"caboclization" process (cf. Parker, 1985b; see chapter 2 for a mention of the
term).18 Historical material on the area was collected both from published and
original sources, with the intention of filling an academic gap; but the history of the
middle Solimões is also relevant in understanding the region's current
characteristics and its distinctiveness relative to other Amazonian regions.
3.2 CATHOLIC MISSIONS AND AMERINDIAN SLAVERY
The first phase of Portuguese colonization of Amazonia occurred between 1617
18 Although I follow Parker (1985b) in his characterization of caboclo history as the outcome of Portuguese colonization of Amazonia, my analysis differs from Parker's in the way I distinguish and characterize the main periods of caboclo history.
58
and 1755. This section will concentrate on the ethnic policies introduced during this
period, implemented with the intention of conquering Amerindians and forcing them
to participate in the colonial order as labourers.
The early colonial period was characterized by the presence of missionaries of
different Catholic orders in Amazonia, who were called upon by Portugal to assist
them in the process of colonization and frontier expansion. The mission system
ruled for 140 years, from the beginning of Portuguese settlement in Amazonia in
1617 until the system was abolished in 1755. During this period, the missions
controlled the majority of the Aldeias, the settlements where Amerindians were
"domesticated", christianized, and forced to work for missionaries, the colonial
government and for white settlers.
The mission period represents the first phase of a longer process of incorporation of
the Amerindian into colonial society. In this process, the missionaries were
responsible for the "cultural homogenization" of Amerindians. As we shall see, in
the missions, different tribal groups were amalgamated and transformed into
"tapuios", the generic term for the detribalized Indian, used at the time as a
synonym of caboclo. However, at the same time as the mission system was
carrying out this "cultural homogenization", legal enslavement of the Amerindian
was being pursued by white settlers in the area, though missionaries acted strongly
against this practice. Although Amerindian slavery had a minor role in the process
of incorporation of the Amerindian into colonial society, it was also, and more
importantly, one of the major causes of the extermination of Amerindian groups.
Portuguese colonization of the middle Solimões began during the period of
missionary rule. The establishment of Portuguese missions in the area reflected the
general objectives of the early colonization policies: the affirmation of Portuguese
rule over Amazonian territory and domination of the indigenous population. In the
middle Solimões, the accomplishment of this twofold objective resulted in direct
confrontation with the Spanish for possession of the region, as described in section
59
3.2.c below.
3.2.a The missions and territorial expansion
The initial goal of the Portuguese Crown in Amazonia was to secure its domain
against the threat of foreign occupation. In the earlier period, this defensive stance
was directed at the attempts of the Dutch, English and Irish to colonize Amazonia.
But the long-term territorial dispute concerned mainly the efforts of the Portuguese
Crown to expand its territory in the New World into land which Pope Alexander VI,
by means of the Treaty of Tordesilhas, had granted to Spain (Hemming, 1978: 223-
9; Tambs, 1974: 62). Although Amazonia did not in the end fulfil the high economic
expectations created by the legend of El Dorado, the period was marked by
tremendous competitive territorial expansion, motivated as much by the hope of
finding the legendary gold as by the rivalry between the Portuguese and Spanish
Crowns. Indeed, the fact that Amazonia is the westernmost region of Brazil reveals
the extent of the expansionist effort there.
In order to establish and defend territorial sovereignty, the expansionist policy of
both Spanish and Portuguese Monarchs resorted to missionary activities from the
sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth century (Dussel, 1982: 10). Because the
missions represented territorial occupation of the Crown they served, Catholic
Orders were either given permission or were requested to install missions in the
conquered territory. The first mission was installed in 1617, shortly after the
foundation of the city of Belém (1616). At the end of the missionary period (1755),
there were 63 missionary Aldeias in Amazonia, strategically located along major
rivers and estuaries.
The legislation concerning missionary activity in Brazil was based on the principle
that the Amerindians were already a possession of Portugal. The objective of
missionary work was to convert the Amerindians to the word of God and, via their
Christianization, to get them to submit to the rule of the King of Portugal (Fragoso,
60
1982: 126-7). By Royal decree, the missions were granted the "temporal
government" of the Aldeias, and missionaries were appointed the tutors of the
settled Amerindians. They had full and independent administrative powers over the
Aldeias, and acted as the official mediators between the Amerindians, the settlers
and the government itself. Although the objective of the Crown (to expand the
Empire) and that of the missionaries (to expand the Faith) were initially closely
related (Fragoso, 1982: 146), these interests proved in the end to be incompatible.
As mentioned above, the missionaries reacted strongly against the early practice of
enslaving Amerindians, and denounced the violence used in their capture. On the
other hand, both the settlers and the government administration had a constant
demand for slave labour. During the first part of the colonial period, the Crown
supported the ideological reasoning of the religious orders. At the time, the Crown's
prime concerns were to expand frontiers and to protect these territories from the
predations of other Western colonisers. The missionaries' activities were very useful
in that regard. Therefore, the Crown initially gave way to pressure from religious
orders over the issue of slavery, and Indian slavery was at least formally abolished
as early as 1570. From this date until the de facto abolition of Amerindian slavery
two hundred years afterwards, legislation shifted constantly between relaxing and
strengthening the 1570 prohibition. This reflected the confrontation between
religious and economic forces and the government's attempts to compromise
between them (Hemming, 1978: 313).
Until the final abolition of Amerindian slavery in 1750, Amerindians were effectively
enslaved by means of two recurrent laws of concession. Enslavement was allowed
in the case of Amerindians captured by means of "just wars" (guerras justas),
declared against tribes which were considered to be a threat to colonial society; and
it was allowed in the case of "ransomed" Amerindians (resgates) who were being
kept as captives by enemy tribes (Hemming, 1978: 323, 416-7; Oliveira, 1983: 191-
4).
61
3.2.b The Aldeias and Amerindian labour
The missionaries were granted legal permission to "descend", or bring down,
Amerindians from their original settlements to the Aldeias, strategically located
downstream and closer to the coast. The term "descent" was used specifically to
refer to the act of bringing Amerindian slaves down to the missions. Theoretically,
Amerindian groups "descended" by their own volition, but coercion and persuasion
were also used (Oliveira, 1983; 187).
As already described, the missions were autonomous settlements, economically
self-sufficient, run by independent administrations and, in what was to become a
major focus of secular challenge to missionary rights, were exempt from taxation. In
the Aldeias, Amerindians were kept strictly disciplined. Members of different tribal
groups were gathered and forced into a homogeneous lifestyle. Among other
things, polygamy was strictly forbidden, and most orders used língua geral, a tupi-
based dialect thought to be related to most tribal languages, to communicate with
the Amerindians. Missionaries also controlled Amerindian labour. The Amerindian
not only provided the Aldeias with food and worked in the extraction of forest
products, but also helped the missionaries to "descend" other tribes to the missions.
Amerindians from the Aldeias were also assigned to work outside the mission. By
the system of repartimento, or "distribution", the Aldeias were forced to meet the
labour demands of both the settlers and the government. Initially a third, and later a
half, of all male Amerindians from the age of thirteen to fifty were called upon to do
labour outside the Aldeias (Maclachlan, 1973: 201). Differing from those qualified
as slaves, Aldeia Amerindians were granted the legal status of "free" workers,
entitled to wages. But the nature and the amount of pay proved to be a liability, and
the system, in the words of Hemming, "was so grossly unfair that it amounted
almost to slavery" (Hemming, 1978: 413-5).
62
Wages were fixed and held at very low rates. From 1655 to 1751 "free"
Amerindians received two yards of cotton cloth for a month of labour (Maclachlan,
1973: 205). Ironically, it was the Amerindians who actually coined the currency with
which they were to be paid (Hemming, 1978: 414). One of the mission's activities
included work in cotton plantations, and Amerindian women were responsible for
weaving and spinning the cotton into cloth. The salary fixed by the Portuguese
government for such work was a fifth of the rate paid by the Dutch in 1639. The
converted value of the payment in cloth, in the currency of the time, was 200 réis.
This value was not enough to buy any of the small things the Amerindian desired,
such as knifes, axes or fish-hooks (Hemming, 1978: 414-6). Only in 1751, ninety six
years later, were wages raised to 400 réis (Mendonça, 1963: 131).
Most of the region's labour force originated from this system of "distribution" of
Amerindians from the Aldeias. Although there is no reliable census material on the
number of male Amerindian labourers available to settlers, Maclachlan (1973: 208)
estimates that, "at the end of the mission period the effective male labour force was
approximately 3,375". Hemming (1978: 414) suggests a higher total. He estimates
that between 4,000 to 7,000 male workers could have been available after 1686.
While Maclachlan (1973: 200) denies the numeric importance of slave labour in
Amazonian economy during the colonial period, Hemming takes the opposite view.
At the turn of the eighteenth century, he argues, the number of slave workers could
have been as high as 10,000 (Hemming, 1978: 414).
Either as slaves or Aldeia workers, the fact that the colonial Amazonian economy
was based on Amerindian labour is not disputed. The main characteristic of the
Amerindian labour force was its very irregular and unreliable nature. The
Amerindian was highly vulnerable to European diseases such as smallpox and
measles, and thus epidemics, as well as desertions and rebellions, caused drastic
population reductions.19 As Alden (1974: 25-6) argues, the scarcity and non-
19 Between 1724 and 1776, at least ten major epidemics of measles and smallpox occurred in Amazonia, which especially afftected the Amerindian population. Hoornaert (1982: 169) cites
63
reliability of labour resulted in economic instability, and helped to influence the
direction taken by the economy towards those activities which provided the most
immediate returns: the extraction of forest products. This economic activity, together
with the short life expectancy of the Amerindian, promoted continual raids against
new settlements and kept pushing the colonial frontier to the West.
3.2.c The missions in the middle Solimões
In the middle Solimões region, the Portuguese expansion confronted the Spanish
occupation, represented by a number of Jesuit missions which were headed by the
famous Father Samuel Fritz. In legal terms, the boundary dispute between Spain
and Portugal was based on the conflict between two concepts: the right of
possession by law, which granted to Spain territorial hegemony, and the right of
possession by occupation, which the Portuguese used to legitimize their claim to
the territory (Tambs, 1974: 61). For this reason, the Portuguese Crown invited the
Carmelite Order to act on their behalf and establish missions along the Solimões
and Negro Rivers. Beforehand, the Portuguese had made regular trips to the
Solimões, but according to Father Samuel Fritz (1922: 97), only "in search of cacao
and [Amerindian] captives", and not as settled occupants of the land.
The Carmelites took an aggressive posture. In 1697 they claimed possession of a
former Spanish Jesuit village, San Ignácio, located on an island upstream of the
Tefé River, which marked the beginning of a long-lasting dispute (Hemming, 1978:
430). The dispute between the Carmelites and Jesuits over Amerindian missions
represented the territorial battles between Spain and Portugal (Hoornaert, 1982:
164-5). Military troops were called in by both sides, and after a number of
confrontations, the Portuguese won the final battle in 1735, expelling the Jesuits
from the Solimões. Former populous Amerindian settlements, notably those of the
(..continued) a report published in Lisbon, estimating the devastating effect of the 1748 epidemics: around 30,000 Amerindians were believed to have died of measles.
64
Omáguas, suffered both from the battles and from the spreading of Western
diseases, to which they were particularly susceptible. As a result, the land between
the Portuguese missions in the Solimões and the Spanish missions on the Ucayali
was deserted (Hemming, 1978: 433; 636).
By 1751, the Carmelites had founded eight Aldeias along the Solimões and Negro
Rivers (Hoornaert, 1982: 165). Although the Carmelites shared more interests with
the Portuguese government than the more activist Catholic orders (such as the
representatives of the Jesuit order in Brazil) did, the Carmelites supported the
general missionary condemnation of Amerindian slavery. As with the other missions
in Amazonia, the Carmelite Aldeias provided the labour force for the Solimões
region, used for gathering forest products (mainly wild cocoa) and for "descending"
and ransoming more Amerindians. Because the Carmelite Aldeias were
geographically distant from the main Portuguese towns, they received
comparatively less requests for Amerindian labourers than the missions in the lower
Amazon (Southey, 1819: 370).
According to Hoornaert (1982: 170), the establishment of the Carmelite missions in
the Solimões had three main consequences: the death of a large number of
Amerindians; the transformation of a large Amerindian population into a "mass" of
undifferentiated tapuios or caboclos, ready to be absorbed as labourers into the
system of division of labour introduced by the Europeans; and the formation of a
Catholic religious consciousness in the region.
The cities of Tefé and Alvarães, and the community of Nogueira originate from this
period. Today, Tefé and Alvarães are the most important towns of the middle
Solimões in terms of size and market activities. During the mission period, Tefé was
the largest Carmelite mission in the Solimões. By that time, Alvarães was called
"Caiçara", which means "corral". Amerindians who were captured by the ransom
troops active in the Japurá River area were "herded" in the human corrals located in
65
Alvarães, while the slavers continued their ransoming.20 Nogueira is the community
where most of my field work was carried out. During the mission period, Nogueira
was called Parauarí, and was the fourth Carmelite mission in the Solimões river.
Subsequently, the settlement was moved to Lake Tefé due to a smallpox epidemic,
where it is still located today (Sampaio, 1985; 45-8).21
3.2.d The end of the mission period
The mission system operated until 1755, when the administration of Amerindian
settlements was removed from the control of missionaries. In 1757 the mission
system was replaced by the secular rule of the Diretório, described in the following
section. As already mentioned, missionaries had suffered from the opposition of
both settlers and government factions since their establishment in Amazonia. The
missionaries were accused of making large fortunes by taking advantage of their
control over Amerindian labour, to the detriment of the settlers and the state
(Mendonça, 1963: 72; Maclachlan, 1973: 209).
According to Dussel (1982: 10; 20), the presence of the missions (which he calls an
anti-colonial institution within a colonial state), had been tolerated because the state
was weak and depended on missionary activities to legitimize their frontier claims.
20 See Hemming (1978: 411) for a description of ransoming Amerindians in Amazonia. Hemming states that the building of corrals for herding captives was common. See Mendonça (1963: 209) for a statement from Governor Mendonça Furtado describing and condemning the practice of ransoming.
21 The French scientist Charles Marie De La Condamine visited the Carmelite missions in 1743, and was impressed by the good state of the missions and the number of goods possessed by the indians. The scientist suggests that Parauari (he spells Paraguari) which would later become Nogueira, was the settlement where Pedro Teixeira, the first Portuguese to travel from Belem to Quito, in 1639, placed the boundary mark establishing the division between the possessions of Portugal and Spain (La Condamine, 1778: 97). The mark was lost, and the location of the settlement, which Teixeira called Vila D'Ouro (or Village of Gold), has been a matter of speculation and debate up to the present century (cf. Hemming, 1978: 230; Edmundson, 1922: 2-39).
66
With the growing power of the State and the anti-clerical policy of the Marquis of
Pombal, military corps were called in to replace the missions in the defence of
frontier hegemony, and secular administrators, answering directly to the governor,
took over the administrative authority of the Aldeias.
The demise of the mission system was inevitable, not only because of the
ideological differences between the government and the religious orders regarding
Amerindian slavery, but also, and more importantly, because of their competition for
economic and political resources. With regard to the latter, the missions contained
their own contradictions: the right to freedom for Amerindians was defended by
missionaries only in terms of freedom from the white secular population, for the
missionaries based their own economic activities on Amerindian labour just as
much as other whites did. Thus, as far as the settlers and the government were
concerned, the economic and political power held by the missionaries had to cease.
When the mission system was abolished in 1755, 63 of the 67 Portuguese
settlements in Amazonia were Aldeias governed by missionaries, while only 4 were
governed directly by the government (Moreira Neto, 1988: 22). This illustrates the
extent of the power that the government gained by terminating the mission system.
In terms of the role played by the mission system in the process of the formation of
a colonial society, the missionaries "efficiently" carried out the task of educating a
large mass of detribalized Amerindians which they themselves helped to gather. In
this respect, the missions played a major role in the creation of the population of
tapuios or caboclos. In the missions, Amerindians were dispossessed of their
original ethnic identities and educated to be both Christians and the subjects of the
King. However, the ties tapuios had to colonial society were weak. The alienation of
tapuios was, of course, connected to the (albeit disguised) status of slaves which
the colonial order bestowed on them, and this alienation did not go unnoticed. Post-
mission policies reflected the government's awareness of the Amerindians'
resistance to taking part in the development of the colonial order. The introduction
of the Diretório rule was an explicit attempt to overcome this fact.
67
3.3 THE DIRETÓRIO AND THE MIXTURE OF RACES
As a result of the conflict with missionary orders, the government removed the
missionaries from the administration of the Aldeias and proclaimed that Amerindian
settlements should be governed by secular Directors. The legislation guiding this
change was enacted in 1757 in a 95-clause document entitled "Instructions to be
Followed in the Indian Settlements" ("Diretório Que Se Deve Observar Nas
Povoações Dos Índios"), here referred to as the Diretório. The document details
a long list of modifications to be made in the administration of the Aldeias, and, at
the same time, continually criticised the ineptitude of the mission system.
The social consequences of the Diretório were decisive in altering the position of
the Amerindian in the colonial order. The idea of the legislation was to create,
through the imposition of integrationist ethnic policies, a population of European-like
Amerindian peasants. Whereas the mission system had isolated the tapuios from
contact with whites, the ethnic policy of the Diretório opened the Aldeias, and thus
deliberately created the conditions in which mixed marriages and cultural exchange
could occur. As a result of these policies, the ethnic composition of the Amazonian
population changed. After the Diretório, the population of "mixed-breeds" rose
significantly. Thus, the Diretório was directly responsible for the evolution of the
"domesticated" Amerindian into the "mixed-breed" caboclo.
This section discusses three aspects related to the Diretório period. First, it
presents a summary of the Diretório legislation, and looks at the main
accomplishments and failures of the project. Second, it analyzes the ideological
rhetoric which accompanied its introduction, based on a statement made by a high-
ranking government official of the time, and which reflects many of the conceptions
of the white population about Amerindians. And third, it describes the main events
occurring in the middle Solimões during the Diretório rule.
68
3.3.a The objective of the Diretório
The objective of the Diretório was similar to that of the missions: to integrate the
Amerindian into colonial society. The method adopted, however, was more radical
and explicit.22 The reason for the introduction of the Diretório was twofold. It aimed
both to remove the power held by the missionaries and to correct what were
considered to be "methodological errors" of the mission system. In theory, the
Diretório aimed to give equal rights to the civilized Amerindian, ending the
discrimination and prejudice which, it claimed, had prevented their full incorporation
into colonial society. It was stated that the missions had erred in isolating the
Amerindian from colonial society. The method of adopting língua geral (mentioned
above), and the prohibition of white settlers in the Aldeias were regarded as anti-
colonial measures of the mission system.
But the emphasis on pointing out the mistakes of the Aldeia system concealed
contradictions over the issue of race which, as we shall see, were formulated within
the Diretório legislation itself. In the end, the Diretório failed to accomplish what it
stated was its most enlightened aim (i.e., the end of racial discrimination). During
the 42 years of its rule, the Amerindians suffered more exploitation and
depopulation than they had done before, and the frequency of desertions and
rebellions increased.23
The Diretório legislation designed, on paper, a model for the complete
22 The radical position of the Diretório is summarized in the last paragraph of its regulation. It is stated that the Diretório is the means to "extinguish all wild Amerindian paganism" (Gentilismo), educating them to the true faith and to civilization, expanding agriculture and introducing commerce, all "for the establishment and well-being of the State" (Diretório, art. 95, reproduced in Moreira Neto, 1988: 203).
23 For examples of revolts of Amerindian villages during the Diretório rule, see A. Rodrigues Ferreira (1983: 640-1) and also Baena (1969: 233).
69
transformation of the Amerindian into a European peasant. Its rules covered
instructions for cultural transformation and social, political and economic
organization of the Amerindian settlements. Contact between Amerindians and
whites were encouraged in order to facilitate the "transformation" project. The rules
stated that the entrance of white settlers to the villages should be supervised, so
that Amerindians would only be neighbours to exemplary whites. It encouraged
interracial marriages and imposed sanctions against any bad conduct of whites.
The Diretório went on to state that Portuguese should be spoken in order to
introduce Portuguese values and help social integration. Schools for Amerindian
boys and girls were to be established with village funds. European clothing should
be adopted. The tradition of having communal houses was forbidden. Houses
should have separate compartments, in order to facilitate the introduction of the
European model of the nuclear family. Every village would have a jail and a
municipal building. At the centre of each village a pelourinho should be placed,
which was a whipping post. The pelourinho was the traditional symbol of
Portuguese political and judicial authority. The villages were to be administered by
selected Amerindians, acting as municipal officers and judges, under the
supervision of a white Director.
The Director was expected to provide Amerindians with the necessary instruction
and tuition while they learned to become "willing subjects". Until then, the Director
would coordinate all economic activities performed by the Amerindians. Whereas
the ideal Director should be self-sacrificing and self-motivated, in practice the post
was viewed as a profit-making enterprise. This was mainly due to the fact that the
Director's payment derived from the village's agricultural and commercial production
(he was entitled to receive a sixth part of all communal production).
Maclachlan (1972: 369) suggests that the failure of the Diretório project was mainly
caused by the high expectations of the role of Director, expectations upon which the
success of the Diretório's ultimate objectives depended. As no wealthy or educated
70
settler was willing to move to the distant villages, the post was occupied by the
poorest and least educated immigrants, who viewed the office only from an
economic perspective. The Directors were usually oppressive and they regularly
abused their power. As a result, the cultural objectives of the Diretório were
doomed and the Amerindian settlements became mainly oriented towards
economic production. This resulted in a large number of desertions and rebellions
within Amerindian settlements during the Diretório rule, and thus they were
characterised by severe social instability (Moreira Neto, 1988).
The legislation of the Diretório gave the Amerindians the status of full subjects of
the State. Accordingly, they were equally forced to pay taxes, which consisted of
10% of all economic production. The Director and two village officials were assigned
the task of estimating the volume of individual production and the amount to be paid
by each settler. The Diretório gave the Amerindians incentives to participate in
expeditions for gathering forest products, as these were the most profitable
commodities of the time. White officials, the cabos, should head these expeditions,
and they would receive a percentage of the total production as payment. After
deducting all taxes and shares from their production, the Amerindians could "freely"
put the remainder up for sale, but they could not engage directly in commercial
activities. Their products were sold by the Director, who also made all purchases for
Amerindians in his charge. This was to protect them from the "wrongs of wicked
traders", and to ensure that they consumed only "useful" items, avoiding the
purchase of alcohol (Maclachlan, 1972; Moreira Neto, 1988).
By maintaining the system of labour distribution, the Diretório still discriminated
against the Amerindian, despite stating that it aimed to end racial inequality. Half of
each village's Amerindian population were to be distributed among authorized
settlers, to work for a period of six months, receiving wages. The other half would
stay in the village to undertake agricultural and forest extraction activities as well as
serve the labour needs of the government.
71
3.3.b A critical view of the Diretório by a government official: the Ouvidor
Sampaio's report
The "economic government" of the Amerindians, as the Diretório system was
sometimes termed, was supervised by an official (the Ouvidor Geral), appointed by
the government. When Francisco Xavier Ribeiro Sampaio occupied the post, he
wrote an account of an inspection tour he made of all the villages and localities in
the Captaincy of the Rio Negro (which later became the Amazonas state), during
the years 1774 and 1775. The survey is one of the few early sources of information
about the Diretório period. It contains an examination of the development of
agriculture and the marketing of forest products in all settlements; a report on the
payment of taxes; opinion on whether Directors were acting in compliance with the
regulations for the "distribution" of Amerindian labour; comments on the conditions
of housing, public buildings and churches; opinions about the integrity of the
Directors; and an account of the increase in the number of "descended"
Amerindians.
Tefé (at this time called Ega),24 is reported to have had a population of 495
residents; Nogueira, almost as large as Tefé, contained 404 individuals, and
Alvarães, 327. As was the case in most settlements of the time, the majority of the
population was Amerindian. In Ega, Nogueira and Alvarães, the Amerindian
population consisted of a mixture of members of different tribes, descended from
various rivers. Among these were members of the Januma, Tamuana, Sorimão
(who gave the name to the river Solimões), Jauana, Tupiva, Achouari, Juma,
Manáo, Coretú, Xama, Passé, Jurí, Uayupí, Catauixí, Mariarana and Cirú.
24 According to the Diretório legislation, the former missions were transformed into Villages or Localities (Lugares) depending on population size (Baena, 1969: 169). Their names were changed following the onomastic list of Portuguese settlements. Tefé was changed to Ega, Parauarí to Nogueria, Caiçara to Alvarães, Mariuá to Barcelos, Maturú to Porto de Mós, and so on.
72
Economic production was divided between the "commoners" (i.e., the Amerindians)
and that of the "citizens" (i.e., whites), (Sampaio, 1985, passim). They cultivated
manioc, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, and cotton; they also collected wild cocoa, salsa
and nuts in the forest, prepared butter from turtle oil and fished.
In his report, Sampaio critically assesses the 20 years of the Diretório rule, pointing
out what he considers to be two causes for the failure of the "transformation"
project: the "temperament, nature, and the rooted habits of the Amerindian", and the
"ambition and ignorance of the majority of the Directors" (Sampaio, 1985; 126-7).
From his point of view, Amerindians were not making any use of what they learned
in schools, nor were they able to distinguish their "superstitions from the pure ones".
The project of mixed marriages, he wrote, was also failing, for "instead of the female
indians taking up the habits of whites, the latter are taking up those of the former"
(Sampaio, 1985: 127). Amerindians are criticized for their lack of entrepreneurial
skills, for marketing extractive products only when forced to, and for working only to
provide for their subsistence. Referring to current ideas about the effect of the
Amazonian environment on the character of its native inhabitants, Sampaio states
that the payment given for commercial production "is of little stimulus, because they
are not necessary for those to whom nature gives what is needed" (Sampaio, 1985:
127).
Sampaio's critique of the Diretório illustrates the colonialist interpretation of
Amerindians. The judgement of the Amerindians' "nature" as "inappropriate for
civilization" is based on their presumed "innate" racial characteristics. This contrasts
with opinions expressed by Sampaio about whites, which are not based on racist
assumptions but on his judgement of individual behavioral characteristics. The
Directors, also blamed for the failure of the Diretório, are "not suitable" for the task,
not because of the "nature of whites", but because of the individual personalities of
the white men who occupied the posts.
Sampaio's ethnocentrism is also present in his analysis of the introduction of
73
Catholicism. The absolute truth of Catholicism is not questioned by its contact with
other religious systems. Instead, the divergency of creeds confirms that the
Amerindian nature is unadaptable: according to Sampaio, the Amerindian is unable
to distinguish "right" from "wrong" superstitions. The adoption of Amerindian
customs by whites is also a matter of concern to him. Sampaio's comments
foreshadowed the anxiety which the miscegenation of cultures and races provoked
in the nineteenth century elite (this point is elaborated later in this chapter). Finally,
in relation to economic differences, Sampaio repeats the "subsistence" critique,
based on the myth of the lazy native, which pervades the colonial experience
throughout the world (cf. Bauer, 1979).
The problems of the Diretório notwithstanding, Sampaio believed that, compared to
the missions, it provided the Crown with a better chance of "transforming"
Amerindians into "civilized" individuals. When comparing the two institutions,
Sampaio makes a clear statement regarding the colonial intentions:
"[The Diretório] is more useful to the Empire; as it encourages the Indians to
acquire the pleasure of being clothed, the consumption of European textiles
increases... Another advantage ... is the establishment of [white] inhabitants in the
settlements, not admitted by the Missions. These inhabitants ... are of
acknowledged utility, for the general reason of increasing the population, and for the
ends that result from this increase, the most important of these being the expansion
of [Portuguese] dependant consumption, which is the primary utility of the colonies"
(Sampaio, 1985: 130-1).
For the government, one of the most alarming facts concerning the failure of the
Diretório was that the number of settled Amerindians was considerably smaller
during the Diretório than in the mission period. Sampaio gives the example of the
Village of Tomar. During the mission period, when known as Aldeia of Bararoa, the
Amerindian population was 1,200, while in 1775, as a secular village, it contained
only 140 Amerindians. Besides pointing to the fact that the missionaries were
74
favoured with legal concessions for "descending" Amerindians, Sampaio also
explains the decrease in the Amerindian population as the result of a more intensive
recruitment of settled Amerindians for government services (Sampaio, 1985: 128-
9).
As already mentioned, the Diretório stated that those Amerindians who had to stay
in the villages to work in economic activities (half of all settled Amerindians) were
also forced to comply to the labour requests of the government. By the end of the
eighteenth century, the State gave priority to frontier expansion and consolidation.
According to the 1750 Luso-Castilian Treaty of Madrid, which was followed by
instructions for demarcation of territory issued in the Treaty of 1752, it was
necessary to organize expeditions for territorial reconnaissance and to establish the
geographical boundaries between Spain and Portugal (cf. Mendonça, 1963: 359 ff.).
The government called upon excessive numbers of Amerindians to work on these
expeditions. As the only available labour, Amerindians were also responsible for
constructing fortresses and were forced to participate in the military expeditions to
the interior.
3.3.c Boundaries, Amerindians and food disputed in the middle Solimões
The middle Solimões was, again, a particularly important region in boundary
arbitration. Ega (i.e., Tefé) was the settlement chosen as the base for the
representative parties of both Crowns. The Portuguese and Spanish Royal
Demarcation Committees replaced the Carmelites and Jesuits in the battle for the
possession of Western Amazonia. In 1781, the Spanish Commission arrived in Ega
and stayed for ten years in what was to be a slow and bitter diplomatic mission. In
Ega, the commanders of both sides not only argued over the demarcation of
territorial boundaries, but also the sustenance of their troops, provided by manioc
and Amerindian labour.
Unpublished documents from the Library and Public Archives of Pará (BAPP, 1778;
75
1785; 1791), provide evidence of the scale of the discord between the two parties.
Among these documents are strict recommendations that the Portuguese
commissioner should prevent the Spanish from taking possession of Amerindian or
mixed blood women, with whom the Spanish had offspring. Both parties also sent a
large number of letters to the Portuguese High Commissioner, Pereira Caldas,
containing a variety of mutual accusations.
The Spanish commissioner, Requena Herrera, throughout his stay in Ega,
complained that the Portuguese commissioner, Batista Martel, prohibited the
population of the Village of Ega and the Locality of Nogueira to sell manioc or any
food item to the Spanish (Mendonça, 1963: 361).25 Even the Director of Nogueira
had been punished for selling manioc to them. The Portuguese defence for doing
this was that scarcity of food was a serious problem which equally affected both
parties. This was considered to be both because of a lack of Amerindians working in
agriculture, and because of the continual assaults on colonial settlements by the
rebel Amerindians from the Mura tribe.26 The parties involved in these disputes
eventually resorted to personal recriminations. The Portuguese commissioner
(Martel) accused the Spanish commissioner of employing Spanish Amerindians to
collect and illegally sell forest products like cocoa and salsa in Portuguese territory.
After being sued in court by the Spanish commissioner, Martel moved his office to
Nogueira, which the Spanish also considered to be an offence.
In Nogueira, Martel succeeded in establishing peaceful contact with a group of
Muras. Twenty Mura children were baptized by the vicar of Nogueira. Martel was
25 By the 1752 Treaty on the Instructions for the Demarcations, the Portuguese were responsible for providing the Spanish expedition troops with food and equipment.
26 Estimated to be formed by 60,000 people in 1824, the Mura was one of the largest amongst the fiercly hostile tribes in the Amazon (other hostile groups were the Mundurucú, Apinayé and Maué), (Moreira Neto, 1988: 105 ff.). From the end of the eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century, the Mura undertook continuous assaults on settlements located in the Solimões, Negro, and Madeira Rivers (cf. Hemming 1978: 438-9).
76
made the godfather of eighteen of them, and was praised by the Portuguese high
commander for this accomplishment. The tie of godparenthood with the Mura
foreman Ambrosio was regarded as instrumental in the Mura's final submission to
Portuguese rule.27 The strategy used to achieve this was trading relations with the
Muras.28 After the Nogueira event, in 1785, one hundred and fifty Muras came to
the Director of the Imaripe locality at Lake Amanã. Mathias, the Director, asked
them to fish and they brought him two hundred turtles, which were taken for sale in
Ega. There, Martel ordered that the Mura be paid in knifes, fish hooks and cloth.
The Muras asked for more. Martel promised that after they established themselves,
built houses and opened fields, he would bring more goods.
The episode became famous (cf. Baena, 1969: 207; Moreira Neto 1988: 251). It is
reported that the password "Comrade Mathias", employed by the Mura when they
arrived in Ega, was soon being used by other Mura who wanted to engage in
commercial relationships with whites in localities as far away from Nogueira as the
Madeira River.
The demarcation commission left Ega in 1791. It had drawn heavily on the regions's
Amerindian population: as labour demands increased, orders to "descend" more
Amerindians were made (cf. BAPP, codex 1209). Eight years later, the government
abolished the Diretório rule, acknowledging its failure.
27 Reporting his achievement, Martel states that the Mura were not an homogeneous group but in fact composed of people from several language groups. A large part of the group consisted of village runaways, escaping from the harsh conditions of forced canoeing, field work and other village activities, to join the Mura in their fierce raids (the correrias) against both the settlements of white and domesticated Amerindians (BAPP, 1778, no. 76).
28 Goods were so effective that they became called resgates or "ransomings". In letters sent to the Governor Lobo D'Almada, Joao Henrique Wilkens, commander of Tabatinga in 1792, requests knifes, combs, thread, needles, and mainly cloth, "resgates of an outflow quality" (BAPP, 1792).
77
Initially, the Diretório aimed to provide the Amerindian with temporary tuition on
"how to become a colonial subject" (Maclachlan, 1973: 209). The outcome of its rule
was brutal. Members of different Amerindian tribes were separated from their
particular social and cultural traditions, and forced into a rigid system of labour
control. The reactions were revolt, escape or passive conformity. But the opposite
also occasionally occurred: in his account of Ega in 1775, Sampaio reports cases
of "active" conformity. He observed that some settled Amerindians "descended"
tribal Amerindians to Ega by offering them gifts, and, when in town, treated them as
their slaves (Sampaio, 1985: 143).
3.3.d The population's ethnic composition after the Diretório
From the introduction of the Diretório in 1757 to its end in 1799, the number of
settled Amerindians decreased from 30,000 to 19,000 (Maclachlan, 1972: 386).
However, while the number of "civilized" Amerindians was in decline, the number of
people classified as "mixed" was increasing. The categories of mixed races
received specific terminology. The offspring of white and Amerindian was called
mameluco; the mixture of negro and white, mulato; that of Amerindian and negro,
cafuzo or curiboca; and xíbaro, the cross between cafuzo and negro (cf. Bates,
1892: 18; Salles, 1971: 94). By this time, the term caboclo still referred to the
civilized Amerindian, and was used as a synonym for tapuio.
Table 3.1 presents the evolution of the ethnic composition of the population of the
middle Solimões, from 1775 (during the Diretório), to 1840 (forty years after the
end of the rule).
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Table 3.1 Evolution of the ethnic composition of the population of Ega, Nogueira and Alvarães, middle Solimões region, between 1775 and 1840. ____________________________________________________________ Amerindian % White % Black % Mameluco % Mixed % Total ------------------------------------------------------------ Ega (1775) 449 91% 36 7% 10 2% - - - - 495 (1840) 540 64% 84 10% 20 2% 176 21% 20 2% 840 Nogueira (1775) 404 94% 24 6% 1 - - - - - 429 (1840) 472 65% 30 4% 2 - 200 28% 20 3% 724 Alvarães (1775) 327 92% 28 8% 2 - - - - - 357 (1840) 341 61% 56 10% 5 1% 150 27% 10 2% 562 _____________________________________________________________ Sources: Sampaio, 1985: Chart IV; and 1840 census for the upper Amazon, in Dicionário Topográfico of Lourenço Amazonas, reproduced in Moreira Neto, 1988: 320.
Until the mission period, the ethnic composition of the middle Solimões region (and
Amazonia in general), was characterized by a majority of Aldeia Amerindians, a
minority of whites and a very small number of black slaves.29 After the Diretório,
Amerindians were still in the majority, but the frequency of whites in the population
fell to third place. The emerging mameluco population already appears as the
second largest ethnic group.30
29 In comparison to other regions of Brazil, the presence of a black population in Amazonia is not large. A large percentage of the total number of blacks brought to Amazonia came during the period of the colonial company of commerce (Companhia Geral de Comercio do Grão-Pará), 1755-1778, when the substitution of Amerindian labour for African slaves was facilitated. Although small in numbers, the cultural inheritance left by the negro population in the form of traditional music and folklore is acknowledged (cf. Salles, 1971).
30 The district of Belém, however, differs from this pattern. It had the largest population of black slaves in Amazonia. In 1849, the total population of black slaves of the state of Grão-Pará (comprising the states of Amazonas and Pará) was 34,216. Of these, 56% were from the district of Belém. In 1822, the population of Belém was formed by 46% of whites, 45% black slaves, and 9% consisted of free blacks, Amerindians, and mixed races (Salles, 1971: 71-2).
79
Looking at the changes in the proportional representation of each racial category,
however, the mameluco group is taking over from the Amerindian population, which
declines from a majority of around 92% in 1775 to 63% in 1840, while the
percentage of whites stays relatively constant (7% to 8%). The Diretório project of
increasing the population through racial inter-marriage thus succeeded. Because
the white population was mainly male, the majority of the mixed marriages were
between male whites and female Amerindians.31
3.3.e Summary of the consequences of the Diretório
The replacement of missionary rule by a system of secular government accelerated
the process of incorporation of Amerindians into colonial society. The opening of
Amerindian settlements to whites heightened the communication between their
cultural traditions and also led to changes in the ethnic composition of the
population. The rule of the Diretório was supposed to guide the transformation of
Amerindians into "free" peasants. Because of a number of epidemics and the
excessive labour demands made by the government and settlers in addition to
desertions, the number of settled Amerindians decreased drastically in the
Diretório period. At the same time, the "mixed bloods" emerged as the population's
second ethnic component, due to the process of miscegenation which occurred
during the Diretório period.
When Pombal gave instructions for the institution of the Diretório, he described the
process of transformation and integration of the Amerindian into colonial society as
one which would preclude racial discrimination. In his effort, Pombal even legislated
31 According to Sampaio, the white population of the upper Amazon (i.e., Negro and Solimoes Rivers) originated from former traders of Amerindian slaves and members of the demarcation commission, as well as soldiers exempted from the military troops which accompanied the delegation. These men married female Amerindians and settled in the region (Sampaio, 1985: 131).
80
against the use of the "derogatory" word caboclo in the judicial writ of April the
fourth, 1755 (Hemming, 1978: 476). As mentioned, caboclo (in the official
documents, only the synonym "tapuio" was used), referred to the "descended"
Amerindian (as opposed to the tribal Amerindian, also referred to generally as
"pagan", gentio). But "caboclo" also became an offensive term applied both to male
Portuguese who married female Amerindians and to their offspring (Silva, 1922).
The fact that the term carried an abusive connotation reveals that neither
Amerindians, nor those related to them by blood or by the adoption of their cultural
expressions, were de facto accepted as legitimate members of colonial society.
By using simplistic methods such as the legal prohibition of the abusive term
caboclo and the altruistic role expected of the Director, Pombal's policy of
incorporation without discrimination was idealistic and naive. In a society legitimized
by Catholicism and Portuguese social values, "pagans" and "savages" were
incorporated only as its natural serfs, who provided society with labour but to whom
society owed nothing. The project of Pombal and his collaborators proved to be
alienated from its own social context. It was not backed by the settlers nor imitated
by the following governments. The post-Diretório government not only enforced
anti-Amerindian legislation, it included the mixed-breeds in its discrimination as well.
3.4. THE CABOCLO AS THE MIXED BLOOD: DISCRIMINATION AND REVOLT
The emerging class of mixed breeds was ranked as "coloured", and on the basis of
racist values, mixed breeds were excluded from the status of acknowledged
members of colonial society. In the nineteenth century, further racist policies were
introduced to regulate labour. Tapuios and caboclos were forced to enrol in military
corps and labour corps to serve the labour needs of the government and the
colonial establishment.32
32 In the nineteenth century, both the "civilized" Amerindian and the racially mixed peoples were called either tapuio or caboclo (cf. chapter 2).
81
During this period, the Amazonian class structure was interpreted and justified
according to racist assertions and beliefs. After Brazil declared independence from
Portugal, the lower class, composed of Amerindians and mixed breeds, participated
in a large scale rebellion known as the Cabanagem. This event and the economic
independence of the lower class (in terms of their ability to provide for their own
subsistence from the rain forest resources) were interpreted by the elite of the time
as proof of the "racial degradation" which results from miscegenation. Until the
1930s, the "mixture" of the population in Brazil as a whole was seen as problematic.
In Amazonia, the caboclo was the main object of critical racist pronouncements and
beliefs; in other regions, the mulato (mixture of white and negro) was the cause for
concern.
3.4.a The control of labour after the Diretório
The decision to abolish the Diretório was motivated by the recurrent problem of
labour shortages which had afflicted Amazonian economy since the early days of
colonial occupation. The acute scarcity of labour required a scape-goat, and the
Directors were accused of taking advantage of their position and acting as
obstacles to the government's labour demands. For this reason, the government
decided to modify the system of labour distribution, and replaced the Diretório with
a new organization which would best serve its own labour requirements
(Maclachlan, 1973: 222-4).
In a letter presenting the law for the abolition of the Diretório in 1799, Governor
Souza Coutinho describes the Diretório as "the monstrous system once tolerated"
(Moreira Neto, 1988: 220-32). At the same time, however, a law for the formation of
military corps, to be composed of the "coloured" population was being formulated.
The organization of the corps included the use of uniforms and a set chain of
command headed by an officer appointed by the government, the capitão do
campo e mato (cf. Maclachlan, 1973: 222-4). Amerindians, blacks and mixed
82
bloods were compelled to serve in these corps for a number of years. The law
paralleled the Diretório in the promotion of mixed marriages, granting exemption
from public service to the close relatives of mixed marriage couples. The new
legislation also gave local judges the power to force "idle" Amerindians to perform
labour for the settlers who were unable to contract free labour. If, however, an
Amerindian's tithe payment was higher than the government salary, he was
exempted from involuntary labour. Therefore, although freed from the Directors,
Amerindians were still forced to participate in the colonial economy (Moreira Neto,
1988: 220-32).
The new legislation also gave the settlers free access to Amerindian labour. The
private sector was allowed to compete for Amerindian labour on the market.
Because the rates of pay for the workers of the military corps and for Amerindians
working for the government was still low, the new legislation for providing the
government with labour barely fulfilled its aims. Labourers deserted to undertake
private employment, mainly in the urban areas, where better salaries were offered.
The end of the Diretório had two effects on the settlement pattern of Amazonia. It
promoted the dispersal of village Amerindians back to the forest, leading to the
disintegration of many small villages which had originated during the mission period;
and it resulted in the growth of the main urban centres, chiefly Belém. The city's
more favourable labour market (developed as a consequence of the growth of
commerce associated with the extraction economy) attracted many of the
Amerindians and mixed bloods who had chosen to undertake wage labour
(Maclachlan, 1973: 224-8).
According to Maclachlan, the succession of labour regulations, from the mission
system to the Diretório and then the military corps, have one thing in common: the
mark of "aggressive royal control" (Maclachlan, 1973: 228). The political measures
undertaken by the Crown to create a labour supply resulted in the disintegration of
many Amazonian tribes. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, the result of
83
early ethnic policies was the creation of a class of subordinated and marginalized
citizens, formed by the "domesticated" Amerindians, mixed bloods and free blacks.
Because of their racial origins, this class had neither the freedom to withhold their
labour nor access to economic and social benefits. At a higher social level, the
unequal character of the colonial society was also present, and divided native
Brazilians away from Portuguese immigrants and rulers.
3.4.b The aftermaths of Independence: the Cabanagem revolt
In 1820, after D. Pedro I proclaimed Brazil independent from Portugal, the
antagonism between factions of the elite and the latent animosity of the
marginalized population towards the whites and the colonial system surfaced. The
fact that Brazil gained independence but maintained the same monarchic structure
of colonial times (as well as a Bragança King), frustrated many pro-independence
political activists. In Brazil, the years following independence were characterized by
a number of native rebellions. The most devastating of these rebellions, the
Cabanagem, took place in Amazonia, where the influence and the economic
superiority of the Portuguese was most visible. The Cabanagem, which started as a
dispute between opposing government factions, also involved the participation of
the marginal population in a role characterised by Anderson (1985: 60-1) as
"cannon-fodder".
As Santos (1980: 33) points out, the economic roots of the Cabanagem were no
less important than nationalistic ones. The instability of the cocoa economy (facing
unfavourable market conditions at the time) was a factor which greatly contributed
to the dissatisfaction of the population. Blaming foreign exporters for their
misfortunes, the Brazilian cocoa producers had both economic as well as political
reasons for engaging in the nationalist movement.
The continuing conflict between competing Amazonian government factions
resulted in political instability and the loss of control over the armed forces. From
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1835 to 1836, tapuios, mixed bloods, blacks and poor whites turned against the
ruling elite and, in a series of local fights spreading from Belém to the rural areas,
attacked any member of the white, wealthy, or ruling Portuguese elite.33 The effects
of the fighting were most severely felt in Belém. As a result of the combat and
subsequent epidemics, the population of Belém decreased from 24,500 in 1819 to
15,000 in 1848 (Bates, 1892: 17). The overall number of deaths associated with the
uprising is estimated at 30,000, out of a population of 130,000 (Santos, 1980: 35;
Anderson, 1985: 80).
The "coloured" population from which contemporary caboclos descend carried out
its first and most significant political action during the Cabanagem revolt. The
rebellion lacked both an ideological basis and a central organization. Instead, the
movement was characterized by a number of isolated fights, temporary seizing of
power without a political plan, looting and local revenge against former masters.
According to Anderson (1985: 82-3), the Cabanagem reflected the social
organization of the emerging caboclo population. The lack of integration between
the rebels was the result of the scattered and dependent social organization of a
marginalized population. This social pattern was the end product of the combination
of an extraction economy (which promoted scattered settlements) and the series of
political measures which had created the labour class and kept it under strict
control.
In 1838, immediately after the Cabanagem, yet another institution was established
to subordinate labour: the workers corps (corpos de trabalho). The introduction of
the labour corps was justified as a measure to control the "rebellious potential of the
marginal population" while, at the same time, they served the elite's labour
demands. All the villages and localities of the Province of Grão-Pará had to
33 The movement was not always successful in taking over rural settlements. Although the Cabanagem had supporters in Tefé, a group of forty rebels who ascended the Solimões encountered armed resistance there, and were shot by a small body headed by a military commandant (cf. Bates, 1892: 272).
85
organize a labour corp, to be administrated by officials appointed by the
government. The "coloured" population was again discriminated against. The
legislation stated that the corps should be formed by "indians, mixed bloods, and
non-slave blacks, who have no settlement property or permanent work." Officially,
the corps were directed to do agricultural work, marketing and public building, but in
fact they became another institutional means for the white elite to subordinate
labour (Salles, 1971: 272-3, 313).34
3.4.c The mixed blood in the eyes of the white: "a degrading race"
The political process of building colonial society was based on European
ethnocentrism, which used skin colour as its main ideological reasoning. After the
Cabanagem, the discrimination against the "coloured" population was considered
justified, as the event was used to prove the "threat" it posed to "society". This view
can be illustrated with a quote from the speech made by the president of the
Province of Pará in 1848, Jerônimo Francisco Coelho. Referring to the Workers
Corps legislation, the president condemned the abuses in the application of the law,
but praised its intention of: "having provided the opportunity for honest work to the
wretched, at the same time as protecting society from the malign consequences of
the existence of a large number of individuals belonging to the lowest class, lacking
education, without occupation or craft, isolated in their free life, without submission
or curb" (quoted by Salles, 1971: 274).
The use of the racist beliefs of the day to inform and explain social phenomena was
more explicit in literary writings, where racism received a scientific status. The
nineteenth century Brazilian literary elite followed European academia closely, and
accepted the ideas of climatic determinism, polygeny theory, social Darwinism and
34 Apparently, the corps were mainly formed by Amerindian recruits, and they were chiefly employed to provide a canoeing service. This, at any rate, is the impression given by Bates' account of the Corps. He also provides evidence of abuse of authority by the Corps' Captains (Bates, 1892: 226).
86
racist history with little criticism (cf. Skidmore, 1974). The majority of the population
in Brazil was of mixed race by this time, however, and these ideas constituted a
setback to the aspirations for a future nation.
The policy adopted by the government to solve the problem posed by racist thought
was the "whitening" of the Brazilian population by means of government sponsored
European immigration (Skidmore, 1974). In Amazonia, the quest for "racial
improvement" of the mixed population was associated with the government's
concern about the abandonment of agriculture. All projects of European immigration
directed by both the government and private entities were related to the
establishment of agricultural settlements, though most of these projects failed
(Santos, 1980; 87-91).
One of the most frequently accepted foreign opinions about the certain "doom" of
the Brazilian nation was that of the Swiss naturalist Louis Agassiz (Skidmore, 1974:
49). An active supporter of the theory of polygeny, Agassiz severely criticized the
multi-racial character of Brazil, for, he argued, it had a degenerative effect on the
"nation's character" (Agassiz, 1868: 293).35 Travelling in Amazonia, Agassiz noted
the predominance of the Amerindian in the "degenerated" mixed population. He
characterised the mixture of white and Amerindian (mameluco) as being "pallid,
effeminate, feeble, lazy, and rather obstinate".36 Agassiz believed that the mixture
was unfortunate because: "it seems as if the indian influence had only gone so far
35 "Let any one who doubts the evil of this mixture of races, and is inclined, from a mistaken philanthropy, to break down all barriers between them, come to Brazil. He cannot deny the deterioration of races, more widespread here than any where in the world, and which is rapidly effacing the best qualities of the white man, the negro, and the indian, leaving a mongrel nondescript type, deficient in physical and mental energy" (Agassiz, 1868: 293).
36 Agassiz's critical remark of the mixed-breed as being "effeminate" reflect his concern with the outcome of the population of male mixed-breeds, and this can be explained by the fact that the population of European origins was mostly of the male sex. His remarks point to the origins of the masculine stereotype of the caboclo, referred to in chapter 2.
87
as to obliterate the higher energies of the white, without importing its own energies
to the offspring" (Agassiz, 1868: 522).37
The "problem" of the racial constitution of Brazil posed by authors such as Agassiz
was received in Brazil with unease. According to Skidmore (1974: 37), racial
interpretations of Brazil were not refuted by most Brazilian writers for lack of a
"scientific" counter-argument. However, one of the most influential Amazonian
intellectuals of the time, the writer Jose Veríssimo, rejected Agassiz's racist
interpretation by adding social and environmental causes to the mixed blood
"problem". While acknowledging the "degenerative" status reached by the
Amazonian mixed population, Veríssimo argued that the "degeneration" was the
result of a combination of social, biological and environmental causes. The history
of colonial oppression, the climate and the easiness of subsistence in the forest
were regarded as the causes of the "debility" of the mixed race (Veríssimo, 1970:
22-3).
The English naturalist Henry Bates, who lived in Amazonia from 1848 to 1859, also
argued against the theory of polygeny, and, although expressing surprise, provided
evidence against it: "It is interesting to find the mamelucos displaying talent and
enterprise, for it shows that degeneracy does not necessarily result from the mixture
of white and indian blood" (Bates, 1892: 77).
Thus, while Bates and Veríssimo denied the negative characterisation of the mixed-
race population purely on the basis of its racial constitution, they both nevertheless
agreed with Agassiz in considering the average tapuio and mameluco to be
"indolent", "inferior", "lacking ambition, energy and action", "unconsciously fatalistic"
37 Remarking on the population of the Solimões region, Agassiz criticises the attitude of the white Portuguese, saying: "Not only is the white population too small for the task before it, but it is no less poor in quality than meagre in numbers. It presents the singular spectacle of a higher race receiving the impress of a lower one, of an educated class adopting the habits and sinking to the level of the savage" (Agassiz, 1868: 247).
88
and so on.
For Veríssimo, the lack of material need of the poor population was thought to
prevent their "civilization". Their contentment with what he considered to be bad
quality (or even repulsive) food, uncomfortable and inelegant housing, bad clothing
and the absence of any fondness for luxury were criticized.38 For Bates as well, the
subsistence orientation of tapuios and mamelucos was the cause of their poor life.
The "incorrigible nonchalance and laziness of the people alone" prevented them
from greater development of the agricultural potential of the region, which, Bates
says, "intelligent settlers from Europe would certainly undertake" (Bates, 1892: 139).
Besides pointing to a cultural pattern of economic behaviour, Bates suggested two
other causes of the poverty of the rural population: a communistic attitude towards
property and a dependence on hunting and fishing.39 The Amazonian environment
was a recurrent causal explanation given for the social conditions of both the rural
poor and the remaining Amazonian tribal groups (cf. chapter 2). Bates' view on the
harshness of the environment was, however, contrary to majority opinion, which
saw it as abundant in food. The ease with which subsistence could be achieved
was regarded by most as the reason for the native's lack of fondness for work.
Veríssimo took this view, and supported it using a quote from the American
naturalist J. Orton, for whom Amazonia is "the paradise of the indolent ... (where)
life can be maintained with as little labour as in Eden" (Orton, 1870: 324, apud
38 "If too much luxuriousness is prejudicial, in good proportions it has its advantages. It awakens the ambition and with it the love for labour" (Veríssimo 1970: 224).
39 "The indian and mameluco country people have a fixed notion that their neighbours have no right to be better off than themselves. If any of them have no food, canoe, or weapons, they beg or borrow without scruple of those who are better provided, and it is the custom not to refuse the gift or the loan. There is no inducement, therefore, for one family to strive or attempt to raise itself above the others... The other cause is the entire dependence of the settlers on the precarious yields of hunting and fishing for their supply of animal food" (Bates, 1892: 98).
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Veríssimo, 1970: 23).
When Bates arrived in Belém in 1848, he was impressed by the racial
characteristics of the population: "people of all shades in colour of skin, European,
negro and indian, but chiefly an uncertain mixture of the three". Another first
impression was that he found "the mixture of natural riches and human poverty" to
be "striking." (Bates, 1892: 4).
The combination of natural riches and the two social features, racial mix and
poverty (more often described as indolence), dominated the works of naturalists
when they described the social characteristics of Amazonia (cf. chapter 2). The
striking combination observed by Bates reflected the results of the political
institutions and policies of colonial and imperial Brazil, which, by the nineteenth
century, resulted in a class structure drawn along racial lines.
The emergence of a mixed lower class was not interpreted sociologically but
wrapped up in the contemporary racist explanations centring on the idea of
"degeneration". As Maclachlan (1973: 228) points out, the repeated criticism of
Portuguese settlers for "going native" misses the point that rich settlers were
favoured by the labour regulations and the poor settlers were restricted to a small
labour supply. As there was little opportunity to create capital and develop
agriculture, subsistence agriculture and extraction of forest products were the only
viable options for the poor settlers. As regards the poverty of the remaining
Amerindians and the population of mixed breeds, the political institutions regulating
their labour had clearly acted as barriers, preventing them from fully assuming the
entrepreneurial role which the elite, ironically, expected from them.
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3.5 CONCLUSION
This chapter presented the development of the caboclo as a social category which
originated from the detribalization of Amerindian groups and their subsequent
development into politically subordinate, and racially discriminated against, petty
rural producers. The formation of the caboclo population was determined, in the first
instance, by colonial mercantilism - since the objective of building a colonial society
depended on the creation of a labour class. The political process through which
Amerindians were transformed into economic agents of colonialism started with the
institution of the Aldeias under missionary rule, was followed by the Diretório and
then by the institutions of military and workers corps. The history of the middle
Solimões was used to illustrate this process.
Through these colonial institutions, Amerindians who survived epidemics, slavery
and war were incorporated into Amazonian society, but without retaining their
individual ethnic identities. Forced cultural transformation and intense
miscegenation with whites resulted in the dilution of specific tribal identities, and led
to the formation of the caboclo population who considered themselves as part of the
national society. Compared to the settled Amerindian, the caboclo population
presents stronger economic and social links to the wider society. However, the
Amerindian cultural features which survived in the culture of Amazonian rural
people, were picked up by the elite as a symbol of their marginal status. The
otherness and the exclusion of Amazonian caboclos from "real society" was
phrased in terms of their Amerindian descent.
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CHAPTER 4
MODERN HISTORY OF CABOCLOS
AND THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES
On the consolidation of the economic
basis of the definition of caboclos
4.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter focuses on the evolution of the caboclo from a social category that was
defined on an ethnic basis and subordinated by political means (the "domesticated"
Amerindian and the "mixed-breed"), to a social category that is both defined and
subordinated on an economic basis ("the low class rural producer").
During the colonial period, as shown in the previous chapter, successive labour
policies resulted in the formation of an ethnically defined subordinate social
category of rural workers. Through slavery, repartimento and the institutions of
military and labour corps, caboclos were forced to supply the labour needs of the
government and the elite. By the time the government abolished the labour corps in
1860, acknowledging both their failure (Weinstein, 1985: 92) and the widespread
abuses of authority by its Captains (Salles, 1971: 274-6), rubber was a growing
export in the Amazonian economy.
The international demand for rubber transformed the Amazonian economy. Until
the first decade of the twentieth century, the Amazonian region supplied most of the
world's demand for rubber (Santos, 1980). The economic power afforded by rubber
promoted the consolidation of a debt-bondage form of labour called aviamento.
Through aviamento, the producer becomes tied to a patron, often a land-owner
and/or a merchant, by means of a debt incurred in the commercial exchange of
extractive products for manufactured goods. The patron controls the rates of
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exchange, and this provides him with both the means for profit accumulation and for
the subordination of the client's labour.
The consolidation of aviamento marks the end of dependence on purely political
means to obtain labour and introduces a new era of labour relations in Amazonia,
characterized by a dyadic type of economic relation. In aviamento, both parties
(although differing in power status), have vested interests in the relationship. Thus,
the form of labour is qualitatively different from the purely political forms of forced
labour that dominated the early colonial period (cf. chapter 3). Despite the freedom
of choice in the engagement of the relationship however, aviamento allowed for the
strong domination by the patron over his clients. The function of labour control and
surplus extraction through the "debt" metaphor that aviamento fulfilled frequently
involved the use of violence and coercion.
The fact that aviamento succeeded in becoming Amazonia's major relation of
production during the rubber period reveals the extent to which the caboclo
population had become integrated in the wider economy. On the one hand, it
shows that by the mid-nineteenth century, caboclos participated in the market
economy on a voluntary basis (in order to obtain the manufactured goods which
were by then essential to them); and on the other hand, the patrons' use of violence
and debt-bondage reveals that the level of market integration was only partial.
Caboclos had the knowledge required to exploit the Amazonian environment and
could produce the most basic food items from it. This fact, combined with the
abundance of land and fishing and hunting resources, implied that the rural
population did not constitute an entirely dependable labour source. The only means
of imposing labour control was through the monopoly of the supply of essential
manufactured goods, and indeed this was made a core function of aviamento.
The rubber economy also resulted in an increase in the Amazonian population. A
massive migration of peasants from the Northeast was attracted by work in the
rubber estates, and they eventually merged into the social category of caboclo in
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the formation of the Amazonian labour force. As mentioned in chapter 2, caboclos
and Northeasterners were initially distinguished as separate populations and were
compared in antithetical terms. However, in time the distinction between caboclos
and Northeasterners was lost, and the inclusion of the migrants in the same social
category of caboclos helped to "dilute" the ethnic basis of the definition of the
caboclo social category.
After the fall in rubber prices, the Amazonian economy diversified its production but
maintained both its extractive orientation and aviamento as its main relation of
production. However, a number of factors promoted the decline in the coercive
power of aviamento. Among these were the intervention of the State in the
Amazonian economy, the development of a more competitive internal market and
the decrease in economic and political power of patrons. These factors provided
the basis for the emancipation of the caboclo debt-bondsman. As modern
peasants, caboclos have greater autonomy to sell commodities in the market,
including labour. This evolution of labour relations is perceived by many rural
producers as their passage from "subjects" to "freemen".
This chapter contains two sections. In the first section, the rubber period and the
submission of labour under aviamento are described. It is argued that the
economic transformations of this period consolidated the marginal status conferred
on the caboclo in Amazonian society. Aviamento is presented as the dividing line
along which the Amazonian class structure was defined.
The second section focuses on the middle Solimões region and characterizes three
periods of the evolution of the region's economy (before, during and after the rubber
period). It describes the transformations of the post-rubber period, showing how the
development of a regional market resulted in a greater autonomy for the caboclos in
terms of their ability to withhold their own labour.
4.2 THE RUBBER PERIOD AND THE ROLE OF DEBT BONDAGE IN THE
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EVOLUTION OF THE AMAZONIAN CLASS STRUCTURE
This section presents a characterization of the rubber economy based on a review
of the literature. It argues that the rubber period and the submission of labour under
aviamento consolidated the subordinate position of caboclo in Amazonian society
and established the economic basis of the modern definition of the caboclo social
category.
4.2.a Aviamento before the rubber boom
Though dating from early colonial times, aviamento only gained importance with
the development of the rubber economy (Santos 1980: 156-7). The term
aviamento derives from the verb aviar, meaning to furnish goods on credit (Santos,
1980: 159). In the colonial period, aviamento was an informal credit system used
by the expeditions which went to the hinterlands (the canoas do sertão) in search
of forest spices and Amerindian slaves. The expeditions were furnished with goods
which were paid for upon their return with the forest products collected.
Until mid-eighteenth century, no coined money circulated in Amazonia. Forest and
agricultural products (such as cocoa and cotton balls, as well as cloth) were used
instead. The introduction of money served mainly as a standard value for market
exchanges. Throughout the nineteenth century and up to mid-twentieth century,
barter based on monetary values was the main form of exchange. In the rural
areas, money was of little utility, for the Amazonian economy had not yet developed
an internal market. This was a consequence of the economic specialization in
extraction of forest products which were geographically dispersed and were
addressed for the international market. In the absence of an internal market,
aviamento acted as its substitute (Santos, 1980: 171).
In his work on the history of the Amazonian economy, Santos (1980: 13)
characterizes the period prior to the rise in rubber prices as a phase of economic
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decline. Before the rubber period, the landed elite specialized in the export of cocoa
(both wild and cultivated). According to Santos (1980: 28), the economic
disintegration resulted from the fall of cocoa prices on the international market, the
participation of Amazonian troops in the war with French Guyana, the occupation of
Portugal by French troops and the effects of the Cabanagem revolt.
The scarcity of labour was one of the elite's major problems. Abundance of land
and the often criticised "small number of needs" of the caboclos denied the elite
ready access to labour. The rural population saw little advantage in giving away the
autonomy of their simple life in exchange for paid work, and animosity towards the
landed elite had been reinforced by the Cabanagem revolt (cf. chapter 3).
The autonomy of the rural population was not complete, however. Caboclos
depended for their subsistence on the supply of manufactured goods which, even
though small in number, had become essential to them. The cultural and social
transformations of the Aldeia and Diretório periods introduced consumption needs,
and these opened a space for the development of petty trade. Rural commerce
was carried out by a number of small itinerant traders (regatões) on an aviamento
basis. The traders were themselves financed by larger merchants based in the
small towns and villages of the interior. Caboclos' production was small, and the
economic risk was spread across a large number of such peddlers (cf. Bates, 1892:
184-185).
The landed elite were against the activities of the itinerant traders, ostensibly on the
grounds that the traders deceived the Amerindians and caboclos. Unaware of the
going rates of exchange, the rural population agreed to sell their products for very
low prices and were charged exorbitant rates for the goods they purchased
(Ferreira Pena, 1973: 98-99). But the antagonism of the elite was also related to
the fact that, by providing subsistence goods for the rural population, the peddlers
gave them independence, and thus restricted the already scarce number of
labourers available for the landed elite.
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When the market for rubber began to grow, the elite did not embrace the activity
immediately, but on the contrary opposed it strongly (Weinstein, 1983: 66). This
was for two reasons: firstly, rubber extraction was initially undertaken by
autonomous producers; and secondly, many labourers were abandoning agriculture
to work in rubber extraction. In time, however, the elite turned to rubber extraction,
concentrating mainly on merchant activities. The shortage of labour in the rubber
industry was solved by means of migration (both directed and spontaneous),
associated with the evolution of aviamento into a system of labour control.
4.2.b Consolidation of aviamento during the rubber era
The expansion, consolidation and decline of the rubber economy took place in the
period between 1850 and 1920. After the discovery of the vulcanization process by
Goodyear in 1837, the number of industrial uses for rubber increased from
waterproof wear to bicycle and automobile tires. The rise in demand for rubber on
the international market resulted in a major economic occupation of Amazonia.
Rubber estates were established from the traditional areas of settlement in the
lower Amazon to the thinly populated rivers of the west, north and south, and most
of the Amerindian groups which had remained isolated or hostile (such as the
Mundurucú) were contacted during this period (cf. Murphy and Steward, 1956;
Murphy, 1960).
For the first time in the history of Amazonia, a large area of the Amazon region was
divided into estates (Ross, 1978: 214). The regional economy developed in
response to the external demand for rubber, adopting the role of an export
producer.40 This external orientation made the economy highly vulnerable to the
40 During the colonial period, production of extractive commodities for the international market also contributed to the Amazonian economy, though these exports catered to the demands of European commerce. At certain periods, such as the period prior to the rubber boom, the level of exports was so low that Furtado (1959) characterized Amazonian economy as a
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fluctuations in prices which reflected foreign market conditions, not the regional or
local conditions in the areas of production. The vulnerability of the rubber economy
was proven when Asian plantations entered the market with higher productivity than
Amazonian extractive production. The increase in world supply of rubber resulted in
the fall of prices and led to the collapse of the Amazonian rubber economy.
Santos (1989: 23) illustrates the impact of the rise and fall of the rubber economy
using the evolution of per capita income in the region as a measure.41 Between
1820 and 1910, per capita income increased from 30 dollars to 332 dollars. This
increase is even more impressive considering the fact that rubber promoted a large
influx of immigrants. During the same period, the Amazonian population grew from
137,000 inhabitants in 1820 to 695,112 inhabitants in 1900 (Santos, 1980: 11). In
1885, one of the "golden years" of the boom, per capita income reached the mark of
774 dollars. The extent of the collapse of the rubber cycle and the difficulty of
rebuilding the economy after the collapse can be seen in the fact that, in 1920, per
capita income dropped to 74 dollars, and it took 90 years to regain the same per
capita income as existed in 1885 (Santos, 1989: 23). Rubber exports provides
another indicator: the volume of rubber exports increased from 1,906 to 34,248
metric tons between 1856 to 1910, but by 1939 the volume of exports had dropped
to 11,861 metric tons (Santos, 1980: 217).
During the rubber era, aviamento took the form of a hierarchical chain of
commercial exchanges. The rubber that was produced by rubber tappers
(seringueiros) was delivered to the owner of the seringais, or rubber groves. This
(..continued) "subsistence" economy. Rubber, on the other hand, is a commodity which responds to an industrial demand. (See Bunker, 1984 and 1985, for a description and an analysis of the environmental consequences of the successive economies of extraction in Amazonia).
41 Although per capita income is useful in characterizing economic conditions, as a social indicator, it is deceptive. The high value of per capita income during the rubber boom coincided with the worst living conditions ever experienced by the rubber tappers.
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first step of the chain was characterized by a patron and client type of relationship,
mediated by a debt incurred from the receipt of manufactured goods on credit. The
patron decided the prices of both rubber and goods, and was able to manipulate the
accounts of the rubber tappers in order to keep most of them permanently in debt to
him. Rubber tappers were forced to pay their debts with rubber.
The debt guaranteed a monopoly over trade for the patron who advanced goods on
credit, not only because the tapper would attempt to cancel his debt by delivering
rubber to this patron, but also because the debt gave the patron the legal means to
ensure that his monopoly was maintained. Rubber estates were guarded by private
police who controlled entrance to and exit from them.42 No other trader was
allowed to approach the area, and selling rubber to an itinerant trader could result in
physical punishment. Debt-bondage was a means of controlling the mobility of
labourers, since tappers were forbidden to leave the rubber estates whilst in debt.
The other steps of the chain of aviamento related to the transport of rubber from
the estates to the ports of Belém and Manaus, and from there to Europe and
America. Manufactured goods moved in the opposite direction. They were
imported from the industrial centres in Europe, America and Southern Brazil and
reached the isolated rubber groves through the chain of traders linked by
aviamento. The patron of the rubber grove bought goods on credit from a
merchant owner of a vessel and delivered rubber to pay for the goods at the end of
the rubber season. This merchant himself was financed by a second merchant,
who gave him credit of goods and received rubber.
At the top of the aviamento chain were the aviador houses, commercial houses
based in the main urban centres, which dealt with the export and import of rubber
and material goods. Although some aviador houses did undertake the activities of
42 The ownership of the rubber fields was not always legalized. A rubber estate was often established by the establishment of a commercial monopoly within the limits of a certain area, backed by the private police.
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exporting rubber and importing goods to and from abroad, most houses acted as
top regional merchants.43 Overseas business was carried out by branches of
foreign firms specializing in rubber trade, and there were also commercial houses
specializing in imports of manufactured goods.
At each level of the aviamento network, profits were obtained from the resale of
rubber and manufactured goods, which were both marked up in price. As a result,
gains were accumulated at the top of the aviamento chain while the rubber tapper
was left barely at the level of subsistence (Santos, 1980: 162-3). According to
Santos, the main source of surplus in the system of aviamento was the sale of
consumer goods to the tapper.44
On average, the patrons of the rubber estates put a 60% mark-up on consumer
goods, and in some areas it was as high as 240% (Santos, 1980: 170). The articles
which were sold to the tappers are reported to have been of very bad quality, and
rotten food was often sold. Commentators on the rubber economy unanimously
agree about the high level of exploitation to which rubber tappers were subjected.45
The tapper worked to pay off his debt, but in order to work, he needed to purchase
goods for his subsistence from his patron. By this means, his work reproduced his
43 The aviador houses also played an important role in the expansion of rubber production. They arranged contracts for the transport and settlement of immigrants from the Northeast of Brazil to the rubber fields, and a number of aviador houses actually entered the sphere of production, acquiring credit to open new rubber districts or establishing partnerships for the same purpose (Weinstein 1983; 18-9).
44 The other sources of surplus extraction were: the difference in price between that paid for rubber acquired from the tapper and the price for which it was then sold by his patron to the next merchant in the aviamento chain; and the transfer of the responsibility to cover the costs of the instruments of labour used for tapping rubber trees to the tapper, because he was qualified as an "autonomous producer" (Santos, 1980: 163). (On the subject of the tapper's autonomous status, see also Weinstein, 1983: 21-22.)
45 Among the most famous reports are those of Pimenta Bueno, 1882; Euclides da Cunha, 1966; and José Veríssimo.
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debt. Hence Euclides da Cunha's famous statement: "the rubber tapper
accomplishes an extraordinary anomaly: he is the man who works to enslave
himself" (Cunha, 1966: 232).
4.2.c Class structure and the "caboclization" of the migrants
During the rubber period, ownership of the means of transport and access to the
market gave economic and political power to the elite. Because caboclos were
dependant on a merchant-patron relationship for obtaining subsistence
commodities, they had little choice but to accept the conditions of trade imposed by
the patron. Debt bondage provided caboclos with access to goods and credit, but
at the same time it subjected them to the will of a patron. The class structure
defined by the system of aviamento was rigid. The client had no means of
cancelling his debt or accumulating capital if the patron decided against it. The
patron's control over exchange represented a major block to any attempt to
overcome the class division, especially since the profitability of the entire system of
aviamento rested upon the exploitation of the rubber tapper (Santos, 1980: 173).
According to Weinstein (1985: 90) the increase in the Amazonian population during
the rubber period was accompanied by a major "caboclization process". The
estimated 300,000 migrants from the Northeast of Brazil who were incorporated into
the rubber tapper labour force (cf. Santos, 1980: 100), were "caboclized" by the
system of aviamento. In the rubber estates, the immigrants were locked into a
state of permanent indebtedness in a similar - and many times harsher - way than
the native caboclo who engaged in rubber tapping. First generation migrants from
the Northeast were distinguished regionally from Amazonian caboclos. As
mentioned in chapter 2, they were known as arigós or brabos. But intermarriage
and adoption of the "caboclo way of life" - as well as being allocated to the same
class position as caboclos - resulted in the "caboclization" of the migrants.46 When
46 However, the migrants changed the cultural environment of rural Amazonia, as well as adapting themselves to it. Tastevin wrote in 1915, that in the Solimões region, the língua
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the migrants lost the cultural attributes by which they were constructed as another
social category, they were included in the category caboclo.47
The degree of domination associated with the debt-bondage relationship of
aviamento varied greatly, however. There were wide-ranging differences across
space and time in the levels of coercion and the frequency of use of physical
violence. Conditions in the seringais of Western Amazonia, notably those in the
State of Acre, were usually harsher than in Eastern Amazonia. Reports of violence
and oppression there were more common during the "golden years" of the rubber
period. Amerindian groups were frequently cheated because they did not know the
going rates of exchange, and they suffered the worst violence reported in
aviamento.48 Among caboclos, on the other hand, the patron and client
relationship often involved fictive kinship.49 The institution of compadrio or co-
parenthood meant that domination was expressed through the idiom of kinship and
(..continued) geral was "losing importance" among the caboclos (he was referring to the "civilized" Amerindian). Because língua geral was unknown to the migrants, neither the new generation of caboclos, nor the spouses of mixed marriages felt the need to learn it (Tastevin, 1915: 533). The Portuguese language thus acquired greater importance with the arrival of Northeasteners.
47 I heard many accounts of the hardship faced by the migrants in the middle Solimões. The narratives speak of the arigos in the past tense, and once I was told "There are no arigós left, most of them died". Although this is a factual statement, for indeed many migrants died because of poor diet and lack of knowledge of the environment, it also illustrates the temporary nature of the distinction between Northeasterners and native settlers, for the large number of people who descend from the migrants are no longer viewed as a distinctive population.
48 See Taussig (1987), for a vivid report on the extreme violence which occurred in the Putumayo region involving rubber traders and Amerindians. For an account on the forced participation of Amerindian groups in the extraction of rubber in Brazil, see Riberio (1970).
49 Wagley (1976: 157) reports that patrons had a very large number of godchildren. In Tefé, I interviewed one of the most important patrons of the 1930s who stated that he has over 500 godchildren.
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patriarchal authority (see Brass 1986: 58-60). Aviamento thus varied enormously
in the way its power relationships were expressed, ranging from quasi slavery, to
nominally "close" kinship relationships. The potential for coercion was, however,
always present.
Although class antagonism was never expressed collectively, caboclos did have
their individual forms of resistance (see Weinstein, 1983: 21). Among the most
common strategies used was the sale of rubber to itinerant traders (an act known
as desvio de produção or "deviation of production"). This allowed the tapper to
obtain goods for better rates of exchange, bypassing the monopoly of the rubber
estates. The frequency with which tappers are reported to have practised this
deviation of production reveals that they frequently knew or accepted the fact that
the debt was a ploy, and, if not satisfied with the supply of goods provided by the
patron, would not bother to deliver enough rubber to cancel it. Another strategy
commonly employed by tappers was to insert rocks, sand or manioc flour inside the
coagulated rubber ball delivered to the patron, in order to increase its weight. But
these were isolated and individual forms of resistance, with no revolutionary
implications. As in the Cabanagem, the aim was not to change the system but to
react against its excesses.
As Weinstein (1983: 98) notes, the development of aviamento during the rubber
period was a consequence of the absence of an internal market. However, as the
network of relations of exchange based on aviamento grew in complexity,
aviamento actually suppressed the potential presented by the rubber economy for
development of a modern market system.50 For this reason, the Amazonian
economy kept its traditional relation of production, despite the influx of capital
engendered by the rubber economy. Instead of introducing structural
50 Another consequence of the expansion of aviamento during the rubber economy was the development of the two main Amazonian capitals, Belém and Manaus (Santos, 1980; 173), while the towns in the interior were little developed or even diminished by the dispersion of the population to the scattered rubber fields.
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transformations, the economy of rubber built upon aviamento, merely increasing its
complexity and adding to its basic commercial character the potential for controlling
labour by means of coercion and the use of force.
After the fall of the rubber economy, aviamento remained because it was
necessary to carry out the commercial mediation between the isolated rural areas
and the urban markets. Today, aviamento still occurs in association with the
extraction of all major Amazonian forest products (timber, brazil-nut, rubber,
fishing). However, the frequency with which money is used in the transactions is
greater, thus allowing for some freedom of trade and limiting the potential for
coercion which aviamento had during the rubber era. An account of the recent
history of the middle Solimões region illustrates this evolution.
4.3 FROM SUJEITO TO LIBERTO: THE EVOLUTION OF THE MARKET IN THE
MIDDLE SOLIMÕES REGION
In contrast to earlier colonial periods in which the middle Solimões appeared in
many written accounts, there is very little literature on the region for the rubber
period and its aftermath. I was able to collect some historical information from the
older patrons and clients of the middle Solimões in an attempt to fill this gap.
However, this oral material is limited by the time period covered, with accounts
beginning from the first decades of the twentieth century. The report given by Bates
(who lived in Tefé from 1850 to 1859), refers to the period before the economic
transformations created by the rubber boom (Bates, 1892), and the next written
account comes from Constantin Tastevin, the French priest who travelled
extensively in the middle Solimões and lived in Tefé between 1906 and 1926
(Tastevin, 1943). Tastevin is the only source for the rubber period I was able to
trace. After Tastevin, there is a large interruption in the literature, with the region's
next historical account provided by Expedito Arnaud only in 1981, who recognizes
the gap (Arnaud, 1981: 26).
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Despite this small number of sources, an evolutionary pattern for the region's
economy can be traced with confidence. Three phases emerge, based on
differences in settlement pattern, trade, and freedom of labour. The dates of each
phase refer to a modal time span, because the transitory character of the socio-
economic changes as well as the scarcity of the sources prevent the establishment
of fixed periods with certainty. The three phases constitute the history of the
consolidation and decay of aviamento in the middle Solimões. The evolution of
labour is associated with the evolution of the market.
4.3.a First phase (1760 ~ 1860): Forest extraction with urban-based trade and
residence
Until the 1870s, trade in the Solimões region was centred in Tefé. Merchants and
collectors were based there. The trade consisted of the exchange of a number of
forest products for manufactured goods imported from Europe and North America.
It was based on aviamento, and, accordingly, the local merchants were financed by
larger merchants from Pará. The production of rubber was not significant yet, but it
already appeared in the list of export products given by Bates, together with cocoa,
brazil-nut, dried-fish, turtle oil, potted manatee (Trichechus inungus) and forest
balsam and vines (Bates, 1892: 282). The instability of prices determined the need
to diversify production, and this also limited the expansion of trade. Bates says:
"Although large profits are apparently made both ways, the retail prices of European
wares being from 40 to 80 per cent higher, and the net prices of produce to the
same degree lower, than those of Pará, the traders do not get rich very rapidly ...
The value of produce fluctuates much, and losses are often sustained in
consequence. Excessively long credit is given: the system being to trust the
collectors of produce with goods a twelvemonth in advance; and if anything
happens in the meantime to a customer, the debt is lost altogether" (Bates, 1892:
281).
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Because production was not specialized, and because each of the products
collected had a scattered distribution, the extraction enterprise did not lead to the
establishment of permanent settlements. The same system of seasonal
expeditions, prevailing since the Diretório period, was used instead. Traders and
collectors departed to the forest with their families during the season for the
collection of each product, and built temporary settlements there. The permanent
residence of the majority was in Tefé. In 1856, according to Bates (1892), Tefé was
"a semi-Indian village", with a population of 1,200. More than half of the inhabitants
were mamelucos, and only forty or fifty were classified by him as "pure whites"; the
remaining 550 or so were Amerindians. The collection of forest products was their
main occupation, and a quarter of the population was always absent from the town
gathering products in the forests (Bates, 1892: 272-3).
4.3.b Second phase (1870 ~ 1960): Forest extraction with rural residence and trade
As mentioned earlier, traders from Tefé already traded in rubber before the product
showed signs of a steady rise in prices. From Tefé, Bates wrote in 1856, "The
search for India-rubber has commenced but very lately; the tree appears to grow
plentifully on some of the rivers, but only an insignificant fraction of the immense
forest has yet been examined" (Bates, 1982: 282). The sharp rise in rubber prices
after the 1860s stimulated the exploitation of new rubber groves. According to
Tastevin (1943), merchants from both Tefé and the neighbouring town of Alvarães
found rubber of very high quality in the Juruá river. These traders were the first to
undertake rubber collection on that river, and they used the same system of
temporary settlements that was used in the extraction of other products.
Given the distance of the Juruá river from Tefé, the expeditions took seven to eight
months to return with rubber. Traders and their workers departed in May, at the end
of the high water season, to arrive on the Juruá at the beginning of the low water
season, when rubber tapping is possible. The expeditions went loaded with manioc
flour and dried fish to provide the workers with food, and returned home at the start
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of the high water season, in November or December, when the rubber tapping
season ends (Tastevin, 1943: 25).
After the 1870s, however, the Juruá region started to break off its economic links
with Tefé. According to Tastevin: "Report of the wealth of the Juruá having been
spread far and wide, traders from the lower Amazon ... came likewise to seek their
fortune there. Like their brothers on the Teffé, they were white and Indian half-
breeds, but unlike the latter they did not find manual labor close at hand, so they
went looking for it in the north-eastern provinces of Brazil" (Tastevin, 1943: 25).
Within a period of twenty to thirty years, the Juruá region was colonized by rubber
explorers, traders and tappers, who settled permanently there. Large rubber
estates were established throughout the Juruá and its main tributaries, worked by
50 to as many as 300 tappers. In contrast to the system of temporary settlements,
workers were under strict control in the rubber estates. Debt bondage was more
coercive there than it was in the Tefé river or even in the middle Solimões for two
reasons: the competition for labour among patrons was greater in the Juruá, and
the migrants from the Northeast had no intention of staying for very long. They had
travelled to the land of rubber with the intention of getting rich and returning home
afterwards.
Debt bondage was a strategy to retain labour as much as it was a means of
extracting excessive profits. The migrants were already indebted to the patron from
the time of their arrival in the Juruá, as he had paid for their travel expenses. The
patron added to this debt by charging the tappers for the cost of the instruments of
production, and he gave them an advance of subsistence goods (Tastevin, 1943:
25; Cunha, 1966: 250). The subsequent seasonal production of rubber hardly
covered the initial debt. Further advances of goods made the debt practically
impossible to pay off. My informants from the middle Solimões who had heard of
the conditions in the Juruá often stated that no matter what volume of rubber was
delivered, tappers could not demand payment for a positive balance, for "a credit
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balance was a bullet".
The Juruá river became famous for the harsh working conditions which ruled its
estates. Its rubber was turned into large profits, which were divided within the chain
of traders, while the tappers struggled to survive under poor and unhealthy living
conditions. Many old people from the Tefé river recall knowing cases of tappers
who had escaped from the Juruá and moved to the Tefé river because of its better
working conditions. Although it was usually the case that there was far more
freedom in work in the Tefé, coercion depended very much on the personality of the
patron. Accordingly, patrons are recalled by informants as having been either
"good" or "bad".
At the turn of the century, the economic and social organization of the middle
Solimões was also transformed. The rise in rubber prices had brought changes to
the middle Solimões, while the Tefé river remained little changed. There, the
pattern of temporary settlement for the collection of forest products remained little
changed throughout the rubber period, and on the Japurá river it continued until
1910 (Tastevin, 1943: 27).
Along the Solimões and major tributaries, permanent settlements were established
where rubber or brazil-nut groves were found in abundance. As in the Juruá, the
estates had their own trading posts. As traders and their workers (both locals and
immigrants) moved to these estates, the town of Tefé gradually lost its position as
the region's commercial and residential centre.
In 1865, Tavares Bastos reports that the town had a population of 400 inhabitants
(Bastos, 1937: 223, apud Arnaud, 1981: 81), a third of the size reported by Bates in
1856. Meanwhile, the population of the Solimões was greatly increasing. Tastevin
(1943) wrote that in 1927, along the river banks near the towns of Coarí, Tefé, and
Fonte Boa, there were around 30,000 inhabitants, whereas, in 1840, "the Solimões
had barely 5000 inhabitants in an area three times as great". The Japurá was also
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colonized during the rubber period. Until 1897, according to Tastevin, the river had
only four "miserable huts"; after 1910, the upper Japurá was occupied by a number
of permanent rubber estates, with the exception of the lower Japurá, which
remained a fishing area (Tastevin, 1943: 25; 35; 49). Among the upper Amazonian
rivers, the Solimões was "the most densely populated, having trading posts an
hour's distance apart. The Juruá [came] next, with an average of four hours by
canoe between one establishment and another. On the Japurá, Piuriní, and the
Jutahy, the mean distance [was] twelve hours. The other streams [were]
uninhabited and [had] no economic activity" (Tastevin, 1943: 117-8).
Among the most important estates downstream from the city of Tefé (along the
Solimões river) were: Santo Izidoro, Genipauá, Caiambé, Jutica, Marajó, São João
do Catuá. Many of these estates had trading posts larger than the commercial
houses in Tefé, to the extent that a number of shop owners in Tefé received goods
on credit from the Santo Izidoro estate. Trade with the main Amazonian ports,
Belém and Manaus, was carried out directly from the estates. Each trading post
dealt exclusively with the steam boats which travelled the rivers at the time. The
boats either belonged to a second trader or represented the aviador houses of
Belém and Manaus. According to old residents of the middle Solimões, the workers
had no contact with the boat crew, and were forbidden to know the prices of the
commercial exchange carried out by the patron. The sale of extractive products
was kept under strict control.
In the estates, labour was under close supervision. The memory of this time of
subjection (a sujeição) is very much alive. It is recalled that "there was no law but
the patron's". By this it was meant that the patron could order physical punishments
for the "deviation of production" (see above).51 The major estates had a tronco, or
51 In rubber and brazil-nut estates, violence was apparently restricted to punishment for the deviation of production. I do not know of any reports of violence used to induce production in these extractive estates. In relation to the extraction of another type of rubber, the caucho (Castilloa elastica), on the other hand, there are many reports of violence
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toco, a punishment post which provided a local name for the social relation of
production of the estates: regime do toco or "post regime".52 The patrons'
authority to direct economic activities is also recalled with bitterness: it was the
patron who decided what work should be done, when and where to tap rubber or
collect brazil-nuts and whether agriculture was to be allowed or not. In this respect,
the control of labour was close to wage labour.53 But when informants recall their
submission to the rule of the patron, they refer mainly to the monopoly of
commerce: "we had to buy only from one patron, under great pressure to be
submissive". This commercial domination was based on the labourers'
indebtedness.
The fall of the rubber economy brought little change to the social organization of the
middle Solimões. The settlement pattern of dispersed and monopolistic estates
dominated the region until the middle of the twentieth century. In the 1850s, as
already mentioned, Bates (1892) noticed the small size of Tefé ("only" 1,200
inhabitants, he wrote). This population size is not repeated again until 1940. The
consolidation of the aviamento system during the rubber era, had induced rural
migration and dispersed the already small urban population along the estates of the
river banks.
(..continued) used to force Amerindian labourers to work (cf. Taussig, 1987).
52 The abuse of power was often met with retaliation. In the 1940s, two patrons of the Solimões, one from the estate Caiambé, and another from Jutica, were assassinated by clients. The account of their assassinations are recalled locally in the form of legendary narratives.
53 In a recent article, Keith Bakx claims that during the golden years of the rubber economy, tappers were in fact forced wage labourers (Bakx, 1988). This claim is followed by little theoretical elaboration on the implications of the particular wage labour form, in terms of, for instance, (1) the nature of wages: payment for rubber given in the form of subsistence goods; and (2) on the double determination of payment both by the tapper, who controlled the volume of rubber or brazil-nut delivered, and by the patron, who controlled prices.
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Economic conditions changed slowly after the fall of rubber prices. Although
estates changed ownership and bankrupt patrons left for the towns, the new
patrons maintained the same system of trade. But overall, the autocracy of the
patrons decreased. Increased means of communication and transport brought
closer links between estates and the outside world. The lower value of the
extractive products in the market also reduced the patron's capability to finance his
clients' subsistence, and forced him to liberate agriculture in the estates, rent free.
Only extractive production remained regulated by aviamento. Brazil-nut, timber
and fishing increased in importance and substituted rubber as the region's major
extractive productions. The development of a more competitive market, increased
urbanization and a change in the patrons' economic orientation to urban commerce
combined to produce a new pattern of economic and social organization in the
middle Solimões.
4.3.c Third phase (1970 ~ ): Forest extraction and rural residence with urban
commerce
During the 1960s and 1970s, the extractive estates increasingly lost their economic
viability. This had the effect of reverting the social and economic organization of the
middle Solimões to an urban pattern. In 1970, the urban population of the district of
Tefé was 6,900 inhabitants. From this time to the present, intense urban migration
has taken place both in the middle Solimões and in Amazonia in general. In 1980,
around 45% of the Amazonian population was urban, and it is estimated to be 65%
in 1990. By the turn of the twenty first century, the percentage of urban population
is expected to reach 80% (Benchimol, 1989: 89).
Until the late 1960s, the direction of urban migration in Amazonia was concentrated
in the two main capitals, Belém and Manaus. After 1970, the smaller towns of the
interior started to receive a large number of migrants as well. Tefé is one of these
towns, and, as in all Amazonian urban centres, the phenomenon of the "the swelling
of the periphery" has taken place (cf. Mitschein et al., 1987). The town has little
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infrastructure to support the migrants: electricity is faulty, the water system is
precarious and it has no sewage disposal system. But migrants arrive in increasing
numbers and settle in the periphery of the town, where new neighbourhoods
multiply with alarming speed.
In Eastern and Westernmost Amazonia, the major cause of urban migration has
been the arrival of large-scale capitalist enterprises, which are accompanied by a
violent process of expulsion of traditional settlers from the land (cf. Ianni, 1979;
Velho, 1976; Martins, 1980; Forewaker, 1981; Esterci, 1987; Branford & Glock,
1985; Bakx, 1988). In the middle Solimões however, urban migration is mostly
spontaneous. Although the region is not devoid of capitalist enterprises (a small
number of them were recently established there), this innovation did not influence
the regional process of social and economic change. The main cause of urban
growth has been the disintegration of the traditional extractive economy, and this
process started more or less simultaneously throughout Amazonia. But, whereas
the breakdown of the traditional economy in other regions coincided with the arrival
of capitalist companies interested in investing in the region, in the rural areas of the
middle Solimões, disintegration left an economic vacuum.
Patrons were the first to suffer from the change in economic conditions. The
extractive estates depended on the supply of credit for their existence. In the early
days of aviamento, credit was provided by the aviador houses. After the fall of
rubber, state banks took over and financed extraction. Reflecting the central
government's policy of promoting the penetration of national and foreign capital in
Amazonia (cf. Cardoso & Muller, 1977; Mahar, 1979; Bunker, 1985), the financial
institutions reduced the amount of credit given to extraction. The merchant elite
was then forced to look for other means of making a living, and many of them
turned to urban commerce.
These patrons moved from their scattered trading posts, where they had supplied
goods to a local neighbourhood and kept it bonded by monopoly rule, to the towns,
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where they engage in a more open form of commerce. Tefé became the largest
commercial centre of the middle Solimões, and its commercial houses now cater for
both the urban and rural demands. Yet despite these changes, the economy of the
region is still based on the export of forest products and the import of manufactured
goods (now from the industrialized South of Brazil). There is, though, increased
agricultural production to supply local consumption needs, and the production of
manioc flour is also exported to other urban centres. The major extractive products
of the region are timber, dried/salt fish, and brazil-nuts. Whereas agricultural
production is free, extraction is still based on aviamento.
As in the nineteenth century, the present social and economic organization of the
middle Solimões centres on Tefé. But in contrast to that earlier period, the
extraction of forest products is undertaken by producers who are rural residents,
while the patrons, who finance the extraction enterprise, are based in urban areas.
Most of them do not deal directly with rural producers but act through smaller
patrons, the itinerant traders or regatões, whom the larger patrons finance.54
These itinerant traders furnish independent extractive and agricultural producers
with goods on credit, and many of them accept either cash or extractive products as
payment. The credit term is short. Many regatões ascend the river delivering
merchandise and descend collecting produce. Debts are avoided by both traders
and producers, for the present high inflation rate of the Brazilian economy
constitutes a disincentive for this form of commerce. Interest rates on debts are
high and, because inflation varies throughout the year, the value of the standing
debt is often unpredictable. In this economic context, urban patrons invest their
capital in large stocks of goods in order to avoid great loss. The smaller patrons as
well as the producers, on the other hand, are more vulnerable to the instability of
the economy.
Today, the economic production of the middle Solimões region converges on Tefé
54 See MacGraff (1989) for a historical and contemporary analysis of the role of regatões within Amazonian economy.
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and from there it is transported to Manaus by the larger patrons. In Manaus, the
patrons sell the extractive and agricultural commodities to specialized firms, and
acquire manufactured goods from various suppliers. In Tefé, the merchandise is
sold both to itinerant traders and to the urban population. Each of the commercial
houses in town supply almost everything that is consumed locally - from electric
appliances, food items and clothing to furniture and toys. The shops are open to
any consumer, and they also have their own urban clientele, for whom goods are
sold on credit. Prices vary enormously between shops. Despite freedom to buy in
any of them, clients are bound to those patrons with whom they have credit.55
As already mentioned, urban migration is not forced by changes in the system of
land tenure. It results instead from the search for a better standard of living. The
lack of schools in the rural areas is a frequently mentioned reason for migration,
with many parents moving in order to secure formal education for their children.
Another reason given for migration is that migrants want the security of modern
medical facilities. In addition to these basic amenities offered by urban life, the
ready access to consumer goods is always added as a reason for migration.
Beforehand, patrons fulfilled the function of providing goods for the rural population
almost exclusively. Despite the shortcomings of the aviamento system, many rural
inhabitants, chiefly those living in more isolated areas, prefer the security of patrons
to the irregular commercial deals with the regatões.
Urban migration involves a change of economic status. Employment in Tefé is
limited, though. It is more abundant in Manaus, where there is a large number of
industries (mainly electric and electronic branches of multinational companies),
established since the city was declared duty-free zone in the early 1970s. In Tefé,
the proximity to forest resources enables migrants to undertake seasonal migration,
and thus reduces the dependence on wage labour. Many migrants who come from
55 The same geo-economic structure which has its centre in Tefé, is repeated in the larger towns of the interior such as Coari, Fonte Boa, Santarém, etc, and each deals independently with either Manaus or Belém.
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settlements nearby continue to undertake agricultural or forest production on a
seasonal basis. The main sources of employment in Tefé are the building business
and community services. There are also companies who take labourers to work in
the rural area for short periods. These are mineral prospecting companies (CBG,
Lasa, Petrobrás), and two agricultural companies - a palm oil agribusiness financed
by the Wold Bank (EMADE) and a private agribusiness (CIANE), created during the
late 1970's as a result of fiscal incentives and national policies for the development
of Amazonia (Muller & Cardoso, 1977; Costa, 1979). In 1984, these companies
employed around 2,000 workers, mainly recent urban migrants arriving to Tefé.
Among the very few industries in Tefé are: two tile factories, and two ice factories
recently installed in Tefé for the fisheries industry. There are also a large number of
small agricultural producers in Tefé, who work in municipal land leased by the local
government administration. The town is surrounded by manioc fields, and the
manioc flour produced there is either sold to patrons and exported to Manaus, or
sold directly in the local market place.
Although aviamento still binds the producer in extractive estates to his patron (he is
forced to "sell" or "deliver" brazil-nuts collected in the estate to its landowner), crops
cultivated there are free. Aviamento related to fishing and timber extraction is now
less binding, as the debt no longer defines exclusive relationships (cf. chapter 5).
There is more freedom to choose patrons, and there are more patrons to choose
from. Greater market competition, associated with the freedom to sell agricultural
production, was the determining factor in the change of status for the producer from
subjects to freemen. The word liberto (freemen) is often mentioned. It refers to
both the liberty to buy and sell commodities, and to the freedom of men to change
their economic relationships. The end of the more coercive form of debt bondage
increased the autonomy of rural producers, and also released them to wage labour.
The wage labour option complements as much as it replaces the conditions of the
independent rural producer.
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In relation to this passage from sujeito to liberto, the statements given by
informants constantly mention the debt. With great consistency in meaning but
varying in the form of the statement, they say that nowadays, "our debt is our
production" or that "our patron is our production".
These statements are indicative of the symbolic interpretation of exchange. In the
aviamento relationship, credit and debt are synonymous. The debt is what binds,
and it is also the trust, the credit. The positions of domination and subordination are
defined in terms of who gives credit and who receives it (i.e., stays in debt) (cf.
Leach 1982). In the past, monopoly determined extreme dependence on this
unequal form of exchange. The debt was the main symbol of political relationships.
Today there is freedom to withhold the fruits of one's productive labour, to choose
to whom sell it, and, to a certain extent, to decide from whom one will purchase
goods. The supply of goods is provided by one's own production. The equation
source of goods = credit = debt = patron, explains the statements above.
4.4 CONCLUSION
This chapter showed the evolution of the caboclo from an ethnically defined
category to one that is defined mainly on an economic basis. The development of
the social category was linked to the wider international economy from its early
date. This development responded first to merchant interests (cf. chapter 3), and,
in the second phase, was largely influenced by the industrial demand for rubber.
The second part of the chapter pointed out that the development of an internal
market resulted in the gradual increase in the freedom of the caboclo population to
engage in commodity exchange.
The analysis presented emphasised the wider regional and international economic
context in which the development of the social category took place. However, a
theoretical characterization of the economic basis of the definition of the social
category was not presented. This is the subject of the following chapter, which is
116
based on the historical background presented in this and in the last chapter.
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CHAPTER 5
EMPIRICAL MODEL OF THE CABOCLO ECONOMIC SECTOR
On the diversity of forms of social and economic organization
of caboclo communities of the middle Solimões region
5.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents a definition of caboclos as a peasant sector of the economy
of the middle Solimões region. It describes the social and economic organization of
the rural communities of this region, taking into account both the diversity of social
relations and community structures, and the cultural features shared by all the rural
population, which constitute the basis for the definition of caboclos as a distinct
social category of the middle Solimões. As the chapter describes the broader social
and economic context of the middle Solimões, it is also an introduction to the
economic ethnography of three rural communities, presented in the following
chapter.
From the outside, caboclo settlements give the impression of a homogenous life
style. Behind the similar setting though, rural communities hide a diversity of social
and economic conditions. The empirical model presented in this chapter identifies
the basic variables responsible for the existence of these differences: property of
land, ecology, isolation of settlement, and type of economic production. These
factors differentiate communities in terms of the way household members relate to
each other and organize their economic activities, affect the way community
relations are structured, and restrict the options for commerce.
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5.2 LOCATING CABOCLOS IN THE ECONOMY OF THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES
The economy of the middle Solimões is briefly characterized as a peripheral
economy, and the place of caboclos within this economic system is described.
5.2.a Peripheral economies
The middle Solimões is a typical case of a "peripheral situation" (cf. Smith, 1983;
Turner, 1986; Nugent, 1988). The term "periphery" refers to regional economies
which, although in contact with more advanced, "core" regions of capitalism, are not
fully incorporated by them. Peripheral economies retain many non-capitalist
features, particularly the control of the means of production by the producers. As it
will be shown in this chapter, within the economy of the middle Solimões, caboclos
are autonomous producers, even though some may live on the patron's land and
others might be tied by debt relations (indeed the debt imposition is an attempt on
the part of patrons to reduce the producers' autonomy). The autonomous status of
caboclo production and the virtual absence of capitalist labour relations in the rural
area of the middle Solimões is related to the history of the region. Abundance of
land and scarcity of labour were determinant factors in the constitution of the
traditional Amazonian relations of production (chapters 3 and 4).
The conceptual characterization of peripheral economies has been a matter of a
long debate involving dependency theory, world system theory, articulation of
modes of production (Meillassoux, 1972; Foster-Carter, 1978; Forewaker, 1981),
and the synthesis of these theories, including a revision of the concept of capitalism
itself (Chevalier, 1982). The main question in this debate (which will not be analyzed
here), is summarized by Turner (1986) as "whether the relatively subordinate,
peripheral system preserves some meaningful level or degree of autonomy in
relation to the dominant (capitalist) system, or conversely whether it should be seen
as so thoroughly incorporated into the latter that it can only be understood as an
integral part of a single, essentially homogenous system (viz. the capitalist world
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system). To what extent, in other words, are we dealing with the "articulation" of
interacting systems, each of which retains enough resilience and coherence to exert
constraining effects upon the other, or to what extent are we simply bearing witness
to local forms of "dependency", i.e. penetration by the universally prepotent, if
internally contradictory "world system" of capitalism?" (Turner, 1986: 92).
The reason for the permanence of a peripheral situation in Amazonian regions such
as the middle Solimões, has been a theme of continued discussion among
academics a political concern for regional and federal governments. The economic
integration of the Amazonian region was attempted through a number of
government development plans, especially those implemented during the 1970s
and 1980s, when a large number of capitalist enterprises were established in the
Amazon. Small capitalist enclaves are found in rural Amazonia, such as state
mineral plants and capitalist ranches (South Pará), and in Manaus there is a free
trade zone, where a high technology industrial park has been established. Overall
though, Amazonia is still marginal to the rest of the country. Attempts to explain
Amazonia's underdevelopment frequently blame the environment (cf. chapter 2)
and the dominance of extraction activities (Bunker, 1985).
5.2.b The constitution of peripheral economies
Peripheral economies originate from the political domination of indigenous
economies during the expansion of mercantilism. In Amazonia, capitalism was
introduced in the form of merchant capital and resulted in the development of an
economy constituted by a merchant capitalist sector and a peasant sector.
Merchants were not restricted to commercial mediation but were able to control, to
a certain degree, the production of commodities by the peasant sector. This control
was based on the supply of consumption goods on a credit basis during the rubber
period (cf. chapter 4) and was preceded by more direct forms of labour control
through slavery and compulsory labour during the early colonial period (chapter 3).
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An analysis of a similar process of capitalist penetration is presented by Roseberry
(1983), in a study of coffee farmers in rural Venezuela. As Roseberry shows, the
development of an export coffee economy resulted in the constitution of a dual
economic system formed by peasant and capitalist sectors. In Venezuela, the
control of peasant activities was based on advance payment for commodities.
The control of "free" producers by merchants leads to the question of the suitability
of the term "peasant" to characterize the productive sector. This question is
approached by Roseberry (1983). Although referring to Venezuelan coffee farmers
as peasants, Roseberry's use of the term is not conventional. Roseberry points to
the fact that the subordination of coffee farmers to merchants was based on "a
concealed sale of labour power... behind the formal sale of coffee" (1983: 109). On
this basis, the production sector is described as exhibiting characteristics of both a
peasantry and a "proletariat". This contradiction has resulted in a debate parallel to
that of the nature of the periphery, on how to characterize its production sector (as
peasants, small or petty commodity producers, or as 'disguised proletarians'), to
which I shall refer in section 5.3.a below.
5.2.c Merchant control of caboclo production in the middle Solimões today
Nowadays, in the middle Solimões, merchant control of caboclo production varies
according to the nature of production and settlement location. Caboclos living in
more isolated regions are more dependent on merchants for access to essential
subsistence goods as well as for informal credit. Merchant control is also related to
the roles fulfilled by patrons of providing producers with subsistence goods and
purchasing their extractive products (cf. Turner, 1986: 104). Low levels of market
competition give merchants power to determine favourable rates of exchange on
both transactions (re-sale of manufactured goods and regional products).
Even though in the middle Solimões, most members of the merchant class are also
the owners of the more valued rubber and brazil-nut lands, the subordination of
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rural producers is not a direct consequence of land ownership. There are still vast
regions of unclaimed land, especially along the upper Tefé and Japurá rivers.
Caboclos who live on extractive properties accept the conditions of trade imposed
by the landowner not because they are propertyless, but because the patron offers
a security of trade that is preferred to the alternative choice of living in even more
isolated regions. The present situation is of course, different from the one which
prevailed during the early period of the system of aviamento, when the labour force
was effectively immobilized on the extractive properties. As we have seen in
chapter 4, the merchant-landowner class has retracted from the previous practice of
direct control of production. Since the 1960s, the more coercive system of debt-
bondage has been gradually replaced by a system of short term credit for the
seasonal extraction of brazil-nut and timber, and is also used in the production of
dried/salt fish.
This system of credit is employed both by patron-landowners and by regatões
(small itinerant traders) who deal with producers living in communities located on
unclaimed government land. The larger merchants are more interested in
expanding their commercial activities in the towns, and have left rural trade in the
hands of the regatões whom they finance. Branches of two of the largest Brazilian
banks (Banco do Brasil and Bradesco) were installed in the 1970s in Tefé. The
larger merchants make regular use of formal credit facilities and are thus directly
linked to the nation's financial capital.
As mentioned earlier, the freedom gained by the emigration of patrons led many ex-
bonded clients to move to the towns as well. As a result of the growth of the urban
population, the demand for manioc flour increased. According to the 1940 census,
the production of manioc in the county of Tefé was 464 metric tons. By this time,
90% of the county's total population was rural (IBGE, 1952). In 1980, when 51% of
the county's population was urban, production reached 82,813 tons, cultivated in
4,823 ha (IBGE, 1983).56 Manioc flour is today one of the major products of the
56 The increase in manioc production can be assessed from
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middle Solimões, and its production does not involve aviamento.
Therefore, the evolution of the market in the middle Solimões is associated with a
process of withdrawal of the merchant sector from direct control of the productive
sector. This process is revealed as a tendency, and coexists with intermediary
forms of partial control of production through petty trade associated with aviamento
and the persistence of direct control of extraction in estates. Today, the geo-
economic structure of the middle Solimões is characterized by small satellite
communities which converge on the market of Tefé (cf. chapter 4). Rural
communities are located either in free government land or in the large properties of
patrons who have moved to the towns. Depending on the location of their
settlements, caboclos either rely on regatões or are forced to trade extractive
products with absentee patron-landowners. In relation to agricultural products,
residents of communities located closer to the main regional towns (Tefé, Alvarães
and Maraã on the Japurá river) are able to trade directly in the urban markets, and
thus to obtain better rates of exchange.
(..continued) the ratio: county's annual manioc production by the total size of its population. In 1940 the region produced only 29 kilograms of manioc per individual. By 1980 this ration increased to 2,694 kg/individual.
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5.2.d The issue of exploitation
Since the rubber period, patrons and merchants are accused of exploiting caboclos
(cf. chapter 4). Commercial relations and the issue of exploitation are themes of
popular discussion, when they are perceived as the basis of class division. In
recalling her grandfather, himself a patron, Dona Maria, from Tefé, recalled how he
conceptualized the "power of patrons to be rich": " There can only be the rich if
there is the poor to buy". Caboclos, in turn, complain that despite hard work, there
are few opportunities for improving their standard of living. As a resident of
Nogueira recalled his father's frustration: "He used to say he didn't know why he
had nothing - he had worked hard for all his life but never had enough to buy
anything of value."
The nature of the exploitation of caboclos by merchants is more evident in the case
of extractive products traded under aviamento, when it derives from the double
exchange of goods and commodities mentioned above. In this exchange, goods are
overpriced and commodities are underpriced in relation to local urban market rates.
Exploitation is however, less obvious (and for this reason more controversial) in the
case of free trade of agricultural products, and can to be explained through the
theory of unequal exchange, based on labour theory of value (Kahn, 1980).
According to this interpretation, merchant exploitation is based on the fact that the
peasant sector is responsible for producing a large part of its own subsistence. This
is true for caboclos who characteristically produce most of their daily food. As a
result, a large proportion of the cost of reproducing caboclos' labour power is
realized outside the market. Kahn (1980: 206) points out that in economic systems
which combine subsistence and commodity production, the subsistence sector
reduces the cost of production of commodities. In the absence of subsistence
production, the prices of commodities would necessarily rise. Under these
circumstances, exchange results in a flow of value from the production sector to the
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merchant and capitalist sectors (cf. Kahn, 1980; Bartra, 1978).
But because terms of exchange are unfavourable and the supply of manufactured
goods is limited, caboclos cannot rely only on the market for their living, and are
forced to maintain their subsistence production. At the same time, the existence of a
subsistence sphere prevents the full integration of labour into the capitalist sphere.
According to Turner (1986: 107) and Roseberry (1983: 110) the subsistence sphere
restricts capitalist exploitation to a level lower than that which prevails under
industrial capitalism. This contradiction is a central feature of peripheral economies.
In short, the economic system of the middle Solimões is formed by a productive
sector (the caboclos) and a merchant sector (the patrões and regatões). The two
sectors are linked by a complexity of forms of commodity production and
commercial relationships (see section 5.5). The core feature of the system is the
retention by caboclos, of the means to produce a large part of their own
subsistence.
5.3 THE TWO DIRECTIONS OF CABOCLO ECONOMIC PRODUCTION
Caboclos have in common with other peasants in the periphery of capitalism, the
fact that they originated from the expansion of merchant capitalism and are
characterized by two spheres of production, one for direct use and the other for
exchange (Kahn, 1980; Roseberry, 1983).
Caboclo economic production is directed to obtain, from the forest, products for both
immediate consumption and for purchased consumption. This double direction of
production has been constant in the history of caboclos.57 Throughout Amazonia,
the main diet of caboclos consists of fish, game, and manioc flour, which are directly
57 As mentioned before, the status of caboclos conferred to "civilized" Amerindians involved their economic participation in market economy.
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produced by caboclos. By urban standards, a relatively small number of
manufactured goods are purchased through the exchange of extraction and
agricultural products. While there is variation in the production of commodities, the
production of the means of subsistence is embedded in a cultural matrix which is
common to all caboclos.
5.3.a Classification of modern types of domestic production
The basic unit of production and consumption in the caboclo sector is the
household, an economic unit based on kinship. As Galeski (1972) points out, this
characteristic alone does not distinguish peasants from petty commodity producers.
It is the relative importance of production for direct use in relation to production for
exchange which distinguishes between them (Galeski, 1972: 63). Friedmann (1978;
1980) uses the same criteria, and points out the greater commoditisation of both
consumption and productive factors (such as labour, land and machinery) among
petty commodity producers in relation to the level of commoditisation of peasants.
For Friedmann, another important difference between the two types of rural
producers is the degree of autonomy of the household enterprise. Whereas petty
commodity producers are more independent from each other, the peasantry is
characterized by strong communal bonds, particularly in relation to land.
Friedmann's attempt to elaborate a theoretical classification of family-based forms
of production based on levels of commoditisation was largely a response to the
critique of Ennew, Hirst and Tribe (1977) against the use of peasantry as an
economic category.58 Despite Ennew et al.'s argument, the concept of peasants
has not been abandoned. The term has been retained particularly in the literature
on peripheral situations, when it acquires a specific meaning. As mentioned,
Roseberry (1983) acknowledges his un-conventional use of the term to refer to an
economic sector which originated from the development of a peripheral capitalist
58 See also Hill (1986) for a critique against the utility of the concept of peasants in anthropology.
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economy. Kahn (1980) also uses the term peasant to characterize an economic
sector of Minangkabau social formation, that combines petty commodity production
and subsistence production.
5.3.b Chevalier's critique of the conception of a peasant sector in peripheral
economies
Chevalier (1982; 1983) severely criticizes the conception of a peasant sector in the
periphery of capitalism as one that is defined by two spheres of production
(commodity and subsistence). Based on neo-classical reasoning, Chevalier claims
that any domestic form of production in contact with the market is necessarily a fully
commoditized form of production. He dismisses the distinction between production
for direct use and for exchange altogether, on the basis that "any factor of material
consumption can be commodified - and its exchange-value realized - without ever
entering the sphere of 'real' market transactions" (Chevalier 1983: 162).
Chevalier's argument is based on the idea that rural producers are aware of market
rates and calculate whether to engage in wage labour or to allocate their labour
between subsistence and commodity production according to that knowledge. He
claims that subsistence production cannot be thought of as a non-valorized sphere
because its very existence is dependant upon market calculations. In other words,
he says that what rural producers effectively do is to "buy" labour and subsistence
from themselves. Following from his rejection of the duality of productive forms,
Chevalier (1983: 180-1) criticizes Friedmann's distinction between peasants and
petty commodity producers, and uses both terms indiscriminately.
5.3.c The distinction between the two spheres of production based on the criteria of
relations of production
Differing from Chevalier (1982; 1983) and following Galeski (1972) and Friedmann
(1978; 1980), the following analysis of caboclos as constituting a peasant sector
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privileges the distinction between what is produced for use and what is produced for
exchange. This distinction is based on the difference between the relations of
production involved in each sphere of production. By relations of production is
meant the social relations between people which define the form of access to
resources and control of the means of production, the organization of the labour
process, and the circulation and distribution of the products of labour (Godelier,
1988: 130).
Among caboclos, the social relations involved in production for direct use are
confined mainly to the domestic sphere. Since households in rural communities
engage in regular exchange of food and labour, the subsistence sphere is also
integrated in a community network. In the production of commodities, however,
caboclos engage in various social relations of production, all of which are partially
external to the domestic sphere. Caboclo commodity production involves relations
of exchange beyond households and beyond rural communities as well. Products
for the market are neither exchanged between households of the a same
community, nor exchanged between different communities. Depending on the type
of product sold, caboclos retain partial or full control of the labour process, but are
invariably subject to external influences in the distribution of their products. The
point of making the analytical distinction is precisely to focus upon the different
rationales involved in each sphere of production, since each sphere is constrained
by a particular set of social relations.
By denying the difference between the two spheres of production, Chevalier (1982;
1983) neglects the specific nature of peripheral situations. As Turner (1986) points
out in his critique of Chevalier's marginalist analysis, subsistence production
constitutes "the basis of a distinct social community or level of social relations"
which is primarily directed to the "production of social persons and families" (Turner
1986: 102; 112). The subsistence sphere is thus a restricted sphere of economic
production which is directly related to the reproduction of domestic and community
life. In respect to the production of commodities, Turner remarks that "from the point
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of view of the subsistence sector, the capitalist sphere appears as a distinct sphere
of exchange rather than as one of production per se. The production that goes
along with it produces nothing directly for the subsistence sector" (Turner, 1986:
111, emphasis in the original). Also, because of the market limitations mentioned
above, the subsistence sphere is not an alternative choice made by caboclos, but a
necessary means of subsistence provision.
To acknowledge the qualitative distinction between productive spheres does not
deny that the two spheres are interdependent. Caboclos cannot rely on any of these
spheres alone and each sphere can only be implemented by means of the other.
The distinction between spheres of production is mainly analytical and allows for the
analysis of the effects of commoditisation over domestic relations. Yet, as we shall
see in the two following sections, the people themselves also express different
conceptions of each production sphere.
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5.4 CHARACTERISTICS OF CABOCLO DOMESTIC PRODUCTION
Three aspects of caboclo domestic production are described: first, the
characteristics of the domestic unit of production in terms of its authority structure,
developmental cycle and the sexual division of labour; second, the people's
conceptual association between production, property and reproduction; and third,
the integration of households in the community through networks of exchange of
labour and labour products (fish, game, and agricultural produce).
5.4.a The organization of economic activities within caboclo households
Among caboclos, the nuclear family is the predominant household form.59
Household members work together to provide for their own needs, under the
authority of the head couple. From the age of seven, children are already
participating in small domestic tasks (such as fetching water in the river), and are
specially responsible for looking after their younger siblings. It is very common to
find, during the day, either a boy or girl at home looking after younger siblings while
his/her parents work in the fields. As they grow, children are given more
responsibilities, and learn, informally, their adult roles. By the age of fourteen,
children perform most adult tasks.
Parental authority is very effective among caboclos, specially in relation to
obligations of work. A great amount of labour is demanded of children, to the extent
that the work performed by adolescent boys and girls is usually the same as that of
their parents. Children are recognized as important contributors to the household's
labour force.60 In Vila Alencar, in the context of a conversation on the participants of
59 Around 60% of the households in rural communities are formed by nuclear families (cf. chapter 7). Other family forms correspond to phases in the developmental cycle of this basic household structure.
60 In Nogueira, the volume of manioc production of individual households is directly related to the number of workers in the family (cf. chapter 6).
130
a work party, a household head phrased that each household brought their
"strength" (a força) with them, referring to their children.
Parental control over children's labour is however, temporary. Children remain
under their parents' authority until they marry or set up their own households. A
middle aged couple from Nogueira, commenting on the difficulty of working in the
fields because of their age, added that it was also difficult because they had no
more children left "under their power" (sob o nosso poder). Nevertheless, elder
parents are still respected by their independent children. In Vila Alencar, the married
sons of Mr Raimundo asked for his permission before they took a temporary job
outside the village. They had no obligation to return a share of the wages they
earned to their father though, and were generally independent with respect to
providing for their own households.
In contrast, single adult children living with their parents are bound to return most of
their individual earnings to the household. In Nogueira, two of Mr Crisanto's single
sons (ages 28 and 18) had opened a manioc garden of their own, but as Mr
Crisanto phrased, "they all ate together". Despite the fact that the two sons were
under parental control because they still lived with their parents, at the end of the
harvest season they sold part of their production to buy a radio for themselves.
An incident in which I was involved illustrates the people's idea that younger
members of the household have the obligation to collaborate in the provision of the
household. When measuring garden areas in Nogueira, I used to pay a small fee to
boys or girls that were willing to direct me to the fields. At one stage I employed a
fourteen year old orphan boy, who was looked after by his aunt Madalena.
Madalena had no male children of her own, and the boy helped in farming and
fishing for the household. Madalena came to know casually, that I had paid her
nephew for his assistance. She became very angry, and stated that he should have
told her and given her the money.
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Besides illustrating the control of parents over the labour of dependent children,
these cases also point to the different contexts in which parental authority is
realized. In the production for direct consumption (farming and fishing), there is no
reason for children to "rebel" and accumulate the products of their labour for
themselves, whereas in the production of commodities (money and agricultural
products that are marketable) children can achieve benefits from retaining the gains
of their labour and this can lead to the contest of parental authority.61
5.4.b Characterization of parental authority in relation to the developmental cycle of
the domestic group
Although the head couple has the control over the economic resources of the
household, they do not benefit exclusively from them. The distribution of production
is characterized by "pooling" (Sahlins, 1988: 188-9), that is, the head couple
distribute the products of joint labour to all household members for consumption.
Focusing on the developmental cycle of households, it becomes apparent that
existing power asymmetries are not attached to specific individuals but to relative
status. During their life cycle, individuals move from a subordinate status (children)
to a dominant one (household head), and, as elders, they become dependent on
61 The tension that derives from the difference in the two possible types of consumption (domestic and selfish consumption), derived from production for direct use or for exchange, can also affect adults. In Turner's (1986) re-analysis of Taussig's (1980) account of the belief in the Devil among Colombian peasants, the Devil is not interpreted as a critical conception of capitalist relations (as in Taussig), but as a mediator between the two spheres of production. According to Turner, the Devil represents the guilty consciousness of workers who, instead of reverting gains to the domestic sphere, want to keep them for themselves. Among the rubber tappers of the state of Acre, there is a similar situation. Some tappers make a contract with the "mother" of the rubber tree to increase their rubber production. The money earned by this means cannot be spent in domestic but only in selfish consumption (Mauro de Almeida, personal communication). In this case, "increase in production" is realized through selfish consumption.
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their adult children. In terms of labour duties, in the long run, the positions of givers
and receivers of labour become even. When children are very small, parents work
to provide for their subsistence; when children grow, they work with their parents;
and when parents are old, adult children provide for them.
Among caboclos, the constitution of independent households is characterized by a
gradual process of separation of children from their parents. Chapter 7 describes
the developmental cycle of caboclo households in detail. I will only refer briefly to
the role of parents in providing new couples with the means to establish economic
independence.
When a new couple is formed, they are usually lodged in either of the spouse's
parents' house, instead of moving immediately to a house of their own. This custom
is not derived from any explicit marriage rule. Rather, it is related to the fact
mentioned above, that parents only "let go" of their children's labour when they
marry. Parents will then provide for shelter and food while the couple waits for their
own manioc field to mature and gather resources to build their own house. Parents
also provide the basic means of production (land and agricultural equipment) for the
new couple to start an independent economic life. Although the parents who lodge
the new couple have more "expenses", they are compensated by the fact that the
couple will build their house in the neighbourhood and will farm close to them (and
in some cases continue to farm with them, cf. chapter 7), thus providing security for
their future.
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5.4.c Sexual division of labour
Alongside the structure of authority related to generation, the economic activities of
caboclo households are also organized by a sexual division of labour. In
subsistence activities, men are responsible for hunting and fishing, and women are
responsible for housework and child care. Agricultural work involves the
participation of both sexes. Men are exclusively responsible for the more important
phases of manioc cultivation (such as clearing the land and felling), while weeding is
more often done by women than by men. The processing of manioc flour is done by
both men and women.
The division of labour also defines the status of each spouse in the household.
Although caboclo women have an important role in agriculture, the roças, i.e.
manioc fields, are usually "owned" by men. Moreover, the items of daily food are
differentially valued. In general, fish and game are more important than agricultural
produce. Male authority is especially realized through control of commodity
production and commercial exchange.
Although the work of men and women are complementary, the cultural rules that
define sexual roles, as well as women's physical limitations, imply that women are
more dependent on men then vice-versa. In all communities visited, there were no
households formed by lone women but a few cases of lone male households were
found (cf. chapter 7). Nevertheless, single men that live on their own are not fully
integrated in the community. One of Nogueira's single men was once teased by a
woman who said "I will find you a wife to weed your roça". The single man only
opened roças far from the community, in forest areas, where less weed grows.
The division of sexual domains is embedded in beliefs in spirits and female
pollution. The most conspicuous phases of the female biological cycle, related to
reproduction, are marked by taboos (cf. Motta Maués, 1977; 1980). Pregnant and
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menstruating women are believed to cause panema, essentially "bad luck" in
hunting or fishing (see Galvão, 1951 & 1955; Wagley, 1976; Da Matta, 1973). In
stating that women in these conditions (thus women writ large), endanger the
success of a male activity, the concept of panema emphasizes the norm of sexual
division of labour.62 Likewise, menstruating women are believed to attract botos,
(dolphins, Inia geoffroyensis) which are considered the visible manifestation of
malevolent supernatural entities (cf. chapter 8). During menstruation, women avoid
travelling in canoes fearing the attack of botos, and are thus discouraged from
participating in fishing expeditions.
These beliefs do not refer to sexual spheres of economic behaviour only, but pertain
to a more extensive symbolical field. They do demarcate economic spheres through
negative sanctions, though, transmitting the message that contact between what is
male and what is extremely female is dangerous.
5.4.d The association between production, property and reproduction
An important aspect of caboclo domestic economy is their conception of ownership
of cultivated land. Whether caboclos live in free government land or in private
properties, they conceive of any field they have planted or any secondary forest
(called capoeira or fallow) they have created as their own property. This
conception, which is general in the middle Solimões and in other traditional
Amazonian regions, is respected by local landowners as well. Whereas patrons-
landowners control extractive production, they usually do not charge any rent for
agriculture.
In both free and private land, this type of ownership is defined by labour investment
and is limited to actual use (usufruct rights). If the field or fallow site is abandoned,
62 See Motta Maués (1977; 1980), for a more extensive discussion on cultural restrictions on pregnant and menstruating women which have the effect of enforcing the boundaries of sexual domains.
135
no ownership claim can be sustained. Thus ownership is not inherited, only if the
successor continues to work on the same site. The implication of this conception to
land partition and its association with kinship relations are discussed at length in
chapters 6 and 7. Here I will only point out the historical origins of this conception,
suggest the reason for its maintenance, and offer an interpretation of its underlying
rationale as one that is based on an association between production and
reproduction63.
The practice of land tenure based on usufruct rights originates from Amerindian
culture. Amerindian groups do not recognize ownership of means of production
(forest, land and rivers) but respect individual ownership of plots and fallow
holdings. Labour invested in land confers exclusive rights both over the areas that
are being worked on and over the products obtained.
Because free land is still abundant in the middle Solimões and the traditional
Amazonian economy has not yet been replaced, this notion of ownership has been
maintained in the region. In other Amazonian regions where capitalist relations have
been introduced, the notion of private property is pervasive (see Esterci, 1987;
Martins, 1983: 131). Labour has become a standard commodity, and is no longer
accepted as a basis for the definition of ownership of land or of agricultural
production.
The notion of ownership based on labour investment rests on the idea of an intrinsic
association between persons and their production on land. In the people's
conception of this association, it resembles the association of parents and offspring.
Two statements made by locals illustrate the point.
63 Goody (1976) presents a broad analysis of the relation between production and reproduction in African and Eurasian societies, looking at the relation between systems of kinship and marriage, property, inheritance and modes of production. The scope of the analysis here is much narrower. The objective is simply to point out the people's own construction of this association.
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De Lourdes, a 50 years old woman from Nogueira said in the context of a
conversation about succession of generations that: "when one dies one leaves the
seed - the offspring, heritage of the roça"(Quando a gente morre, deixa a
semente, os filhos, herança da roça). Her statement not only implies that
economic activity results in human reproduction (the outcome of everyday
agricultural work is one's offspring) but also that there is a metonymic association
between the labourer and the product of his/her agricultural labour. The seed, the
heritage of the garden (its outcome or the property it leaves for succession) is the
same as that of its labourer: the offspring.
The other example of the analogy between children and agricultural production is
more objective. It was given as a reply to a criticism made to caboclos. A local man
defended caboclos from the general accusation made by landowners that caboclos
lack providence because they do not plant perennial crops by saying that: "this
would be like making children with other man's wife" (Fazer filho na mulher dos
outros). Perennial crops planted in other man's land is an endowment made to the
landowner. It has to be left behind if the producer leaves. The claim of ownership of
the trees can not be sustained in the same way as a claim of fatherhood can not be
if the wife is not one's own.
The property relation between producers and the products of their labour on land
(tree, crops, farm and fallow holdings) is regarded as a social relation and is justified
on the same basis as the kinship relation between parents and offspring. Both are
one's own production and 'extensions' of oneself.
5.4.e Economic relationships between households
In caboclo communities of the middle Solimões, there are important networks of
exchange of labour and food items which cut across household boundaries. Despite
promoting the integration of households in community networks, economic
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exchange follows the people's ideal model of households as self-sufficient units of
production and consumption. The main types of economic relationships between
households are described, showing that patterns of exchange reflect a peasant type
of social organization where households are autonomous in terms of decision
making and there are no social or political basis for economic differentiation among
them.64 I will concentrate on the exchange associated with the main food items:
manioc flour, fish and game.
As mentioned, production of manioc flour involves cooperative labour between
household members, in particular between husband and wife. Manioc cultivation
also entails regular exchange of labour between separate households. The
provision of the main staple food thus promotes cooperation within members of the
same household and between different households.
Fishing and hunting, on the other hand, are individual male activities which do not
involve labour exchange or cooperation. Exchange consists of occasional sharing of
fish and game between households. Sharing raw meat or cooked food is
sometimes referred by the verb "vizinhar", which literally means "to neighbour", or
to become close.
In manioc agriculture, the main form of labour exchange consists of reciprocal work
groups, called ajurí, mutirão, or puxirum.65 A household head in need of extra
labour invites members of other households to participate in a work party.
Reciprocity of labour is compulsory. When requested, the labour-receiver has to
pay back participating in the work groups of each one of those who went to his/her
work group. In Nogueira, reciprocity is so strict that when people agree to
64 With the exception of the saint's feast (described in chapter 8), there are no regular communal production or distribution, nor is there any community resident who can make claims over the production of other residents.
65 Chapter 6 presents a more detailed description of ajurí work teams and other types of labour exchange.
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participate in another household's work team they say that they will "get" or "gain"
(vai ganhando) the owner of the roça being worked, for they can be sure of his/her
participation in their own work team. It is also said that the owner of the roça "owes"
them.
Fish and game, on the other hand, are gifts with no strict rules for reciprocity,
although, as gifts, they should not be refused. Reciprocity is less calculated, either
in quantities or in length of time. The initial offer of food is not binding, only if
regularly reciprocated (as it is not expected to be immediately nor equivalently
returned). Regular sharing will only take place among those who reciprocate.
In both labour and food exchanges, one's own household demands are considered
in first place before sharing with other households. Engagement in networks of
labour and food exchange rest on the same basis, acting in accordance with the
ideal of household self-sufficiency: they depend on the other's willingness to take
part in the exchange. In labour exchange, reciprocity is guaranteed. One is invited
only by one who is willing to reciprocate, hence the request of help is equivalent to
an initial gift. In food exchange, recurrent relationships are established only if the
other part repeats the gift. There are no rules enforcing neither type of exchange.
Considering only the material side of caboclo kinship relationships, the preference
caboclos display for residence among kin (see chapter 7), is related to the
characteristics of production and circulation of food. Residence among kin gives
greater security that exchange will take place than if neighbours are not related.
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5.5 THE DIVERSITY OF CABOCLO COMMODITY PRODUCTION
Commodity is a common word in caboclos' vocabulary. It refers to purchased
consumption goods (a mercadoria), and is distinguished from their production for
the market: "our production" (nossa produção). The difference is well marked by
their relative rates of exchange. The price of consumption goods increases
exponentially with geographical isolation, not because of distance alone but also
due to reduced market competition, which increases the trader's power to determine
rates of exchange. The more upriver one goes, the more one listens to complaints
that commodities are dear: the "caristia". Similarly, the price of caboclos' production
decreases with isolation. "Our production is worth nothing", they say. Unlike
caboclos, though, I will use the word "commodity" to refer to any article, bought or
sold, through commercial exchange.
As mentioned before, the main commodities produced by caboclos of the middle
Solimões region are manioc flour, timber, brazil-nut and fish. The two most
important habitat distinctions in the Amazon, várzea and terra-firme (see chapter
1), set different conditions for the production of commodities. Fish and timber
characterize commodity production on várzea66 while manioc flour and brazil-nut
are the main commodities produced on the terra-firme.
5.5.a Land tenure and the social relations involved in commodity production
Land tenure is an important variable accounting for the diverse social relationships
involved in commodity production. As mentioned in section 5.2.c, the main social
relations involved in caboclo commodity production are: (i) the two forms of
66 Diverse short cycle agricultural products, such as maize, banana, watermelon, cucumber, are other cultivated in varzea but only sold by the communities closer to urban centres. Distant várzea communities produce them for local consumption only, and, as observed in the community of Viola, give out any surplus production to neighbours.
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aviamento (one related to extractive production in private properties, and the other
related to free extractive production), and (ii) independent market exchange
associated to autonomous agricultural production.
The majority of rural producers in the middle Solimões region are squatters (in 1975
they represented 77,48% of all rural producers) settling either on untenanted
government land, or in estates.67 Tenure in estates is associated with patron-client
relations and aviamento. Estates were established in the region in the XIX century
in the more valuable areas where "fixed" resources are found: mainly in the area of
greater density of brazil-nut trees, on the right bank of the Solimões river. Other
extractive products, such as timber, did not promote an early land enclosure, nor did
the rubber produced in the Tefé and Japurá rivers (cf. chapter 4) . The regional
rubber is of poor quality compared to that of the Purús and Juruá rivers, where
permanent estates were established and became the loci of the most coercive
accounts of aviamento.
The thinner and unstable várzea lands of the left bank and the mid-river islands
were left to the poor. There, the old recall that in the first decades of this century
várzea residents produced "little things" (coisinhas) such as: firewood for steam
boats, straw, vines and dried fish which were sold to itinerant traders (regatões).
The security offered by patrons as well as the fact that estates produced the most
valuable commodities, explain why the option of being a free producer in the poor
várzea lands was not always preferred.
Today, in the traditional estates of brazil-nut groves of the Solimões river (the
old castanhais), each producer is bound by the balance of the commercial account
(o saldo) held by the patron-landowner. The commercial relation is initiated by
manufactured goods being advanced by the patron, leaving the producer in debt.
Extractive products gathered in the patron's estate pay for the debt. Tenure is
67 The other categories of rural producers are: 20.69% land owners, 1.79% lessees, and 0.05 sharecroppers (IBGE, 1977).
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based on this commercial relationship, and clients say that they sell brazil-nuts to
patrons (the usual rate is half the market price). The volume of extractive production
is said to be made "according to the commitment" (de acordo com o
compromisso), that is, according to the debt incurred. In estates under aviamento
thus, the social relation of production is phrased in terms of commodity exchange.
In some castanhais, caboclos used to be forbidden to open manioc roças in order
to concentrate work on the extractive enterprise and also to purchase consumption
from the patron. In castanhais today, caboclos are allowed to plant manioc, which
they do mainly for consumption, although some flour is sold. The sale is free. There
is no obligation to sell it to the land owner, but for reasons of convenience, some
do.68
Although basically the same relation of production consolidated in the XIX century,
aviamento today is more focused on the commercial aspect of the relation, leaving
aside the aggressive form of labour control of former times. The memory of extreme
subordination is very much alive in the mind of the old: "even to give a party we had
to ask permission". In comparison, locals state that "today men are free". As the
stronger domination of clients gave way to a less coercive system, the diversion of
one or two boxes of brazil-nuts, although by the rules of aviamento still illegal, is
not treated so seriously, "the guy is soon readmitted". Previously, to sell one box
was enough to warrant physical punishment. Many factors contributed to the
decrease in domination of the system, as outlined in chapter 4 and section 5.2
above.
Aviamento is also present in extraction undertaken outside estates, especially in
68 Estates have been traditionally directed to extraction and land in itself received little value. In extraction economies, land is treated as territories reserved for economic use. For patrons, the means for extracting the products of land is human labour, which is contracted (or attracted) by means of commodity exchange. For this reason, in contrast to traditional agricultural areas, in castanhais agricultural products are planted and sold by caboclos without having to pay rent.
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the untenanted lands of the Japurá and Tefé rivers, and in free caboclo
communities. A regatão (patron/itinerant-trader), unrelated to the land that is going
to be exploited, furnishes goods on credit and receives the extractive production.
Patrons also accept payment in cash if the producer wants to sell to another trader.
Compared to aviamento in estates, the emphasis on commercial activities is even
stronger. The main commodities produced under this type of aviamento are fish
and timber (exhaustive resources which do not stimulate monopoly of land).
Manipulation of a debt is not necessary to subordinate labour in relation to land. But
because the patron's profit is based on overpricing, caboclos face difficulty in paying
off their debts. Debts are carried between seasons, and high interest rates are
charged, leaving the debt increasingly difficult to be paid off. Patronage is preferred
because of the need for credit and because it provides market security. Another
component of patronage is its relation to the seasonality of production, and to the
producer's seasonal absence from home (since he needs to leave a supply of
subsistence goods for his family).
In the case of aviamento outside private properties, relations of production are still
personal, and the volume of production is also guided by the debt incurred. But the
patron does not exert political domination over the territory explored. Although the
market is highly imperfect, there is some competition between patrons. In estates,
on the other hand, extractive production has to be entirely sold to the patron who
also controls the rates of exchange.
Manioc is the most important agricultural product of the region, and the one which
allows the producer freedom to sell regardless of the ownership of the land on
which it is grown. The changes brought about by manioc flour gaining market value
are acknowledged by caboclos living in castanhais. "If I were young I would get
rich", believes Seu Taumaturgo (born 1917) living in the castanhal Santo Eduardo,
Solimões river. Those who have specialized in the production of manioc flour think
differently. Although better off then caboclos under the old rule of the castanhais,
they are far from the having possibility of getting rich. They do however, recognize
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and praise the greater autonomy they have in production. Seu Francisco José (born
1938), from Nogueira comments: "Work in agriculture is never ending. The day I
don't want to work, I don't, but there is work to be done. I don't like to be told, I like
to do what I want"
5.5.b Wage labour
Although in the middle Solimões region, capitalist relations of production are less
frequent than the social relations involved in commodity production mentioned
above, a number of caboclos also engage in temporary wage-labour.
From the point of view of caboclos, wages are considered as an alternative to
commodity production. It is usually preferred by young adult men who consider the
return for labour in cash to be more satisfactory. The majority of caboclos however,
are willing to break free from any type of economic relationship which threatens to
tie them permanently. It is common for married men to change their cash-earning
activities, and to return periodically to the domestic sphere of production. The
caboclos who might take wage-labour are those who live close to Tefé, and stay in
jobs usually for a short term. Rural companies based in Tefé have a high turn-over
of employees, and complain about the instability of labourers.
Among the residents of rural communities, more men than women leave to engage
in wage labour. Those who are left without a provision of manioc are likely to
engage in wage labour while their roças mature, and return home for the harvest.
When leaving home for wages, the problem of domestic provision remains, and
often men abandon their jobs to return home because their families were left with
no one to fish.69
69 School teachers in Tefé also report that pupils whose parents live in rural communities are often removed from school during the summer to help in agricultural or extractive tasks.
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5.5.c The balance between commodity production and household self-provision
Commodity production constrains domestic production for self-sustenance, either
because specific household members are removed from subsistence production or
because the commodity is also an item of consumption.
Among the main commodities produced by caboclos in the middle Solimões region,
only manioc is also consumed by the producer. As most caboclos produce manioc
for their own consumption, the possibility of selling manioc flour is almost general.
Producers have to balance out the volumes of manioc production directed for use
and for exchange. On the terra-firme, where roças are larger than on the várzea,
manioc flour is gradually produced for the market until the volume of tubers left
permits only production for the household's own consumption (for details, see
chapter 6). At this critical point, "the roças can only be eaten", they say. On the
várzea, harvest is concentrated in the pre-high water season, before water covers
the plots. Manioc flour is stored in bags, and caboclos calculate how much can be
sold, and how much will be stored for consumption. Locals do not like to buy
manioc flour, but sometimes future consumption is jeopardized by the possibility of
obtaining cash from the sale of stored manioc flour for some urgent need.
Besides manioc flour, the other local products have mainly exchange-value. Self-
provision is not directly affected by their sale. Even though brazil-nuts are
consumed by caboclos, consumption is ephemeral and does not affect decisions
concerning the sale of production. Nevertheless, the production of all commodities
(including those which are not items of consumption), indirectly affects the activities
of self-provision.
Commodity production diverts either the male alone, the couple or all household
members from direct subsistence activities. Commodity production results in either
the purchase of subsistence goods or in a balance between the allocation of labour
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for cash earning activities and for self-provision. In manioc agriculture, as
mentioned above, the couple works together in the fields. Dona Dionísia from
Nogueira commented on her work in agriculture: "at night me and my husband talk,
and plan our next day's work together". Among the extractive products on the other
hand, only brazil-nuts involves joint domestic labour: the couple and their children.
Timber and commercial fishing are solely male activities, and are usually
undertaken away from the settlement. During the logging season, husbands leave
their women at home, and rely on older sons or relatives for fish or game. Women
may also provide for themselves, fishing by hook at the shore - the characteristic
form of female fishing.
5.5.d Commodity production and inter-household relationships
At the same time that different commodities lead to different contexts in which
households distribute their labour or divide their production between use and
exchange (cf. Ortiz, 1973), the type of commodity produced in a given community
also defines the way households relate to each other in the production process.
In agriculture, productivity is increased by labour exchange, and in both agriculture
for consumption and for the market, households relate to each other in the labour
process (cf. section 5.4.e above). In extraction however, production is not increased
by cooperative labour. On the contrary, the gathering of existing natural resources
leads to competition.
In castanhais of the Solimões river, however, patrons assign a number of families
(four in the castanhal Marajó) to fixed plots (colocação) where they camp during
the gathering season. Each family will collect as many brazil-nut fruits from the
same territory as they can (brazil-nut fruits are gathered from the ground after a
windfall). This difference relates to the patron's interest in gross production.
Competition among collectors for the same resource may reduce per-capita
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production but it forces maximum production per area, to the benefit of the patron.70
70 Although I have only made day visits to castanhais in the Solimoõs river, social workers engaged in community organization commented on the difficulty of reaching average results in these localities (particularly Caiambé, one on the largest communities located in a castanhal).
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5.5.e Commodity production and ethnic identity
It has been argued that market relations leave caboclos subordinated to the
dominant class. In order to be independent from the social and economic relations
which dominate them, caboclos could have learned from the Amerindian on how to
survive from the forest alone. After the end of the Diretório period, the early
caboclos - the Amerindians brought to the missions, who still had their roots in the
forest - did in fact run away, turning their backs to the style of life imposed by
colonial rule. But to second generation caboclos, who were raised in the villages,
this was not only more difficult as it would go against the pattern of "normality" they
had learned from the prevailing ideology of social evolution (see chapters 2 & 3).
Salt and sugar are amongst the most frequent components of a caboclo rancho,
the local term for basic shopping. To "eat without salt is an indian behaviour",
unaccepted, shameful for whites. Goods fulfil consumption needs and also function
as symbols of identity. Ethnic identity has thus an important role in the definition of
caboclo economic behaviour. Nevertheless, western manufactures influence the
Amerindian economy as well, although differing in the degree and symbolic
meaning from that found in caboclo economy.
5.6 COMMODITISATION AND CABOCLO DOMESTIC PRODUCTION
Although caboclo economic production has always been characterized by two
spheres of production, the relation between production for consumption and
production for commercial exchange has been variable both in space and in time. In
broad historical terms, the caboclo economy has been involved in a process parallel
to what Hart (1982) defined as "commoditisation".
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5.6.a The concept of commoditisation
According to Hart, commoditisation refers to the process of economic integration
based on the development of the division of labour in the production and exchange
of commodities. The process is defined as "the progressive abstraction of social
labour" (Hart: 1982:41), and is linked to the development of industrial capitalism. Its
direction, in general, is the transformation of labour - from it being one's means of
producing use-value to becoming one's only possessed commodity.
The historic process of commoditisation defined by Hart is an evolutionary model
based on the world development of capitalism. Peasant economies are residual to
this development, and their own economic evolution takes place within the context
of a fully commoditized world economy. According to the theory of articulation of
modes of production, the articulation of such residual economies to capitalism,
although responsible for its conservation, is not static (Rey, 1973). The first step of
the interaction of non-capitalist economies with capitalism is the commercial link. At
the sphere of exchange, capitalism reinforces the pre-capitalist mode (Rey,
1973:82-7).
In the history of caboclos the relative importance of purchased consumption in
relation to self-sustenance has increased, therefore raising the production of cash
products. Communities located closer to market towns are more likely to specialize
in commodity production and consequently increase the importance of their
purchased consumption. Caboclo economy is thus characterized by a continuous
involvement in a process of commoditisation.
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5.6.b Amerindians, caboclos and proletarians
In the same way that caboclos can be defined vis-a-vis traditional Amerindians by a
larger volume of production and consumption of commodities, they can be defined
vis-a-vis proletarians by a larger volume of production for use. The useful
characterization of peasants given by Velho as a social category belonging to a
continuum ranging from authentic "peasanticity" (defined from both their autonomy
in the productive sphere and their subordination in the political sphere) to
proletarianization (Velho, 1982:44), may be used to characterize caboclos. Velho's
continuum can be seen as equivalent to variations in degrees of commoditisation.
Contemporary Amerindians rarely completely lack western commodities. Trade,
moreover, was carried out among Amerindians before Iberian colonization (see
Fritz, 1922: 60-2 for early Amerindian trade in the study region). Although caboclo
and Amerindian economies are both commoditized, the relative importance of
commodities in each economy is different. At the point where the consumption of
capitalist commodities becomes essential, the Amerindian economy becomes
equivalent to the caboclo economy. Caboclos and Amerindians are then members
of the same class of peasant producers linked to the national economy. The
distinction between them is based on ethnicity, not on economic isolation x
economic integration. The Cambeba of the community Jaquirí (Solimões river) for
example, are not economically differentiated from their caboclo neighbours. They
hold an Amerindian identity, however, and this is today reinforced by changed
political circumstances.71 Today, economic integration is no longer associated with
ethnic transformation.
Caboclos stand between the traditional Amerindian market-independent economy
71 It is advantageous, in certain respects, to claim an Amerindian identity because it gives the opportunity of obtaining legal rights to land. In today's political context, the old generation regrets the fact of having been forbidden by their parents to learn their native language.
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and the urban or rural proletariat. The level of commoditisation is not fixed however,
and contemporary caboclos move temporarily between a high and a low level of
commoditisation. This shifting ability is responsible for the endurance characteristic
of peasants in general (Tepicht, 1973:13), for it constitutes a security against
unfavourable market conditions. At the same time, the process of complete
commoditisation leads to proletarianization, marking off the end of the social
category caboclos. Thus the definition of the social category caboclos, as Velho's
(1982) definition of peasants, is based on the idea of a horizontal continuum of
economic units with different rates of production for use in relation to production for
exchange. Figure 5.1 illustrates the continuum of caboclo domestic production.
Vertical differentiation among these units would necessarily entail any form of
appropriation, either of labour or of surplus through commerce.
5.6.c Commoditisation and inter-household exchange
The process of commoditisation displaces reciprocal exchanges, the personal
character of barter exchanges, and entails an increased independence of
households from each other. Market integration competes with previous forms of
Amerindian economic organization and continues to bring change within caboclo
forms of social organization.72
In the past, the exchange of goods between households of the same community
was more frequent. Nowadays, internal exchange is focused on food and labour
and takes place mainly among closer kin. At present, the more important
commodities produced for local exchange are canoes and basket items necessary
for the production of manioc flour, made by specialists and sold for cash. In the
past, pottery was also sold; it was made by women and sold locally for cash ("but
very cheap", por dinheiro mesmo, agora era pouco). Contemporary items and
72 See for instance Steward & Murphy (1977:158-68), for the social change in Mundurucú society; and Da Matta (1967:114-9), on the Gavião.
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services of internal exchange which are not charged for and do not involve
monetary calculation for barter exchange are: home-made food (said to have had,
formerly, a wider and more expressive circulation, especially during the feasts for
the saints), mid-wife care, and specialized shamanistic and healing work. These
health services were, and still are, of great demand. They are not charged formally,
although accompanied by gift offerings; not based on self-interest, they pertain to an
ideological domain which define roles and confer status to altruistic performances of
labour. With the development of commoditisation, the main economic exchange is
external to the community, directed to the market.
The closer to an urban centre the community is, the greater the commoditisation of
the economy and of social relations as well. Closer to a market, items of food which
are also commodities, such as the dried/salted Amazonian large fish (Arapaima
sp.), are sold or exchanged among neighbours and kin on a cash basis. In
communities very close to an urban centre, such as Nogueira, even fresh fish is
sold, although this is more likely to occur among "distant" neighbours (by the same
token, neighbours become "distant" by this means). In Nogueira, labour can be
exchanged for cash (daily wages). The possibility of converting surplus labour and
labour products into money (greater liquidity) changes social exchanges, as they
become capable of being measured in equivalent terms through money. Further
away from market, on the other hand, monetary or money calculated exchanges
are restricted to a small number of articles (the ones which can be sold).
Households exchange food and labour more often as these items have a low
liquidity.
5.6.d Commoditisation and patterns of consumption and use of forest resources
Compared to the average standard of living of the urban Amazonian middle class,
the level of purchased consumption among caboclos is much lower. The list of
purchased goods caboclos consider essential can be divided between those of
regular and occasional demand. Salt, sugar, coffee, soap, matches, cooking oil,
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kerosene, candles, are examples of regularly purchased goods, while clothing,
cooking utensils, agricultural, fishing, and hunting equipments are only occasionally
acquired. In a caboclo house, material possessions are extremely limited. An
average house, for instance, will fit all their cooking utensils in a small shelf, and
characteristically use only spoons for eating. Most sleep in hammocks, beds are a
sign of wealth; very few have tables or chairs and eat seated on the floor. Family
clothes are kept in a bag, a suit case, or hung on the wall.
Some of the goods which are now purchased were until recently produced by
caboclos themselves. Examples of these are sugar, coffee, wooden spoons,
pottery, basket-work, roofing, and cooking oil which was made from turtles. In the
memory of Seu Sirilo from Nogueira (born 1914), "In former days not so many
things were bought. Coffee could be made... Sugar-cane was also grown.
Nowadays nobody is interested in planting, they only want to buy. The land here is
good to plant everything. They don't plant because they don't want to".
Because of commoditisation, patterns of use of forest resources have changed. The
old have a broader knowledge of uses of forest resources, especially in relation to
medicinal uses of plants, while the young have no interest or need in keeping this
knowledge. Knowledge of traditional medicine, pottery and basket-work are in
danger of being lost.
In their accounts comparing the present and the past, caboclos make a statement
on a former "affluence of food" ("fartura"): how it was more plentiful and easier to
obtain. When remembering the old pattern of saint's festivals and communal work
(ajurí), the old comment on the abundance of home-food that used to be offered. In
contrast, "nowadays, everything has to be bought" and "very little is offered".
Although the increase in population density and the exploitation of fish resources by
commercial fishing has indeed depleted fish and game, the increased dependency
on cash, itself a scarcer resource then local protein sources, restricts even further
patterns of consumption. The recalling of a past affluence is related to the
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commoditisation of a marginal economy.
5.7 CONCLUSION
Caboclo standard of living can be characterized by the relative adjective "poor". But
because caboclo poverty is related to a specific culture, it becomes disguised in the
identification of a "caboclo way of life", and associated to stereotypes such as
"negligence". Not using forks or not having a table to eat on, for instance, are not
signs of poverty for caboclos but for urban people. Forks and tables are not part of
their culturally defined needs. To eat with spoons on the floor is the norm, not a
deprivation. Among caboclos themselves, the ones recognized as poor are those
who lack food and the means of obtaining it, either because of illness, female
widowhood, or other impediments such as alcoholism.73
"Poverty" as a general category describes best how caboclos feel themselves in
relation to the national society. The lack of available health and education facilities,
and the low value of their products in the market are the main complaints of
caboclos about what they regard as difficult and deprived conditions in the
hinterlands. The utopia of education (Loureiro, 1987), wage labour and urban
facilities as improving their standard of living attract caboclos to the cities. There,
migrants realize their greater dependency on cash, especially to buy every day
food. Life in the riverbanks is then remembered as a life of affluence.
73 Alcoholism is more common among men, and more frequent in the cities than in rural communities. In Tefe, male alcoholism is recognized as a social problem. Nevertheless, in both urban and rural settlements, men traditionally get drunk on Sundays.
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CHAPTER 6
ECONOMIC ETHNOGRAPHY OF CABOCLO COMMUNITIES
On cultural, social and economic causes of caboclo poverty
INTRODUCTION
In the description of the caboclo social category, presented in chapter 2, "laziness"
and "indolence" were given as core attributes of the caboclo stereotype. This points
to the importance of economic practice in the definition of caboclo as a colloquial
category. Caboclos are blamed for their poverty, because they are supposedly
content with it. Caboclos are also said to be crafty (escovado). These opinions are
given by individuals who obviously do not regard themselves as caboclos, although
from the physical attributes of the stereotype, many of these "others" could not be
easily differentiated. The labels, crafty and indolent, point to the fact that caboclos
are perceived as "taking it easy".
Is this true? Aspects of caboclo economic practice discussed below, such as use of
land and labour, give evidence of a "subsistence" orientation. The same resources
are used by patrons as a means to obtain profit. The difference between the two
economic orientations is plain. However, caboclos have always been a subordinate
class, either as slaves, debt-bondsmen, or through unequal exchange. This is
acknowledged by the Church, the media, academics and politicians. The statement:
"the caboclo is exploited", is also commonplace. The two factors together,
subsistence and exploitation, must be taken into account in the analysis of caboclo
poverty.
Looking at the interplay between economic practice and class relations, I examine
the possibilities for social and economic ascension. A "spirit of enterprise" is a
necessary condition for the commercial activities characteristic of the upper class,
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and a "spirit of simple reproduction" is a main feature of the lower class. But does a
"subsistence" practice inhibit a move to accumulation and if so, how? Or, on the
other hand, is capitalist exploitation the cause of caboclos remaining in a
subordinate class position?
The presentation of the ethnography aims to discuss these questions. Taking into
account the regional context of economic production and exchange, I examine what
are the people's economic practices. In presenting a few cases of social and
economic ascension, I also discuss the possibilities for, and the social implications
of, social change.
The information gathered on the caboclo economy was mainly obtained in the
community of Nogueira, located on the terra-firme near Lake Tefé. Data on
economic production on the várzea, was collected in the communities of Viola
(Japurá river), and Vila-Alencar on the Solimões river. These latter studies are not
of the same level of detail as Nogueira but provide a useful comparative framework.
The location of the communities mentioned in the text is given in figure 1.2.
6.2 SOCIAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF NOGUEIRA, VILA ALENCAR
AND VIOLA
The three communities described in this chapter: Nogueira, Vila Alencar and Viola,
have in common the fact that they are located in land which is free from political
bondage to a land-owner. They differ in their main commodities and cycles of
production, due to differences in environment. The three communities also differ in
their proximity to an urban centre. This affects the way residents undertake
commercial exchanges.
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6.2.a Location of settlements and commercial opportunities
By standard means of transport - canoes moved by 3 to 7 HP engines - the
distance from Nogueira to Tefé is only one hour. Residents are thus able to go
frequently to Tefé to sell products and buy goods. Using the same means of
transport, a journey from Vila Alencar to Tefé takes 6 hours. Residents sometimes
shop in Tefé. As the town of Alvarães is closer (three hours distant) many prefer to
buy and sell there, even though rates of exchange are less favourable.
In Nogueira, none of the residents has a regular patron. On the other hand,
residents of Vila Alencar sometimes have to seek credit from patrons, even though
they are also able to trade directly in urban centres. The need for credit results from
the fact that production of their main commodity is seasonal.
Of the three communities, Viola is the most distant from a town. It is the only village
in which residents are largely dependent upon commercial mediation. Out of ten
residents in 1983, five had patrons and five were independent. Those who had a
patron received goods on credit, and delivered either money or products as
payment. Independent producers traded with irregular itinerant traders, and stated
that they would prefer to have a patron. Only occasionally do residents go to the
cities of Coarí and Tefé, taking one day to complete the journey. The more distant
location of Viola appears to limit trading opportunities.
6.2.b Differences related to the environment
Várzea and terra-firme communities have different spatial arrangements of houses
and roças (cultivated manioc plots). Terra-firme (literally firm ground), is located on
higher grounds of soils of Tertiary origins which never get flooded. The land is
covered by high forest, and is cut by narrow streams (igarapés). As throughout
Amazonia, the riverside (a beira) and the interfluves, called "the centre" (o centro),
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are spatial categories used by caboclos to refer to aspects of their environment (see
Velho, 1976: 203-5). In the terra-firme community of Nogueira, farm plots are
located in the "centre", and the houses (arranged in three rows) are built facing the
river. There are six main farm areas (Sítios) in Nogueira, composed of patches of
cultivated land (roças) and plots left to fallow (capoeiras). Each family farm is
centred upon a small hut (barraca), also called the "kitchen" (cozinha), where a
griddle for roasting manioc and other equipment for processing manioc flour are
kept. The farms are necessarily located close to a waterway where the manioc can
be soaked for processing the flour.
The várzea is dominated by water and the landscape is dynamic. The higher
ground suitable for human occupation (levees or restingas), is formed by
Quaternary sediments. In várzea communities, such as Vila Alencar and Viola, the
houses are arranged in a row, facing the river. Roças are located on the same
piece of land, also in a row. The channel that runs in the back limits expansion in
that direction. Unlike terra-firme communities, on várzea the "kitchen" is usually
located next to the house, and the manioc is soaked in front of the house, in a
canoe tied to the family dock.
In general, the population of várzea communities is smaller and more unstable than
those of terra-firme communities. Sketch-maps of Nogueira and Vila Alencar are
presented in figures 6.1 and 6.2. For the region as a whole, average number of
households in rural communities is 15. In 1986, the number of households in
Nogueira was 45, in Vila Alencar 13, and in Viola 10.
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6.3 LAND TENURE
In the three communities, land is not privately owned. The system of tenure is
based on rights of usufruct. Residents are thus free from political bondage to a
patron and the social relations of production based on aviamento which
characterize rural communities located on private properties. In the study
communities, land is a communal resource which residents and their families have
the right to exploit. The community's territory is never rented, nor is it normally
closed to newcomers. From the description of a few cases of newcomers entering
these communities, it can be seen that the acceptance of outsiders is actually
based on certain premises: either through links of kinship and affinity, or by the
community's consensus.
6.3.a Land tenure and entrance of new residents in the terra-firme community
Nogueira
At present, Nogueira is legally owned by its residents, but this ownership is
particular. Because of its historical background (see chapters 3 and 4) Nogueira
remained un-claimed property, and was left to residents holding rights of usufruct. In
1983, locals were given the opportunity to make their occupation legal. Instead of
individual ownership, however, they chose to hold a communal ownership (as a
corporative agency). Although this clearly relates to the difficulty of partitioning land
under shifting-cultivation, as plots belonging to one individual are dispersed and
interwoven with plots belonging to others, this decision also relates to these
communities' particular conception of land. Residents usually state that the land
belongs to the community, or that it is "the land of Nogueira", instead of saying "it is
our land".
The lateral limits of Nogueira are marked by private properties while the boundary
towards the "centre" is less clearly defined. The territory of Nogueira eventually
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meets the back of communities located in Costa de Tefé and the city of Alvarães,
both in the Solimões river. A dirt road was opened in 1988 linking Nogueira to
Alvarães. This will probably induce a more precise definition of boundaries.
Outsiders are not questioned on their rights to reside in the community if they enter
by marrying a local. The majority of male and female outsiders of Nogueira are in-
married individuals. Only a few un-related couples have migrated in. Between 1984
and 1988, only one couple in Nogueira was not directly related by kinship to any of
the traditional Nogueira families (the Araújo, Gomes, Guedes, Batalha and Quirino).
This couple moved to Nogueira because they were invited by a sibling married to a
local, but soon after their arrival this sibling left. They are subject to some
segregation in the community, whereas in-married individuals (including this
couple's children) are less cast-off for being outsiders (see chapter 7).
In July 1988 I witnessed a dispute regarding the acceptance of a couple coming
from the Copeá river. The couple moved in and opened a large garden. The man
was praised for this because he had cleared a very old site, a tough job for a man.
People said he was "good with the machete". The issue concerning their stay
derived from the fact that the couple had not asked the community's permission
before settling down. The wife alleged that they had the right to move-in because
she was the daughter of one of Nogueira's oldest residents. However, this was not
accepted because she was not his legal daughter. The nature of her kinship links
were in fact irrelevant because of a more important fact: "she had never lived in
Nogueira"74. In a community meeting, it was decided that the couple could build a
house, but not open a garden. Some women were critical about this restriction,
especially because the man had shown disposition for work and after all, "no one is
going to take the land after they are dead". In the same period, a chicken yard and
a house were being built in Nogueira by outsiders with affinal links to established
residents. This was not debated.
74 See chapter 7 for a discussion on the importance of residence and kinship in the definition of community membership.
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The establishment of private agricultural farms in the communities is based on
usufruct. The different ways by which sites are occupied and transferred are
described in chapter 7. In essence, all types of site occupation are procedures by
which individuals "get it first". Sites are said to belong to the "smartest". They are
respected as private if under use. If not, the previous owner might be requested to
hand it over to someone in need, or the site may simply be occupied by another
resident. The main areas of farms are named for streams which cross them
(Meneruá, Mapauarí, Arco, Punuarí, Macucoarí and Furo da Conceição). Some
residents have opened plots along the road to Alvarães.
Besides land, brazil-nut trees are another communal resource in Nogueira.
Residents describe the system of collecting the nuts as "do avança" or "first-came-
first-served". After a windfall, residents can be seen running with wicker baskets on
their backs to get to the trees first. The division and exploitation of communal
resources in Nogueira thus entail the use of competitive strategies.
6.3.b Land-tenure and entrance of new residents in the várzea communities Vila
Alencar and Viola
Vila Alencar was founded in 1930 by Seu Marculino Martins, who come from the
Javarí river with his wife, where he had worked as a rubber-tapper. The couple
heard from a relative that Tefé was a good region to settle in. They had lived in
other Amazonian towns before (Manacupurú, Codajás and Conceição): "travelling
without sense; then we settled down in order to have something". First they settled
in another locality near to Vila Alencar, which they bought for $50,000 réis: "almost
couldn't pay for it". This place was located on high várzea, but the land suffered
from erosion made by the river, a common occurrence in the region (terra caída).
They then moved to the present site of Vila Alencar. The couple was joined by
relatives and members of two other families: one coming from the Puna river and
the other from Lake Teiú (Japurá river). Later, Seu Marculino Martins paid to
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legalize ownership of the land where the houses of Vila Alencar are located, but
could not obtain all the necessary documents. The community grew to a maximum
size of 36 households, but has since declined as many people have moved to Tefé
where, according to Seu Marculino "they are dying of hunger. The city is not like the
interior where people give you a piece of fish; there you don't get anything". The
scorn for those who left is evidence of his lack of land greed.
Today Vila Alencar is formed by 13 households, most of which are directly related to
the community's founder. In fact, only two households are not directly related to the
Martins family: the Carvalhos (from the Teiú Lake) who arrived in the early 1970s
and have children married to the Martins and a family who arrived in 1988 from the
Japurá river. This last family was referred to as "beginners" (novatos), a term also
used in other localities.
In Vila Alencar, newcomers who are not directly related to residents are more easily
accepted than in Nogueira. This does not mean that residents are not concerned
with maintaining their boundaries. The territory of Vila Alencar is demarcated and its
limits reach the Indian reserve of Jaquirí. In 1988 one resident was opening a
garden close to the border: "we have to look after our land, we have to cultivate it or
else someone comes and takes it". As in Nogueira, all households in Vila Alencar
have their own garden sites, held by usufruct rights.
Viola is located on the várzea of channel Panauã, on unowned government land. In
1983, none of the ten heads of households living in Viola were born there. In 1986,
three families had left, and another three had arrived. The main reasons for
emigration are: better education for the children, and better working conditions in
the cities. Those who came were looking for "a place with better production". They
had heard that Viola was good for fishing and timber extraction. Many stated that
another reason for moving to Viola was the presence of relatives.
Most of the land surrounding the community of Viola is uninhabited. Those who
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come specifically to Viola are more interested in staying there for social reasons.
Because of this, land disputes are unlikely to happen. Fishing, on the other hand, as
in other várzea communities, is a matter of concern. The population relies heavily
on its production and states that large fishing boats are depleting resources by the
use of un-selective fishing gear.
6.3.c Land partition
In Nogueira, Vila Alencar and Viola, none of the resident families controls the land.
In principle, the characteristics of usufruct should determine that the area of land
which each family holds is related to its needs and the availability of labour. In
practice however, families have different opportunities to establish their own farms.
Because a new couple is dependent upon one of the spouse's parents to provide
them with the initial requirements to begin an agricultural enterprise, new couples
may start off with sites smaller than they would like to have or are capable of
working in terms of labour.
Couples, and individuals, have to invest labour and manipulate alliances to build up
their farms. There is no central authority in the communities to allocate plots of land
according to the needs of individual households. Couples have to provide for
themselves, working on the land they want to keep. As everyone in the communities
is equally entitled to land, the system is egalitarian (which does not mean that every
family has enough land to cover its needs). It is also egalitarian because no one
outside the household has a claim over the product of the household's labour.75
Tenure defined by actual use restricts the amount of land held by individual
households, and thus limits accumulation. In order to obtain control of an area of
75 As mentioned in the last chapter, the annual feasts for patron saints (cf. chapter 8) are an exception. In Nogueira, the feasts are funded by residents selected in advance. The individual in charge opens a garden specifically to cover the costs of the feast, referred to as "the roça of the saint".
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land above its own capability of work, a family has to make use of extra-household
labour. Because all families have equal access to land, extra family labour is limited.
In Nogueira, the bigger parcels of occupied land are in the hands of those who
regularly open large roças. The extra-household labour needed to work these sites
is obtained through labour exchange or occasional hiring of daily labour, paid in
cash or in produce.76
6.3.d Land tenure and claims of kin
The difference between a resident of Nogueira holding a big cultivated area and a
small property owner involves other elements besides the way that property is
defined. The claims of kin over capoeiras and labour assistance are a
complementary feature of the system of land tenure in the communities, and add to
the restriction on accumulation. Two cases illustrate this fact.
In Nogueira lived the son of a patron and land-owner on the Solimões river. This
man was married into the community. He used to open very big roças on a site
occupied before him by his wife's father, paying people to work. Different people
told me that he wanted to have legal ownership of this site, but did not succeed in
doing so. One of them added: "Just because he was rich he thought he could come
and take the land for himself". He later separated from his Nogueira wife (who
stayed with five of their children in Tefé), remarried, and lives in another community.
The large capoeiras he left behind are now being used by one of his brothers-in-
law, one of Nogueira's present big garden owners, who occasionally also hires daily
labour. There is no fear that he will attempt to privatize this land. Indeed, he has
76 Those who work for daily wages are all locals, mainly male teenagers, but also adults who are temporarily without a source of cash or manioc flour to eat (either because they finished harvesting their roça early, or because they did not open a roça the year before). Individuals in such circumstances do not (and cannot) rely only on local wages for subsistence. In contrast, in Vila Alencar, where roças are small and agriculture is not the main commodity, extra agricultural labour is never paid in cash.
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already handed over one of his capoeiras to a married brother, who worked with
him before getting married.
The second case is similar, but was reported by an outsider, a civil servant in Tefé,
whose family had emigrated from the Northeast of Brazil and settled in a locality
near of the city of Uariní (Solimões river). There, they worked hard, opened big
roças, and had a large number of hogs, which they fed manioc. He said the
neighbours didn't like their prosperity, and that, instead of copying their enterprising
attitude, accused them of "stealing the land".
In both cases the contention refers in part to a fear of the entrepreneurial outsider
because he might privatize land, but it is also a fear of the "outsiderness" of the
entrepreneur. Residents cannot claim help nor share the profits of non-kin.
Outsiders are "stealers" because they take away, for themselves, that upon which
locals can make no claim. As another civil servant stated (but in support of his view
that caboclos lack "industry"): "the caboclo doesn't worry if his garden is too small to
provide for the year because when it finishes he eats with the neighbour". This, in
fact, was observed in Nogueira: a family told me that a neighbour household was
left without a garden and was eating with them; the year before it was the other way
round - they were the ones without a garden, who ate with their neighbour.
In short, the main characteristics of land tenure in the three communities are:
exclusive rights over parcels of communal land is gained by labour; labour is
performed by household members, who retain the benefits of their own labour; the
land is open to newcomers, provided they are accepted by the community; and
finally, the system of tenure by usufruct and the claims of kin, restrict accumulation
of land.
By contrast, in the same region, estates are worked by contracted labour (mainly on
the basis of aviamento, and in some cases for wages); the land-owner acquires the
products of the land; the labourer receives a share of his production or a reward in
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cash; the use of the land is decided by the owner; accumulation of land is possible
because ownership is defined independently from labour, and claims of kin over
land are rejected.
These "rules" of caboclo tenure were not described to me as clear statements.
Residents never said that ownership of land is gained by labour, for instance.
Depending on the kinship status of the individual in relation to the community,
different statements are made. I received opposite answers to the question of how
frequently do people hand over capoeiras, and heard different statements
regarding the importance of mutual help in the communities. In a community,
insiders and outsiders are given different opportunities to participate in networks of
exchange and their economic performance is judged with different weights. This
points out to the importance of kinship in the caboclo economy.
6.4 ECONOMIC PRODUCTION IN VÁRZEA AND TERRA-FIRME
Communities in várzea and in terra-firme have different economic specializations.
In Nogueira, as in most caboclo communities located in terra-firme, the main
commodity is manioc flour. Brazil-nuts are also sold, but account for a relatively
small proportion of residents' income.77 In Vila Alencar and Viola, as in most várzea
communities in the region, the main sources of cash are fishing and logging.
In all three communities, manioc is the main agricultural crop. Although on the
várzea it is not their main source of cash, residents also consider themselves to be
farmers. This results from the importance of manioc in caboclo identity and culture.
It is present in every meal, in different forms. The people compare between "eating
with manioc flour" and eating with rice, potatoes, macaroni, or other types of "rich
77 This situation is reversed in communities located in extraction estates of the Solimões river. There, brazil-nuts are the main commodity and manioc flour is a complementary income source.
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people's food".78 Although caboclos do not always plant manioc, it is safe to
generalize that all caboclos know how to cultivate and process it. Originally an
American crop, the technology used and most associated terminology is basically
Amerindian.
Besides manioc, caboclos also grow short cycle crops, of which the most important
are banana, beans, cucumber, watermelon, and, on the várzea the cash crops
cocoa and maize. In Nogueira and Vila Alencar, there is a small number of cattle
owned by outsiders. The calves are shared. Cows are rarely milked; residents say
because the production of milk is low and the quality is not good. In Nogueira, a few
residents also raise sheep. Both sheep and cattle are slaughtered only on special
occasions, such as religious feasts. The main domestic animals are chicken and
duck, which are kept around the household, or under the floor of the elevated
houses.79
6.4.a Manioc production
Manioc (Manihot esculenta, Crantz), is a Euphorbiacea. There are many varieties,
which are divided into two main groups with different concentrations of poisonous
glucosides (hydrocyanic acids) (Albuquerque, 1969). The non-toxic form (named
macacheira) can be cooked and eaten while the toxic form (called mandioca) has
to be transformed into flour, when in its processing the hydrocyanic acid is removed.
The poisonous manioc is preferred, not only because of its greater resistance to
disease and its adaptability to the Amazonian environment, but also because of its
status as Amazonian "social crop" (Albuquerque, 1969:164), the region's traditional
staple food, explains best its preference. "From manioc we make everything",
78 Nevertheless, manioc flour is also present in the meals of richer people, but as secondary staple, while in caboclo meals it is the basic staple, accompanied only by fish or meat.
79 Chicken and ducks are a matter of much discussion: most encounters and visits invariably make a mention of the good hens, how many eggs were laid, or what is happening with the chicks (in the same way as the English speak of the weather).
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caboclos usually say. "Everything" shows the range of needs which manioc fulfils. It
also relates to the large number of ways manioc is used.
The most important product made from manioc is the flour. There are two types of
manioc flour, a dried (farinha seca) and a fermented one (farinha puba). Of the
two, the latter is more typical of the Amazon. To make fermented manioc flour, the
roots are soaked in water until they ferment and soften. After this, they are pealed
and grated by hand (in terra-firme, grating is sometimes done mechanically). The
mash obtained is squeezed in a tube made of palm fibbers (tipití), releasing the
poisonous juice. This mash is blended with a second mash, made of un-soaked
roots, called the "mixture" (a mistura) in a ration of one part mistura, three parts
fermented mash. The blended mash is sieved and toasted on a hot iron griddle,
being stirred all the time with a paddle (of the same type used for rowing). Finally,
the toasted flour might be sieved again to produce a "special flour", of higher market
value.
Besides the flour, the poisonous juice expressed from the un-soaked mash is left to
settle and the clear liquid is boiled to make a sauce (tucupí). The starch separated
from this juice (goma) is boiled with water, and added to the sauce to make a
special drink (tacacá). A sweeter flour (tapioca) is also made from this starch and
eaten with coffee or used in the preparation of pancakes (beijús), either on its own
or mixed with the mash made from the soaked root; and the coarse grains
(crueira), which remain after the main mash is sieved, are fed to domestic animals
(mainly chicken and duck).
6.4.b Varieties of manioc
Várzea and terra-firme do not use the same varieties of manioc. Each habitat has
its specific varieties, selected according to their different soil conditions and
agricultural cycles. The varieties differ in colour of leaves, stems and roots, in time
of maturation, size of plant and roots, resistance to plagues, water content in the
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tubers, yield in flour processing, and in the endurance of the tubers, both in the
ground and when soaked in the process of making the flour. The varieties used
differ from place to place and have different local names.80
Soil fertility on the várzea and terra-firme differ. Várzea soils are seasonally
fertilized by the waters of the Solimões river, carrying rich mineral sediments from
the Andes. Terra-firme soils are poor and forest cover is burned to fertilize the soil.
Because of this, the agricultural cycle on the terra-firme is determined by the dry
season, when felled trees dry out and can be burned. On the várzea, the cycle is
determined by the seasonal variation of water level and is shorter than the
agricultural cycle in terra-firme. The variety of manioc used on the várzea matures
in six months, and can stay for a year in the ground before the roots start to lose
water, while the varieties used on the terra-firme take twelve months to mature and
last for up to two years in the ground.
6.4.c Shifting cultivation
Manioc is cultivated by shifting cultivation. On the terra-firme, fully harvested plots
are left to fallow and only replanted after secondary forest regeneration. Ideally,
sites should be left for seven to ten years, the time for a mature secondary forest to
grow. Those who find land in short supply return to sites after much shorter periods,
sometimes after only four years. The age of the secondary forest affects the
productivity of the garden. Roças opened in young secondary forest (called green
capoeiras), have lower productivity. They produce smaller roots and develop more
80 The most common varieties of manioc cultivated in the terra-firme community Nogueira are known as João Gonçalo, Coarí, Amarelinha, Pretinha, Mura, Urubú, Xumana, and Frutão. Although the first two are the preferred forms (the first because it can last for longer soaking periods, and the second for being softer and easier to grind), the other varieties are not eliminated because, villagers say, there is no room for choice at the time of planting. In Vila Alencar (várzea), only one variety is used although it receives different names. There, the same variety is called Amarela, Azulona or Valdivina.
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weeds, thus requiring greater labour input in weeding, which is the most calorie-
expensive task in shifting cultivation.
Most villagers state a preference for opening roças in mature secondary forest
(mature capoeiras) because it has a higher productivity. Roças opened in fully
regenerated and in virgin forests develop even fewer weeds, but are not preferred
because the larger tree trunks are more difficult to fell and to burn. As the soil
receives less fertilizer from the ashes, the first garden planted produces small roots,
and although it develops less weeds, these are harder to pull than those which grow
in capoeiras.
On the várzea, the need to change agricultural sites is less constraining. If the site
is fully inundated by the floods, it can be replanted annually without compromising
yields. On the terra-firme, replanting is sometimes done, but only as an "attempt",
and never relied upon.
6.4.d The agricultural calendar
On the terra-firme, work in a new garden starts in June, July, or August by clearing
land of underbrush (roçagem), followed by the felling of trees (derruba),
programmed to take place before the dry season (called "summer"), ideal for drying
the wood before it is burned (queima). In August, or September (depending on the
arrival of the "summer"), after a week without rain, large clouds of smoke coming
from burning fields can be seen from the riverbanks. After the field is burned,
planting (plantação) is done, usually between August to October.81
Manioc is grown from cuttings, called maniva, also the name of the plant. Manioc
81 In the agricultural cycle one is "late" or "early" depending on how close one is in following garden phases in relation to the seasons. Those who in November or December did not plant their garden yet express themselves as "being late" while those who planted their gardens at the beginning of the dry season were "early".
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(mandioca), is used to refer only to the tuber. The stem used in planting is called
the "seed", and is taken from a mature garden, planted the year before: "planting
from this year's (maniva) to take out in the next", said a caboclo woman. Although
stems can be stored for some time stuck in the ground, harvesting and planting
must happen more or less at the same time. The amount of stem available for
planting is thus restricted to the amount of manioc recently harvested. Usually
families must supplement their own stock of stems with those obtained from
neighbours.
Depending on the age of the secondary forest cleared, the number of weeding
sessions and the spacing between them will vary. Roças usually require two
sessions of weeding. The first one is done two or three months after planting. The
second weeding is usually made one or two months after the first.
On the várzea, manioc cultivation follows the same phases as on the terra-firme.82
The agricultural cycle begins when water level is low, usually in June or July.
Preparation of the fields and planting is done more quickly, however, as roças are
smaller and forest cover is usually thinner than on the terra-firme. The main
difference relates to harvest.
6.4.e Harvest
On the várzea, the first harvest is made six months after planting, at the beginning
of the winter (in January), and begins with the lower sites. Manioc is harvested
gradually, as the waters rise, since the longer it remains in the ground, the bigger
the roots. Residents of várzea have to make an important decision before the end
82 The agricultural phases are sometimes referred by the names of the instruments of labour used in each one of them. Clearing is "machete work" (trabalho de terçado), felling is "axe work" (trabalho de machado), and planting is "hoe work" (trabalho de enxada). In a similar metonymic use of the instruments of labour, the number of individuals who participated in a work group for clearing or planting a garden is sometimes given by the number of machetes or hoes.
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of the winter, when the river reaches its highest level. They have to choose in
advance between a full harvest, and, if they think that the waters will not rise too
much, leaving the manioc in the ground, and risk its loss. Often the wrong choice is
made: either manioc was harvested without need, and yields could have been
higher, or the waters came and caused loss. When roças are inundated, residents
harvest manioc under water, and process it at once, working non-stop between the
fields and the griddle. The amount of manioc recovered depends on the labour
available at the time.
In June or July, at the beginning of the summer, the waters start to retreat and a
new garden is opened. The flour processed at the end of the winter is stored in
bags for consumption and for sale.83 But because production of manioc on the
várzea is limited, the amount reserved for consumption usually only lasts until mid-
summer. The summer is thus a season in which the supply of manioc flour is
restricted, and families must wait for their gardens to mature. The availability of
manioc throughout the year on the várzea is thus divided between the two seasons:
it is plentiful in winter, and scarce or unavailable during the summer.
In the year following a severe flood, most residents of the várzea reduce the size of
their roças. Confidence is regained gradually with milder floods, until another high
flood occurs. Also because of the floods, the "seeds" (i.e., the cuttings) for planting
can become scarce. Várzea people may be forced to borrow stems from
neighbours or from other localities which did not suffer the effects of inundation.
This further restricts the size of roças. People of the várzea often compare the
environmental risks in their lives with the stability of people in terra-firme.
On the terra-firme roças are planted sequentially. At a given time of the year,
residents may have two or three roças: a mature garden (roça madura) which is
83 The sale of várzea manioc flour in the winter increases market supply. Because of this, the price of manioc flour is lower in the winter than in the summer.
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being harvested (planted in year -2), a "green" garden (roça verde), with immature
plants (planted in year -1), and a garden which is being planted.
Ideally, terra-firme roças should last for a year, but because of small size, or early
or intense harvest, many roças are exhausted after 8 months of continuous
harvesting. If a roça finishes before the next one is mature, a green roça may be
harvested, as early as 7 or 8 months after it was planted. Because productivity is
lower since the roots are not yet fully grown, this is avoided: "who still has a mature
roça won't touch a green one". To move out of a vicious circle of early harvests,
planting can be advanced to the very beginning of the summer.
Following the tradition of their ancestors ("os antigos"), some residents of Nogueira
plant a small area at the centre of the felled garden first, shortly after the field is
burned. This area matures before the rest of the garden. In this way, a small supply
of manioc is available, securing needs if the synchrony of mature roças is not
achieved. It is called the garden's heart (o coração da roça), and is the first area
harvested.
The first harvest is sometimes accompanied by a female ritual, to celebrate the
event and to guarantee the garden's good production. In the ritual, called piá (in tupi
"heart" - cf. Rodrigues, 1894), women sit on the floor with the legs stretched and
widely open, drink tacacá made from manioc of the first harvest, slapping their legs
"to make the roots grow".
The first harvest is also important because it is "revealing". caboclos show great
anxiety over the first results of a garden. Although the height and vitality of the plant
are indicative, only harvest provides the definite answer on the state of the root and
the success of the garden (as soil conditions are variable and can jeopardize
production). The first harvest is referred to as the act of "touching a garden" (mexer
na roça). In contrast to other conditions of production never precisely accounted for
(such as a garden's size and annual production), the date of the first harvest and
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the age of the garden at that time (i.e., number of months after planting) is always
remembered. From then on, harvest is referred to as "to break up" (or "undo") the
garden (desmanchar a roça).
6.4.f Cycles of commodity production and sale
The flour produced in Nogueira is sometimes sold in Tefé in the market or to
passenger boats (the recreios) heading to Manaus. For large quantities, however,
most residents sell the flour to a specialized trader in Tefé, a protestant known as
the "Japanese". His shop is located in a floating house in front of the city. Manioc
flour is transported from Nogueira in wooden canoes moved by 3.5 HP engines
directly to the floating store. Most residents have their own canoe, but only seven
have engines. Those who don't have an engine, inquire at night or early in the
morning to see who is going to Tefé, and has room in their canoe (passagem). A
fare is usually charged to cover petrol costs. Sometimes engines are borrowed,
usually without charge. Although women may accompany their husbands to the city,
the sale of products, as well as purchase of groceries, is usually made by the men.
The critical period of manioc shortage in Nogueira occurs in the beginning of the
winter, from January to April. During this period, the second most important
commodity produced in Nogueira, brazil-nuts, are in season. The fruits, which fall
with rain or strong winds, are collected from the ground by hand or with a picking
stick and put in a basket. After the fruits are broken, the nuts are sold directly to
traders in Tefé or to one of the residents who works as a broker for a particular
trader based in Tefé. One family also works in the castanhal neighbouring
Nogueira, on the basis of aviamento. Although individual production is limited,
brazil-nuts provides a small source of cash at a time when it is likely to be needed.
While manioc is the staple food for caboclos (and the main source of cash in
caboclo terra-firme communities), the basic source of protein in caboclo diet is fish,
followed by hunting. Fishing, like manioc cultivation, is an essential component of
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the caboclo economy, part of the cycle of providing for daily food needs. On the
várzea, it is also the main commodity. In both várzea and terra-firme, the size of
the catch varies with the season. When the water level is high, the fish are
dispersed and the productivity of fishing decreases. During the low water season,
the fish are more concentrated, especially in the lakes of the várzea, and the rate of
capture is high.84
On the várzea, commercial fishing provides for cash in the summer, when manioc
roças are still green and the manioc flour for consumption is restricted to a reserved
stock. Money is used to buy essential groceries, and if necessary, also manioc flour.
The main species of fish caught for sale are pirarucú (Arapaima sp.), and a
number of large species of cat fish. The fish are caught by men and salted for sale.
Fish caught on the várzea of Vila Alencar are usually sold in Alvarães. Sometimes
residents sell to a local fish buyer, Seu A. Carvalho, who is a client of one of the
patrons of Alvarães.
In the winter, inhabitants of the várzea complement their cash income with timber
extraction. Trees are felled with axes or a rented chain saw. Timber production is
based on aviamento. In Vila Alencar, many residents work with Seu Simião, who
lives in front of Vila Alencar and is related to some residents. As the small shop
owner, Seu Simião is a small patron, himself financed by a bigger patron from Tefé,
to whom the wood is delivered. Seu Simião sometimes participates with his clients
in cutting down the timber. After he delivers the wood to his own patron, he pays his
clients/collaborators.
Another resident, Seu Pedro da Silva, usually travels to other rivers during the
logging season. In 1988 he went to the Purús river to work for a patron (who is also
his cousin). The patron is financed by a bank and owns a fleet of eight boats, all
employed in the timber trade. Seu Pedro was in charge of one of these boats,
84 This is reflected in the fish market of Tefé. Fish prices are higher in the winter, when its supply is low.
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collecting timber from clients and delivering merchandise and/or money in
exchange. At the time of field work, Seu Pedro had not yet been paid for the wood
he had collected. He was waiting for his patron to sell it first.
Other sources of income are craft and petty trade. In Nogueira two women are
specialized in basket-work and one man makes canoes. In Vila Alencar one
resident, and in Nogueira three residents have small shops. In Nogueira there is
also a bar which opens on week-ends. The most popular items in these shops are
liquor and cigarettes, followed by canned goods and bread. Trade is small and all
shop-owners derive most of their income from the common local activities (manioc
flour and brazil-nuts).
Figure 6.3 shows the main phases of economic activity on the várzea and terra-
firme according to the seasons. On the terra-firme, the relationship between
economic activities and rainfall seasonality is especially marked, as rainfall
determines the timing of the two main economic activities, manioc and brazil-nuts.
The seasonality of water level is also relevant, because it affects fish catches and
daily consumption between the two seasons. However, on the terra-firme, the
effect of seasonality of water level is not as important as in várzea communities. On
the várzea, river height is the main reference for both the daily cycle of fishing, and
the annual cycles of agriculture, commercial fishery and extraction.
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ding the new gardens).86
6.4.g Seasonality and consumption
The effect of seasonality on consumption can be assessed by comparing adult body
weights between the two seasons. In order to examine the consequences of
seasonality in the terra-firme community of Nogueira, the weights of 44 adults over
18 years old (38% of the resident adult population) were measured during mid-
winter, (May 1984), and mid-summer (October 1984).85 The results are presented
in table 6.1. During the summer, both male and female adults increased body
weight by approximately 3 kg. Statistically, this difference is highly significant
(probability less then 1%). Residents from Nogueira thus suffer considerable
hardship during the winter, probably related to the seasonal variation in fishing
yields combined with the constraints of the agricultural cycle. The winter is the
season of low fish catch, and also of both relative scarcity of manioc (as old roças
are finishing), and intense physical activity (wee
Table 6.1 Seasonal variation in average weight of 23 male and 21 female adults from Nogueira, and t-test result (related samples) for this data. Weight measures taken from same individuals during winter (03/05/84) and summer (05/10/84). ----------------------------------------------------- Male Adults Female Adults (N=23) (N=21) Winter Summer Winter Summer ----------------------------------------------------- Average Weight (kg) 61.39 64.48 51.43 54.38 t = 3.26; p<0.01 t = 2.94; p<0.01 -----------------------------------------------------
85 Weights were measured with a common foot scale, levelled off to zero at each measurement, and checked with my own weight. Pregnant women were not included in the sample.
86 A better assessment of how fishing and agriculture affect the variation in body weight observed (and also how this occurs in várzea), requires a continuous measurement of both body weight and consumption throughout the year.
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6.4.h Summary
In this section, the differences between economic production in várzea and terra-
firme were presented to show the environmental constraints on subsistence and
cash production. The comparison focused on manioc production because of its
importance for caboclo subsistence. It was shown how the agricultural cycles of the
várzea and terra-firme differ. On the terra-firme, manioc is harvested gradually,
and the agricultural cycle is continuous. On the várzea, on the other hand, the
agricultural cycle is discontinuous. The cycle of commodity production on the
várzea is characterized by discontinuity as well. The main sources of cash are
seasonal: fishing is undertaken during the low water season, and timber is extracted
during the high water season.
Although communities located in both landscapes share basic social features, and
their economies have similar organizational features, the economic cycles and
environmental constraints are so different that the residents of each environment
have different names: the "vargeiro" and the "terra-firmeiro", or people from
várzea and people from terra-firme.
6.5 LABOUR AND VOLUME OF PRODUCTION
This section examines the relationship between the volume of household production
and its size and labour force. The analysis explores three questions: how much
economic differentiation exists between caboclo households, what is the basis of
this differentiation ("social" or "demographic"), and to what extent economic
differences are used by caboclos to distinguish among themselves. The analysis is
largely based on the methodology proposed by A.V.Chayanov (1966, originally
published in 1925).
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6.5.a Chayanov's thesis on the specificity of a Peasant Economy
In his study of the Russian peasant economy, Chayanov identifies the family farm
as one of the main features of peasant farm organization. Chayanov claims that the
peasant economy constitutes a specific "Economy" to which capitalist analytical
concepts cannot be applied. This assertion is based on the fact that among
peasants, labour is not hired but self-exploited.87
As Chayanov points out, in the life history of a family, the relationship between
family size and its labour supply is variable. A young family with small children has a
small labour supply (only parents). At this stage, producers work primarily to meet
the consumption requirements of the household. In later years, children are grown,
and participate in household economic activities. Therefore, the labour which each
worker has to perform to meet the household's consumption needs diminishes. In
its final stages, when children leave, household consumption needs are smaller,
reducing the amount of individual labour required to fulfil these needs.
In order to weight the relative participation in labour and consumption of household
members, Chayanov used rates for consumption (C) and labour (W) to differentiate
members according to their ages (Chayanov, 1966:58). In the course of the family
developmental cycle, the rate of consumers in relation to the rate of workers (C/W
ratio) thus follows a normal curve. The debated aspect of Chayanov's formulations
regards not the structural features of the developmental cycle, nor the evolution of
the C/W ratio, but the proposed correlation between volume of production and the
87 Chayanov's thesis is disputed by authors who, following Lenin, argue that the economic behaviour of contemporary peasants (as well as their general economic context) is essentially governed by capitalism. Among the general criticisms of Chayanov's model (see Durrenberger, 1984, with several articles; also Harrison, 1975; Ennew et al., 1977; Patnaik, 1979) the concept of self-exploitation has also been a matter of contention for overlooking other levels of exploitation of the peasant economic unit, in special class relations and related mechanisms of surplus extraction (Tannenbaum, 1984:34-6; Herring, 1984:145; McGough, 1984:196-9).
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ratio of C/W.
Chayanov claims that the volume of peasant production is determined by
consumption needs, and that this is subjectively calculated. In the course of the
developmental cycle of a domestic group, when the number of producers starts to
increase, the "drudgery" of work (which was at its peak when children were small),
starts to decrease. The volume of production, on the other hand, does not increase
proportionally, but is kept related to the family's consumption needs. This he
explains in terms of neoclassical economics: the volume of production is determined
by the equilibrium point or the intersection between the curves of marginal utility of
goods and marginal disutility of labour (Chayanov, 1966: 78-84).
Chayanov's theoretical constructs are based on two assumptions: labour is
restricted to family members (no labour is hired), and land is expandable (to
accommodate the correlation between family composition and volume of
production, as measured by sown area). Given the characteristics of caboclo land
tenure and the importance of manioc agriculture in caboclo economy, Chayanov's
analytical method can be used to examine caboclo material.
6.5.b Family composition and caboclo agricultural production
In order to analyze the influence of family composition on caboclo agricultural
production, a household dossier was prepared including data on: family size and
age composition (for households of Nogueira, Vila Alencar and Viola); garden area,
number of family workers (over 14 years old) by gender and in total, and, using the
values presented by Chayanov (1966: 58), rates of consumers, workers, and
consumer/worker ratio (for households from Nogueira and Vila Alencar). For
Nogueira households, data also include: the size of work parties (ajurís) for planting
fields, income sources other than manioc agriculture (brazil-nut collection outside
Nogueira, participation in temporary wage-labour, local school teaching, ownership
of the small petty shops, and monthly pension), and the number of capital and
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luxury goods possessed (engine, fridge, freezer, television, record player, and
second house in Tefé). This dossier is presented in Appendix 1.
The average size of caboclo households on the terra-firme community of Nogueira
is 6.4 (SD 2.5, n=48), smaller than the average household size for the várzea
communities of Vila Alencar and Viola, 7.9 (SD 3.6, n=21) (not a statistically
significant difference). In chapter 7, data on household composition and its
developmental cycle are analyzed, showing that households are mainly formed by
nuclear families. Because it is very difficult to obtain information on the age of
families, the analysis of the relationship between family size and age of the family is
made by using of the age of the male instead. Assuming that men tend to marry at
roughly the same age, the age of the male head can be used as an indication of
family age.
Figure 6.4 presents a best fit curve of this relationship, showing a peaked
distribution in family size according to the age of the male head. The curve reflects
the developmental cycle of caboclo households in the várzea and terra-firme
communities studied. In order to examine the influence of family attributes on the
volume of caboclo economic production, the area of manioc garden was used as a
measure of economic activity.88
In 1986, manioc roças were measured in Nogueira and Vila Alencar.89 The
88 Caboclos rarely measure their rocas although they usually estimate sizes in terms of a local square measure, the quadra, which they consider to be equivalent to an hectare (100 x 100 m); roça sizes are estimated as "more" or "less" than either half, one, two or more quadras. The tarefa, 50 x 50 m, is also used, but it is less employed in the middle Solimoes than in the lower Amazon, where Galvao reported it to be the standard measure (Galvão, 1955). Residents estimation of roça sizes in number of quadras rarely coincided with my measurements in metres. Apparently, there is a tendency of a quadra to be half of an hectare; the local quadra is therefore similar to the tarefa reported by Galvão.
89 Roças were measured using a 10 m string marked by metre and a compass. A local child assisted the measurement, holding
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ous section.
average area of roças opened in Nogueira was 0.77 ha (SD 0.34, n=33) and in Vila
Alencar 0.17 (SD 0.18, n=12), a difference statistically highly significant. This
difference is due to the environmental constraints on agriculture in the várzea area,
mentioned in the previ
If Chayanov's proposition applies to the caboclo data, the distribution of cultivated
area in relation to family age should follow a normal curve. In figure 6.5, the
relationship between cultivated area and age of head is presented for Nogueira and
Vila Alencar. For Nogueira, it is seen that, in general, middle aged families have
bigger roças, whereas young and old families have smaller ones. In Vila Alencar
the sizes of roças present less variation, and are not affected by the age of the
family. It is concluded, therefore, that on the várzea, environmental limitations due
to seasonal flooding and the restriction of agricultural area to the higher grounds of
its levee influence roça size more than family life cycle stage.
6.5.c Analysis of the evolution of sizes of roças in terra-firme
Having seen that in the terra-firme community of Nogueira sizes of roças are
influenced by family size, it is now necessary to examine what is the variable
determining the evolution of areas of roças. Chayanov claims that, under special
conditions, the volume of economic activity depends entirely on the number of
consumers "and not at all on the number of workers" (Chayanov, 1986:78). In order
to examine the significance of the relationship between cultivated area and
parameters of household labour and consumption for the Nogueira material,
Spearman rank correlation test was used (Siegel, 1956).
The results indicate that cultivated area is significantly correlated with the total
number of workers (rs 0.31; n=33; p<0.05), but not with the total number of
consumers; highly significantly correlated with the number of male workers (rs 0.42;
(..continued) the string at lenght for each angle measured; the area was calculated by drawing the roça in a graph paper.
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n=33; p<0.01), but not with female workers; and significantly correlated with
household rate of workers (rs 0.34; n=28; p<0.05), but not with the rate of
consumers, nor the consumers/workers ratio. Using Chayanov's line of
interpretation, this higher influence of number of producers but not number of
consumers on garden sizes implies the presence of either a high utility of goods (to
compensate the drudgery of labour) or a low level of household consumption (the
equilibrium point has not yet been reached).
Nevertheless, if average values are used, a significant correlation between mean
roça size and mean C/W ratio is found. This result is obtained by ordering
households heads in age classes and calculating mean roça areas and mean C/W
ratio for each age class, as shown in table 6.2.
Table 6.2 Mean cultivated area and C/W ratio of households ordered by the age group of the head male (n=32) from Nogueira, 1986. ------------------------------------------- Age group of Mean roça Mean C/W head male (n) area (ha) ratio ------------------------------------------- (23 - 27) 4 0.64 1.25 (28 - 32) 5 0.72 1.43 (33 - 37) 4 0.71 1.15 (38 - 42) 2 1.16 1.51 (43 - 47) 5 1.03 1.67 (48 - 52) 6 0.85 1.29 (53 - 57) 3 0.58 1.25 (58 + ) 3 0.53 1.10 -------------------------------------------
Figure 6.6 illustrates the distribution of cultivated areas according to age group. The
Spearman rank correlation coefficient for the relationship between mean cultivated
area and mean C/W ratio is highly significant (rs= 0.87; p<0.01). This correlation is
presented in figure 6.7. The contrast between a significant correlation between
average values for cultivated area and C/W ratio (implying that the two parameters
present the tendency to be correlated), and its absence for absolute values must be
analyzed.
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There are two factors which I believe account for both the presence of a
Chayanovian correlation as a trend on the one hand, and the individual variation of
farm sizes on the other. The first factor is the relationship between age of head and
availability of land in Nogueira. The second factor is the availability of extra labour.
6.5.d The influence of land availability
Nogueira residents always gave vague answers to my question of how roça sizes
are decided, but many times their statements included a mention of their
dependency upon the size of the capoeira (i.e., secondary forest fallow), at their
disposal at the time of planting. The system of land tenure in Nogueira has been
described. It is expected that in such a system, young couples have less capoeiras
of their own, since the number and the size of the sites they own is not only a result
of their family composition but also of their short history of agricultural activity.
As mentioned in section 6.3.d, farms are built up over the course of family life.
Middle-aged individuals and couples are likely to have larger capoeiras at their
disposal, given the time they had to accumulate sites compared to young couples,
while older couples are likely to have already started handing out capoeiras to
married offspring (cf. chapter 7, section 2.c). The dynamics of land tenure are a
factor which relates agricultural area with the developmental cycle independently of
the parameters of household consumption demands or availability of labourers. This
is likely to affect garden areas as a trend, since the circumstances for individual
occupation of sites in such a system is expected to be variable.
6.5.e The influence of extra-family labour on sizes of roças
There are three forms of extra household labour used in agriculture: troca de dia -
exchange of a day's work, usually undertaken for help in felling fields; ajurí -
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vided.
reciprocal work parties;90 and diária or daily wages, based on the regional
minimum salary, distinguishing men's and women's wages, and marginally lower if
a main daily meal is pro
The more important phases of manioc cultivation are usually carried out by the
ajurís work groups. The groups are organized for clearing fields of brushwood and
for planting. At these two phases the size of the future garden is decided. There is
indeed a correspondence between size of work parties and garden area (rs= 0.38;
p<0.05), illustrated in figure 6.8.
Only men participate in the ajurís for clearing, and both men and women participate
in ajurís for planting, performing specific tasks: men dig and women plant. Weeding
sometimes involves female ajurís, but these are far less common and form smaller
groups than the other two just mentioned. From the information collected in 1986,
the average size of ajurís for felling is 9 persons (range 5 to 15; n=11), the average
ajurí for planting is 21 (range 10 to 38; n=17), and the average ajurí for weeding is
5 (range 2-11; n=5).
6.5.f Dependence on yields from previous roças for financing ajurís
The participants in ajurís are gathered by the invitation of the garden owner, who
will have to reciprocate in the ajurís of all those who participate. Besides the
payment in labour exchange, a small barbecue meal or breakfast (café) is offered
before the work is done, and a large meal is given after the work is finished,
consisting of "luxury" items: rice, macaroni, beans, and a fish or meat stew. The
cost of this meal is high (usually covered by the sale of two sacks or 130 kg of
manioc flour). The cost of ajurís restricts both its size and the engagement in work
groups, which in turn becomes a limiting factor for garden sizes.
90 The term ajurí is derived from Tupi, meaning as a verb to invite, and as a noun a gathering or meeting by invitation (Rodrigues, 1894).
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Only those who, by the time of planting, have a mature garden to finance an ajurí
will enter the circuit of work parties. Because the owner of a mature large roça can
afford the expenses of ajurí groups big enough to plant a large roça, there is a
tendency for roça sizes to follow a proportional sequence. In 1986, of three couples
who didn't use ajurí for planting because they couldn't afford the expenses (i.e.,
they only had a small mature roça), only one opened a garden bigger than one
hectare. This fact was indeed praised in the community: "not everybody has the
strength to plant a large garden by themselves". On the other hand, two young
couples organized ajurís larger then was required for the size of their roças. The
work finished early, and in one case the group arrived back home even before food
was ready. In general, however, the inter-relatedness of the planting/harvesting
cycles influences the size of the garden being planted: small manioc garden owners
have limited means to plant a large roça, so they are likely to plant small roças,
and large manioc garden owners have the means to plant a large roça.
6.5.g Economic differentiation of Nogueira residents
Because of the sequential pattern of cultivated area, residents can be distinguished
according to the regular pattern of economic performance they tend to display.
Such classification is not permanent, as an exceptional effort can be made to plant
a large roça with household labour alone. Nevertheless, the size of one's roça
influences the context of one's economic strategy. The possibility of employing
extra-household labour and the circumstances for obtaining it are thus the second
factor which accounts for the variation in roça sizes. Whereas caboclo land tenure
provides the context for a Chayanovian trend in the volume of agricultural
production, the availability of extra-household labour, provided by ajurís and daily
wage-labourers, gives room for individual choice in economic strategy.
Individuals are observed to have different approaches to work. Three different
economic strategies can be defined in relation to garden sizes, and individuals can
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be distinguished accordingly.91 In table 6.3 a classification of 32 Nogueira residents
according to the size of their roças is given.
Table 6.3 Grouped frequency of roça areas measured in Nogueira, 1986 (n=32), and classification of roça owner. -------------------------------------- Class of roça Category of area (ha) Frequency roça owner -------------------------------------- (0.20 - 0.59) 31% Small (0.60 - 0.99) 44% Medium (1.00 + ) 25% Large --------------------------------------
The performance of owners of small, medium and large roças differ. On average, a
small roça cannot support a household's consumption needs up to the time of the
harvest of the next garden. Because of this, owners of small roças must look for
temporary and complementary sources of income until the harvest of the next
roças.
The majority of small roça owners rely on the possibility of engaging in daily wage
labour for the owners of large roças in Nogueira (there is also the option of
engaging in temporary wage labour in the nearby city of Tefé). Wages are paid in
cash or in kind - manioc tubers or manioc flour. The strategy of engaging in
temporary and complementary income sources while one's roça matures explains
the relatively "relaxed" attitude expressed by small manioc garden owners to the
question I posed: if they thought the size of their roça would cover subsistence
91 The use of cultivated areas as a measure of economic activities, and the central position that I am conferring to it in the discussion of economic strategies, is based on empirical facts. The majority of residents regard manioc cultivation as their central economic activity, and consider other income sources to be complementary. Indeed, the correlation coefficient between roca sizes and possession of capital and status goods, is statistically highly significant (rs =0.47 n=33; p<0.01). This justifies inferring individual economic status on the basis of cultivated area.
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needs. Their reply did not show the same level of concern I expected: if the roça
would finish early, they would find work with those who had large roças.
Large roças (above 1 ha) necessarily require extra household labour to help in all
phases of the agricultural cycle, especially for harvesting and processing manioc
into flour. Besides the resources provided by a large roça planted in the previous
year, some residents use other regular income sources to finance extra household
labour. Two big roças were financed by loans taken from special agricultural bank
credit schemes (crédito rural from the Bank of Brazil). All three local teachers are
owners of large roças, and use their monthly wages to finance extra-labour.
I have witnessed daily labourers working for the owners of big roças. Their
relationship did not show any sign of deference, nor did their attitude resemble
employers and employees. The use of daily labour was often referred to as "help
paid with cash". It is preferred because it concentrates work in one's own garden. In
contrast to the more common forms of "help" through labour exchange, the
immediate pay-off of cash frees the payer from working in the roça of the "helper".
The relationship between owners of big and small roças is one of interdependence.
Big roça owners depend on the labour provided by those who opened small roças,
and small garden owners rely on the security provided by the existence of big roças
"to pass" or "to withstand", as they say, until their next manioc garden matures. In
stating this opportunity, those who opened small roças more often say that they will
"work with" those who have big roças than that they will "work for" them. I also
heard bitter statements on this matter. A young woman whose husband had to
leave Nogueira to work for wages because their roça had finished, regretted the
fact that there is no permanent wage labour in Nogueira, only daily labour: "when
they (the owners of large roças) want to call us". Young single males often migrate
to the cities of Tefé or Manaus in search for wage labour. Most frequently, they are
the sons of individuals who regularly open small roças.
The medium roça size, around 0.70 ha, does not need the support of an extra
188
t in
griculture.
income, as it is usually sufficient to provide for a household's consumption needs
alone. Roças of this size are usually opened with the use of average sized ajurís
for clearing and/or planting. Based on my observations, in terra-firme, a one
hectare garden takes around seventy days to open.92 Another seventy days are
required to process the manioc,93 leading to a total of 140 days to open and
process a roça. Considering that two roças are worked in a year, one being
opened and another being harvested, around 280 days of the year are spen
a
The three main economic strategies observed in Nogueira are associated with
cultivated area and differential income (as inferred from the possession of goods).
The existence of these differences notwithstanding, I did not observe internal social
groupings being organized on the basis of economic or consumption differences,
nor were individuals in any way distinguished (prejudice, gossip, alliances)
according to economic status. Figure 6.9 presents the average and the range of
garden sizes according to the presence of other income. Those with no extra
employment usually have average size roças, worked by household labour mainly.
The category of individuals with regular extra income presents the largest range of
garden sizes, although on average their garden size is large, near to one hectare.
This category includes both individuals who invest their extra income in agriculture
to open large roças and those who open only small roças and rely more on other
source of income for subsistence. The category of individuals irregularly employed
is formed by those who open small roças but which have agriculture as their main
92 Sixteen days in clearing, ten days in felling, two days for burning, two days to collect stems, thirty days in planting and ten days in weeding. This estimate is an average between gardens which take less time to open (using work parties for felling and planting - including the days needed to reciprocate labour), and gardens worked only by household labour.
93 Based on the average yield of manioc flour of a one hectare garden: 3,000 kg (according to the extension service in Tefe, EMATER-AM); and my own observation that residents of Nogueira regularly produce two 65 kg sacs of manioc flour at each time, taking three days to process it.
189
le, they engage temporarily in other income sources
ntil the next garden matures.
d as a test case for
hayanov's hypothesis, but an application of his methodology.
ss the relationship between family
composition and total volume of production.
income. Because their agricultural production does not support consumption needs
up to an entire agricultural cyc
u
In his model of the peasant economic rationale, Chayanov included economic
activities besides agriculture, such as crafts and trades, as components of the total
volume of a peasant family's economic activity. As these activities contribute to the
gross and net annual household income, their values should be included in the total
volume of economic activities. Compared to agriculture, however, these are
ephemeral activities and are relatively difficult to survey. Although there is no doubt
that agriculture is a useful and representative measure of the economic activity of
Nogueira residents, the analysis presented cannot be considere
C
The inclusion of data on economic activities complementary to manioc agriculture is
of paramount importance to the study of economic activity in várzea communities. It
would be useful to know how the volume of timber and/or fishery production relates
to the volume of manioc flour produced. Table 6.4 presents data on the volume of
manioc flour produced in Vila Alencar before the floods of 1985 (given in number of
sacs, around 60-65 kg each). The table shows the different choices made by
individual households regarding the volume of manioc flour put out for sale and the
volume reserved for consumption, and the month when the reserved stock had
been used. The variation in number of sacks of manioc flour sold implies that
families had different needs for cash. Accordingly, the time when the supply of
reserved manioc ends will differ, as will the urgency to undertake other cash earning
activities. The absence of a relationship between family size, C/W ratio, and volume
of manioc sold and reserved, indicate that family attributes has but a small influence
on the choice of economic performance. Data on the volume of timber and fish
production would be necessary to asse
190
Table 6.4 Family size, C/W ratio, number of sacs of manioc flour sold and reserved
for consumption, the month when the reserved supply ended and other income
sources of 8 families from the várzea community Vila Alencar (1985).
------------------------------------------------------------ Family C/W Number of Sacs Final month Other income size ratio sacs sold reserved of supply source ------------------------------------------------------------ 4 1.63 5 3 July Family support 4 1.22 14 1 August Timber 9 1.25 6 4 August Timber & Fish 11 1.83 2 3 August Teacher & Fish 7 2.06 4 6 November Timber & Fish 8 1.21 8 8 December Timber & Fish 9 1.59 6 4 December Timber & Fish 6 1.78 10 6 December Timber & Fish ------------------------------------------------------------
6.5.h Additional demographic and idiosyncratic factors
Another fact which makes Chayanov's theoretical proposition difficult to test are the
large changes in household composition in very short periods of time. In a study of
the rural family in Brazil, Almeida reckons that family composition certainly has an
effect on the volume of economic production, but he points out that "the family does
not suffer passively these demographic consequences, but acts over itself". To
compensate for labour constraints as well as the burden of excessive consumption
needs, families use strategies for maximizing labour (engaging in different forms of
labour exchange or contracting labour on a daily basis), as well as strategies for
minimizing consumption needs (by distributing offspring, giving them out to adoption
or encouraging early migration) (Almeida, 1986:47). The basic operational unit of
peasant economies is therefore, not only self-produced through biological
reproduction but also self-regulated by social means of controlling consumption and
production. This occurs in Nogueira and in Vila Alencar, and constitutes an
economic strategy in itself. In relation to Chayanov's method of analysis, this
behaviour introduces inaccuracies into the family data especially in large samples,
191
making Chayanov's proposition very difficult to test.
Nevertheless, the use of Chayanov's method in the analysis of caboclo household
production shows that economic differentiation is based as much on "demographic"
as it is on "individual" (in place of "social") causes. Individuals perceive the
economic environment in different ways, and their reaction is idiosyncratic.
"Demographic" differentiation is expressed in the general trend for economic
production to follow the family's developmental cycle. It cannot be said with certainty
whether this relationship is based upon a subjective calculation of the marginal
utility of goods in relation to the drudgery of work, or whether it relates to the
characteristics of caboclo household reproduction and land partitioning (or both).
6.5.i The combination of autonomous and corporative economic behaviours
The tendency for a "Chayanovian slope" to be found in caboclo economy (cf.
Sahlins, 1988), combined with the existence of demographic-independent
household economic differentiation points to an important characteristic of the social
context of caboclo economy: the contradiction between individual autonomy in
decisions concerning all spheres of economic practice, and the dependency upon
mutual help for these same matters. The household is partially a self-sustained
economic unit. From its own labour the household supports itself and is totally
autonomous in its relationship with the market. Market conditions are, however,
unfavourable (cf. chapter 5). The response is corporativeness, and its main idiom is
kinship. The use of land, instruments of production, the sharing of transport, of
consumption (the idea of a good neighbour is one who regularly reciprocates food
gifts), and the networks of labour assistance show that caboclos conceive economic
resources in a corporate manner. The community defines the basic corporate group
of users of economic resources, although the claims of kin are not restricted to co-
residence.
6.6 CONSUMPTION AND EXCHANGE
192
This section looks at the effect of the market on the caboclo's allocation of economic
production for consumption and for exchange. The relative proportion of production
for use in relation to production for exchange is investigated as well as the role of
distance and inflation on this division.
6.6.a Purchase
The purchased items of caboclo subsistence are relatively few. This is reflected in
the simplicity of the caboclo diet. A typical daily menu is composed of: banana
porridge, sweet coffee with tapioca or tapioca cake (beijú) for breakfast, and for
both lunch and supper, boiled or barbecued fish with manioc flour. These staples
are complemented by various fruits gathered in the forest such as abiu, pupunha,
tucumã, açaí, bacurí, ingá, taperibá, and other cultivated fruits such as guava,
lemon and orange. In an average day, a caboclo household consumes only 6 or 7
types of manufactured goods: coffee, sugar, salt, cooking oil, soap, matches, and
perhaps, also kerosene.
Examples of the costs of the basic monthly shopping (the rancho) follows. In march
1983, Seu D. dos Santos, from Viola, spent Cr$25,000 (US$ 10.50) to buy a
family's rancho. It included 1 kg of sugar, one 25 kg sack of salt for drying fish,
kerosene, one 65 kg sack of manioc flour, one tin of powdered milk, 1 kg of coffee,
1 kg of soap in bars, 1 kg of crackers, 1 kg of rice, batteries, cartridges, tobacco,
and a pack of steel wool. In the same period, Seu J. Freitas from the same locality,
reported that his regular monthly expenditure varied from Cr$30,000 (US$ 12.60) to
Cr$40,000 (US$ 16.80).
In November 1983, Seu Marculino from Vila Alencar, spent Cr$10,000 (US$ 19.14)
from his pension to buy 6 kg of sugar, 1 kg of coffee, 2 bars of soap, and
exceptionally in that month, he also bought manioc flour. From a sample of twelve
caboclo families of the Solimões river in February 1984, monthly expenditure varied
193
from Cr$10,000 (US$ 12.13) to Cr$60,000 (US$ 72.78).94 The items bought were
sugar, coffee, salt, soap in bars, cooking oil, matches, kerosene, and rice. Later that
year, in Ponta da Castanha, Lake Tefé, the family of Seu Bibi (seven members)
sold five sacks of manioc flour to buy a large rancho, worth Cr$100,000 (US$
210.70).
6.6.b Manioc flour as a measure of expenditure
Variation in the amount of money spent in purchases is expected, for reasons of
family size, personal choice and economic circumstance. Because of inflation, it is
not possible to compare between these expenditures in monetary terms. By taking
the price of manioc flour at each purchase, the values given above can be
translated into equivalent volumes of manioc flour.95 By this scale, the range of
monthly expenditure reported in the last paragraph varies from 1 to 5.5 (60-65 kg)
sacks of manioc, and is on average 3.4 sacks per month. Assuming that monthly
expenditure is constant, the annual volume of manioc flour per family sold ranges
from 0.7 to 4 tons, with an average of 2.4 tons a year.
Samples of the consumption of manioc flour per household were also made. It
ranged from 1 to 3 sacks of manioc flour per month; 1.8 sacks on average.
Assuming that consumption is constant throughout the year,96 a household's annual
consumption of manioc flour varies from 0.7 to 2.2 tons with an average of 1.3 tons.
94 From the following localities: Laranjal, Colombia, Prainha, Boca do Jarauá, Tucuxí, Parauarí, and the town of Alvarães. Information on expenditure is very difficult to obtain. Data from these localities were collected (at my request) by a school teacher from Alvarães, married to an itinerant trader, while joining her husband on a business trip.
95 This translation is sometimes made; for instance, when in Nogueira I asked about expenditures on work teams, most answers were given in number of sacks of manioc flour sold to cover the expenses.
96 This is a simplification for an estimate only. In reality, manioc consumption varies with supply.
194
Based on these estimates, a family which relies only on manioc for cash requires
from 1.4 to 6.2 tons of manioc flour a year, or an average of 4 tons to cover annual
consumption and expenditure. From these figures it can be seen that, on average,
65% of the total volume of manioc flour produced in a year is sold and 35% is kept
for consumption. This shows that the degree of market dependency is high.
6.6.c Inflation
Estimating the average volume of caboclo production directed to commercial
exchange says little about the actual volume of the purchase, because rates of
exchange are variable. The relation between volume of production sold and the
volume of manufactured goods purchased varies with inflation and also with
distance from an urban centre. As Seu Bibi from Ponta da Castanha observes: the
same purchase he made in 1983 from the sale of 2 sacks of manioc flour, in 1984
required the sale of 5 sacks. Although I have no means to verify the accuracy of the
rate of change of this statement, it is important to consider that a change in
purchasing power was felt.
To illustrate the importance of inflation in the economy, table 6.5 compares retail
market prices in Tefé of regional commodities and imported manufactured goods for
periods of 6 and 22 months. Regional commodities were divided between those
sold in the market place in Tefé (mainly fruits and vegetables) and regional
commodities produced in the rural areas.
The variation in the prices of the different commodities does not follow a regular
pattern. For the period considered in table 6.5, the fluctuation of manioc prices was
about average when compared to other commodities.
195
Table 6.5 Changes in market prices in May and October 1984 and in February 1986 of three types of commodities: regional commodities sold in the market place in Tefé, regional commodities for export, and imported manufactured goods, showing price inflation expressed as a percentage for 6 and 22 month periods. ------------------------------------------------------------ DATE MAY OCT FEB TYPE OF 1984 1984 %Increase 1986 %Increase COMMODITY in 6 months in 22 months PRICE Cr$ Cr$ Cr$ ------------------------------------------------------------- REGIONAL COMMODITY FOR INTERNAL MARKET Sweet Manioc (kg) 100 - - 2,000 1,900% Banana (dozen) 200 400 100% 2,000 900% Guava (dozen) 200 - - 1,000 400% Açaí (litre) 300 - - 4,000 1,233% Tapioca (litre) 350 800 129% - - Cupuaçú (unit) 400 2,000 400% 5,000 1,150% Tambaquí (unit) 2,000 4,000 100% 25,000 1,150% ------------------------------------------------------------- REGIONAL COMMODITY FOR EXPORT Manioc flour (kg) 300 500 66% 2,500 733% Softwood (m) 10,000 - - 100,000 1,000% Brazil-nut(hectl) 35,000 45,000 29% 120,000 243% D/S Pirarucú (kg) 2,500 1,800 -28% 20,000 1,111% ------------------------------------------------------------- IMPORTED MANUFACTURED GOODS Sugar (kg) 600 900 50% 4,500 650% Cooking oil(500ml) 2,200 3,000 27% 8,000 263% Table salt (500 g) 200 500 150% 1,500 650% Powder milk (400g) 2,200 3,500 59% 25,000 1,036% Coffee (kg) 3,000 7,000 133% 96,000 3,100% Bar of soap (unit) 600 2,000 233% - - -------------------------------------------------------------
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In a study of peasant farmers in the state of Bahia, northeastern Brazil, Silvia Maia
discusses how inflation affects rural producers. Maia compares data of national
inflation rates with manioc prices for a period of 7 years (from 1973 to 1980). During
this period, the variation in manioc prices had strong ups and downs but did not
accompany the progressive growth of national inflation rates. Price instability affects
all sectors of the economy, and is a major concern of producers, commercial agents
and consumers alike. As Maia points out, however, inflation affects mainly the
producer whose income stability and general welfare is more vulnerable to price
instability (Maia, 1985: 139-44). Merchants can compensate for loss by means of
price speculation and stock management; consumers can be selective and
substitute quality and quantity of purchases; but none of these solutions are
adequate for small producers who depend upon the sale of their production for
immediate subsistence (especially in the case of mono-crop producers such as
caboclos from Nogueira).
The effect of inflation on regional trade is to increase the difference between the
value of caboclo production in relation to that of manufactured goods. Traders
undertake a double exchange, aiming for profit in both. In the rural areas they resell
manufactured goods to caboclos, and buy regional products to be resold in the
cities. In both rural areas and cities, profit is based on the exchange made with
caboclos. In relation to current market prices, the average mark-up of manufactured
goods (mainly food items) is 20% (but can go up to 100% in clothing) while the price
paid for caboclo's products is 20% lower on average, to allow for profit in its resale
in an urban market. Caboclos in the rural areas lose around 40% of gross income to
traders. Caboclos resent this unfavourable position: "The trader gives the price of
both the manioc flour and the commodity; we can't go to him and say: I want this
much for the manioc flour".
The capital of traders is mainly based on stocks of goods, which are devalued by
inflation at fast rates. Traders compensate for loss in the exchange with caboclos
because it is among them that traders have the economic power to manipulate
197
prices. Moreover, under inflation interest rates on the credit sale of aviamento are
constantly readjusted. With high inflation rates, the debts of caboclos to patrons are
even harder to pay-off. As a caboclo said: "Clients in the hinterlands are better than
money in a saving account".
Rates of exchange are also affected by distance. Commodities are not equally
priced in rural areas. Traders change the prices of commodities in the same
journey, selling dearer the more distant they travel.97 This is possible because
competition between traders decreases with distance from urban centres. Caboclos
who live close to the cities are thus relatively better off because they either benefit
from a greater competition among traders or they can buy and sell directly in the
urban market. To reach the same level of purchase of those who can sell directly in
urban markets, caboclos in isolated settlements would have to exchange a greater
volume of commodities. But judging from the possessions displayed in caboclo
households, those living in distant areas consume less manufactured goods
instead. From caboclo's own statements: "the life upriver is harder because
exploitation is greater".
6.7 CONCLUSION: EXAMINING MAXIMIZATION AMONG CABOCLOS
This final section presents a brief discussion on the chances caboclos have to
maximize their level of consumption, or to use Chevalier's terminology, to
accumulate "in the concrete" as opposed to the capitalist "accumulation in the
abstract" (Chevalier, 1982: 122 ff).
97 The following are examples of the difference between prices in urban and rural areas. In March 1983 in Viola the price paid for a kilogram of dried pirarucú produced by locals was Cr$450, while in Tefé the market price was Cr$600. In October 1984, in Ponta da Castanha, a community close to Tefé, traders were buying manioc flour at the price of Cr$470 per kg while in Tefé the market price was Cr$520. In 1988, a kilo of sugar cost Cr$150 in Tefé, while in the upper Purus it cost Cr$300 to Cr$350.
198
The idea given by the stereotype of caboclos: "they are lazy, they lack ambition", is
that caboclos are subsistence orientated. This orientation is believed to be
responsible for their poverty. Because they lack ambition, caboclos are thought to
be in a zen state of satisfaction with the standard of living they achieve. The
interpretation given by the cliche explains the caboclos' low standard of living
without considering the different forces which constrain their economic production:
the low level of technology, the effect of seasonality on economic production in both
várzea and terra-firme, and the availability of land and labour. Besides these
limitations on the volume of production, the dependence on commercial mediation
further restricts the level of caboclo well-being.
Nevertheless, if by "subsistence" it is understood that the standard of living
displayed is not that which is aimed, the idea of a subsistence (or consumption)
practice is useful to distinguish caboclos' subsistence orientation from the capitalist
practice of profit accumulation. According to Chevalier however, the subsistence
practice, or the accumulation in the concrete, does not distinguish between the
caboclo on the riverbank and the urban proletarian: both aim to maximize
consumption.98 It is the move from a subsistence to a capitalist orientation which
requires change (a Calvinist-like ideological differentiation). The caboclo
subsistence practice involves corporative use of resources and is based on a
cultural matrix which does not include a tradition of commerce. If the division
between the positions of economic domination and subordination, or well-being and
deprivation, runs on the same dividing line as that which separates the two main
Amazonian rural classes: merchant capitalists and rural producers, the
characteristics of caboclo economic practice itself limits the chances for the
necessary move to a welfare status. The bigger land-owners and merchant
capitalists of the region have common life-histories. All are migrants of first or
98 This similarity however rests at the level of functioning, and also explains the easiness as well as the increasing rates of urban migration. It conceals the profound implications which urban migration brings to the household as an economic unit and the social relations of production in which members engage.
199
second generation. The majority is constituted by migrants from the Northeast,
joined by one Portuguese, and one Arab. Their entrepreneurial history involved
determination, sacrifice, alliances with government agents, knowledge of the rules
of the commercial game and initial capital. Caboclo history on the other hand, is
marked by the political inducement of non-tribal Amerindians and mixed-bloods into
a subordinate class. Initially framed on existing ethnic distinctions, the class division
today is mainly economic. By speaking of what the caboclos "are", the regional
social discourse of the elite maintains, as a fiction, the original ethnic distinctions
and thus creates a sense of increased otherness and distance from the rural poor.
Urban migration is the most frequent solution taken by caboclos to the problem of
poverty and deprivation. Although there is room for a relatively small degree of self-
betterment (especially for the caboclo who lives near to an urban centre) the
marginally better-off eventually either buy a house in Manaus or Tefé (and begin
urban life in a better condition than those who migrated because of sheer poverty),
or, if they remain in the rural area, include petty trade as an extra source of income.
The social and economic conditions of caboclo life today give little chance for self-
improvement. Both urban and rural migration are frequent. Caboclos are always
moving in search of a "better place". Their movement is directed to places where
they find kin. In the next chapter, the characteristics of caboclo kinship and social
organization are described.
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CHAPTER 7
KINSHIP AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE
OF CABOCLO COMMUNITIES
On usufruct rights, shifting agriculture and the
maximization of kinship relationships
7.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter analyzes the role of kinship in the social organization of caboclo
communities. The analysis highlights the importance of kinship relationships in the
context of the low political and economic status of caboclos. The analysis is divided
into two parts: the first describes the patterns of household constitution, marriage
and the social organization of rural communities. The second looks at the rural
people's particular conception of kinship relatedness.
The developmental cycle of caboclo households in the middle Solimões is
characterized by the young couples' dependence on parental support for
establishing new households. Evidence presented in this chapter shows that the
nuclear family is the predominant form of domestic group within households,
whereas the multiple family constitutes a phase of the developmental cycle of
households. An important aspect of the developmental cycle of caboclo households
is the process of partition and establishment of agricultural sites. The occupancy of
farm holdings in the middle Solimões is described as a dynamic process, rather
than being based on permanent settlements. This pattern is a response to
demographic and ecological conditions, and is associated with the people's
particular notion of land tenure based on usufruct rights. Among peasant societies
which have private land ownership, land claims focus on lineal kin and are
associated with "ancestral property" (Segalen, 1986). Among caboclos however,
the right to make land claims based on kinship is restricted to a short range of lineal
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kin. It is argued that because shifting agriculture does not create fixed assets but
requires continuous labour input, the kinship-based land claims are limited to living
relations, particularly parents.
The settlement pattern of the rural area of the middle Solimões consists of small
clusters of households closely related by kinship links. The kinship structure of rural
communities is described, showing that the characteristics of household
reproduction, in association with "relinking marriages" (i.e., consanguineous, and
repeated family unions), create this density of kinship ties.
This chapter shows that the rural people have an extensive conception of kinship
relatedness. There are two indicators of the people's interest in maximizing kinship
relationships: their particular use of Brazilian kinship terminology, which specifies a
larger range of collateral kin than the general Brazilian terminology does; and the
kinship-based classification of households, through which in-marrying individuals
are incorporated into the kinship network.
The people's broad conception of kinship relatedness is analyzed in relation to the
economic and political "functions of kinship" in the rural communities. The term
"functions" is not intended here to mean "purpose", but the ways in which kinship is
experienced by the people. The economic and the political are two spheres of social
life in which kinship groups are formed, and in which people's notions of kinship
relatedness are manifested. In terms of economic activities, the constitution of
groups which perform joint economic activities, share productive resources and
participate in intensive and regular exchange networks is based on notions of
kinship relatedness. It is argued that the maximization of kinship ties is a response
to deprivation, as it increases the number of reliable economic partners.
The political expressions of kinship are more subtle. As we shall see, local political
factions are formed on the basis of common kinship identity. The local families are
ranked higher than the migrant families, based on their being in the area longer and
202
the fact that they form the majority of the population. Minority groups of kin can
compete with the dominant factions for community resources or status, but kinship
factions do not constitute permanent groups. Local intermarriage and the people's
notion of extensive kinship relatedness, in which affines are included as kin, creates
links between kinship factions and minimizes competition between them.
7.2 THE DEVELOPMENTAL CYCLE OF HOUSEHOLDS
This section analyzes the developmental cycle of caboclo households from
marriage to reproduction, involving "fission" and, subsequently, either "extinction" or
"replacement" of the household (Fortes, 1958). Two interrelated aspects of this
developmental cycle are analyzed: the cycle of the co-habiting family proper, and
the process of partition and acquisition of land and other means of production which
accompany this cycle.
The reproduction of caboclo households takes place within a cognatic kinship
system, and there are no prescriptions for marriage or residence.
7.2.a The cycle of the co-habiting family
The concept of the household is used here to refer to a co-habiting family unit (cf.
chapter 5). With few exceptions, among caboclos, co-habitation entails the
participation of all residents in the activities directed to the provision of the
household. Children work under the authority of the head couple until they marry
and start their own households. In other words, they only gain autonomy over their
own labour after marriage.
As was previously discussed, new couples rarely establish an independent
household immediately after marriage.99 When a couple decides to live together,
99 I will use the word marriage to refer to co-habitation or unions which aim to establish independent households. Among caboclos, unions are usually informal, with no matrimonial
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they usually stay in the household of one of their parents. Establishing a separate
household requires the acquisition of the productive means to guarantee its
economic independence. The basic productive assets of a caboclo household are
farming plots (ideally capoeiras, or secondary forest fallow) to grow manioc; a
barraca (the hut for processing manioc); agricultural equipment (such as axes and
machetes); and fishing and hunting instruments. Parents play a vital role in
supporting a young couple while they gather resources to acquire these assets.
Children do not leave the house of their parents before marriage because of the
mutual advantages of remaining together, quite apart from the emotional bonds
between them. Adolescent and adult children are important contributors to the
household's labour needs. To the children, parents offer the facilities of an
established household which they alone could not obtain. As mentioned in chapter
5, young men occasionally farm independently while living with their parents.
However, most of their productive labour is for the parental household.100 After
marriage, the symbiotic relationship between parents and children is broken. The
new couple constitutes a working pair, determined to settle in an independent
household and to provide for their own family. Parents then withdraw their demands
over their children's labour and provide them with the means to establish their new
home.
Over time, households pass through a developmental cycle. In each stage of the
cycle, the household contains different family forms. An ideal model of this cycle is
discussed below, in a simplified form, with a few examples from Nogueira and Vila
Alencar. As Fortes (1958) himself points out, some phases of it overlap, and not all
(..continued) rituals. Later in life, some couples are formally married by a priest, or less frequently, by a registrar. There seems to be no social differentiation between the formal and the informal unions.
100 Indeed, I have no reports of a household that was established by a single adult. The only viable option for single adults who leave their parental household before marriage is to emigrate to towns and engage in wage labour.
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couples go through all of these phases. The model is nevertheless useful to
understand the different types of household found in the rural communities.
The cycle begins with the marriage of a couple. As a new couple is lodged in a
parental household, its presence transforms the household's structure. Thus the
first phase of a married couple's life is spent in a multiple family household (more
than one conjugal pair), where they occupy a junior position. Janio and Isabel and
Raimundo and Socorro are two recently formed couples from Nogueira, living in
parents' households. They were starting to cultivate manioc plots of their own.
The couple usually moves to an independent house after having children. Their
residence is usually established in the neighbourhood of the parental household
that lodged them. In this phase, the couple's household is formed by a nuclear
family. Antonio and Ania from Vila Alencar, have recently built their own house
beside Antonio's father's, where they stayed before.
Later in life, the couple might bring a widowed parent or a close collateral relative to
live with them. It is also common for the couple to house the children of their single
daughters, and there is no strong condemnation of single mothers. Their children
are called "filhos da fortuna" or "children of lot". Single mothers stay with their
parents and many of them marry later in life. Usually the first child remains with
his/her grandparents.
These households will take the form of an extended family. The relatives forming
these extended families can be either of an ascending generation (parents,
uncle/aunts) or descending generation (daughters' children). Examples of extended
families are the households of José and Margarida from Nogueira, and Chagas and
Marculino form Vila Alencar. José and Margarida have their own house, and they
have three children. José's widowed mother moved to his house after having stayed
previously with another son. Chagas is married, lives in her own house with five
children. Before marrying Marciano, she had a son from a man whom she never
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lived with. Her first child stayed in her parent's house.
When one of the couple's children marries and stays with them, their household will
assume the form of a multiple family. This time, they are the senior couple.
Usually, the last child to marry remains in the household. The couple retains its
position as the senior one of the household until they are no longer able to provide
for themselves. The son/daughter, with his/her spouse, gradually assume the
position of head couple. The parental couple lose their seniority and pass to the
status of "dependent elders". The process of replacement is more immediate when
one of the parents dies, and is, obviously, completed after both spouses die.
Whether the widowed spouse remains in his or her house, or moves to that of one
of his/her married children, does not alter his or her inferior (albeit respected) status
of elder. The elder's authority lowers as he or she is less able to work. Marculino
and Irotilde from Vila Alencar were in their eighties when they died. Before that, they
were living in their own house, with two sons who looked after them. Other
daughters made regular visits to help care for them.
Table 7.1 lists the household composition of the villages of Viola in 1986, Vila
Alencar in 1988, and Nogueira in 1988.101 The typology of family forms is based on
Laslett (1972). It distinguishes five basic family types: simple (i.e., nuclear),
extended, multiple, complex (that is, both extended and multiple) and solitary (or
single adult). As already discussed above, correspondence between family forms
and the phase of household developmental cycle is never total. The statistical
compilation of household composition is nevertheless useful in detecting any trend
in the choices of co-residence of new couples and other relatives.
Table 7.1 shows that the simple family is the most common household type in all
three communities (67% of 70 households). The extended family is the next most
101 See appendix for a complete list of the composition of all households of each community.
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common (17% alone, and 21% counting their occurrence with multiple families).
Most cases of extended families consist of the co-habitation of either an elderly
relative or of single daughters' children. In only one case is the relative from the
same generation as that of the head couple: a woman's single brother moved into
her nuclear family household after their parents emigrated.
Extended families show no significant difference in the sex of the spouse to whom
the co-resident relative is related. In nine examples of extended families (formed by
relatives other than daughters' children), 4 co-residents are relatives of the wife, 4
are related to the husband, and one is related to both spouses.
The multiple family form is the third most common household type within the three
communities (7% alone, and 11% including the cases they appear with extended
families). All multiple families refer to families of co-habiting offspring. There are no
cases where siblings, once married, live together in the same parental household.
The small size of houses (on average 40m2) forces married children to establish
their own households early in life.
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Table 7.1 Household composition of Viola (1986), Vila Alencar (1988) and Nogueira (1988). ------------------------------------------------------------ Household Structure Number of Cases (%) Total & specification Viola V.Alencar Nogueira (%) ------------------------------------------------------------ Simple Family: 8 9 30 47 (one Conjugal Family Unit) (67%) (69%) (68%) (67%) Couple with offspring 8 8 25 Couple without offspring - 1 4 Lone parent with offspring - - 1 Extended Family: 3 2 7 12 (one CFU and a relative) (25%) (15%) (16%) (17%) CFU & ascending relative: Wife's father - - 1 Wife's aunt - 1 - Husband's mother - - 2 Husband's father - - 1 Husband's uncle - - 1 CFU & same generation relative: Wife's brother - - 1 CFU & descending relative: Wife's 2 nephews and grandson - - 1 Daughter's children 2 1 - Multiple Family : - - 5 5 (two related CFUs) (11%) (7%) CFU &: 1 Daughter's CFU - - 3 1 Son's CFU - - 2 Multiple and Extended Family: 1 1 1 3 (complex families) (8%) (8%) (2%) (4%) CFU & Daughter's CFU and both spouses' 2nd-gde uncle - - 1 CFU & daughter's CFU and another daughter's child 1 - - CFU & son's CFU and daughter's child - 1 - Solitary: - 1 2 3 (single adult) (8%) (5%) (4%) Lone male - - 2 Two single male brothers - 1 - ------------------------------------------------------------- Total 12 13 45 70 -------------------------------------------------------------
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There is a small difference in the ratio of sons to daughters staying at home after
marriage. Five of the eight cases of multiple households are daughter's conjugal
families, and three are son's families. However, the sample is too small to conclude
that this results from a preference for matrilocal residence. Considering the life
history of older couples who now have their own households, my impression is that
if there is any preference for residence it is more likely to be patrilocal. This point is
discussed later, in the section on land claims, where it is shown that there is a
tendency in Nogueira for sons to succeed to the parental household farm holding.
The least common household category is the solitary form (4%). All three cases
consist of single male adults who looked after their parents until they died. (The two
brothers of Vila Alencar are disabled). It is often the case that single adults
constitute "working pairs" with their widowed parents of the opposite sex. This is the
case of Raimundo rom Vila Alencar. Raimundo is a widower resident in Vila
Alencar. He lives with three single children - a daughter, Raimunda, and young two
sons. Raimunda is the only woman of the house. She now has two children of her
own, who live with her.
Another case of a parent and a child constituting the household's working pair is
from Nogueira. Eneias is a school teacher in Nogueira and prefers carpentry to
agriculture. His eldest son, Gilmar, who is effectively the farmer of the house,
worked with his mother. Gilmar already had two children with Janice, who also lived
in Nogueira. Janice lived with her widowed mother and both found it extremely hard
to provide for the household. Recently, Gilmar's mother got a job as a cleaner in
Tefé, and moved there, where she now lives with other children. Eneias stayed in
Nogueira, and Janice is now living in their house as Gilmar's wife.
Single female households were neither observed nor reported. In fact, given the
kind of hard physical labour needed to provide for a household, it would be very
difficult for a woman to live on her own.
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Apart from emotional preferences, one of the factors which influences the choice of
co-habitation is the economic position of the host household. Regarding this matter,
the ability of the parental household to offer capoeiras is particularly relevant.
Before discussing the role of parents in the provision of productive assets, though, I
will briefly outline the relationship between shifting agriculture and land rights in the
rural communities.
7.2.b Shifting agriculture and the definition of land holdings based on usufruct rights
As discussed in chapter 6, caboclo communities have relatively "fixed" territorial
boundaries. These are demarcated better along the more populated rivers such as
the Solimões than they are in the upper Japurá and Tefé, where communities
constitute more "genuine" social gatherings, in the sense that they are less limited
by territorial boundaries.
There are two types of rural communities in the middle Solimões: those located on
unoccupied government land, here called "free" communities, and those located in
private properties, referred to as "tenant" communities (cf. chapter 5). In both "free"
and "tenant" communities, the use of land for agriculture is based on usufruct rights.
Nogueira, Vila Alencar and Viola are "free" communities. There, residents
collectively control the entrance of outsiders into the community. In "tenant"
communities, on the other hand, this power is held by the patron land-owner.
As also mentioned in chapter 6, outsiders enter the communities mainly through
marriage, but those people who can claim a "legitimate" kinship relationship to a
resident family are readily accepted. As we have also seen, communities differ in
their willingness to accept unrelated couples (cf. chapter 6). Whereas the more
densely populated community of Nogueira is restrictive to newcomers, the
communities of Viola and Vila Alencar are more open. In general, small
communities are less restrictive because there is no need to "fear" newcomers.
Migrants represent no threat to these communities, since land is not a scarce
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resource, and without legal ownership it cannot be sold. On the contrary, the arrival
of new residents increases the number of potential labourers to participate in the
community's network of labour exchange. Hence, the "value" of newcomers
depends on the balance between land availability and the need for extra labour.
For rural people, Nogueira represents an ideal rural community because of its
proximity to Tefé. Although land is not scarce in the absolute sense, as there is still
unclaimed forest nearby, what is considered "good" land has mostly been occupied.
The quality of land is related to the location of farm holdings. Farm plots cannot be
too distant either from the settlement nor from the family's barraca because the
transportation of manioc tubers and flour is done by the people themselves - they
are carried by men and women in wicker baskets on their backs. The location of
the barraca is also important, since it has to be near to a stream to soak the manioc
tubers during the process of making the flour. Patches of forest are now far from the
settlement, and, in any event residents prefer to farm on capoeira rather than to
clear a forest plot (cf. chapter 6). For this reason, the location of farm sites in
Nogueira is more critical than in the less populated communities. Usually,
communities with more land are distant from the towns. In these communities,
distance itself is the limiting economic factor since the transportation of goods to
and from the market is more expensive.
In all "free" rural communities, residents have equal rights to clear forest and
establish farm holdings. This rule applies both to communities where land is
relatively scarce and to those where it is either more abundant or less in demand
(that is, where manioc is not the major commodity). As already noted, any forest
clearing belongs to the family which opened it. Thus "property" is created by labour
invested on land (cf. chapters 5 and 6). Accordingly, those who can claim each
other's labour have the right to claim farm plots from each other. This definition of
"property" and its transfer suits the requirements of shifting agriculture.
In shifting agriculture, labour investment on land does not create a fixed asset.
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Secondary forest fallow requires repeated labour input to maintain the clearing
(although less intensively than the first clearing of virgin forest). As Bloch (1984:
212) points out "in swidden agriculture,... land is not associated with ancestral
property, since there is a sense in which, in shifting cultivation, labour creates land,
that is, by clearing the forest". In other words, because labour invested in land by
previous generations is "lost", transfer of land is not based on distant genealogical
links. For this reason, in the rural communities of the middle Solimões, claims on
land are only made through living relatives.
7.2.c The kinship basis of claims on capoeiras and barracas
In peasant societies, transfer of land to married couples is a basic requirement for
establishing independent households. In most such societies, land holdings are
fixed and divided or transferred between generations through inheritance rules. As a
result, many peasant societies have "lineage-like" kinship ideologies which link
families, via their ancestors, to these fixed land holdings (Segalen, 1981: 63).
However, in the communities studied there are no permanent land holdings, and
thus there is no "inheritance", in the usual sense of the term. Rather, the process of
transfer of land rights between generations depends on successive occupancy of
the family farm holding. Capoeiras are therefore respected as individual family
property while in use. If abandoned for a long period, they can simply be occupied
by another resident. Alternatively, the owner of an unused capoeira can be
approached by another resident and requested to hand it over.
The most common form of transfer of capoeiras, however, occurs between close
kin and forms part of the developmental cycle of the household. The allocation of
farm plots to a new couple is usually made by the parents of the spouse in whose
household the couple lives. Children farm in a parental holding and not somewhere
else mainly because they depend on ready access to a barraca to process manioc
more than they depended on access to "good" land.
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The cycle of farm holding is described here as a paradigm. This model helps to
understand the case study of farm occupancy which follows from it. As discussed in
chapter 6, a young couple will gradually increase the number of capoeiras they
have while they progress in their farming activities. The expansion of a household's
set of capoeiras is related to the length of time the family has been in existence
and its capacity to cultivate larger plots. When children marry out, the labour force
of the household decreases. At the same time, the household's farm holding is likely
to be divided between married children. In this process of partition, children will
occupy farm plots located close to the ones their parents still cultivate. The plots of
parents and married children converge to the parental barraca. Although parents
and married children farm separately, they nevertheless constitute a close
cooperative group. They exchange services and products more casually among
themselves than with other households, with whom they interact mainly through the
formal labour exchange system of ajurís (cf. chapters 5 and 6).
The parental couple heads the joint farm holding until the partners die, or become
too old to farm. Their children usually remain farming in the parental holding. Each
sibling farms separately but they share their parents' barraca. In time, siblings are
likely to acquire their own barraca and separate. The growth of each nuclear family
might also "push" a number of them out of the joint farm holding. The older and
more established sibling is likely to remain in the parental holding and the younger
ones tend to move out, and he/she will look for another relative for support. The
most likely choice is to farm with the other spouse's parents. Conversely, when
parents are still alive, it is usually the older siblings who move out, leaving the
younger and more dependent siblings to farm with their parents.
The system of land claims is flexible and structured so as to allow mobility. The
older couples which already have a barraca are more independent. If neither
parental holding is suitable, the young couple can look for a better site and rebuild
their hut there. Residents can open a new site in the forest, take over a site
abandoned by an emigrant, or request a household under less pressure to either
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share their holding or give it out to them.
To summarise, the different means of occupying farm plots are through partition
with living parents; succession of a holding after the death of the parents; partition
between siblings of the parental holding; a donation from a relative or a friend in the
community; and the share of a holding with another family. Alternatively, abandoned
sites can be simply taken over, or residents can open new clearings in the forest.
The following is a detailed account of the history of site occupation of a sample of
Nogueira residents. It illustrates the diversity of options and choices for occupying
farm plots, and highlights the temporary and changeable nature of holdings. The
example is based on the couple Raimundo and Tereza Fogaça and their closer kin.
Figure 7.2 diagrammatically summarizes the account, showing the genealogical
connections between the individuals who made the land claims and those upon
whom their claims were made. The numbers refer to the household couples
discussed below. Tereza and Raimundo are represented as [38]. Each line
represents a type of occupancy in terms of succession, donation or joint holding
(including parental partition, sibling partition and share with any resident). The figure
also points out previous occupancies which were later abandoned. The location of
sites refer to areas of farm holdings in Nogueira known by local names: Arco,
Punuarí, Saloya, Macucoarí, Mapauarí, Meneruá and Tuiri. The key to the symbols
used is in Figure 7.1.
Tereza is a daughter of Altair and Minervina. She has two brothers: one moved to
Tefé, and the other, age 36, is single and he both lives and works with their father
and step-mother [household 37]. Before her marriage, Tereza worked in a site in
Punuarí with her grandmother (MM), who brought her up after her mother died.
Before marrying Tereza, Raimundo worked with his grandfather (MF) and his
mother in another site in Punuarí (Raimundo's parents were not married).
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Raimundo has three aunts (MZs) and one uncle (MB). Raimundo's uncle has
moved to Tefé. He previously also worked in the family site at Punuarí. One of
Raimundo's aunts [household 20] succeeded to his grandfather's site. She is the
younger daughter and was the one who looked after her father until his death.
Another of Raimundo's aunts, Tercília, is married to Francisco Gomes. The couple
had established a site in an area left free in Mapauarí. After their children had
grown, Tercília and Francisco moved to the city of Tefé, leaving their site to the only
married son who stayed in Nogueira [45]. All other children have moved to Tefé and
Alvarães.
The third of Raimundo's aunts is now a widow [household 10]. She also worked in
Punuarí, in a site she and her husband chose nearby. Being without a husband and
having grown-up sons who have moved away to Manaus, she finds work in Punuarí
very hard, as the site is one of the most distant from Nogueira. In 1986, with the
community's help and some paid labour, she opened a garden in Saloya, which is
very close to Nogueira. This site was not occupied at the time because it was
infested with leaf-cutter ants. This is now a problem for her.
When Raimundo and Tereza got married, they went to work at Tereza's
grandmother's site, where Tereza had been working before. Tereza's grandmother,
Dona Leopoldina, took over her father's holding. She had only one brother who
moved to Tefé, and her husband was from the city of Alvarães. Dona Leopoldina
had five daughters and 3 sons (Tereza's maternal aunts and uncles). Two
daughters no longer live in Nogueira: one moved to Tefé, the other to Manaus.
Three daughters married and stayed in Nogueira: one, Tereza's mother, died early;
a second [household 40] went to work in Arco, in a site left free; and the third [17]
works in Tuiri, having first worked in Meneruá. One of Dona Leopoldina's son's
[household 6] works in Arco, where he shares a site left by his father-in-law to his
brother-in-law [28]. Dona Leopoldina's other two sons [households 44 and 29]
stayed and worked on her holding until she died in July 1988. The two brothers
215
have succeeded her, and now are involved in a process of dividing the farm holding.
Not long after their marriage, Tereza and Raimundo left the Punuarí site. They
moved to Tereza's father's holding, located in Macucoarí. Tereza's father gained the
holding from his father. Tereza and Raimundo work there today, sharing the site
with her single brother and her old father.
Raimundo's brother-in-law and his sister [household 35] work in Meneruá but
consider the place to be too "crowded". In 1988, they were planning to move and
share Raimundo's site at Macucoarí. Raimundo has another sister and a brother.
Both have left Nogueira to live in Tefé.
Raimundo and Tereza have five children. Two sons and one daughter are living in
Tefé. Only one son, 10 years old, still lives with them. Their oldest daughter,
Assunta, is married to Lázaro, one of Tereza's first cousins. When Assunta and
Lázaro got married [household 13] they went to work with Tereza. Because of the
couple's consanguineal relationship, the members of the joint farming holding were
all related. Relative to Assunta, the site belongs to her grandfather (MF), and it is
shared by her mother, while in relation to Lázaro, the site belongs to his uncle (MB),
shared by his cousin (MBS). The couple stayed there for two years, after which they
moved to a better site in Mapauarí, donated by one of Lázaro's sisters when she
moved to Tefé.
Before his marriage, Lázaro worked with his brothers at his parent's site, located in
Arco. When the three brothers and four sisters married, the site became too "tight",
to use their expression (i.e., lacked space for expansion). One of Lázaro's middle
brothers, João [household 28] succeeded to their parents' site. João stayed with
some of his parents' capoeiras and claims inheritance of their barraca. The site is
shared with two sisters [households 27 and 6]. According to João, he "lends" the
capoeiras to his brothers-in-law. This was the only case observed where patrifilial
succession was explicitly claimed, though it was challenged by the sisters. Lázaro's
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second brother [household 34] moved to Tuiri, where he works and shares the site
with his parents-in-law [17] and two brothers-in-law [households 18 and 9]. Lázaro
is the youngest son, and his mother lives with him.
This description illustrates how the options and choices for occupation of farm sites
are both diverse and indefinite. None of the ways in which a holding is established
has any type of rule and they appear to be entirely circumstantial. The factors which
influence the choice of occupancy are: the existing kinship relationships (by which a
holding can be claimed); the ecological conditions (how many swidden plots can a
given site support); and population factors (how many individuals are claiming plots
in the same site).
Table 7.2 shows the frequencies of each type of occupancy among 51 resident
couples of Nogueira. It also shows the sex of the spouse who made the claim or
who succeeded a parental holding. The claim for non-transferred holdings ("take
over" and "new sites"), is based on the right to farm in the community held by the
spouse or spouses who are local residents.
Table 7.2 Type of occupancy of 51 farm holdings in Nogueira and the spouse who made the claim. ------------------------------------------------------------- Type of occupancy Frequency Claimed through husband wife both spouses ------------------------------------------------------------- Parental partition 13 (25%) 6 7 - Share 5 (10%) 3 - 2 Sibling partition 4 (8%) 4 - - Succession 11 (21%) 8 3 - Take over 7 (14%) 1 3 3 New site 7 (14%) 4 - 3 Donation 4 (8%) 3 1 - ------------------------------------------------------------- Total 51 (100%) 29 (57%) 14 (27%) 8 (16%) -------------------------------------------------------------
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The data in table 7.2 provide two kinds of information: the frequencies of
independent holdings in comparison to joint holdings, and the number of
occupancies which originate from parental transfers as opposed to those
established independently of parents.
The frequencies of "parental partition", "share" and "sibling partition" point to the
number of couples which farm on joint holdings. Thus 43% of 51 farm sites
represent joint farm holdings. The holdings characterized as "succession", "take
over", "new site", and "donation" represent independent farm holdings. More than
half holdings are in this category (57%).
The holdings occupied through "parental partition", "succession", and "sibling
partition" originate from a parental holding and constitute 54% of the total number of
farm holdings. Since most couples initially farmed with one of their parents, this
figure represents the frequency of holdings that were effectively passed down from
one generation to the next. Although they resemble "inheritances", the character of
the transfer and the temporality of the holdings mentioned above, highlight the
"shallowness" of vertical transfers (despite the fact that new couples initially depend
on such transfers). The categories of occupancy - "take over", "new site", "share"
and "donation" - were established in non-parental holdings and constitute 46% of
the sample.
In relation to the sex of the spouse who made the claim, the data show that the
majority of holdings were claimed through husbands (57%). Only 27% of the claims
were made through wives and 16% were based on both spouses. The data show
that men are usually the successors of parental holdings. From a young age, boys
participate more effectively in farming activities than girls, and so they are likely to
be more attached to the family's farm holding. This is enforced by the local pattern
of emigration (discussed below). It was observed that among the present
generation of children, more girls were allowed to migrate to towns than were boys.
218
Parents are less inclined to send out their sons because of their role in agriculture,
particularly in clearing fields for manioc cultivation, a task which women do not
perform. Thus, it is possible that a patrifilial tendency occurs in the succession of
farm holdings in Nogueira.
In conclusion, the developmental cycle of caboclo households is characterized by
the dependence on parental support for the constitution of independent households.
This feature determines that residence is, in the first stage, necessarily ambilocal.
The nuclear family is the main family type in the rural communities. The constitution
of new households occurs relatively quickly if we consider only the co-habiting
family. Whereas multiple families constitute a short phase in the cycle of the co-
habiting family, the ties between families which farm together are more lasting. Thus
the establishment of an economically independent household is not immediate but
entails a gradual process of separation from parents.
7.3 THE KINSHIP STRUCTURE OF RURAL COMMUNITIES
Given the characteristics of the developmental cycle of households, communities
are likely to be formed by dense networks of kin. Evidence that such a density of
kinship networks occurs is discussed below, using a description of the genealogical
relationships between the resident couples of five rural communities. Marriage
patterns within these communities show that repeated family unions increase the
kinship links between households.
7.3.a The density of kinship relationships
Figures 7.3 to 7.7 illustrate the genealogical connections between all resident
couples of five rural communities of the middle Solimões during the years shown.
The diagrams distinguish the individuals married into the community, the
households of migrant couples and the couples which emigrated during the stated
period. The symbols used have been explained in figure 7.1.
219
The genealogies represent the communities of São Francisco, Viola, Catuirí de
Cima, Vila Alencar, and Nogueira. Because of Nogueira's size, many couples
appear twice in the genealogies to allow for a clearer presentation. Of these
communities, only São Francisco and Catuirí de Cima have not yet been discussed.
Catuirí de Cima is located in Lake Tefé, on terra-firme grounds. It is a relatively
young community, formed by migrants who arrived in the late 1930s, coming mainly
from the Juruá and Japurá rivers. The land is the property of the Catholic Church, to
whom the community jointly pays a small annual fee in produce (60kg of manioc
flour). São Francisco is a small community, located on várzea not far from Vila
Alencar. It is formed by three couples related to the main family of Vila Alencar, the
Martins.
The genealogical diagrams show that all five communities demonstrate a
remarkable density of kinship connections, with a number of common features
appearing in their kinship networks. All communities contain one or more dominant
families, usually related to each other; a variable number of individuals married into
these families, with a number of those in-married individuals being interrelated;
some in-married individuals consanguineously related to migrant couples, who are,
by this means, affinally related to the dominant families; and very few totally
unrelated migrant couples.102
This community pattern is quantified in table 7.3. It identifies the dominant families
102 It is likely that relationships between in-married individuals, other than those actually recorded, probably exist. This is because informants emphasised their relationships to the local families when asked about genealogical relationships. The relationships between affines were not always mentioned. Most of these links became known to me informally, in the later phases of fieldwork. Among the five communities, Nogueira and Vila Alencar are more likely to have the genealogical connections between most residents recorded, due to the longer period of fieldwork spent there. Nevertheless, a small number of genealogical connections were omitted due to uncertainty brought about by contradictory information, as well as space limitations.
220
in each of the five communities, and gives the frequencies of the different types of
relationships between resident households and the dominant families. Households
were classified as: "2 spouses related", referring to endogamous marriages; "1
spouse related", meaning exogamous marriages; "affinal relation", referring to
migrant couples related by affinity to one of the dominant families through an in-
married relative; and "not related", in the case of migrants not consanguineously
related to any household in the community. The relationships between in-married
individuals are dealt with in table 7.4, which looks at marriage types.
Table 7.3 Frequencies of the different types of relationships of households to the main kinship networks of five rural localities of the middle Solimões region. _____________________________________________________________ Community Freq. 2 spouses 1 spouse Affinal Not N Families of: related related relation related ------------------------------------------------------------- S. Fco. 1 (33%) 2 (66%) - - 3 Santos,Martins Viola 6 (43%) 7 (50%) 1 (7%) - 14 Medeiros,Cordeiro,Alves Catuirí 4 (23%) 7 (41%) 4 (24%) 2 (12%) 17 Souza V. Alencar 4 (29%) 10 (71%) - - 14 Martins Nogueira 31 (57%) 22 (41%) 1 (2%) - 54 Araújo,Fogaça,Batalha,Quirino da Silva,Oliveira,& de Pinho ------------------------------------------------------------- Total 46 (45%) 48 (47%) 6 (6%) 2 (2%) 102 (100%) -------------------------------------------------------------
The data in table 7.3 show that overall, 45% of households in the five communities
consist of endogamous marriages, and 47% exogamous marriages. In other words,
in 92% of the households at least one spouse is local. This proves the
predominance of ambilocal residence, and shows that outsiders enter the
communities mainly through marriage. Of the total number of outsiders (56),
representing all in-married individuals and migrants, 48 (86%) consist of in-married
individuals. Almost a quarter (24%) of all household heads (204) are in-married
individuals.103 In contrast, the frequency of migrant couples is low. They represent
103 These individuals come mainly from other rural
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14% of the outsiders in the communities and constitute only 8% of all the
households. The frequency of migrants appears higher in Catuirí de Cima. This is
likely to be related to the younger age of the settlement relative to the other
communities analyzed here.104 The age of the settlement, combined with its size
and isolation, also influences the extent to which local reproduction involves
endogamous marriages or exogamous ones.
7.3.b "Relinking marriages"
Another feature of the pattern of local reproduction is the incidence of
consanguineous marriages and of repeated family unions (i.e., more than one
marriage between the same families). For example, three couples in Viola repeat
the same union between the Cordeiro and Medeiros families (see figure 7.3)
consisting of three brothers married to two sisters and their cousin. These "relinking
marriages" cause a significant increase in the density of kinship relationships, and
they occur both among endogamous and exogamous marriages. A number of
endogamous marriages are consanguineous, and others repeat the same union
between local families. Among exogamous marriages, consanguineous marriages
also occur (between relatives born in different communities), and there are cases of
locals married to small groups of in-married relatives.
Table 7.4 specifies the frequency of each type of relinking marriage. It illustrates the
instances of consanguineous and repeated family unions among the endogamous
marriages, and the instances of exogamous marriages which contain in-married
and interrelated individuals. The table gives the numbers of each marriage type,
corresponding to the ones shown in the genealogies. This allows the reader to trace
these marriages in the genealogical diagrams.
(..continued) communities.
104 The low frequency of migration of couples is discussed below, in the section on the political implications of kinship in the rural communities.
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Table 7.4 Frequency of cases of consanguineous marriages and repeated family unions within endogamous and exogamous marriages of five rural communities of the middle Solimões. ___________________________________________________________ Community Type of marriage (%) Endg. (%) Exg. [couples] marriages marriages ------------------------------------------------------------- S. Fco. N 3 Consanguineous 1 (33%) - [1] Viola N 14 Repeated unions 5 (36%) - [1:3:4][5:7b] Catuirí N 17 Repeated unions 2 (12%) - [3:10] V.Alencar N 14 Consanguineous 1 (7%) - [16] Repeated unions 5 (31%) 6 (43%) [1:3:14][4:8][8:4][9:10:13:11b] Nogueira N 54 Consanguineous 5 (9%) 2 (4%) [13][31b][41c][43][43b][46][8][41] Repeated unions - 11 (24%) [3:44][4:18][7:23:24][11b:19:42:45] ------------------------------------------------------------- Total N 102 Total relinking marriages N 38 (37%) -------------------------------------------------------------
The instances of consanguineous marriage consist mostly of marriages between
second cousins, whereas repeated family unions have a variety of forms. In Vila
Alencar, for example, one case consists of a brother and his sister married to
another sibling couple, and another case involves the marriage of a sibling couple
and a couple of cousins. In Viola, the marriage between an Alves woman to a
Cordeiro man, was followed by the marriage of the niece of the Codeiro man to the
son of the Alves woman's cousin. On the other hand, the predominant type of
repeated unions in Nogueira consists of groups of siblings married into different
local families.105
105 Because this table is limited to living couples, it omits the case of the repeated union between the parents of the Gomes de Araújo and Guedes de Araújo families of Nogueira. It consisted of the marriages between two brothers and 3 sisters and included one case of sororate. All unions produced descendants and some are residents in the community. One of these is the male spouse of couple [43]. The couple, shown in
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As table 7.4 shows, 37% of all resident couples in the five communities consist of
relinking marriages. (The figure would be higher if emigrated couples were included
in the calculation; see also the observation in footnote 7.) These marriages
reproduce and reinforce the intricate network of kinship of the rural communities.
Thus ambilocal residence, and a significant number of cases of consanguineous
marriages and repeated family unions account for the density of kinship networks
found in the rural communities.
Among peasant societies, the occurrence of relinking marriages is interpreted as a
strategy to avoid excessive land division and to preserve property within the family
(Segalen, 1986). In the communities analyzed here, however, there is no
"inheritance" of fixed land property. The preference for relinking marriages is
nevertheless still related to land, but only indirectly. Because of the association
between shifting agriculture and the system of land tenure based on usufruct rights,
it is necessary to keep labour in order to keep land. The main focus is thus on
labour. Relinking marriages strengthen the ties of kin and hence also the pool of
potential cooperative labour. Moreover, since the initial phase of a married couple's
life is spent in a parental household, parents will, in a sense, also "marry" the in-
coming spouse. Parents are more likely to accept an acquaintance than a complete
stranger in their homes.
7.3.c Urban migration
Another regular feature of the formation of communities not yet mentioned, is urban
migration. There are two basic types of emigration - one of young single residents
and the other of couples of various ages, but mainly older ones with grown up
children. Most people move either to Tefé or to the capital of the Amazon state,
Manaus, where they have kin. There is very little migration to other Amazonian
towns.
(..continued) this table as consanguineous marriage, is also a case of sororate.
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Young people move to the cities to look for jobs and education. Girls leave at an
earlier age than do boys. In Nogueira for instance, girls leave from the age of 10 to
15. They are sent to kin in the towns, where they help with domestic work and
attend school, and also work in paid employment as servants. In both Nogueira and
Vila Alencar, the number of girls who have emigrated is higher than that of boys, as
girls have more opportunity to find work in the towns as housemaids. The
relationship between these girls and their employees is permeated by the caboclo
stereotype. The patronesses consider house work to be "natural" employment for
girls from the interior. To parents, on the other hand, having a daughter working in a
town is positively regarded.
Boys emigrate later in life, usually after 18, when they have more chance of getting
formal jobs. As mentioned before, the demand for men's labour in the communities
is higher than for women, and this reinforces the gendered pattern of emigration.
Evidently, the same pattern of emigration occurred in the previous generation:
among the 21 exogamous couples of Nogueira, the number of in-married women
(16) is larger than that of in-married men (5). In the várzea communities of Viola
and Vila Alencar, on the other hand, the number of male and female in-married
spouses is almost the same. Of 18 exogamous couples, eight involve in-married
men, and ten involve in-married women. The emigration of couples usually follows
that of a close relative (a sibling or their children), who offers accommodation and
help in the first stages of urban life.
To conclude this section on the kinship structure of rural communities, it was shown
that the dense network of kinship links of rural settlements in the middle Solimões
derives from the characteristics of household reproduction and the incidence of
relinking marriages. Outsiders enter the communities mainly through marriage and
there is little migration of un-related couples. The formation of rural communities
also involves selective emigration, mainly of young individuals and older couples.
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7.4 THE PEOPLE'S CONCEPTION OF KINSHIP RELATEDNESS (1):
The kinship terminology
This section looks at the rural people's conception of kinship relatedness through
their use of the kinship terminology. The terms used by the rural people is a variant
form of the general Brazilian kinship terminology.
7.4.a The basic elements of caboclo kinship terminology
Like the Brazilian kinship system, the caboclo kinship system is cognatic and has an
Eskimo terminology. The terms (or the "designata", c.f. Barnard & Good, 1984)
which apply to distinctive categories of kin (the "denotata") are the same. However,
the rural people extend the range of collateral kin categories to which the terms
tio(a) (uncle/aunt) and its reciprocal sobrinho(a) (nephew/niece) refer. The
genealogical basis of this extension is the classification of both cousins' children and
nephews' and nieces' children equally as nephews or nieces (which in turn produce
the reciprocal categories uncle/aunt as referring to the cousins of one's parents). In
the Brazilian terminology, nephew/niece and uncle/aunt are terms usually used to
refer only to ego's siblings' children and ego's parents' siblings, respectively.
This extension of the use of the terms uncle/aunt and nephew/niece to second-
degree collaterals produces a distinction between the ascending and the
descending generations of this collateral level. Whereas in the general Brazilian
kinship terminology cousins' children are primos de segundo grau (second
cousins), in the caboclo kinship terminology the designata primo(a) (cousin) is
restricted to collaterals of ego's generation. Tio(a) (uncle/aunt) and its reciprocal
sobrinho(a) (nephew/niece) distinguish between ascending and descending
generations of collateral relatives. In this distinction, first and second generations
are grouped together. Figure 7.8 shows the lineal and the collateral terminology
used by Brazilians in general, and the caboclo terminological variation for second
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degree collaterals. This representation of the kinship terminologies is not based on
componential analysis and is presented for comparative purposes only. The
positions of the kin terms, however, are based on Romney and D'Andrade's
componential analysis of English kin terms (Romney & D'Andrade, 1969: 390-391).
As figure 7.8 shows, caboclo terminology for collaterals of the second degree
establishes a generation distinction between collaterals of the first and second
ascending generation (grouped together as tios), collaterals of the same generation
as ego (primos), and collaterals of the first and second descending generation
(grouped jointly as sobrinhos).
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Figure 7.8 General Brazilian and caboclo kinship terminologies. ------------------------------------------------------------ GENERAL BRAZILIAN KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY LINEAL COLLATERAL ------------------------------------------------------------ BISAVÔ(ó) (FFF;...) 2nd-Degree AVÔ(ó) TIO-AVÔ(ó) (FF;...) (FFB;...) 1st-Degree PAI; MÃE TIO(a) PRIMO(a) (F;M) (FB;...) (FFBS;...) EGO IRMÃO(ã) PRIMO(a) PRIMO(a) (B;Z) (FBS;...) (FFBSS;...) FILHO(a) SOBRINHO(a) PRIMO(a) (S;D) (BS;...) (FBSS;...) NETO(a) SOBRINHO-NETO(a) (SS;...) (BSS;...) BISNETO(a) (SSS;...) ------------------------------------------------------------- CABOCLO KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY LINEAL COLLATERAL ------------------------------------------------------------- BISAVÔ(ó) (FFF;...) 2nd-Degree AVÔ(ó) TIO(a) (FF;...) (FFB;...) 1st-Degree PAI; MÃE TIO(a) TIO(a) (F;M) (FB;...) (FFBS;...) EGO IRMÃO(ã) PRIMO(a) PRIMO(a) (B;Z) (FBS;...) (FFBSS;...) FILHO(a) SOBRINHO(a) SOBRINHO(a) (S:D) (BS;...) (FBSS;...) NETO(a) SOBRINHO(a) (SS;...) (BSS;...) BISNETO(a) (SSS;...) _____________________________________________________________
228
The terminological variation for second-degree collaterals can also be interpreted
from its dynamics. Considering a sequence of two directly related generations
(parent and offspring), the terminology establishes that the filial generation inherits
and shares the terminology of its parents' generation for collaterals which belong to
generations other than those of the parents and offspring in question. For example,
in the case of a father and his son, the father classifies an individual who is his
nephew's sons (e.g. BSS) as nephews, and this is the same term that the father's
son will use (e.g. FBSS). Similarly, a father's uncle is his son's uncle. By this means,
the terminology has a centripetal dynamic, as it brings relatives of prior generations
"back", by giving them the same terminology they had in the preceding generation.
With respect to collaterals of the same generation as the parental generation, there
is no inheritance of terminology and these are jointly distinguished from the filial
generation, as already mentioned, by their denomination of uncles/aunts.
However, it was observed that the terminological rule which defines cousins'
children as nephews/nieces is not followed when their age differences are small. In
this case, the people use the term cousin as in the general Brazilian terminology.
The following examples from Vila Alencar illustrate how the terminology for second-
grade collaterals is modified by taking age into account. Raimunda is the FZDD of
the sisters Áurea and Chagas, thus belonging to a kin category one generation
below them. As expected, Raimunda refers to and addresses Áurea as her aunt
while she classifies Chagas as her cousin because they were brought up together.
The same Raimunda is married to Chico, her MMBS, a category of kin to which the
term uncle should apply. However, she refers to her husband as a second cousin,
and the community recognizes the couple as being "married cousins".
Thus it appears that in the case of collaterals of the second degree, the age
difference between ego and alter has priority over the actual generation distinction
that may exist between them. As seen in the case of the two sisters, the age
difference between each of them and a collateral relative led to a terminological
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distinction between the two, despite belonging to the same category of kin. It seems
that ideally, the generation ranking of the system should be matched by age
differences. When this does not occur, the terms are changed. This shows that the
terminology for second grade collaterals is used in such a way as to symbolize
either the equivalence of relatives, if they belong to the same age group, or their
distinction, if they belong to different age groups.
There is evidence that this terminology for second grade collaterals is not restricted
to the middle Solimões region but occurs more widely in Amazonia. I was informed
that it is used by rural people from Marajó Island, from the Aripuanã River, from the
interior of the state of Pará, and Wagley (1976: 145) states that in the lower
Amazon: "The term for "uncle" and "aunt" may also be extended to mean one's
parent's cousins".
Maués (1977) reports a similar use of the kinship terms in the fishing community on
the mouth of the Amazon, Itapuá. There, the terminological variation has a
particular specification. Close kin are called "spiritual relatives". These include ego's
lineal kin and collaterals of the first degree. In daily use, however, only the first
degree collaterals and not lineal ones are actually referred to as "spiritual" relatives
(Maués, 1977: 21). This means that the qualifier "spiritual" is intended to distinguish
first degree collaterals from second degree ones. Motta Maués (1977: 193), who
studied the same community, reports that when a person dies, only his/her "spiritual
relatives" are subject to ritual restrictions. This shows that in Itapuá, collaterals of
the first and the second degree are distinguished both terminologically and in
behaviour.
In the middle Solimões region, the distinction between the two levels of collateral
relatives was not as explicit as in Itapuá. When it was necessary, the distinction
between them was made by using the adjectives "first" and "second" degree,
placed before the collateral terms. Distinctions in behaviour were made in terms of
conceiving first collaterals "closer" relatives than second degree ones, but this was
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not marked by ritual prescriptions as in Itapuá. Distinctions in behaviour were more
often perceived in relation to marriage. Consanguineous marriages are more
common among second degree collaterals than among first degree ones. Among
the latter, they are confined to first cousins, and marriages between a closer uncle
and niece, or aunt and nephew, were not observed and were described as incest.
Among second degree collaterals marriage is common, as already mentioned.
Caboclo kinship terminology is accompanied by a formal code of address. Junior
kin always use kinship terms to address their senior relatives. This norm is enforced
by parents who teach their children to show respect for senior kin. The address is
always accompanied by the raising of one hand and by asking the senior kin for
his/her blessing. Junior kin are expected to follow the formality of address and
blessing whenever they meet or leave senior relations.
This etiquette reinforces the status differentiation between generations, which, as
we saw, is a basic feature of the caboclo terminological variation. Relatives of the
same generation do not use their kinship terms as terms of address but only for
reference. Nevertheless, it is common for siblings and cousins to become
compadres, or godparents, to each other's children. The norm of address
associated with ritual co-parenthood strictly prescribes the use of the term of
address compadre (male alter) and comadre (female alter) before any address to
their reciprocal, and even before any reference is made to his/her name. In
Nogueira I heard a woman teach a younger one not to forget the proper reference
to her recently acquired comadre or "the Devil may pass his tail".106
The formal and respectful mode of address for ritual co-parenthood used between
sibling adults contrasts with the close and informal relationship of young siblings.
The two sisters Aurea and Chagas, who live in neighbouring houses in Vila Alencar, 106 Maués (1977: 23) reports on the same obligatory address between compadres/comadres in Itapuá, and also that it is common to find close consanguine relatives linked by godparenthood.
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would politely exchange greetings when they met: "Bom dia comadre, como vai a
senhora?" (Good morning comadre, how are you doing madam?).
This shows that godparenthood can serve different functions depending on whether
those involved are related by kinship or not. When they are not real kin,
godparenthood creates fictive links of kinship and thus brings people closer.
Although godparenthood between kin does not "separate" them, it nevertheless
brings an aspect of formality to their relationship.
The dropping of the previous informality in the address of individuals of the same
generation is a mark of their reaching the status of adults and independent
household owners. The formal address of ritual co-parenthood expresses the
separation of siblings from their joint life in the same household as well as the end
of free access to the households of cousins and friends.
The use of the formal address of godparenthood among close kin also indicates
how extensively the kinship idiom is used to order relationships in the rural
communities. Thus, the idiom of kinship is employed not only to order kinship
relationships in hierarchical terms (by giving emphasis to the distinctions between
senior and junior generations), but is also used to draw "horizontal separations"
between members of a same generation.
7.4.b Caboclo kinship terminology compared
As described above, caboclo terminology has a distinctive set of terms for
collaterals of the second degree. The following discussion looks at the fact that the
terms used in the caboclo terminological variation (uncle/aunt, its reciprocals
nephew/niece, and cousin), are "open" terms as they are in Eskimo terminologies in
general. However, the caboclo variation constitutes a norm rather than an
idiosyncratic variation allowed by the Eskimo terminological system itself. For this
reason, the terminology constitutes a structural feature of caboclo kinship, as it
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defines a larger kindred than the Brazilian terminology does.
According to the most accepted contemporary Portuguese dictionary in Brazil
(Ferreira 1975), the kinship terms uncle/aunt (tio[a]) refer to ego's parents' siblings.
Ferreira (1975) makes no reference to the possibility, seen in caboclo usage, of
uncle/aunt referring to the cousins of ego's parents. As in English, uncle/aunt
(tio[a]) also refer to the spouses of ego's parents' siblings and there is no
terminological distinction between the two. In this way, the terms uncle/aunt can
include affinal partners and make these affines the closest to consanguines in one's
kindred. In accordance to the relative "openness" of these terms, Maués (1977: 21)
reports that in the village of Itapuá ego refers to his/her spouse's uncles or aunts by
the same terms.107
Cousin (primo[a]) is also an open category. According to Ferreira (1975), cousin
refers basically to the offspring of ego's parents' siblings, but it is also used to refer
to "a relative without any other special designation". This lack of specificity of the
general Brazilian terminology for the collateral level leaves it open to local or even
family idiosyncrasies. Nugent (1981: 68) reports that in the Amazonian town of
Santarém, the ambiguity of the term cousin complements the flexibility of the local
kinship system in the recognition of kinship relatedness, so that "genealogical links
may be denied or acknowledged depending on a range of non-kinship variables".
The American use of cousin is also open. Goodenough (1969: 256) reports that
different individuals can reckon degrees of cousinship differently, and some confine,
as in the caboclo terminology, the term cousin to ego's generation. Although in
America, some distinguish cousins in terms of first cousin, second cousin etc, and
others add to these the expressions once removed, twice removed, etc, these
distinctions are not frequently made because, in general, relatives beyond the range 107 This feature of the terms aunt/uncle explains their large metaphorical use in Brazil. They are used to address individuals of a superior generation and sometimes status who are close but are not kin (cf. Ferreira, 1975).
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of first cousins are classified as "distant cousins" (Goodenough, 1969: 287 [footnote
11]). In this respect, Marilyn Strathern (1981: 145-6), in her analysis of kinship in the
English village of Elmdon, notes that cousin denotes "a kind of boundary relative" of
"a somewhat indeterminate zone, some nearer (e.g. "real", that is, first cousins) and
some more distant (second cousins)".
In contrast to the terminology for collaterals, the lineal kinship terminology is fixed
and unambiguous. Since the ambiguity of the collateral level is not found in the
lineal terminology, differences between the general Brazilian and the caboclo
terminologies should not be expected to occur at this level. Nevertheless, although
the kinship terms for grandparents are closely defined as MF/FF (avo) and FM/MM
(avo), the rural people sometimes use these designata to refer and address
ascending collaterals of the third generation, and this is followed by a reciprocal
terminology. However, such a variation for the lineal terminology was not observed
as frequently as was the terminological variation for second degree collaterals.108
It was also noted that caboclos use the terms for grandparents in a metaphorical
way, to address (but not to refer to) any non-kin community elder. Again, this
reflects the importance of the kinship idiom in ordering social relationships. When I
asked a woman from Nogueira what the kinship link was between her and the old
woman, whom she was telling her children to address as granny and to ask for her
blessing, she replied: "none, but they [i.e., her children] must not think that
everybody is the same". This illustrates the use of the kinship terminology to mark
the hierarchical distinction of elders.109 108 It was observed only once, in the locality of Catuirí de Cima and an informant in Tefé stated that this was a terminological rule.
109 Apparently, this form of address to elders was more common in the past than today. When I asked the oldest woman in Nogueira if, in her youth, she remembered some community residents that were more important than the others (I was wondering if there used to be a community leader), she answered: "In the old days the elders were respected. Even if they were not one's relation, one's mother would tell one to ask their blessing."
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In both the Brazilian and the caboclo terminologies, the boundaries of a kindred are
ambiguously defined. The distance from Ego to the relatives that can still be
acknowledged as "kinsman" is uncertain. This is common in other Eskimo systems.
In relation to the American kinship system, this uncertainty is characterized by
Schneider (1969: 290) as the "fuzziness" or "fading-out" feature of the system.
Although both the Brazilian and the caboclo terminologies explicitly define kin terms
up to the limits of second degree collaterals (as shown in figure 7.1), the Brazilian
terminology is relatively vaguer in that it does not distinguish between the
generations at this collateral level, and thus tends to "shrink" the size of the kindred
it specifies. The collective term primos de segundo grau (second cousins) is not
precise. The ambiguity of second degree collaterals makes them more distant than
in the caboclo terminology, where their generation distinctions are more clearly
specified.
In both terminologies, collaterals of the third degree are undefined, and probably
open to their classification as cousins, in case there is a need to claim a kinship
relationship. Usually, collaterals of the third level are most likely to be "other
people's kin", to quote an informant's statement.
To conclude this discussion, the comparison between the caboclo and the Brazilian
kinship terminologies shows that they specify the boundaries of the kindred
differently. The caboclo terminology extends the range of the clearly defined
collateral boundary, pushing the ambiguity further away. It must be noted however,
that this terminology is derivative. The rural people modify the Brazilian terminology
in order to express their own conception of kinship relatedness. The fact that the
caboclo terminology identifies a larger kindred reveals the rural people's more
extensive use of the kinship idiom to order and classify individuals and households
(as discussed below) in their communities. The importance given to collateral
relatives shows the emphasis on living kin relationships which is related to the
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characteristics of shifting agriculture and the system of land tenure explained above.
An emphasis on lineal kin would imply an interest in remembering ancestral
relationships.
7.5 THE PEOPLE'S CONCEPTION OF KINSHIP RELATEDNESS (2):
The classification of individuals and households
This section discusses the association between kinship and locality. The first part
analyzes the rural people's conception of the kinship structure of their communities.
The second part looks at the political implications of the association between kinship
and locality.
7.5.a The association between kinship and locality
The statements: "we are all kin here" or "most of us are kin" ("aqui tudo é parente"
or "a maioria aqui é parente") are frequently heard in the communities of the
middle Solimões region. The association between kinship and locality is a common
feature of rural areas throughout the world, but this association can be made
through different conceptions of kinship relatedness. In other words, while a rural
settlement may contain dense networks of kin, the range of relationships could be
traced back and emphasised by the residents, but they could equally be restricted
and eventually ignored. In the case of the English village of Elmdon, for instance,
Strathern (1981: 158-9) notes that villagers' have a "narrow definition of
relatedness". This excludes second degree cousins from the group of kin classified
as close relatives and, in some cases, it excludes first cousins as well (Strathern,
1981: 158-9).
The rural people's extensive use of the kinship terminology in the middle Solimões
allows for the inclusion of more people as kin and this certainly accounts for their
conception of the community as a large network of kin. But there are additional
means whereby this is achieved. I will refer to the particular way rural residents
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identify units of kinship when they speak of community relationships as another
feature which enhances their construction of the community as a settlement where
"all are kin".
In the communities studied, residents spoke of the kinship network of their
communities using the categories kin and non-kin either to refer to households or to
individuals. When the community as a whole was being discussed, the unit of
classification was the household. In this classification, the statement "most of us are
kin here" was usually followed by "only one (or more) household(s) is not kin" ("só
uma casa não é parente").
For a household to be classified as "a household of kin" it is only necessary for one
of its owners (of either sex) to be related to one of the main kinship networks of the
community. Thus, households with an in-married spouse not consanguineously
related to any community resident (i.e., an affine of the main kinship network) were
still acknowledged as households of kin. Granting kinship status to these
households is further evidence of the people's willingness to retain kinship linkages,
for the "adoption" of affines also means that kin are not being lost by marrying
outsiders. This can also be interpreted as a sign that affines and consanguines are
actually regarded as close relatives.
The only households that were classified as "not kin" were those formed by migrant
couples who had no consanguineous relationship to the main kinship networks (e.g.
couple [15] in Nogueira). Even when the owners of these households became
affinally related to the rest of the community when their children married locals (and
this was frequent), they were still classified as "not kin" or "not from the place".
In contrast to the system of classification of households, the classification of
individuals clearly distinguished between consanguines and affines as "kin" and
"individuals married to kin". Individuals were further distinguished on the basis of
place of birth. Although segments of a kindred which lived in separate communities
237
had their kin relatedness acknowledged, they were nevertheless differentiated on
the basis of their place of birth. Thus marriages between consanguines born in
different communities, whilst being recognized as marriages between kin, were
nevertheless distinguished from endogamous ones (e.g. couples [8] and [41] in
Nogueira). Finally, the offspring of migrant couples born in the locality were not
classified as outsiders as their parents were, but recognized as individuals "from the
place".
In short, in the combination between kinship and locality, kinship considerations
appeared dominant in the conception of the community. In the identification of the
links between households, the kinship classification brought people "in" as one of
"us" (as kinsmen), through its enlarged definition of relatedness and its inclusion of
affines. Considerations based on locality (place of birth) were dominant in the
conception of individuals, and it distinguished between consanguines. The
identification of individuals in terms of community insiders or outsiders however,
included both a conception of kinship relatedness and place of birth. Thus
individuals were classified as insiders if they were either born in the locality or could
trace a consanguineous link to one of the local families. Although not overtly stated,
the people's judgment of rights to residence and land use is informed by this system
of classification.
7.5.b The politics of kinship
The kinship order provides the most effective political order in rural communities.
Residents are ordered hierarchically and have their relationships defined mainly on
the basis of which generation they belong to. The caboclo kinship terminology
expresses the ordering of individuals by generation, and it is also used generally to
distinguish between elders and juniors in the community.
Another political function of kinship concerns the ranking of individuals and
households. As shown above, communities are characterized by three types of
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residents: members of the dominant families, individuals married into these
dominant families, and migrant families. They constitute different categories of
kinship and are classified in the community either as kin, affines or non-kin. Each
category occupies a different political position in terms of rights over and obligations
towards community resources and affairs.
The families referred to here as "dominant" are either the senior ones in an old
community (for instance, the Araújo, the Batalha and the Quirino da Silva from
Nogueira), or the families which founded the younger settlements such as the
Martins in Vila Alencar. The term "dominant" is my own. Each rural community is
recognized locally by the association between the name of the locality and the
name of what I call dominant resident families (cf. genealogical figures). The length
of residence of these families, even more than their numbers, confers on them
political power in the communities. Older families are acknowledged as the owners
of the place, even though ownership is usually not legal. Their ownership is
acknowledged simply because they "got there first". Dominant families also have
the power to extend their rights over community resources to close relatives, without
being questioned by other residents.
The political power conferred on the dominant kinship groups is context-bound,
however. The high status of dominant kin relative to the status of migrant couples
are positions which evolve over time. As the families of migrant couples increase in
numbers with the marriage of their children, their importance in the community also
rises.
For this reason, the genealogical representation of the married children of early
migrants as either endogamous or exogamous couples was, in a few cases,
arbitrary.110 The difficulty lies in the fact that the categories locals/outsiders and
110 For instance, in Vila Alencar couple 15 (now emigrated) consists of the daughter of the early migrant couple 11, married to an outsider. Because she was brought up in the village, in some contexts she was considered locally as someone "from the place", while in other instances she was
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kin/non-kin are transitional, and the classification is made from the point of view of
the dominant families. Indeed, a classification made from the perspective of early
migrants would be a different one.
Migrants usually attempt to assert themselves as locals. Both in Nogueira and Vila
Alencar, the early migrants always emphasized the fact that they had children who
were brought up locally or born in the place. These statements were intended to
indicate the local identity of the migrants' children, and were given as evidence for
the migrants' claim that they should be recognized as established residents.
Although migrants were not prevented from exploiting communal resources, as
already noted, they were never endowed with the status of locals. They were thus
excluded from the group of "owners" of the place.
Migrant couple [11] from Vila Alencar and migrant couple [50] from Nogueira
illustrate the implication of being an early migrant couple in the context of a kinship-
bounded community. In both communities they are the only households pointed out
as "non-kin".
In Vila Alencar, Mr Alfredo, the head of couple 11, arrived after the Martins had
founded the settlement. Mr Alfredo requested permission from the Martins to live
there, thus acknowledging the Martins' authority through their length of residence in
the area. However, Mr. Alfredo challenged his inferior status and used any
opportunities he had to do so. Shortly after he arrived in the village, Mr Alfredo
begun to commemorate the feast of the Holy Ghost in the name of the community.
Previously, the Martins used to celebrate annual feasts for their own patron saint,
but after a number of fights occurred during the Martins' feasts, they stopped
organising them. Mr Alfredo's decision to take over the role of celebrating the
community's patron saint reflected his intention to raise his status in the community
(..continued) discriminated as not kin. In the village, when the Martins spoke of the community's non-related household, they pointed out to couple 11 only, and never mentioned couple 15.
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(see chapter 8). A more overt expression of contesting his status occurred when old
Mr. Martins died in 1988. On that occasion, Mr Alfredo fired rockets, and it was
understood as a commemorative act. When one of the Martins' sons complained,
Mr Alfredo excused himself by saying, "they were lit by accident". Then, threatened
with having his death commemorated as well, he replied, "I will see many of you
being buried". This competition for status involved only Mr Alfredo (who nowadays
has emigrated to Tefé), and has not been continued by his children. In fact, the two
families are united by three marriages between Mr Alfredo's children and members
of the Martins family.
Nogueira's migrant couple arrived in 1970. Today, they have two children born in
Nogueira and another two married to locals. The couple moved to Nogueira
because Mr Sabá, the male head, had been invited to join his brother who had
married there. Shortly after the couple arrived, however, the brother emigrated. This
left the couple isolated, with no relatives in the area. Mr Sabá still complains about
this: "how come someone invites you to live together in a place and then leaves you
alone?" Mr Sabá has a kind and somewhat naive personality. He is locally known
as "Cacica" a pejorative Indian nickname which he accepts and, to general
amusement, with which he sometimes introduces himself. Although there is no
hostility towards him, he is nevertheless differentiated in the community on the
basis of his migrant status. This is reflected, for instance, in a statement given by a
local when commenting on the difficulty he was facing in buying an engine: "I have
not been able to buy one yet, but this man who arrived the other day [i.e., more then
10 years before] already bought his", thus implying that the status of outsider should
not be associated with success.
In these examples, the two early migrants showed different reactions to their
outsider status. In Vila Alencar, the migrant challenged his lower position. Given the
small size of Vila Alencar, there was "space" for such a challenge. Also, in this case
the migrant was a controversial character (Mr Alfredo is known as "the man with
three wives", see couple [11] in figure 7.4). In Nogueira, on the other hand, the
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network of dominant families is larger. The lack of space for challenges to their
power was combined with the low profile of Nogueira's migrant. Nevertheless, both
cases reveal that in communities dominated by kinship networks, the position of the
migrant is an unfavourable one.
In contrast to the position of migrants, individuals who enter the communities
through marriage are integrated through their affinal links. Although, as individuals,
they remain classified as outsiders, in their day-to-day lives they participate in the
local affairs of their affinal kin group. The maximization of kinship ties which, as we
have seen, is a central feature of the rural people's conception of kinship
relatedness, can be understood in relation to the political interests of dominant
families. Affines and second degree collaterals are accepted because they increase
the kin networks of the local dominant families.
This political implication is not a consequence of any physical threat to rural
communities such as invasion or robbery. It derives from the implications of rights
and obligations of mutual help and security which kin share with one another, a
point discussed in chapter 6. The small number of non-related migrants in the
communities can be seen as a result of their marginal position in these networks of
mutual help. It is in the interests of migrants to settle in communities where they
have kin. As far as local families are concerned, non-related migrants are
ostracized because they do not offer the same kind of reliance as kin do. The
isolation in the hinterlands and the powerless economic and political positions of the
rural population in Amazonian society is a major force which drives them to rely
upon kin.111
111 This again contrasts with situations where ideas of relatedness are restricted: an extensive notion of relatedness is avoided by the same token, because it implies in too many obligations (Strathern 1981:159).
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7.6 CONCLUSION
In the early fifties, Wagley (1976 [1953]: 149) pointed out that agricultural
communities in Amazonia tend to be formed by complex networks of kin, in contrast
to the settlements of the more migrant rubber collectors or to the migrant low class
inhabitants of the Amazonian urban centres. In his analysis of a rural Panamanian
community, Gudeman (1976: 188) makes a similar argument and explains the
dense kinship network as the result of low migration.
This chapter explained the density of kinship networks in the rural communities of
the middle Solimões as being the result of the developmental cycle of households
and ambilocal residence. Although the migration of couples in this region is low,
inter-marriages and emigration are frequent. Thus the density of kinship ties does
not necessarily imply that settlements are "static".
There is movement into and out of the communities, but this mainly involves
individuals, not families. Both the movement of individuals who marry in other
communities and who migrate to the towns are directed to places where they find
kin. Thus rural communities are bound by kinship not only because kin stay
together but also because they move together.
The lack of fixed property and the practice of shifting agriculture lead to the
emphasis on living relatives in caboclo kinship ideology. The people's use of this
terminology and their conception of relatedness shows that the intention is to
expand collateral relations, rather than to memorize distant lineal kin.
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CHAPTER 8
SAINTS, ENCANTADOS AND
RURAL COMMUNITIES
On caboclo religious practice and symbolic identity
8.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter resumes the discussion, presented in chapter 2, on the incongruity
between the identification of a social category of rural people as "caboclos" and the
lack of a collective identity of the people themselves. As we have seen, the term
caboclo is not used as a term of self-identification. Apart from their own self-image
as "the poor", there is no collective term of self-ascription used by the people
themselves.
This chapter discusses the religious identity of the caboclo population, asking to
what extent religion provides the rural people with a sense of a collective identity
and unity. According to Anthony Cohen (1989), social identities are often asserted
through the symbolic expression of their boundaries. The contrast between self and
others is the basis for the definition of individuals, communities and cultures (Cohen,
1985; Boon, 1982).
The majority of the caboclo population are nominally Catholic. Their Catholicism
could be broadly referred to as "popular", i.e. distinctive from the orthodox form of
Catholicism of the clergy and the more literate members of the congregation.112
112 In the literature, the definition of "popular" is problematic. Since popular religion often cuts across different social groups, it is conceptually defined on an ideological basis, that is, as referring to the contrast between informal and orthodox religious practices. See Badone, 1990 for a recent review of the problem of defining "popular" religion.
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This chapter presents evidence that their own particular brand of Catholicism
provides caboclos with a way of simultaneously marking themselves off from other
Catholics as having a distinct form of religion, and relating to these others who
share certain general features of the religion in common. That is to say, on the one
hand it shows that caboclo popular Catholicism presents a number of specific
attributes which differentiates in relative terms the religion of the rural people from
that of other social categories; but on the other hand, the contrast between caboclo
Catholicism and other forms of Catholicism practised in the region is not absolute
and thus not sufficiently strong to constitute the basis for a bounded symbolic
identity.
Evidence of the specificity of caboclo Catholicism is based on published accounts of
the caboclo belief system as well as on the ethnographic material presented here.
The data show the autonomy of caboclo ritual practice vis-a-vis the Church and the
embeddedness of the caboclo belief in a supernatural realm associated with the
Amazonian environment.
8.2 AN OUTLINE OF CABOCLO POPULAR CATHOLICISM
Caboclo Catholicism is characterized by an emphasis on the cult of saints, by a
dismissal of religious sacraments (except baptism), and by a religious practice
independent of the clergy. In these aspects, caboclo Catholicism is similar to other
forms of Catholicism practised in Brazil (cf. Brandão, 1986; Pereira de Queiroz,
1973). Alongside the religious ideas common to popular Catholicism in general
(which constitute the main devotional aspect of caboclo religion), the people believe
in the existence of a realm of supernatural entities which is associated with nature.
The most important entities of this realm are called encantados, invisible human
beings which have a magic force to enchant people. The belief in encantados
distinguishes caboclo Catholicism from other forms of popular Catholicism practised
in Brazil.
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Caboclo popular Catholicism reflects the history of colonization. As Wagley (1976
[1953]: 224) points out in his characterization of the development of the "folk"
religion in the Amazonian community of Itá (i.e., Gurupá): "In addition to [a] body of
Catholic belief, the people of Ita believe in supernatural powers and perform
magical practices of aboriginal origin. The Portuguese learned how to survive in this
new land and how to exploit the strange environment from the native peoples, but in
the process they acquired many aboriginal beliefs. These were perpetuated in the
new culture formed as native groups were detribalized and dominated by the
newcomers. Thus the world view of the Amazon mestizo and the caboclo came to
be an intricate blend of native religion and European ideology. And it is not
surprising that those aspects of native religion which dealt with the forest, the mighty
river, the fauna, the flora, and the activities of man in exploiting their environment
are today a part of the folk belief of Ita and other small Amazon communities." Thus
caboclo Catholicism is essentially the outcome of religious syncretism. However, as
Galvão (1955: 6-7) emphasizes, Amerindian and Catholic beliefs are not
differentiated by the people themselves but constitute an integrated religious
system.
8.2.a Saints and encantados
Caboclo cosmology is formed by the world of the divine, where the spiritual entities
of Catholicism reside, and by the world of the encantados which is closely
associated with the Amazonian environment (cf. Galvão, 1955; Maués, 1987). The
people constantly interact with both "other worlds" through their relationship with
saints and encantados.113
113 The relationship between humans and the supernatural entities of the realm of the encantados, and that between people and saints, are always illustrated with narratives of events which happened to known members of the community. Examples are given in the text.
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Both saints and encantados are attributed with concrete reality. Although saints are
located in heaven, under God's jurisdiction, they are thought to be present in their
terrestrial images. Statues and pictures of saints are considered to incorporate the
power of the saints (which is given by God), in themselves. Thus Maués's (1987:
160) statement that images of saints are not only metaphors (the saints' likeness)
but also have a metonymic relationship with the saints they represent. Compared to
saints, encantados have even greater reality for they are considered to be directly
associated with the environment, especially with aquatic habitats. Their material
existence is independent of any human-made representation.
Encantados are invisible human beings who belong to and are prisoners of a
supernatural realm which is not separated from nature (as is the supernatural world
of Catholicism) but closely associated with the physical environment (Maués 1987:
164 ff.). Encantados dwell in rivers, lakes and swamps, in the forest, in certain
botanic species (especially certain species of tajá, a group of plants which include
the common caladium), and are also believed to live in a submerged city.
Encantados can manifest themselves visibly either in a visible human form (when
they are called oiaras), or in the form of animals (specially as the pink Amazonian
dolphin Inia geoffroyensis).
The category of encantados coexists with three other supernatural categories:
bichos visagentos (demonic animals), visagens (ghosts, phantoms), and the
legendary creatures such as the curupira and the cobra grande.114 The curupira
is a small dark creature with inverted feet and no anus who lives deep in the forests,
and the cobra grande is a gigantic snake who lives underwater, in the deepest
parts of rivers and lakes. It is also reported to appear in the form of a ghost ship
(navio encantado). The river channels are believed to be trails left by the cobra
grande. The curupira is believed to live and guard the forests. He punishes
hunters who kill large numbers of game by making them lose their way in the forest. 114 See Luna (1986) for an account of the belief in similar legendary entities among the Peruvian Amazonian mestizos.
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These supernatural entities are not entirely distinguished from each other and are
sometimes referred to collectively as encantados. The inconsistency of the
classification of supernatural beings is reflected in the literature. Unlike Maués
(1987), who uses the term encantados to refer to the general category of
supernatural entities, Galvão (1955: 91) defines encantado as the magic force
presented by certain supernatural entities such as the pink dolphin. The
supernatural entities that possess this force can inflict it on humans, objects and
animals. Although not explicit about the subject, Galvão (1955: 109) always speaks
of the encantados, the bichos visagentos and the legendary creatures separately
and never refers to them by a collective term. As another example, while Galvão
(1955: 99) describes the curupira as a goblin-like forest creature, Maués (1987:
179) refers to the curupira as another form of manifestation of encantados
(despite mentioning its "precarious humanity").115
During my own field work, the cobra grande was not classified as an encantado.
Like the curupira, it was described as an independent entity. It was stated that the
cobra grande receives its power "directly from God". Certain animal species (such
as the howler monkey, tinamus, and deer) are considered bichos visagentos or
"demonic". However, the dolphin (the bôto), which is the animal most commonly
claimed to be a manifestation of encantados is never referred to as a bicho
visagento but only as an encantado. This means that bichos visagentos and
encantados are distinctive supernatural categories in the middle Solimões region.
This question is not a simple quibble over classification but has important
consequences for the concept of theodicy.116 Visagens were defined by some
115 This could be related to difference in field work location. Galvão did his field work in a town on the lower Amazon, whereas Maués did his at the mouth of the Amazon. An informant stated that encantados from the rivers are different from encantados of the sea (also referred to as encantados of the tide).
116 The concept of theodicy is used here as in Weber
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informants as visible incarnations of the devil, who appear to people. Mr Domingos
reported that in one occasion, when he was returning from a fiesta to his barraca at
night, he met a man on the path who stood in front of him and would not give way.
Mr Domingos attempted to hit the man, but the blows simply passed through.
During the party he had said that he felt like having a fight and would face anyone,
even the devil. He remembered to pray, and the man disappeared.
Most times, however, visagens were described as the ghosts of people who had
died in sin. Thus, in Nogueira the visagem of Carmem, a dead woman who had
allegedly murdered a new born child of hers was reported to wander the locality at
night. According to Maués (1987: 175), encantados too were once human beings,
but, ones who for no moral reason, had not "left the flesh" after death and who had
been transported to the realm of the enchanted. Thus while a visagem can be
either the devil or a punishment for human beings, the turning of humans into
encantados implies no moral responsibilities on the part of the person concerned.
Regardless of the difference in the origins and classification of these supernatural
categories, they have in common the fact that all are attributed the same basic
nature, which is conceived of as dangerous and antagonistic to humans. This is
pointed out by both Galvão (1955: 109) and Maués (1987: 170), and indeed justifies
the latter's choice of analyzing encantados as a general category of supernatural
entities.
All these beings, the encantados, bichos visagentos, visagens and the mythical
creatures are believed to present an intrinsic wickedness (malineza) towards
humans. For this reason, contact with these supernatural entities is avoided and
people respect them so as not to provoke their anger. In Nogueira and in Vila
Alencar, people's fear of these supernatural entities had a great influence on their
(..continued) (1948: 274 ff.), meaning the religious concepts and explanation for suffering, misfortune, virtue and vice, good and evil.
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behaviour. Certain swampy areas near to Nogueira are avoided, especially at night,
and a family from Vila Alencar ceased to work in a plot they had opened on a
neighbouring terra-firme land because the wife was once followed and scared by
an unidentified demonic creature peculiar to the terra-firme environment. In one
occasion, when I was helping a woman to collect wild passion fruit in an old
capoeira, she called me in panic to run back to the barraca, some 3 km away,
because she heard the cry of an anhanga, an encantado that appears in the form
of a forest fowl or a deer.
According to Maués (1987: 172 ff.), supernatural entities can cause three types of
harm: a number of specific diseases; the abduction of an individual to the realm of
the encantados; or accidents (such as turning over a boat, bringing a thunderstorm
about, or making a person lose his/her way in the forest).
These forms of injury can be held to have been caused by pure wickedness. Other
times, the injuries may be interpreted as punishments. The supernatural entities are
regarded as guardians of nature, and their evil acts sometimes constitute
punishments for excessive human predation. "Just" killing is not punished but
excessive hunting and animal cruelty are severely sanctioned, as "proved" by the
narratives of real cases of punishment. For instance, a group of men from Nogueira
were fixing a boat and decided to challenge the cobra grande by throwing a large
number of turtle shells they had caught, into the water. They said: "If there is a
cobra grande this will make her bring a thunderstorm". And so it happened that
when they were leaving the place, a strong thunderstorm caught them.
Despite the predominantly antagonistic character of these supernatural entities,
caboclo shamans (pagés) are able to "receive" (i.e., incorporate) encantados and
to use their supernatural powers to cure specific illnesses, especially those caused
by witchcraft or by other encantados. There were no pagés in either Nogueira or
Vila Alencar, but residents of both communities went to see pagés who had
migrated to Tefé. Both Galvão (1955) and Maués (1987) present thorough
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ethnographic accounts of Caboclo pagelança (shamanism).117
Although I cannot discuss the details of shamanistic practice, two points are worth
mentioning. The first is that the existence of shamans means that the antagonistic
forces of the world of the encantados are not indomitable but can be controlled by
human beings with special training. The second is that pagés are mostly men.
Although caboclos acknowledge that women can manifest the shamanistic gift,
women are rarely allowed to "develop" this gift and acquire the knowledge to control
the encantados and practice shamanistic healing. Motta Maués (1977; 1980)
presents a thorough analysis of gender relations in a caboclo community, and
argues that the rules of shamanism deny women a powerful role in the public
sphere and thus constitute another social expression of male domination. This was
observed in Nogueira. A woman who had frequent convulsions was diagnosed by a
shaman as having an illness caused by encantados. Of the two types of treatment
for such cases: a special treatment to allow the afflicted person to gain control of the
supernatural entity or a treatment to withdraw the possession, the woman's
husband ordered the latter, for he did not want her to become a shaman.
The relationship between humans and the supernatural realm of the encantados
can be summarized as follows. In the first place, the people's attitudes towards the
supernatural entities are characterized by fear, respect and avoidance. The belief in
this supernatural realm defines the relationship between humans and nature,
prescribing a conservationist attitude to living species.
Second, alongside the definition of the relationship between human beings and
nature, norms regarding gender relations are also dictated by the belief in the
supernatural world. In this respect, the belief in the malevolence of the bôto
117 The encantados which help in shamanistic healing belong to a specific category. They are all aquatic encantados, called "comrades of the depths" (companheiros do fundo) or simply caruanas (cf. Galvão, 1955: 125 ff.; Maués, 1987: 169 ff.).
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towards menstruating women (cf. Galvão, 1955; Motta Maués, 1977; Maués, 1977)
presents the same gender regulation associated with the belief in panema (bad
luck in hunting and fishing) described in chapter 5, and enforces (through fear) the
restriction of women to the domestic sphere.118
Thus, in Nogueira, when women menstruate, they rub garlic on their legs and feet
before going to the shore for fear of attracting botos. Young women are criticized
by older women because they no longer fear the bôto, and bathe in the lake
despite the fact that they are menstruating. Although there are no accounts of them
having been attacked, it is said that the father of one of the girls was approached by
a tall white man (the human representation of the bôto) who threw water on his
head.
The characteristic fear and avoidance which caboclos present towards the
encantados stands in contrast to their basic attitude towards the Catholic
supernatural entities. Whilst encantados are avoided out of fear of the misfortune
they might bring, the relationship between caboclos and their saints is based on a
propitiatory form of devotion. Saints are venerated in order to encourage their help
and protection.
The contractual nature of the relationship between people and their saints centres
on the vow.119 This form of exchange establishes long-lasting relationships
characterized by intimacy and friendship.120 Although God's supremacy is always
118 As mentioned in chapter 5, one of the causes of panema (i.e., events which can inflict bad luck in hunting and fishing) is the contact of menstruating or pregnant women with hunting and fishing instruments.
119 Encantados have one form of contract with shamans. They are said to ask for cachaça (sugar-cane rum) and cigarettes.
120 See Sanchis (1983: 267 ff.) for an analysis of the importance of the vow in Portuguese popular Catholicism. Sanchis argues that the vow expresses the particular way people construct their world view, and that vows constitute
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acknowledged, the supreme entity of Catholicism is considered too distant and is
not approached in the same way as saints are.
The benevolence of saints notwithstanding, caboclos believe that saints can inflict a
punishment if vows are not paid exactly as promised. Like the sanctions of the
encantados, the supernatural sanctions related to vows are illustrated with
narratives involving community members. A man who used to live in Nogueira
made a vow and promised to give one of his best oxen for the saint's feast. At the
time of the feast instead of the promised animal he gave an old cow. When he was
taking the cow to be slaughtered, the cow fell in a well. The man immediately
brought the promised ox and understood that the saint was punishing his attempt to
cheat on the vow.
In common with popular Catholicism in general (cf. Wilson, 1983), caboclos attribute
a special power to each saint. The nature of the circumstance which requires
supernatural help influences the choice of saint to which one makes a vow. Some
saints specialize in the cure of particular ailments, others are regarded as patrons of
certain economic occupations. Thus, St Thomas is regarded as the protector of
agriculturalists and their manioc fields; St Francis is addressed to cure ulcers and
wounds; St Sebastian is invoked to protect fields from plagues and to cure general
illnesses; St Anna is called forth to help women during labour, and so on.
Informants state that nowadays, statues of saints are difficult to acquire. Existing
ones were inherited from parents or other kin, and are shared among a kindred. In
the case of the community of Jaquirí, however, the kindred is divided into two
communities and they share the same image of St Thomas between them (they
state that they shared the "saint", not the image). For celebrations, one of the senior (..continued) the means of communication and exchange between the human world and the divine one. In the case of Portuguese vows, sacrifices are frequently offered as payments. Among caboclos of the middle Solimoes on the other hand, celebration of feasts and donations for their provision were the most common offerings to saints.
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Jaquirí residents borrows the statue from his father who lives in a nearby
community.
The "scarcity" of images of saints is also related to the fact that the statues of saints
have their own individual "reputation". Statues of saints are differentiated according
to their power to perform miracles. Two images of the same saint do not necessarily
have the same power. The familiarity of a long established, personal relationship
with a saint's image explains the importance of sharing it, as well as the difficulty of
acquiring "good" images.
According to Pereira de Queiroz (1973: 60-4), popular Catholicism is characterized
by an intense relationship between human beings and saints. Based on this
characteristic, Pereira de Queiroz concludes that the boundary dividing the human
world from the supernatural world of heaven is conceived of as vague and fluid. The
same "blurred division" between the material and the metaphysical world
characterizes the caboclo cosmology, and includes their specific conception of an
encantado world as well. Both "other worlds" are conceived of as near to and in
close contact with the human world. However, while the gap between this world and
heaven is bridged by the intimate relationship between humans and saints, the
world of the encantados is an invisible realm of this world, and thus it is even closer
to the human world. Everyone can enter into contact with it, and not only special
mediators (in this case shamans).
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8.2.b Ethic and theodicy
As a "little tradition", caboclo Catholicism is more concerned with daily affairs than
with theological and moral concepts characteristic of the "great tradition" of orthodox
Catholicism (Leach 1968). But because caboclo Catholicism provides practical
formulas to counteract worldly misfortunes, it entails a dependence on supernatural
help and hence emphasizes the powerlessness of human beings. In addition,
human nature is defined ambiguously, as intrinsically both good and evil. The
imperfection of the human condition is accepted passively, for there are no formulas
for self-betterment, and no quest for human moral achievement. It is argued that, as
a result of this theodicy, caboclo Catholicism is associated with an ethic of "social
tolerance" (Brandão, 1986) which reinforces rather than challenges the marginal
position of the caboclo population in Amazonia.
Brandão (1986: 184) describes the ethic of popular Catholicism as a community
ethic that gives emphasis to group solidarity. His conclusion is based on the
evidence that, in popular Catholicism, there is no preoccupation to distinguish
between people in terms of "elected" and sinful ones. Human nature is
acknowledged to be imperfect. Accordingly, individuals are not ostracized for the
"common sins of the flesh". This ethic of "social tolerance" is interpreted by
followers of the more ascetic religions as the indulgence and amorality of the
Catholics.121 In Amazonia, the same criticism is directed at caboclos. When
"caboclo amorality" is criticized by members of the upper urban class who are also
Catholics, the negative moral attribution is not based on religious differences
however. As mentioned in chapter 2, indulgence and amorality form part of the
characterization of the caboclo stereotype and are interpreted as stemming from the
"traces of Amerindian descent".
121 Brandão (1986: 185) contrasts the social tolerance of popular Catholicism with the manicheism of Protestantism.
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Although caboclos give little emphasis to the demarcation between sin and virtue,
envy is the aspect of human nature which they most strongly condemn. There is
great ostracism and also fear of envious people. Those who are considered envious
are accused of being witches (feiticeiros). Though I found that in general the
residents of Nogueira and Vila Alencar gossip very little, the subject of envy (such
as an account of an envious act, or of someone's reputation for being envious) was
always discussed privately. One family in Nogueira was regularly accused of being
"pissica", a caboclo term (i.e. of Tupian origin) for "envious". The male head was
accused of poisoning the cows of his cousin out of envy and it was suspected that
the wife was a witch. Those who had reasons for fearing her envy (such as a
woman who was famous for her beautiful basket-work), were suspicious of any food
she offered and stated that they would secretly throw it away fearing it might be
poisoned.122
Despite the strong social condemnation of envy, no after-death punishment awaits
those who were envious in life. Essentially, the theodicy expressed in caboclo
religious ideology resembles that of popular Catholicism in general: human nature is
considered imperfect, and combines good and evil. The concept of encantados
illustrates caboclo theodicy clearly: although to be an encantado is an undesirable
condition, it is not a state of punishment and anyone can be transformed into one or
be abducted by one.
An example from Nogueira shows the randomness of the choice of people whom
encantados afflict. A man with the reputation of being a "good worker", a quality
praised by locals, was abducted by an enchanted. As a result, he was constantly
driven to a certain spot by a stream, where he would spend hours just sitting there.
122 Maués (1987: 197 ff.) discusses the social concern for avoiding the harm of envy. The works of Taussig's (1987) on terrorism and healing in Colombia, and Kamppinen's (1989) on the conception of evil in the Peruvian Amazon document the intense social sensitivity towards envy, thus showing again the similarity between the Spanish and Brazilian Amazonian cultures.
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He latter was treated by a shaman and moved to Manaus where his son lives.
In caboclo religion, there are no sacrificial formulas to obtain access to heaven after
death and, at the same time, no prescribed model for self-betterment. Only extreme
sin is punished by the sinner becoming a visagem. Maués (1987: 197 ff.) illustrates
this ambiguous conception of human nature through a number of examples of
ailments and diseases which are considered to be the result of human evil. These
"evil inflictions" can be either intentional or involuntary.
Intentional evil is realized through witchcraft, inflicted as well as cured by shamans.
In the case of a disease diagnosed by shamans as witchcraft, the patient
recognizes potential enemies as the ones who ordered the evil act. A diagnosis of
witchcraft can be taken very seriously and can influence important life decisions.
An account of a family that moved to Nogueira in 1986 illustrates this point. The
family had a quarrel in the locality where they lived previously, regarding a piece of
land they wanted to cultivate. The land in question was part of a brazil-nut grove.
The father of the head of the family became ill shortly after he confronted the
patron-landowner of the grove. Failing to recover with modern medicine, he was
taken to a shaman who diagnosed witchcraft. The old man did not recover and died.
For his family, the "work" which killed him was ordered by the patron. They
regretted that the right diagnosis came too late, and out of fear and sorrow,
abandoned the locality and moved to Nogueira, where they have relatives (see
couple [31] in figure 7.7)
In other instances, the moral ambiguity of human beings precludes blame for it is
believed that people can unintentionally inflict harm on others. This is the case of a
disease called quebranto, which afflicts babies and toddlers. The symptoms of
quebranto are high fever, vomiting and diarrhoea. The disease is attributed to the
effect of an adult's admiration for a child, or it can be manifested simply if the child is
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"glanced" at by an adult who is hungry.123 Quebranto is cured by special prayers
(rezas) recited as magic formulas and accompanied by conventional prayers which
are considered to be "the strength of the reza".124
In conclusion, caboclo Catholic religiosity combines a belief in two supernatural
worlds that are close and constantly interacting with the human world, with a
conception of human nature as being morally ambiguous and powerless. In the
people's religious conception of the world, only saints can help to influence human
destiny. Saints have access to God, which grants them power to intervene in the
course of events.125 Indeed, people conceive of their lives as being highly
dependent upon the divine help of saints.
8.3 SAINTS' FESTIVALS
In rural communities of the middle Solimões, the most important rituals are the
celebrations of saints, or festas de santo. These rituals express devotion to a
particular saint, and are intended to seek and request the saint's divine help.
123 Since there is no equivalent ailment which children can cause to adults, the definition of quebranto also expresses a cultural conception of children which is opposite to that of adults. It implies that human evil develops with age. This fits in with the notion of newborn babies as "angels" mentioned in chapter 2.
124 There are special individuals who cure by prayer, called rezadores. They differ from shamans in that rezadores only use prayers, never receive encantados, and hence do not have the means for doing evil. Special prayers are recited for particular illnesses. In the middle Solimões, there are both men and women rezadores. However, there is an important gender discrimination which expresses unequal access to power similar to that related to shamanism. Only male rezadores can transmit the knowledge of prayers, either to men or to women. Women, on the other hand, cannot reproduce this knowledge for their healing power is lost to the person they teach.
125 Shamans are in a sense, an exception. Their power to control the enchanted world, is however, limited to counteract or to inflict harm through the encantados. They cannot influence destiny in the same way that saints can.
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This section is divided into three parts. First, the implication of the cult of saints
regarding the symbolic identity of caboclo communities is discussed. Second, a
description of the saints' festivals is presented, showing its independence from the
Church. Third, the administration of the saints' festivals is analyzed, showing that it
varies according to the kinship-based political structure of each community.
8.3.a The symbolic identity of caboclo Catholic communities
In all the communities where they are celebrated, patron saints constitute a focus of
communal devotion. In some localities, such as Vila Alencar, the image of the saint
is owned by one of the resident families, while in other communities, as in Nogueira,
the images belong to the community proper.126 The type of ownership of the image
of the saint (individual or communal) will result in different arrangements for the
administration of the festivals (see section 8.3.b). Independent of this fact, once a
community selects a saint to be its patron, this saint is made the object of a
collective cult and becomes an attribute of the community itself. New residents
arriving to this community are likely to bow to the local cult. Compared to
communities that have only one patron saint, communities that celebrate a number
of patron saints, such as Nogueira, impose their saints of devotion on newcomers
more strongly, and in this way, express their religious identity in a more assertive
way.
The symbolic identity of the Catholic communities in the middle Solimões is not
collective but fragmented. Each caboclo community has its own patron saint, and
communities are differentiated on the basis of which saint(s) they celebrate. Since
saints are "multiplied", that is, different images of a same saint are regarded as
different "saints", the religious identity of caboclo communities is further
particularized and refers to the specific images/saints to which they are devoted.
126 Since the people make little distinction between the saint and his/her image, they state that the saint is owned.
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Saints' festivals are celebrated annually and form the ritual calendar of the middle
Solimões region. "Routine" life is broken every once in a while by the festive events
which take place in one's own and neighbouring communities. Most Catholic rural
communities in the region celebrate one patron saint. For instance, the community
Anacho celebrates St Sebastian in January; Agrovila commemorates St Thomas in
April; Coadí also celebrates St Thomas, but in December; in May, Vila Alencar
celebrates the Holy Ghost (also considered a saint); the patron saint of Bacurí, St
Anthony, is celebrated in June, and so on. A small number of communities (such as
Igarapé Açú and Catuirí de Baixo), do not have a patron saint either because they
are too small or are new communities and have not yet elected a saint, or have
ceased to celebrate a saint because of fights that occurred during the feasts or
because the owner of the image of the saint moved away from the community.
Other communities celebrate more than one saint's feast. Jutica for instance,
celebrates Our Lady of Conceição in December, and in May the Holy Ghost.
Differing widely from the pattern of festivals of the communities in the middle
Solimões, Nogueira celebrates five different saints: St Thomas, St Sebastian, and,
also considered as saints, the Holy Ghost, the Trinity and Our Lady of the Rosary.
This unique tradition is related to the old age of the settlement (cf. chapter 3) as well
as to the community's large population. Each celebration presents singular
characteristics. Together, the five feasts form a ritual cycle of the community proper,
closely associated with its cycle of economic activities.
Nogueira's lesser festivities occur during the summer, in December and January, a
slack season of limited fishing and a time of waiting for the gardens to mature (cf.
chapter 6). In December, residents celebrate St Thomas, the advocate of the
agriculturalists and protector of the roças. In January, they commemorate St
Sebastian, regarded as the saint that protects fields from plagues and who cares for
general illnesses. These are small celebrations, almost exclusively attended by
Nogueira's residents. The season is characterized by a scarcity of manioc and there
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are limited funds for the celebration. The time is appropriate, however, to invoke the
special powers of those two saints.
Nogueira's two major festivals occur in May-June. One is devoted to the celebration
of their favourite "saint", the Holy Ghost, and the other to the Trinity. The dates of
these two festivals are particular in following the official liturgical calendar. The feast
for the Holy Ghost takes place on the Sunday of Pentecost, usually mid-May, and
the Trinity occurs fifteen days after, in June. By this time, the manioc fields begin to
mature, and gardens start to be harvested.
October is the month for celebrating Our Lady of the Rosary. By this time, the roças
are a year old, and their productivity is at its peak. The saint, as they refer to the
Madonna, was proclaimed the official patroness of Nogueira by the missionaries
very early in the history of the settlement (cf. chapter 3). The celebration of Our
Lady of the Rosary still bears the mark of Nogueira's rule by an ecclesiastical
administration.127 The feast is called an arraial and, resembling the structure of the
urban celebrations (described in section 8.4.b below), no mast is raised.
As we have seen, rural communities are based on dense networks of kin (cf.
chapter 7). Patron saints thus provide a symbolic reference for a community that
already has a common identity established by ties of kinship. As mentioned in
chapter 7, the political structure of the communities is based on kinship. Thus while
the cult of saints reinforces the links of consanguinity and affinity of community
members, it involves the participation of families whose relationships can be
characterized either by consensus or conflict (see section 8.3.c).
127 In 1838 some residents of Nogueira beat up the local priest, and since that date no other priest was assigned to the locality (cf. Jornal da Prelazia de Itamarati, 1977).
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8.3.b Saints' festivals in the middle Solimões
All saints' festivals follow a traditional sequence, and differ only in the duration of the
whole event. Most frequently, the festivity lasts for ten days, but sometimes the
period is shorter. The beginning and the end of the festive event is marked by the
raising and the felling of a mast for the saint, and by the celebration of two feasts:
the feast for the mast and the feast of the saint.128
Each feast is organized by a specific officer, called the judge or juiz. The judge of
the mast (juiz do mastro) is in charge of opening the festivity and raising the mast,
and the judge of the feast (juiz da festa) is in charge of the main celebration, the
saint's festa proper, which occurs the night before the mast is felled. These offices
are occupied mainly by community residents (the process of selection of officers is
described later in this section). However, on some occasions non-residents who are
devoted to the community's saint are granted permission to provide for one of the
feasts.
On the morning of the feast of the mast, a large tree trunk is cut and covered with
leaves, flowers, sugar cane, bananas, and other fruits the people consider to be
"good" to tie on the saint's mast. At noon, the judge provides a large communal
lunch for all community residents. Guests from neighbouring communities and
absentee kin who come especially for the event, also share the meal. After lunch, a
football match might be played as part of the festivity. In the late afternoon, people
gather in the community's chapel, if there is one, or in the house of the judge of the
mast to pray for the saint. After the prayers, a procession follows the judge of the
mast who, carrying the saint, heads to the place where the pole will be raised
(usually in front of his house). The procession is accompanied by music, played by 128 Both the entire 10-day festival and the two main component rituals are referred to by the same term: feast or festa. I will reserve the term feast for the two main ceremonies and festival for the whole event.
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residents or by a band especially invited for the occasion. The pole is raised by
means of ropes pulled by men.129 The moment is celebrated with noisy fireworks
which, fired occasionally since the early hours of the day, now become more
intense. The occasion is very informal, people express their happiness and joy, and,
by that hour, most of the men are already drunk. After the pole has been raised, a
special kind of manioc soup called tacacá is drunk. Music is then played inside the
judge's house, and the people begin to dance and drink until the next day.
Every night between the feast of the mast until the day of the saint's feast, small
celebrations are organized in honour of the saint. A mordomo (steward), a
volunteer community resident, organizes a session of collective prayer (novena) to
the saint in his house. The prayer is followed by coffee and biscuits made from
tapioca flour.
The feast for the saint ends the festive season at its climax. The largest number of
non-resident guests arrives for this celebration. In the late afternoon, a collective
prayer for the saint is organized. In the early evening, a communal meal is offered
by the judge of the feast. The judge also provides for drinks and the traditional
fireworks. A party follows, with music and dancing. The feast lasts until the next day,
when, in the afternoon, the pole is felled, marking the end of the festival. Each
mordomo chops at the pole with the machete, and the judge of the feast gives the
final blow.
Although the environment of saint's festivals is predominantly merry, saints' feasts
are famous for the outbreak of fights associated with the consumption of alcohol. An
invitation to a community feast, broadcast by the Rural Tefé radio station in 1984,
illustrates both the happy and the violent reputation of feasts. After the community's
messenger had given the details of the feast and announced the names of the
129 Although women may be judges of feasts, men are always responsible for matters regarding the pole. The masculine symbolism of the pole is very explicit, and people joke about the "pole" of the saint.
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communities that were invited, he stated: "... Our community asks those who have
their intrigues to leave their conflicts for another occasion because the feast is for
everyone's entertainment and not for fighting ...".
In the middle Solimões the celebration of saints is entirely independent of the clergy.
From the choice of saint, to the officers in charge of providing for the celebration,
and the guarding of the ritual paraphernalia such as the image of the saint, the
drums and in the case of the Holy Ghost, "his" flag, only members of the community
have a say. Indeed, caboclos conceive saints' festivals as a religious tradition of
their own and try to keep priests away from them (see Galvão, 1955: 83). This can
be illustrated with an account of a feast for raising the mast that took place in
Nogueira, in 1986. A priest from Tefé was in the community that day. He had come
to celebrate mass in honour of Our Lady of Fátima, and to promote her cult. The
two events, the community's feast and the priest's visit, were kept apart. The
celebration of the feast only resumed after the priest left for Tefé. Regarding the
priest's interest in the festivity, he stated that in 25 years of work in the region not
once had he attended a caboclo feast. However, the Church organizes their own
saints' festivals in the cities, called arraiais (see section 8.4.b below).
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8.3.c Social implications of saints' festivals
A recurrent academic interpretation of saints' festivals argues that festivals express
community solidarity and territorial boundaries (Pereira de Queiroz 1973;
Riegelhaupt, 1973). This is analogous to the interpretation given above, that saints
provide a symbolic identity for the community. Wilson (1983: 24) follows this line of
interpretation and says: "The saint's festival is a classical Durkheimian expression of
community". However, as Wilson himself remarks, secular competition is also
expressed through the language of the cult of saints. Thus, despite expressing
community identity, solidarity, and territorial boundaries, festivals can be
manipulated and explicitly serve political ends. This section compares the
organization of saints' festivals in two communities, Nogueira and Vila Alencar,
pointing to the fact that their festivals express the particular power relations of each
community.
In Vila Alencar, the patron saint is the Holy Ghost. The "saint" is owned by Mr
Alfredo, who is also said to "own the vow" to celebrate every year a festival in
honour of the saint. As mentioned in chapter 6, Vila Alencar was founded by the
Martins family in the 1930s. Other families joined the Martins, and, in the 1960s,
Vila Alencar was a large settlement, formed by some 30 households. Until then, the
Martins family celebrated Our Lady of Conceição, in the name of the community.
Because of the fights that occurred during the feasts, however, the family decided
not to celebrate the "saint" any longer. When Mr Alfredo arrived in Vila Alencar, he
made a vow to celebrate the Holy Ghost, and established his saint as the new
patron of the community. In the 1970s, most residents of Vila Alencar migrated to
Tefé as a result of a sequence of severe floods. The only residents that remained
were close relatives of the Martins and Mr Alfredo's family.
Although Mr Alfredo himself recently moved to Tefé, the Holy Ghost is still
celebrated in Vila Alencar. The offices for judges of the mast and of the feast are
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occupied by volunteer residents, and are related to vows they make to the saint.
However, before addressing the saint through the offer of the feast, volunteer
officers have to request permission either from Mr Alfredo, or from his son, whom
he left in charge of the saint. The ownership of the community's saint confers a
position of authority on Mr Alfredo, and constitutes the means whereby he
established himself as a senior member of the community. In terms of settlement,
however, there is a general consensus that the Martins are the senior family of Vila
Alencar.
In Nogueira, on the other hand, no one holds permanent authority over the
community's saints. As mentioned, Nogueira's saints belong to the community and
are kept in its chapel. Feast officers are chosen during community meetings a year
in advance, either on a random basis (i.e., raffled among all residents) or volunteers
can stand up and make a claim to occupy the post of feast officer. In theory, feast
offices run on a rotational basis, for eventually all residents occupy the post.
Although appointed officers have the right to decline, there is strong pressure not to.
As a resident stated: "We have to accept the office or face gossip and charges of
being lazy".
Thus while in Vila Alencar the feast is used as an idiom for status differentiation, in
Nogueira the opposite occurs. The administration of the community's feasts both
expresses and enforces equality of status. Not only are all Nogueira's residents
given equal opportunity to occupy the office, but once a resident is appointed, he
should provide for the feast like any other.
The crude empirical content of any festa is the reversal of normal household
economic orientation. Feast officials work a year in advance to provide for food and
other articles which will be consumed on the day of the feast, not only by his
household but by the community. "The garden for the saint" which feast officers of
Nogueira open specifically to provide for the feast, constitutes the only occasion
when household economic production is not directed to itself. As a sceptic stated,
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"the feast is only nominally for the saint. In fact it is for the community".
Anthropologists have often interpreted the empirical content of saints' festivals from
an economic point of view, arguing that festivals present a distributive or levelling
function (cf. Wolf, 1966; Willems, 1949). This interpretation is questionable.
According to Willems (1949), the festival of the Holy Ghost in Cunha (São Paulo)
was financed by the richer peasants of the town. Willems claims that the festival
prevented socio-economic differentiation for it redistributed individual surplus
among the community. However, if the saint's feast is regarded as a potlatch of food
(as in Bastide, 1959), the status and prestige achieved by holding an office which, in
the particular case described by Willems, is denied to the poor, merely translates
economic differentiation into a symbolic one. Instead of levelling off, the festival can
reproduce differentiation. In the case of Vila Alencar, as we have seen, the idiom of
the festival is used to produce differentiation, albeit in the form of symbolic status.
Wolf (1966:79) discusses the case of the Andean and Middle American Indians,
where religious offices connected with saint festivals circulate within the community.
The function of levelling wealth differences which Wolf claims the festival fulfils,
appears more likely to occur in his example than in the cases of festival offices
which are permanently or restrictively held. However, in Nogueira, where these
offices also circulate, it is often the case that holding a festival office results in
economic impoverishment. As we saw in chapter 6, in Nogueira, household
economic production depends on the resources provided by a previous economic
cycle. When a poor household spends a large part of its economic resources in
providing for the feast (i.e., harvesting most of its manioc garden), the household
will face hardship in initiating a new cycle. This happened to a household in 1986.
To overcome their difficulties, they sent their teenage daughter to Manaus to work
as a housemaid. Richer households on the other hand, have an economic leeway
which allows them to provision a feast without ending in bankruptcy. Thus, although
an idiom of equity characterizes the occupation of the feast office in Nogueira, this
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does not mean that, in economic terms, the circulation of the feast office necessarily
"equalizes" economic differences.
Saints' festivals are complex rituals. Paraphrasing Mauss, Maués (1987) states that
festivals constitute "total" social facts. They involve religious, social, economic and
political aspects of the community, and also of the communities relations with the
outside world. Although not all festivals share the same set of meanings, this
section pointed to some of the attributes presented by the festivals in the middle
Solimões. It was shown that saints' festivals represent a religious practice
autonomous from the Catholic Church; patron saints constitute a symbolic
reference for caboclo communities; and the administration of the festivals provide
an opportunity to express power struggles and social norms particular to each
community.
8.4 RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND THE CABOCLO SOCIAL CATEGORY
This section examines the specificity of caboclo Catholicism in relation to the other
Catholic sectors of the region: the orthodox Church and the urban congregation. It
shows that the boundaries which divide the caboclo religion from the orthodox
Church and from the urban popular congregation are not rigid. Although contact
between the rural congregation, the Church and the urban congregation is only
sporadic, their joint participation in a number of common rituals is not usually
characterized by any animosity. While these interactions constitute the main
instances for the perception and manifestation of differences, they are also
occasions for establishing links of affinity, common interests, and for the sharing of
common beliefs.
Although the vast majority of the rural population is Catholic, religious diversification,
a phenomenon occurring more intensively among the urban population, has also
reached rural Amazonia. A number of rural communities have converted either to
Protestantism or to a messianic movement particular to Western Amazonia called
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Irmandade da Cruz (Brotherhood of the Cross). Both Protestantism and the
messianic movement are essentially ascetic religions. Converts are strongly critical
of caboclo Catholicism, and claim it as an "amoral" and "indulgent" religion. Thus,
while caboclo Catholicism does not strongly divide caboclos from other social
categories, within the caboclo population, religious conversion introduces a
distinction between people in terms of their contrasting religious identities.
8.4.a Syncretism and caboclo popular Catholicism
The first anthropological accounts of caboclo religion were made by Wagley (1976
[1953]) and Galvão (1951; 1955). In their studies, both authors point to the fact that
modern caboclo religion consists of an amalgam of Iberian popular Catholicism and
Amerindian beliefs. The issue of syncretism is mentioned both to characterize the
development of caboclo religion and to point out the distinctiveness of caboclo
popular Catholicism.
Galvão (1955) compares the functions and "symbolic domains" of the two religious
sectors, showing how they differ in many aspects. Galvão gives emphasis to the
ritual manifestations of each domain: the cult of the saints and the shamanistic
practices (pajelança) associated with the beliefs in visagens and encantados.
Galvão's main argument, however, is that even though the two constitutive "parts"
serve different functions, in practice, they are not opposed but belong to the same
world view (Galvão, 1955: 6-7; 188). In the words of Galvão: "Shamanism
(pajelança) and the cult of saints are distinct and performed in different
circumstances. The saints protect the community and safeguard the people's
general well-being... However, there are phenomena which escape from the
jurisdiction or power of the saints... In these cases only the shaman ... is able to
intervene successfully. Although Catholic and Amerindian beliefs and institutions
fulfil different objectives, the two are complementary as integral parts of the same
religious system. The caboclo of the rural communities does not distinguish
between them as antagonistic forces; for him, saints and the enchanted are entities
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belonging to the same universe" (Galvão, 1955: 6-7; see also Wagley, 1976: 233).
Maués (1987) presents a new perspective on the issue of syncretism. He observes
that in Brazil, the study of syncretism tends to concentrate on the amalgamation of
exotic practices and beliefs. But because Catholicism presents the potential for
accommodating and, to a certain extent, for incorporating elements of different
creeds (of African and Amerindian origins, as well as from espiritismo - i.e., the
practice and belief in spiritualism), Maués argues that it is Catholicism itself which
must be regarded as a syncretic religion. The syncretism of Catholicism is
substantiated by the fact that although many non-orthodox beliefs are incorporated,
this never alters the basic identity of the Catholic. In the case of Catholic syncretism
in Amazonia, even the shaman (or pajé) is regarded by others and regards himself
as a "good Catholic" (Maués, 1987: 475; a point also made by Galvão, 1955: 6;
145; and Wagley, 1976: 233). It is due to this characteristic of Catholicism, Maués
claims, that Amazonian popular Catholicism incorporates shamanistic practices and
beliefs as a non-differentiated aspect of its religious ideology (Maués, 1987: 472-6).
But as Maués points out, the popular conception of Catholicism entails the conflict
between the clergy and laymen. Indeed, the central theme of Maués's work is the
study of the tense relationship between the popular and orthodox sectors of
Catholicism. Attention is given to the Church's attempts to establish ecclesiastical
hegemony in Eastern Amazonia. Presenting both a historical and a contemporary
account of the conflicting relationship between clergy and people, Maués argues
that, given its syncretic nature, this tense relationship is in fact intrinsic to
Catholicism itself (Maués, 1987: 490).
The main focus of tension however, is not the inclusion of shamanistic practices
alongside Catholic concepts but the presence in Amazonian popular Catholicism of
practices and beliefs of medieval Iberian origins, chiefly the cult of saints and the
celebration of feasts in their names. As Maués shows, it is this aspect of Amazonian
popular devotion which the Church has, for three centuries, made its strongest
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attempt to eradicate and/or control. As mentioned, the feasts for saints include the
"profane" acts of dancing, drinking and flirting, which the Church condemns.
Moreover, the saints' feasts, which constitute the most important feature of
Amazonian popular Catholicism, exclude orthodox sacraments and are independent
of the participation of priests.
However, "the syncretic potential of Catholicism" that Maués points out, is
presented at the level of "popular" practice and not at that of the Church. Thus the
effort of the clergy to dictate the parameters of "true" religious practice informs the
laymen of the syncretic, or "mixed", nature of their religious practice. In this sense,
the historical opposition of the clergy towards the followers of popular Catholicism
gives the people an awareness of the Church's distinction between religious
domains on the basis of "right" and "wrong" (or the sacred and the profane). Thus,
at the level of the opposition between people and clergy, the syncretism of popular
Catholicism is not only acknowledged by the people themselves but also fought for.
In this sense, religious syncretism constitutes the people's own religious identity.
More recently, the "progressive" line of the Brazilian Catholic Church has taken a
liberal position with respect to popular Catholicism. Instead of imposing the
orthodox view on people and negating popular forms of religiosity altogether, the
progressive line shows an interest in studying popular religion and in giving some
degree of legitimacy to aspects of it which they consider acceptable. In this attempt,
however, only the prime focus of popular Catholicism, i.e. devotion to saints,
receives attention. The "exotic" aspects of popular belief, on the other hand, are
rejected because it is considered that even the people themselves do not consider
them to be part of "their religion". This position can be illustrated by means of a brief
assessment of the position taken by the Prelacy of Tefé, which is responsible for the
whole upper Amazon region, including the middle Solimões.
The Prelacy of Tefé publishes a monthly bulletin on a variety of social and religious
topics. The bulletin is distributed to both urban and rural communities. One of the
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1977 issues discusses the theme of popular religion at length. Titled "Pastoral
Attitudes with Respect to Popular Religiosity", the bulletin presents an outline of
Amazonian popular Catholicism and discusses the Prelacy's position on the matter.
Despite the mention of the existence of "some dangers in the cult of the saints",
overall, popular religiosity is considered legitimate. The justification for accepting
popular religion is made on the grounds that its meaning and function is to establish
a relationship between the people and God. As the editor wrote: "devotion to the
saints always makes a mention of God", and the people conceive saints as "signs of
heaven, which in the popular conception is the assembly of God and his angels,
saints and blessed souls" (Burmanje, 1977; 21). Shamanistic practices, on the other
hand, are rejected as "non-religious" on the grounds that even the "people
themselves do not consider them to be religion, on the contrary, [shamanistic
practices] are seen as disloyalty", the people perform them "shamefully and hidden"
(Burmanje, 1977: 19).
Thus, in Amazonia, while the conservative Church draws a distinction between
popular Catholicism and the orthodox religious precepts, the progressive line
instructs people on the contrast between the Portuguese and the Amerindian
"parts" of the popular world view. By this I do not mean that religious teaching
produces a cleavage between the syncretic realms of the popular world view. What
is meant is that there is constant communication, via the Church, on which parts of
popular tradition should be accepted and even claimed as legitimate, and which are
definitely to be excluded as "non-religious".
Moreover, religious teaching does not usually obtain the expected results. On the
contrary, its action often leads to the reaffirmation and strengthening of popular
beliefs. Attempts to establish religious hegemony may also increase the distance
between the people and the Church. Thus, even though external opposition is
present, Amazonian popular Catholicism includes shamanistic practices and beliefs
of Amerindian origin as an integrated part of the people's world view.
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8.4.b The three Catholic religious sectors: the Church, the urban congregation and
the rural congregation
As mentioned, popular Catholicism is defined as the religious practice of the lay
people. This practice is contrasted to, as well as opposed by, that of the orthodoxy.
The specificity of caboclo popular Catholicism was shown to be related to its
"syncretic" formation. The combination of Amerindian and popular Catholic beliefs
and practices is particular to the Amazonian region. The opposition of the Church to
non-orthodox practices results in the people's conception of caboclo religiosity as
"their own religious traditions". However, the urban congregation also practices a
popular form of Catholicism. This section compares the urban and the rural Catholic
popular sectors, and discusses to what extent they constitute "different practices".
The role of the Prelacy of Tefé is also examined in more detail.
Compared to other popular Catholic congregations, social and ecological conditions
in the rural middle Solimões increases the autonomy of its rural religious sector. A
small number of priests, most of whom are based in the city of Tefé, is responsible
for a large congregation dispersed in a vast territory, living in small and scattered
settlements of difficult access. The more distant areas are only sporadically
contacted by priests. During periodic journeys to the rural communities called
desobrigas (literally "performances of obligations"), priests visit rural settlements
and only then provide the rural population with the most basic sacraments (mainly
baptisms and occasionally marriages).
While such sheer physical distance between clergy and rural congregation gives
room for an increased autonomy of the rural religious sector, it also reduces the
occurrence of conflicts and disputes between the two religious sectors. As we have
seen, in the rural area of the middle Solimões, saints' festivals are not "disputed" by
the clergy. In other regions of Brazil, and in other Catholic countries, however,
saints' festivals are a common focus of conflict between the orthodoxy and the
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popular sector (cf. Badone, 1990; Sanchis, 1983; Brandão, 1986; Riegelhaupt,
1973). In Eastern Amazonia also, where the Church has more contact with the rural
congregation, the clergy makes continuous attempts to gain control of popular
festivals (cf. Maués, 1987).
In contrast, the Tefé Prelacy is more interested in giving social support and in
promoting the formal organization of the rural communities (in association with the
MEB programme). At the level of religious indoctrination, the Church provides
courses to teach community volunteers about orthodox Catholicism, giving them the
status of catequistas. Although "confrontation" over the authority to celebrate
saints' festivals is absent in the middle Solimões, the opposition of the Church
towards the autonomous religious practice of the rural people is expressed in a
different way. As mentioned already, the Church organizes its own saints' festivals,
the arraiais in the towns, where its authority is not contested. As we shall see, the
difference between arraiais and festas is well marked and expresses the
separation between the two religious sectors. However, arraiais are well attended
by the residents of the rural communities who give great importance to honour the
patron saints of the towns. Thus, although caboclos have their own religious
traditions, the rural sector is not a totally independent religious field. During arraiais,
the visitors from the rural area bow to the authority of ecclesiastical mediation in
order to address the patron saints of the towns.
Despite the importance given to the patron saints in each rural community, the feast
for the patron saint of Tefé, St Teresa, is a major event for all the Catholic
population of the middle Solimões region. During fifteen days in October, Tefé is
literally invaded by residents of the rural communities who come to join the urban
residents in the celebration of the padroeira (patroness) of Tefé. The arraial of St
Teresa is entirely controlled by the Church. Lay members of the community also
participate in its organization, but strictly under the authority of the official
organizers. Usually the lay participants of arraiais are selected amongst the most
respected citizens, such as the town's bank manager, school teachers and among
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the wealthy traditional families of the town. In the arraial, the people from the
middle Solimões are collectively addressed by the Church, the ritual's legitimate
administrator. Thus the arraial reflects both the authority of the Church, and the
social hierarchy of the urban congregation. Rural festas, on the other hand, are
small scale community rituals administrated by the community itself.
In rural festivals, every moment and place of the ritual festivity involves play and
cheerfulness. From the raising to the felling of the pole, there is little demarcation
between "sacred" and "profane". In contrast, the "profane" part of an arraial is
clearly separated from sacred events which take place mainly inside the church.
The "profane" part of the arraial is represented by a fair, located in the town's main
square, outside the church. The raising of poles are absent from the arraiais, and
this constitutes an important symbolic assertion of ecclesiastical ruling.
For the people, saints' festivals are valued for their effervescence (animação). The
effervescence of an arraial is judged by the size of the crowd of town and rural
people who, dressed in their best clothes, walk around the stands of food, clothes,
toys and fun games on the evenings of the festivity. This commercial side of the
arraial is also controlled by the Church, aiming to raise annual funds for the parish.
Accordingly, all stands of the fair have to pay a tax to the Church.130
The most important event of an arraial is the procession led by the priest on the last
day of the festivity. Most rural people come specifically to participate in the
procession and many come because of a vow made to the saint. Children often pay
for vows made by their parents, and testify to the cure of ailments. Such children,
dressed as angels and boys with very long hair (because their parents promised not
to have them cut) are among the most conspicuous payers of vows in the
procession.
130 Most stands are owned by specialized petty traders (marreteiros) who travel the region following the main urban festivities.
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Despite their similar objectives, i.e. the celebration of popular saints, arraiais and
festas express the distinction between the urban and the rural congregations.
Because there are no resident priests in the rural area (only in Tefé and in the
second town of the region, Alvarães), the rural sector has greater autonomy than
the urban one.
There is also a difference between these two sectors in relation to the beliefs in
encantados. Many shamans have migrated to the towns and continue their healing
practice there. The encantados that they incorporate however, are from those
places they left, the underwater and the forests. The accounts of botos and
curupiras are recollections from the environment of the rural communities. For
caboclos on the other hand, these beliefs are experienced "concretely", since the
encantados, the curupira, cobra grande and bichos visagentos belong to the
same physical space as they do. Thus, caboclo popular Catholicism presents a
number of features which distinguish its religious practice from that of the Catholic
orthodoxy and the urban congregation. However, this specificity is not absolute, and
the three Catholic sectors (the Church, the rural congregation and the urban
congregations) are part of a larger, albeit heterogenous, Catholic order.
8.4.c Religious diversity
As mentioned, Wagley (1976: 224) points out that caboclo popular Catholicism
reflects the history of Portuguese colonial rule in Amazonia. On the same line,
Galvão (1951) states that alongside the demographic process of racial mixture and
the constitution of the caboclo population, a process of syncretic cultural formation
took place. However, the association between caboclo popular Catholicism and the
paradigm of the caboclo mixed-breed is no longer valid. Although the majority of the
rural communities of the middle Solimões are Catholic, there are rural communities
entirely formed by followers of two other religions: Protestants (from a number of
different denominations, collectively known as crentes or "believers") and members
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of a messianic religion called the Irmandade (Brotherhood) of José da Cruz.131 The
process of religious diversification in the middle Solimões is only referred to in
passing, for I have no basis on which to discuss this process in detail. The point
raised is that religious diversification creates an arena of contrasting religious
identities among the caboclo population.
Given the precedence of Catholicism, it is the religion from which people move out,
to convert either to one of the Protestant Churches active in the middle Solimões
region, or to the Brotherhood of José da Cruz.132 Also because of this precedence,
the identity of non-Catholics (the majority of which are ex-Catholics) is constantly
asserted by means of comparisons between Catholicism and the religion to which
they have converted, pointing to the advantages of the latter.
The model of Catholicism which is taken for comparison is the popular one, and the
main criticisms against the Catholics are their devotion to "material objects", the
"pieces of wood" (i.e., the images of saints), and their "promiscuous" celebration of
saints. Another frequent criticism is the fact that alcohol consumption is not
forbidden by the Catholic canon. Accordingly, both Protestants and Brothers of the
131 Although there are no statistics specifically for the rural area, approximately 89% of the total population of the middle Solimões are Catholics; Protestantism is the second religion, comprising almost 11% of the population of the region (IBGE, 1980). The Brotherhood of José da Cruz has a small congregation in the middle Solimões and was not specified in the 1980 census.
132 The messianic movement of José da Cruz reached the Amazon in the mid-sixties (cf. Oro, 1989). José da Cruz arrived at the Içá River in 1975, where he settled and founded the community Vila Alterosa de Jesus, the centre of the movement. Today, the Brotherhood of the Cross has a congregation of approximately 20,000, half of these are Tikuna Indians from the upper Solimões (see Oliveira Filho, 1979 for an account of the conversion of Tikuna to the messianic movement). Most followers are from the Içá River and the western Amazonian State of Acre (Oro, 1989). Tefé has a small community of followers and regional directors of the cult are based there. The rural communities Missão, Turé, and Bacurí are exclusively formed by followers of the movement.
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Cross claim that the main characteristic of their religious practice is asceticism.
Followers of both religions also put great emphasis on displaying their new religious
identity. Protestant men only wear trousers (and not shorts, as do most men in the
region), women only wear skirts, and do not have their hair cut. Members of the
Brotherhood are even more conspicuous. All of them wear necklaces with a
wooden crucifix. Women wear very long dresses, long sleeves and long hair. Men
are usually dressed in white, wearing trousers and long sleeves.
The Protestants and the Brotherhood stand however, on opposite sides regarding
their social ethic. Protestantism gives emphasis to individual salvation and self-
achievement (cf. Brandão, 1986; Martin, 1990).133 The messianic religion on the
other hand, emphasizes communal organization. The Brotherhood prescribes
community meetings twice a day both for collective prayer and for planning
collective social and economic activities.
Thus caboclos are today divided between Catholics, crentes and Brothers of the
Cross. The existence of a field of diversified religious identities in Amazonia is a
recent phenomenon. It implies that caboclos have the opportunity to move between
religions and to choose between the spectrum of theological and ethical models that
are provided. Religious conversion is, in a sense, a substitute to political contest.
Converts protest against their marginal social position by moving to religions which
provide new models for social organization and which emphasize either collective or
individual achievement. This reaction is not ignored by the Catholic Church. Their
response has also been directed to social matters, as the social projects inspired by
Liberation Theology show. Unfortunately I have no information regarding the
attitude of converts towards the supernatural beliefs related to the forest: if the
133 The Protestant community in the middle Solimões is concentrated mainly in Tefé. Despite the urban orientation of Protestantism, a number of communities, such as Bauana, Boca do Uariní de Baixo, and Barreira da Missão de Cima are exclusively formed by Protestants. Other communities such as Canariá and Jaquirí, are divided between Catholics and Protestants.
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beliefs are rejected or if their close association with the environment guarantees
their persistence in a new religious context.
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8.5 CONCLUSION
This chapter showed that the specificity of caboclo Catholic religiosity rests on its
history, its independence vis-a-vis the Church, and the emphasis it gives to the
community and to social relationships characterized by solidarity and tolerance. It
was also shown that the belief in encantados is related to the community as well,
although not in its human but in its physical aspect. Encantados belong to the
same natural habitats in which caboclos live. They are concretely associated with
the community's ecological space.
Although this chapter corroborates the argument presented in the literature on
caboclo religion that the Catholic and Amerindian beliefs which are present in the
caboclo world view are not opposed on the basis of their different origins, it also
argued that this syncretism is not ignored by caboclos. Instead, it claimed that the
syncretic features are the basis of differentiation and hence of identity formation.
Caboclo religiosity provides a basis for the construction of a caboclo identity in so
far as the syncretic nature of their religious practice is distinctive both from that of
the Church itself and from that of the urban congregation which is generally held
under greater ecclesiastic control.
However, since caboclo religion is in close contact with the Church and the urban
congregation, this specificity is not absolute but relative. The absence of a strong
boundary between caboclo and non-caboclo religiosity implies that religion does not
provide caboclos with an all inclusive criteria for identity construction. The existence
of religious diversity among caboclos adds to the weakness of the boundary dividing
caboclos from other Catholics, and thus further restricts the construction of an all
embracing religious identity for the social category caboclo.
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CHAPTER 9
CONCLUSION
9.1 INTRODUCTION
This dissertation has clarified the concept of caboclo and presented an
ethnographic account of the social organization of rural communities in an
Amazonian region. The presentation has emphasized the distinction between a
category of social classification, the caboclos, and real social groups, the
communities of the middle Solimões. This conclusion summarizes the main
arguments and ethnographic information, points to areas of research and
comments on the opportunities given by recent political changes in Amazonia to
improve the living conditions of the rural people.
9.2 MAIN ARGUMENTS AND ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA
The population often referred to as caboclos does not constitute an ethnic group nor
does it have, at present, either a distinctive political organization or a collective
identity. This contrasts with the concept of caboclos, a category of social
classification which envisages similar characteristics for a vast Amazonian
population. Because a social category and a social group are different things,134 the
term caboclo has to be understood as pertaining to the realm of ideas, as a
construction of the "other" (Ribeiro, 1970) rather than as an identity. The objective
of this assertion is not to deny the existence of a distinctive Amazonian rural
population, nor to state that a noun in an established usage is wrong. The aim is to 134 As explained in chapter 1, a social category consists of a conceptual grouping of people who share a set of established attributes. The attributes of a social category can be defined either by a sociological theory or by a cultural system of social classification. In contrast, a social group is an empirical entity, formed by real people who interact regularly in a same social setting (see Keesing, 1975: 9-10).
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rectify the use of the term in the academic literature and to understand the
complexity of its meaning in colloquial speech.
In chapter 1 it is suggested that the term caboclo used in the academic literature
must be specified as a concept distinct from the one used colloquially. In
anthropology, the caboclo is defined by objective criteria and refers to the native
Amazonian peasantry (recent migrants are not included in the category). This differs
from the colloquial concept of caboclos which is complex and includes both
objective and subjective attributes. In Brazil, the term has different meanings
according to the geographical and the social position of the speaker. The term also
has had different meanings at different periods in the history of Amazonia. The
colloquial concept of caboclos is controversial, ambiguous and includes a negative
stereotype.
Both the academic and colloquial uses of the term caboclo are long established.
Although the colloquial concept covers a wider range of people (hence its
ambiguity), both concepts recognize rural Amazonians as caboclos. This is because
the academic concept derives from the colloquial one. However, we should not
ignore that the two uses constitute different sets of ideas about a same population.
Indeed, the colloquial concept itself constitutes empirical material for academic
analysis (as in Fígoli, 1985). Moreover, if the difference is ignored, the conceptual
nature of the term might not be perceived and this can lead to the assumption that a
bounded social group bearing the identity of caboclos does in fact exist.
As shown in chapters 3 and 4, the negative connotation of the colloquial concept
derives from the history of colonization. As the term caboclo was applied to the
domesticated Amerindian, and subsequently to the mixed breed, the noun was
loaded with current ideas about the "primitive" and about race. The same ideas
guided colonial policies responsible for the establishment of a class system drawn
close to racial and ethnic lines. Only after the rubber boom was the Amazonian
class system determined more by economic rather than by purely political criteria.
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During that period the composition of the Amazonian rural population changed and
the Northeastern migrant population was incorporated in the lower rural class.
Despite this change, the noun caboclo continued to refer to the rural poor and was
associated with the same ideas about race and primitiveness.
Despite miscegenation, the Amazonian rural poor today still suffer from the stigma
of Amerindian descent. Imbued in the colloquial concept of caboclos is the idea that
the rural people are "indolent by nature" for "they carry Indian blood". Central to this
racist conception is an ideology of biological inheritance, which considers cultural as
well as biological features to be transmitted by "blood".
By the nineteenth century, racist thought influenced the social sciences, particularly
the emergent anthropological discipline. Brazilian academics closely followed
European ideas. Veríssimo's (1878) ideas about the caboclo were similar to those
held in anthropology about "the primitive", at a time when mainstream academia did
not reflect critically ethnocentric thought, but rather legitimated and justified it.
Anthropology has long been separated from unilineal evolutionary models and
ideas about racial determination of social behaviour. Wagley's (1953) and Galvão's
(1955) modern conception of caboclos is based on the post-evolutionary notion of
culture. Both define caboclos as rural people who present a particular Amazonian
culture. The acknowledgement of the distinctive meaning of the modern
anthropological concept of caboclos is similar to the continued use of the term
"primitive" in anthropology, in which case the difference in meaning (now non-
depreciative) is emphasized by the use of inverted commas.
This dissertation follows the modern anthropological definition of caboclos as the
native Amazonian peasantry. This definition combines two analytical categories of
social classification. Peasant is a general socio-economic category, used here to
refer to small family producers typical of third world economies (cf. Cancian, 1989;
Roseberry, 1989; Kahn, 1985; Friedmann, 1986). These small rural producers
constitute a production sector that originated during the mercantile expansion of the
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colonial era. Caboclo is a regionally specific category, a type of peasantry,
characterized by cultural traditions that reflect the history of colonization and are
associated with the Amazonian environment. The cultural criteria thus exclude
recent migrants from the category.
As discussed in chapter 5, the process of commoditisation, or increased market
integration, is the main cause of change affecting caboclos (and contemporary
peasants in general). Among caboclos, the effects of commoditisation on the social
relations of production modify family and community relations. Patriarchal control of
children's labour becomes less constraining with the possibility of independent
market participation. Money mediation frees inter-household forms of economic
exchange of some of the restraints of personal relationships. Commoditisation also
results in change in the use of forest resources. The substitution of crafts for
purchased utensils may result in loss of knowledge of forest products. However,
complete economic commoditisation is prevented by the absence of a fully
developed market in the middle Solimões region.
Within Amazonia, the economy of the middle Solimões has been relatively less
modified by external factors compared to the economies of Eastern and Western
Amazonia. These regions are being modified at a fast pace by the arrival of a large
number of both peasants and capitalist investors from Southern Brazil. The
expulsion of squatters from the lands they held on the basis of usufruct rights, plus
the arrival of migrants and the substitution of the merchant-extractive form of land
exploitation by capitalist enterprises (mainly cattle ranching) has resulted in violent
social conflicts.
Land conflicts are less common in the middle Solimões. The region has a smaller
proportion of rural migrants compared to Eastern and Western Amazonia.
Competition for land is further reduced by a regular movement of rural inhabitants
(mainly from várzea) to urban centres. Thus, there is little chance that, in the near
future, the economic, social and religious characteristics of rural communities of the
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middle Solimões region (as described in chapters 6, 7 and 8) will follow the same
pace of change that is taking place in Eastern and Western Amazonia.
The ethnography of the middle Solimões region shows that rural communities differ
in a number of features, such as habitat, economic specialization, seasonality of
production, land-ownership, and religion. As described in chapter 6, communities
located in várzea and terra-firme have different economic cycles. Due to the risk of
seasonal flooding and the reliance on the availability of higher ground, várzea
communities have a smaller agricultural area than communities in terra-firme.
Commercial fishing and timber extraction are the main economic activities in
várzea, whereas the production of manioc flour is predominant in terra-firme. Due
to the dependence on credit supply for extractive activities, communities located in
the várzea have less autonomy in marketing their economic production than
communities in terra-firme. Production of manioc flour is self-financed because it is
dependent on the sale of previous harvests. This releases the producer from
dependency on aviamento. According to the people's own comparison, life in
várzea is more unstable than in terra-firme, but the várzea is favoured by more
fertile soils. Despite the difference in their economic activities, all rural communities
share a similar type of economic organization. The household constitutes the main
unit of production and consumption. And the community, which usually presents a
large proportion of households linked by kinship, is an important locus of exchange
of labour and food.
As argued in chapter 7, the dense networks of kinship ties of rural communities
results from the patterns of household reproduction and migration. Kinship is
especially important in providing the basis for economic cooperation, transfer of
land between generations and unquestioned acceptance to community
membership. For this reason, individuals are willing to settle in places where they
find kin. Within rural communities, kinship is also the basis of political organization.
Rural communities are characterized by one or more dominant families and this
work gives evidence of the conflicts that may arise between competing factions of
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kin.
As described in chapter 8, saint's festivals are the main rituals in the communities
studied. Variations in the political structure between rural communities are reflected
in the organization of the festivals. Each community celebrates its own patron saint
and differ in the arrangements made for the commemorations. In some
communities, like Nogueira, the post of feast officer is circulated among residents.
In other communities, like Vila Alencar, there is a single "owner" of both the saint
and the promise to celebrate the festival. Other residents must ask permission to
the owner if they want to offer a feast. In the first case an idiom of equality is
conveyed by the fact that all residents have equal opportunity to take charge of the
feast whereas in the second case, the control over an important community event
confers authority and hence differentiates one resident from the others.
Galvão's work (1955) on caboclo religion mentions only the syncretic religious form
that combines Catholicism and Amerindian beliefs. Such limitation can no longer be
maintained. Despite the fact that Catholicism is still the dominant religion in the
middle Solimões, many rural people and entire communities have converted either
to Protestantism of different denominations or to the messianic movement of the
Brotherhood of the Cross. This shows that, at the level of religion, there is no basis
for the construction of a common identity among the people of the middle Solimões.
Rather, religious adherence differentiates the rural people into distinct identities. A
question not answered in this thesis is how those converted to new religions deal
with the beliefs in forest entities. Since these beliefs are strongly associated with the
environment, it might be the case that they are not eliminated by religious
conversion. If this is the case, there would be a common set of supernatural beliefs
that unites caboclos, although this would still not overcome the boundaries used by
the people to assert their different religious identities.
There are very few studies on Amazonian caboclos, and no other on caboclo
communities in the middle Solimões. Discussing the small number of in-depth
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studies of caboclo communities, Parker (1985: xxx) points out the need for more
comprehensive studies. As he states, this knowledge is necessary to better
understand the variation of cultural and social organization between caboclo
communities throughout Amazonia. Parker's (1985) list of studies on caboclos
includes only two major publications, those of Wagley (1953) and Galvão (1955) on
Gurupá (state of Pará); two dissertations, Miller's (1975) master's thesis on social
change also in Gurupá and Parker's own PhD thesis (1981) on cultural change in
Limoeiro do Arajú, (Pará state); and Stenberg's (1956) work on Careiro, an area
close to the city of Manaus (Amazonas state). To his list I add only Parker's 1985
volume (see chapter 2 for a review).
This thesis is thus a contribution to the knowledge of caboclo communities in the
region of the middle Solimões. Because the more detailed ethnographic information
presented in this study is based on communities that are not located in private
properties, are close to an urban centre and are Catholic, it leaves many questions
to be answered. It is hoped that this ethnography is followed by other studies on
caboclo communities in the region in order to answer such questions as: in
communities located in private properties, what is the landowner's authority over
residents? How do other religious ideologies affect (or not) the community's social
organization and economic activities? Is there a cyclical pattern of community
formation, growth and fission that is determined by demographic and/or ecological
factors? The comparison between communities located in várzea and terra-firme
could be followed by a comparison of communities located in other types of
environments such as a study of communities located in black and in white water
rivers. These are only a few examples of areas of research focusing on caboclo
communities, but attention should also be given to the activities of the merchant
sector, and of the Catholic Church and NGOs who have an active role in
community life and link the isolated settlements to the larger society.
9.3 RURAL AMAZONIANS AND CONCEPTS OF DEVELOPMENT
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Despite the ambiguity that characterizes the colloquial concept of caboclos in Brazil,
there is general agreement that rural Amazonians are poor and that Amazonia is
one of the country's most undeveloped regions. However, whereas the consensus
over the issue of poverty has been continuous, the ideas on what measures should
be taken to overcome the region's problems have shown great variation through
time. Here I briefly look at the evolution of ideas on the poverty of rural Amazonians,
based on the works of Veríssimo (written in 1878) and Wagley (in 1953), and the
evolution of concepts of development from the "integrationist" policies of the 1950s
to the present.
In their conclusion, both Veríssimo and Wagley denounce the impoverished
standard of living of Amazonian caboclos and plead for urgent political aid. Despite
this similarity, the two authors have different ideas about rural Amazonians and
about what should be done to solve the problem of poverty. Of the two, Veríssimo is
more pessimistic. Driven by ideas on race and natural selection, Veríssimo
concluded that the lives of the mixed breed had no prospect of improvement. For
Veríssimo, the only possible solution was the introduction of a stronger race to
replace, by competition, the mixed blood. Acknowledging the excessive pessimism
of his own conclusions, Veríssimo adds a post scriptum urging politicians or social
scientists to work hard to find a solution for the problem of poverty in Amazonia
(1970: 86-7).
Contrary to Veríssimo, Wagley wrote a non-critical account of the culture and social
organization of Amazonian rural folk. His dispassionate style of ethnographic
description followed from the anthropological postulate of cultural relativity.
Nevertheless, in his conclusion, Wagley points out that the acceptance of cultural
differences at face value should not prevent academics from recognizing the
deprivation of rural Amazonians.135 Indeed, his work was intended as a contribution
135 "Social anthropologists have often argued "cultural relativity". They have pointed out that progress, good and evil, success and failure, and beauty and ugliness are values relative to the particular culture in which they are found. It is difficult, they say, to judge one way of life as
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to the understanding of the Amazonian people's way of life which, as he stated, was
essential to guarantee the success of any project of social development.136
Poverty and need of social aid are still issues of debate today. Unfortunately,
Wagley's (1953) and Galvão's (1955) contributions to the knowledge of the
Amazonian rural people have been irrelevant to the development policies
implemented in Amazonia from 1950 onwards, since official policies have not given
priority to rural Amazonians. The federal government, especially under the military
regime (1964-1985), has been more concerned with economic development and
national security.
The issue of national security is a response to an alleged threat to national
sovereignty in Amazonia. This threat became known as "the international greed" (or
a cobiça internacional) for the Amazon, revealed by such plans as that of the
Hudson Institute to transform the upper course of the Amazon river into a gigantic
lake (Reis, 1960). For the military government, Amazonia was an "empty" region,
both in terms of demography (in the 1960s, less than one inhabitant per square
kilometre) and in terms of capitalist penetration. It was thought that Amazonia's
"emptiness" could easily facilitate the take over of the region by a foreign nation.
Plans to economically "integrate" the under-developed North with the more
advanced South involved the creation of regional banks, finance agencies, and the (..continued) superior or inferior to another (...) This point of view is sound when it teaches us to understand, to respect and to tolerate other ways of life. Yet when a culture, through lack of technological equipment and for reasons of social organization, fails to provide for the material needs of man beyond a mere survival level, that society and culture must be judged inferior." (Wagley, 1976: 294).
136 "If technical-assistance programs are to have any value for the people of under-developed areas, care must be taken not to simply reinforce the status quo. To avoid this danger, the planners of such programs must have a knowledge of the social system of the societies in question and of the functions and the needs of the various groups who together form the society" (Wagley, 1976: 294).
289
release of tax incentives to attract capitalist firms to invest in Amazonia. The
concern over low demographic densities led to the implementation of colonization
projects and government directed migration of Northeastern peasants to the region,
in association with the construction of the Trans-Amazon highway. In the statement
of a military president, the colonization projects were justified by the fact that they
aimed at solving two of the nation's problems: to give land to people without land
(the Northeastern peasantry) and to bring people to a land without people
(Amazonia). However, the traditional Amazonian peasantry did not figure, either in
the economic or in the colonization plans. Thus we see in the title of Barbira-
Schazzochio's 1980 book the question: "The Development of Amazonia, For
Whom?"
The government's attention and support was directed to large capitalist enterprises
(cf. Muller & Cardoso, 1977). As a result, the development policies intensified the
concentration of land (Martins 1985). The legitimation of the new latifundia was
associated with the expulsion of traditional squatters and the destruction of vast
areas of forest. The social and environmental consequences of the development
policies remain to be solved (see Hall, 1989).
Since the end of the 1980s, however, the quest for developing the Amazon
coincided with an international movement for environmental awareness. Being the
world's largest remaining rain forest, the future of Amazonia became a matter of
concern not only to conservationists, but also to the general Brazilian and
international public. Politicians in rich countries responded to the movement and
began to pressure the Brazilian government to adopt effective measures to contain
the rate of destruction. International finance agencies, such as the World Bank and
the Inter American Bank for Development were severely criticized for disregarding
the environmental consequences of the projects they financed in the third world
(see for instance, Goldsmith, 1987). These agencies responded by making the
approval of development projects dependent on the analyses of their ecological
consequences and, in Brazil, they have started to finance a large environmental
290
programme. Pressure was also exerted through the media's promotion of a
negative image of Brazil abroad.
The political implications of the ecological movement are twofold. On the one hand
it forces a positive change in the official development policies concerning Amazonia.
In 1988, one of the major causes of deforestation, the establishment of cattle
ranches, stopped receiving tax incentives from the government, and a major
conservation programme for the country was announced. But on the other hand,
some military and political factions have reacted negatively to the ecological
movement (especially the right wing UDR or Rural Democratic Union and members
of the PRN or Party for National Reconstruction), claiming that the international
campaign constitutes unacceptable interference in national affairs. Fear of a neo-
colonial conspiracy reappeared under the same rhetoric of "international greed".
At the centre of the debate is the question of development. Nationalists claim that
conservation policies dictated by first world countries are against the development
of the Amazon. They claim that the social benefits of development are more
important than idyllic concerns of radical conservationists of the developed world
and that the Amazonian people will be sacrificed by the proposals to preserve the
Amazonian environment. Such extremism aside, the challenge of Amazonia today
is how to conciliate development with conservation (cf. Bologna, 1990; Anderson,
1990). Many Brazilian politicians are conscious of the importance of this issue and
now openly debate the concept of "sustainable development", that is, economic
development with a concern for the environment in order not to compromise future
economic activities.
It is in this new political context that caboclos can find their first opportunity to speak
for themselves and be heard. Like Amerindian tribal groups, caboclos are
acknowledged as having a long experience of coping with the Amazonian
environment (Lutzemberger, 1982). Indeed, both Amerindians and caboclos
present a level of exploitation of forest resources lower than that usually pursued by
291
capitalist enterprises. Thus what was previously a negative sign of
underdevelopment, is now positively valued and can be used to gain political
support from conservationist groups, "green" politicians and financial agencies.
9.4 THE ECOLOGICAL MOVEMENT IN WESTERN AMAZONIA - EXTRACTIVE
RESERVES AND THE CREATION OF A NEW SOCIAL IDENTITY: "The People of
the Forest"
In Western Amazonia, rubber tappers have taken advantage of the ecological
movement to propose the creation of extractive reserves. These are similar to
Amerindian reserves in that the government retains the property of the land. In
addition, the State maintains the population in the reserves, allowing them to
continue their traditional extractive activities (Fearnside, 1989). Extractive reserves
are justified by ecological arguments. It is stated that reliance on extraction of non-
timber products for subsistence implies a vested interest in conservation.
The proposal of extractive reserves originated from the organized protest of rubber
tappers against the destruction of rubber forests by the new land owners who
arrived in Acre mainly in the 1970's (Allegretti, 1990; Bakx, 1988). The threat posed
by the establishment of cattle pastures for the livelihood of those who depend on
the forest lead to the organization of "empates" (stalemates), as they called their
passive resistance against the cutting down of the forest. Several rubber tappers
would stand up in front of bulldozers to defend their traditional means of
subsistence.137
The idea of extractive reserves has been criticized by both conservationists and
economists. Conservationists claim that since rubber tappers are customary
hunters it is necessary to add wildlife management. Economists on the other hand,
137 The land-owners' reaction to the rubber tappers' movement has been marked by violence. A number of union leaders have been assassinated, including Chico Mendes in 1988.
292
criticize the lower productivity of natural rubber forests in relation to rubber
plantations, stating that this leads to dependency on government subsidies. In my
view, however, the primary aim of extractive reserves is to solve an immediate
social problem. The reserves prevent the cutting down of rubber trees in order to
guarantee the maintenance of a mode of livelihood. At the same time, the
organization of cooperatives in the reserves releases rubber tappers from the
traditional debt-bondage system of aviamento which tied them to the patron-
landowner. As yet the project designers have not shown clear plans for the
conservation of the environment nor a precise strategy for the sustainable use of
the forest. This is likely to come latter, as a result of pressures from conservationists
and the interest shown by rubber tappers to work in association with scientists in
order to establish a plan for the management of the reserves.
Since 1988, a number of extractive reserves have been decreed in Acre and others
are being studied for the states of Amazonas, Amapá and Rondônia (Fearnside,
1989). This victory was possible not only because of the influence of ecological
arguments, but also because of the power gained by the rubber tappers' union, the
National Council of Rubber Tappers (or Conselho Nacional de Seringueiros).
Grass roots organization is strong in Western Amazonia and has involved not only
rubber tappers but Amerindian groups as well. The two social groups became
united by their common fight for conservation and the establishment of reserves.
This political alliance created a new social identity, named "People of the Forest"
(Povos da Floresta). This new self-ascribed social identity points to the association
between people and the Amazonian environment. Whereas Amerindian groups had
their political fight aligned with and justified by other minority ethnic groups
throughout the world, the association with the Amazonian rain forest legitimated,
mainly at the international level, the political movement of the rubber tappers.
9.5 A NEW PRACTICE OF CONSERVATION: VÁRZEA PEOPLE AND THE
FLOODED FORESTS OF THE MIDDLE SOLIMÕES
293
In 1990, the government of the Amazonas state created a 11,240 km2 reserve - the
Mamirauá Ecological Station - located at the conjunction of the rivers Solimões
(northern bank), Japurá (southern bank) and the Auatí-Paraná channel (eastern
bank). Vila Alencar and Viola are two of the 23 communities of the reserve, which
consists entirely of várzea forests.138 This is the world's largest flooded forest
reserve.
In contrast to extractive reserves, the main objective of the Mamirauá Ecological
Station is the conservation of flooded forests. However, acknowledging the fact that
there are no biological reserves in Brazil effectively protected and without people
living within their territories, the establishment of the reserve will not entail the
removal of the population presently living in the area. On the contrary, the idea is to
involve local communities in the conservation of the environment and to study
sustainable uses of the flooded forests. The reserve will be divided into three main
zones, comprising areas of permanent settlement, areas for subsistence use and
fully protected areas (Bodmer et al., 1991).
Another difference in relation to extractive reserves is the fact that the idea of
creating an Ecological Station in the middle Solimões region did not come from the
local people themselves but from researchers interested in conservation. The
reserve has not been implemented yet and the first activity to be carried out is to
establish a working relationship with the local people and to motivate them to
participate in the project. The message to be sent to the people in the reserve is
one already learned by the rubber tappers: that the first people to suffer from the
destruction of the forest are those who depend on it for subsistence.
138 The ethnographic information on várzea communities, in special on Vila Alencar and Viola, presented in this thesis was used for the elaboration of the management plan of the reserve. The information on the political, economic, kinship and religious organization of várzea communities has been passed over to other members of the Mamirauá project who are currently working on the programme for community participation and socio-economic monitoring of the reserve.
294
In relation to the várzea people of the middle Solimões, the main threat does not
come from new land owners but from fishing companies who are depleting the
people's fish resources. The local Catholic prelacy has started a movement for the
conservation of the communities' fishing areas. Many local communities are already
reserving two or more of their lakes for future use and preventing the entrance of
fishing boats. However, there is no legal basis for this movement since all flooded
areas are legally the property of the Brazilian Navy. Thus, the establishment of the
Ecological Station Mamirauá will provide a legal basis for the people's defense of
their fishing resources. It is expected that this first benefit will help in the
establishment of a good relationship between the project designers and those who
will be affected by it.
9.6 THE CABOCLO: A PROVISIONAL TERM?
To conclude this dissertation, I present a brief note on the value and permanence of
the term caboclo. Given the lack of political organization of the peasants of the
middle Solimões, the concept of the caboclo is still a useful one and should be
maintained. It provides academics with an objective term of reference for a
population which lacks its own term of self-ascription. However, it is not possible to
foresee whether the people will choose to call themselves by the term caboclo if
they come to constitute a political group. The identity of "People of the Forest" might
be adopted if the movement of the rubber tappers spreads throughout Amazonia.
But we can not use this identity yet to refer to non-politicized native Amazonian
peasants, such as the rural people of the middle Solimões. The identity of "People
of the Forest" entails active engagement in a specific political movement. It is
possible that the present political context serves as an incentive for the rural people
to organize themselves and take the initiative to fight for their own future, in which
case we will see another "Death of the Caboclo", as the title of Sigaud's paper
(1978; cf. chapter 2) referred to the substitution of the term caboclo by the identity of
"peasants" during a political movement in the Northeast. Then our own analytical
categories of social classification will cease to be necessary.
295
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APPENDIX 1
DOSSIER ON THE RESIDENT HOUSEHOLDS OF FIVE COMMUNITIES
This appendix provides a summary of the information on households presented in
the text, tables and figures. It lists the household couples (head couples and co-
habiting couples plus any co-resident single or widowed relative), which are
residents of 5 rural communities, according to stated date, and numbered as in the
genealogies. For Viola, Vila Alencar and Nogueira, population figures of most
households are included, along with the following information:
[1] The age of the head couple, husband or male head (H) and wife or female head
(W). [2] The age and kinship relatedness of resident dependants, offspring and co-
habiting relatives [e.g. son (S), daughter (D), etc.]. [3] The same information for any
offspring not residing with either parents or in the community, marked as "out:".
Married offspring who left are placed in brackets.
In some cases, the ages given by the informants themselves were contradictory,
either by comparison with the age of their offspring, or with the age they stated in a
subsequent census. In these cases a question mark is added. The occasional
incoherence is not intentional misinformation but relates to lack of precise
knowledge of their age.
For Vila Alencar and Nogueira, the dimensions of the area of manioc roças are
indicated as (m). Where the roça size refers to locals' estimation, this value is given
after (@).
For Nogueira, the kinship basis of claims made for capoeiras (c), or barracas (b),
is given after the spouse upon whom the claim was based: husband (H) or wife (W).
This is followed by the mode of the occupation of capoeiras and barracas: by
succession (s), joint holding (j), donation (d), occupation of abandoned site (o), or
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occupation of new site (n). In the case of joint holding of capoeiras or barracas, the
kinship relationship of the partner couple is given, and (*) precedes the couple's
number. The same information is given for the cases of abandoned sites (a), if the
history of one is known.
SÃO FRANCISCO: 1984 1 - Orisvaldo dos Santos Martins & Raimunda dos Santos Pinto. 2 - Francisco Soares & Maria da Conceição. 3 - Delmo Pereira & Zenaide dos Santos Martins. VIOLA: 1983 1 - Daniel Medeiros & Severina Coelho Medeiros. H40.W40:D15.D7.D6. 2 - Raimundo Cordeiro Filho & Rita Roque. H46.W32?:D21.S19.S15.D13.D11.S9.S8.S5.S2. 3 - Humberlino de Medeiros & Tereza Cordeiro. H35.W28?:S19.S18.D17.D13.D11.D9.S8.S5.S4.S2. 4 - Protassio Medeiros & Esmeralda Cordeiro. H42.W34:S20.D18.D15.S12.S10.S8.S5. 5 - João Cordeiro & Eva Alves. H28.W25:D13.D11.D8.D6.D5.D2.S1.WZ14. 5b - Raimundo Alves. WF66. 6 - Antonio Alves & Maria Olinda. H50.W45:S20.S11.D8.D7.D6. 7 - Raimundo Castilho & Izanira Alves. H45.W30?:S20.S17.S14.D11.D10.D8.S6.D5.D4.D2.S1. 8 - João Freitas & Sebastiana Alves. H40.W38:S16.S14.D11.D8.D6.D5.D2.D1. 9 - Rafael Martimiano & Osmarina Freitas. H40.W18:D3.D3.D1.S-1. 10 - Deoclecio Pereira dos Santos & Maria Amelia da Silva. H44.W54:D25.D24.S22.S15.D14.D12.S11. VIOLA: 1986 1 - Daniel Medeiros & Severina Coelho Medeiros. H40?W40?:D11.S9.out:D18? 2 - Raimundo Cordeiro Filho & Rita Roque. H54.W45:S20.D22.DS7.DS1.S19.D15.S14.S9.S6.D5.D3. S-1.out:S12. 3 - Humberlino de Medeiros & Tereza Cordeiro. H?W?:D15.DS-1.S11.S8.S7.S5.out:S23.S18.D18.D15.D13. 4 - Protassio Medeiros & Esmeralda Cordeiro. H45.W52:D23.DD2.S18.(out:D18).DS2.S11.S10.
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4b - Domingos Medeiros Cordeiro & Edineuza Cordeiro Roque. H25.W14. 5 - João Cordeiro & Eva Alves. H31.W27:D14.D12.D10.D8.D5.S3. 5b - Raimundo Alves. WF:63. 6 - Antonio Alves & Maria Olinda. H57.W45:S13.D11.D10.D9. 7 - Raimundo Castilho & Izanira Alves. H49.W35:D12.S10.D9.D7.D5.S4.D1.out:S25.D18.S17.D16.S13. 11 - José Fernando Lasmar & Neusa Protassio da Silva. H54.W53:S16.D14.S11.out:S23. 12 - Edmilson da Cruz Neves & Raimunda Coelho de Medeiros. H30.W22:S3.S1. 13 - Francisco Cleudo Cavalcante & Joséfa Medeiros. H24.W18:D5.D4.S1.S-1. 14 - João Calado de Souza & Maria Caldeira Ferreira. H38.W28:S12.D11.S10.S6.D5.D3.S1. 15 - Raimundo de Souza Calado & Francisca. H54.W?: CATUIRÍ DE CIMA: 1984 1 - Antonio Paulino de Oliveira. 2 - João Sales & Maria Alzenir de Oliveira. 3 - Silvano de Souza & Maria Gorete de Souza. 3b - João de Souza & Maria Gorete de Souza. 4 - Sebastião de Souza Bittencourt & Maria da Conceição. 5 - Eriverto Rodrigues & Ilza de Souza. 6 - Tiago Pereira de Souza & Iolanda Pereira de Souza. 7 - Adalberto de Souza & Tereza Guedes. 8 - Vital Lima da Costa & Tiodila Guedes da Costa. 9 - Raimundo de Souza Amorim & Doralica Soares. 10 - José Adelmar dos Santos & Raimunda Edileuza dos Santos. 11 - Dulcineia (ex Bras dos Santos). 12 - Jucelino Braga & Dulcineia. 13 - João Xavier Matos & Maria Dulcineia Braga. 14 - Raimundo Xavier de Matos. 15 - Francisco Amorim & Conceição Nunes Amorim. 16 - Raimundo Martins & Maria Tereza Nogueira. VILA ALENCAR: 1984 1 - Dovandino de Souza & Enedina Martins. 2 - Cristovao dos Santos & Gabriela Pinto. 3 - Marculino Martins Oliveira & Irotilde Martins dos Santos. 4 - Raimundo Martins. 5 - José Florencio Martins & Meire.
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6 - José Adelmo Martins & Consuelo. 7 - Pedro da Silva Nunes & Maria Aurea Martins. 8 - Marciano Pinto & Francisca das Chagas Martins. 9 - Aristoteles Martins & Raimunda Carvalho. 9b - Gilda Balieiro. 10 - Afonso Silva Carvalho & Benta Martins. 11 - Alfredo Carvalho & Alzira da Silva. 11b- João Carvalho & Olavita. 12 - Francisco Araújo & Jucelina Balieira. 13 - Joaquim Carvalho & Edna. 14 - Rita Balieiro. 15 - João Neto & Luiza Carvalho. VILA ALENCAR: 1986 1 - Dovandino de Souza & Enedina Martins. H52.W40:S25.S19.D17.S16.S14.D12.S9.D6.S5.out:D18 @:0.07ha 3 - Marculino Martins Oliveira & Irotilde Martins dos Santos. H86.W80:S43.S35.DS15. @:0.10ha 4 - Raimundo Martins. 59:S30.D18.DS2?S12.S10. m:0.33ha 5 - José Florencio Martins & Meire. H25.W28:S2.S1. m:0.11ha 6 - José Adelmo Martins & Consuelo. H28.W28:S8.D6.S4.D2. m:0.09ha 7 - Pedro da Silva Nunes & Maria Aurea Martins. H45.W37:S16.D14.S12.D11.S7.D5.S2.out:(D23.D21.D18). m:0.66ha 8 - Marciano Pinto & Francisca das Chagas Martins. H46.W34:D11.S9.D6.D5.S2. m:0.27ha 9 - Aristoteles Martins (& Raimunda Carvalho). 9b - Gilda Balieiro. 63:DS14.DD10.DD7. m:0.06ha 10 - Afonso Silva Carvalho & Benta Martins. H36.W35:S8.D5.S3.D2.D1.out:D17.S16.S13.S11. @:0.07ha 11 - Alfredo Carvalho & Alzira da Silva. H60.W60:S30.D18.D15.D14.S12.S10.out:D25.D20 @:0.08ha 11b- João Carvalho & Olavita. 12 - Francisco Araújo & Jucelina Balieira. H47.W43:D17.D14.S6.S2.D1.DD1.out:D15. @:0.10ha 13 - Joaquim Carvalho & Edna. H40.W?: ? (5 children) @:0.11ha 16 - Antonio Martins & Ania dos Santos Pinto. H21.W21 @:0.11ha
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VILA ALENCAR: 1988 1 - Dovandino de Souza & Enedina Martins. 4 - Raimundo Martins. 4b - Nelson Martins & Raimunda. 5 - José Florencio Martins & Meire. 6 - José Adelmo Martins & Consuelo. 7 - Pedro da Silva Nunes & Maria Aurea Martins. 8 - Marciano Pinto & Francisca das Chagas Martins. 9 - Aristoteles Martins (& Raimunda Carvalho). 9b - Gilda Balieiro. 10 - Afonso Silva Carvalho & Benta Martins. 11b- João Carvalho & Olavita. 12 - Francisco Araújo & Jucelina Balieira. 13 - Joaquim Cavalcante & Edna. 16 - Antonio Martins & Ania dos Santos Pinto. NOGUEIRA: 1986 1 - Joaquim Guedes de Araújo & Dionisia Padilha de Araújo. H48.W43:S23.S16.D15.S9.S5.out:D20. m:0.93ha c&b:H.j(HB*25) [H.s(HM)] 2 - Vicente Batalha & Joana de Pinho. H73.W44:S27.D22.S20.S15.S13.D9.D5.S3. c:H.s(1stW). 3 - Alexandrino Gomes de Araújo & Armandina da Silva Souza. H50.W50:out:WD14. m:0.95ha c:H.n. a:H.j(HB*21). 4 - José Alexandrino Maia da Cruz & Elzinda Gomes. H34.W37?:S26.out:D16.D13 m:1.02ha c:W.s(1stH) b:H&W.j(*36). 4b - Francisco Pinho & Arlete Gomes. H26.W24:D4.D3. c&b:H.j(HM*2). 5 - José Gomes de Araújo & Alice Frutuoso. H61.W59:outS21.D18. 5b - Sirilo Frutuoso. WB70. 6 - Eneias Quirino da Silva & Estela Araújo da Silva. H46.W40:S23.D8.DS7.S5.D3.out:(D21).S20.D18.D15.S13.D11. m:1.26ha c&b:W.j(WB*28). 7 - Sebastião Peres da Silva Filho & Izonildes Gomes. H25.W25:D5.D4.S2.D1. m:0.54ha c:W.o. 8 - Julino Guedes Araújo & Madalena Guedes Araújo. H54.W62:WZS17.WZS14.DS12.out:(WD39).WD36. m:0.34ha c:H.s(HM). 9 - Claudemir de Pinho & Fatima Goncalves Ramos. H25.W27:S6.D4. m:0.83ha c&b:H.j(HF*17). 10 - (Almerindo de Souza) & Avelina Fogaça. 59:D18.DS2.out:S23.S22.D20. m:0.33ha c:W.o. a:H&W.n.
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11 - José de Oliveira & Maria Nazare de Pinho. H56.W53:S28.S20.D14.D10.DS4.out:(D32).S30.D26.S22.D17. m:0.64ha c:H&W.o. a:W.d(WFB). 11b- João Farias & Raimunda de Oliveira. H35.W32. c&b:W.j(WF*11). 12 - Nagib da Silva & Emilse de Oliveira. H20.W20:S5.S3.S2. c&b:W.j(WF*11). 13 - Lazaro Pinto de Araújo & Maria Assunta Gomes de Araújo. H30.W26:D8.S4.D3.D1. c:H.d(HZ). a:H.j(HF) 13b- (Ulisses Gomes de Araújo) & Sebastiana Pinto de Oliveira. HM60? 14 - Francisco Goncalves de Salazar & Rosamildes Gomes. H27.W28:S8.S6.S3.S1. m:0.70ha c:W.j(WF*43). 15 - Sebastião Peres da Silva & Cledes Butija. H50?W50?:S11.out:(D20).D18.D12. m:0.96ha c:o. 16 - Edivilson de Pinho & Maria Neibe Rodrigues. H35.W32:S?.S?.S6. 17 - Teofilo de Pinho & Ilda de Pinho: the couple stays for short periods, only to work in Nogueira as they have moved to Tefe with their un-married children. H56.W50:D19.D15.S13. m:0.76ha c:H&W.o. a:H&W.n. 18 - Valdir de Pinho & Elza da Cruz Pinho. H28?W28?:D8.D7.S4.S2.S1. c&b:H.j(HF*17). 19 - Olandino Goncalves de Souza & Raimunda da Cunha de Souza. H45.W40:S10.D5.out:? c:H.o. 20 - Avelino de Pinho Batalha & Raimunda Fogaça. H52.W49:S12.S10.D6.out:D?D?D13.D3.(WD25.WD23.WD22). m:0.58ha c:W.s(WF). 21 - Inacio Gomes de Araújo & Maria Crisostomo de Araújo. H45.W44:D12.S9.D7.D4.out:S20.D14. m:0.56ha c:H.n. a:H.j(HB*3). 22 - Gaudencio de Oliveira & Lucila Souza de Lima. H63.W56:S19.D13.out:D26.S18. c:H.n. 22b- Jeroncio de Oliveira. HF93. 23 - Edimilson Peres da Silva & Raimunda de Oliveira. H23.W26:D1. c&b:H.j(HF*15). a:W.j(WF*22). 24 - Clovis Frutuoso de Araújo & Tereza Peres de Araújo. H31.W29:S9.S7.S5.D1. m:0.65ha c:H.s(HF). 25 - Dorival Guedes de Araújo. 48. m:1.01ha. c:j(B*1). [s(M)]. 26 - Francilino Guedes de Araújo & Rita de Oliveira. H44.W34:S14.S11.D9.S4.S1. m:1.15ha c:W.d(WMB). a:H.s(HF). 27 - Alfredo Frazao & Lucila de Araújo. H42.W41:S18.S12.D9.D4.out:(D20).S14. m:1.90ha c&b:W.j(WB*28).
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28 - João Pinto de Araújo & Antonia Silva de Oliveira. H35.W26:S7.D5.S1.out:S10.S9. m:0.89ha c&b:H.s(HF). 29 - Joaquim Quirino da Silva & Tereza Cavalcante. H44.W35:S11.S10.D8.S6.S4.D1.out:D17.S16.D13. m:1.18ha c:j(HB*44) [H.s(HM)]. 30 - José Orium Castro Frutuoso & Gestina Monteiro da Silva. H34.W31. m:0.61ha c:H.s(HF). 31 - José Crisostomo & Maria Rita. c:H.d(ZH). 31b- Claudio de Oliveira & Maria Adonai. H35W19:HD11.HD9.HS7.HS4.S2.S1. c&b:W.j(WF*31). m:0.11+0.44=0.55ha 32 - Claudio Vale & Maria Cizinha Gomes de Araújo. H38.W38:S15.D13.S10.D8.S5.S2. m:0.42ha c&b:W.s.(WF). 33 - Gustavo Goncalves & Genildes Gomes de Araújo. H30.W30:S14.S13.S2. m:0.64ha c:H.d(HFZ). [b:W.j(WF*43)]. 34 - Manuel Pinto de Araújo & Margarida de Pinho. H31.W28:S7.D5.out:S10.D9? m:1.17ha c&b:W.j(WF*17). a:H.j(HB*28). 35 - Manuel Lacerda Cardoso & Idalina Gomes Fogaça. H36.W35:S12.D11.D8.D6.S4.S2.out:D15 c:W.j(WB*38). 36 - Andrelino Bittencourt. 60? 37 - Altair Pinto de Oliveira & Ines Jarina Morais. H74.W70:S38.out:S?D? c:H.s(HF). 38 - Raimundo Gomes Fogaça & Tereza Pinto de Araújo. H50?W45?:S10.out:D20.S19.S16. m:0.67ha c:W.j(WF*37). 39 - Bernardo Batalha & Maria Eugenia de Oliveira. H45.W39:S16.S15.D13.S10.S6.S2. c:H&W.n. 39b- Arlindo de Oliveira & (Damiana Padilha da Silva). WF63. 40 - Francisco Frutuoso & Maria de Lourdes da Silva. H54.W52:DS14.D11.out:(D?.S20).S16.S13.D12. c:W.o. 41 - Francisco José Batalha & Nair Gomes. H45.W40:S22.S12.D10.D7.out:D20. m:0.53ha + @:<0.50ha c1:H.s(HF). c2:H&W.j(HFMZS&WFFBS*41b). 41b- Alvaro Guedes de Araújo. 42. c:n. 42 - José Raimundo Albino & Maria Farias. H43.W42:D19.S15.D14.S12.S11.S9.S7. 42b- Caetano da Cunha Farias. WB30.
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43 - Crisanto Gomes de Araújo & Francilina Goncalves de Souza. H65W61:S28.S18. m:0.92ha c:H&W.n. a:H.j(HFB). 43b- Raimundo Gomes & Socorro Frutuoso. H32.W20. m:0.50ha c&b:H.j(HF*43). 44 - José Quirino da Silva & Margarida Meireles. H32.W32:S4.S2.D1. m:0.64ha c&b:j(HB*29) [H.s(HM)]. 44b- Leopoldina Frutuoso. HM80. 45 - João Messias Gomes de Araújo & Luzanira Farias Araújo. H35.W27:S5.D3:out:D12.D9. m:0.30ha c:H.s(HF&M). - Occasional visits of H' parents who have a garden in Nogueira but have established residence in Tefe, where their un-married dependants stay. H68.W60:S23.D17.S12.SD9. m:0.34ha c:H&W.n. 46 - Manuel Gomes & Ivanei Fogaça de Pinho. H23.W17. m:0.60ha c&b:H.j(HF*43). NOGUEIRA: 1988 1 - Joaquim Guedes de Araújo & Dionisia Padilha de Araújo. 2 - Vicente Batalha & Joana de Pinho. 3 - Alexandrino Gomes de Araújo & Armandina da Silva Souza. 4 - José Alexandrino Maia da Cruz & Elzinda Gomes. 4b - Francisco Pinho & Arlete Gomes. 5 - José Gomes de Araújo & Alice Frutuoso. 6 - Eneias Quirino da Silva & Estela Araújo da Silva. 6b - Gilmar da Silva & Janice Fogaça. 7 - Sebastião Peres da Silva Filho & Izonildes Gomes. 8 - Julino Guedes Araújo & Madalena Guedes Araújo. 9 - Claudemir de Pinho & Fatima Goncalves Ramos. 10 - (Almerindo de Souza) & Avelina Fogaça. 11 - José de Oliveira & Maria Nazare de Pinho. 11b- João Farias & Raimunda de Oliveira. 12 - Nagib da Silva & Emilse de Oliveira. 13 - Lazaro Pinto de Araújo & Maria Assunta Gomes de Araújo. 13b- (Ulisses Gomes de Araújo) & Sebastiana Pinto de Oliveira. 14 - Francisco Goncalves de Salazar & Rosamildes Gomes. 15 - Sebastião Peres da Silva & Cledes Butija. 16 - Edivilson de Pinho & Maria Neibe Rodrigues. 18 - Valdir de Pinho & Elza da Cruz Pinho. 19 - Olandino Goncalves de Souza & Raimunda da Cunha de Souza. 19b- Caetano da Cunha Farias. 20 - Avelino de Pinho Batalha & Raimunda Fogaça. 21 - Inacio Gomes de Araújo & Maria Crisostoma de Araújo. 22 - Gaudencio de Oliveira & Lucila Souza de Lima.
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22b- Jeroncio de Oliveira. 23 - Edimilson Peres da Silva & Raimunda de Oliveira. 24 - Clovis Frutuoso de Araújo & Tereza Peres de Araújo. 25 - Dorival Guedes de Araújo. 26 - Francilino Guedes de Araújo & Rita de Oliveira. 27 - Alfredo Frazao & Lucila de Araújo. 28 - João Pinto de Araújo & Antonia Silva de Oliveira. 29 - Joaquim Quirino da Silva & Tereza Cavalcante. 30 - José Orium Castro Frutuoso & Gestina Monteiro da Silva. 30b- Sirilo Frutuoso. 31 - José Crisostomo & Maria Rita. 31b- Claudio de Oliveira & Maria Adonai. 32 - Claudio Vale & Maria Cizinha Gomes de Araújo. 33 - Gustavo Goncalves & Genildes Gomes de Araújo. 34 - Manuel Pinto de Araújo & Margarida de Pinho. 35 - Manuel Lacerda Cardoso & Idalina Gomes Fogaça. 36 - Andrelino. 37 - Altair Pinto de Oliveira & Ines Jarina Morais. 38 - Raimundo Gomes Fogaça & Tereza Pinto de Araújo. 39 - Bernardo Batalha & Maria Eugenia de Oliveira. 39b- Arlindo de Oliveira & (Damiana Padilha da Silva). 40 - Francisco Frutuoso & Maria de Lourdes da Silva. 41 - Francisco José Batalha & Nair Gomes. 41b- Alvaro Guedes de Araújo. 41c- Janio Guedes & Isabel Batalha. 42 - José Raimundo Albino & Maria Farias. 43 - Crisanto Gomes de Araújo & Francilina Goncalves de Souza. 43b- Raimundo Gomes & Socorro Frutuoso. 44 - José Quirino da Silva & Margarida Meireles. 45 - João Messias Gomes de Araújo & Luzanira Farias Araújo. 46 - Manuel Gomes & Ivanei Fogaça de Pinho.
