The Sexual Assault of Undergraduate Women at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs

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Journal of Interpersonal

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DOI: 10.1177/0886260511403759 2011 26: 3640 originally published online 20 May 2011J Interpers Violence

Chimi Boyd and Yolanda BoganChristopher P. Krebs, Kelle Barrick, Christine H. Lindquist, Carmen M. Crosby,

Colleges and Universities (HBCUs)The Sexual Assault of Undergraduate Women at Historically Black

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Journal of Interpersonal Violence26(18) 3640 –3666

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DOI: 10.1177/0886260511403759http://jiv.sagepub.com

1RTI International, Research Triangle Park, NC2University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill3North Carolina Central University Women’s Center, Durham4Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University, Tallahassee

Corresponding Author:Christopher P. Krebs, RTI International, 3040 Cornwallis Road, Research Triangle Park, NC 27709-2194 Email: [email protected]

The Sexual Assault of Undergraduate Women at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs)

Christopher P. Krebs,PhD,1 Kelle Barrick, PhD,1 Christine H. Lindquist, PhD,1 Carmen M. Crosby, MSW,2 Chimi Boyd, MA,3 and Yolanda Bogan, PhD4

Abstract

Although research has shown that undergraduate women are at high risk for experiencing sexual assault, little research has been conducted with undergraduate women who are attending a historically Black college or university (HBCU). The purpose of this research is to document the preva-lence of different types of sexual assault among undergraduate women at HBCUs and make comparisons to data collected from undergraduate women at non-HBCUs. Data on sexual assault victimization were collected from 3,951 undergraduate women at HBCUs using a cross-sectional, web-based survey. These data are compared to data collected from 5,446 undergraduate women at non-HBCUs using the same research methods. Findings indicate that approximately 9.7% of undergraduate women at HBCUs report experiencing a completed sexual assault since entering college. This rate is considerably

Article



Krebs et al. 3641

lower than the comparable rate obtained from undergraduate women at non-HBCUs (13.7%). This difference seems to be associated with differences in alcohol-use frequency. Perhaps undergraduate women at HBCUs drink alcohol much less frequently and are thus less likely to be sexually assaulted when they are incapacitated and unable to provide consent. Alcohol use frequency, while controlling for other factors, seems to have an independent associa-tion with the likelihood of an undergraduate woman being sexually assaulted. Implications for the creation and delivery of sexual assault risk reduction and prevention policies and programs are discussed.

Keywords

sexual assault, rape, historically Black college or university, HBCU, African American

Introduction

Existing data and research suggest that college women are sexually assaulted at an alarming rate (Abbey, 2002; Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Mohler-Kuo, Dowdall, Koss, & Wechsler, 2004; White & Smith, 2004). Researchers have found that between one fifth and one quarter of college women are sexually assaulted during the course of their college careers (Fisher et al., 2000; Koss et al., 1987; Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher, & Martin, 2009a, 2009b). These data, however, come from studies of undergraduate women at traditionally White institutions. The extent to which African American women attending non–historically Black colleges and universities (non-HBCUs) are similar to those who attend HBCUs is largely unknown. No prior published studies of which we are aware have explored sexual assault on HBCU campuses, which is a notable omission given there are more than 100 HBCUs with more than 200,000 students and that nearly one fifth of African American baccalaureates graduated from a HBCU (Provasnik & Shafer, 2004). In addition, a significant body of theoretical lit-erature suggests that African American women have a historically unique cul-tural experience with sexual assault in the context of their experiences with racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia (Crenshaw, 1991; Davis, 1981; Donovan & Williams, 2002; Hine, 1989; Hooks, 1981; Murphy, Hunt, Zajicek, Norris, & Hamilton, 2008; Sommerville, 2004; West, 2006). Furthermore, previous studies of campus sexual assault have yielded limited information on differences in victimization rates by race or ethnicity, in part because of the small number of racial and/or ethnic minorities represented in these samples. Extending findings



3642 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 26(18)

generated from students on traditionally White college campuses to HBCUs is thus not appropriate or possible.

The prevalence of sexual assault at HBCUs is unknown. However, a limited body of research suggests that African American female university students experience sexual assault at lower rates than their White counterparts (Gross, Winslett, Roberts, & Gohm, 2006; Koss et al., 1987; Mohler-Kuo et al., 2004). In a recent review of the literature, we found only three studies that attempted to examine racial and/or ethnic differences in sexual assault among university students. In Koss and colleagues’ (1987) National College Women Survey, Native American college women reported the highest incidence of rape, and White women had higher rates than African American, Hispanic, and Asian women. However, differences in sexual assault rates (including rape) by race and/or ethnicity may differ depending on the type of the assault being con-sidered. For example, the Harvard College Alcohol Study found that White undergraduate women were more likely to report experiencing rape when intoxicated than women of other races1 (Mohler-Kuo et al., 2004). Yet in the same study, White women were less likely to report experiencing other forms of rape (which included physically forced rape and threats of force) than women of other races (Mohler-Kuo et al., 2004). Unfortunately, prevalence data specific to African American women was not reported. In contrast, a study conducted at a single southeastern university, Gross et al. (2006) found significantly higher rates of emotionally coerced and physically forced sexual intercourse for African American women compared with White women.

There is growing evidence of links between victims’ substance use and sexual assault (Abbey, 2002; Fisher et al., 2000; Greene & Navarro, 1998; Mohler-Kuo et al., 2004; Testa, Livingston, Vanzile-Tamsen, & Frone, 2003; Ullman, Karabatsos, & Koss, 1999). Some research on college women has simultaneously examined the prevalence of physically forced sexual assault and the prevalence of incapacitated sexual assault. Several studies that have examined these two types of sexual assault used data from the nationally administered 2005 Core Alcohol and Drug Survey (CADS), which showed that of the 3% of students who experienced unwanted sexual intercourse during the current academic year, 82% reported they were under the influence of alcohol or other drugs when they were victimized. Of the 5% of students who experienced forced sexual touching, 73% reported being under the influ-ence of alcohol or other drugs when they were victimized (Dowdall, 2007). The College Alcohol Study (CAS) found that from 1997 to 2001, approxi-mately 3.4% of college women reported having been raped since the begin-ning of the school year when they were “so intoxicated that you were unable to consent” (p. 39). A somewhat smaller percentage, approximately 1.9%,



Krebs et al. 3643

reported experiencing physically forced rape. Even fewer women (0.4%) reported they were raped while being threatened with force (Mohler-Kuo et al., 2004). In addition, Gross and colleagues (2006) found that White students were significantly more likely to have used alcohol at the time they experienced sexual victimization than their African American counterparts.

In the National College Women Sexual Victimization (NCWSV) Study, women who frequently drank enough to get drunk were found to be at greater risk of sexual victimization than those who did not (Fisher et al., 2000). Mohler-Kuo et al. (2004) found that heavy episodic drinking was the strongest predictor of both rape when intoxicated and other forms of rape (physically forced rape and rape due to threats of force); high school heavy episodic drinking patterns were also significantly associated with the risk of rape while in college. Similarly, Greene and Navarro (1998) showed that heavy alcohol use predicted later sexual assault over the course of an academic year among college women. Interestingly, the severity of the outcome also appears to be affected by alcohol and/or drug use by the victim and perpetrator. In the National College Women’s Study, victims who reported getting drunk more often also reported more severe sexual victimization than victims who got drunk less often (Ullman et al., 1999). Studies examining incapacitated sexual assault have found that early age of onset of drinking and frequency of alcohol consumption are associated with greater risk of incapacitated sexual assault and penetration (Testa, Livingston, & Leonard, 2003; Tyler, Hoyt, & Whitbeck, 1998).

It appears that drinking alcohol may be a risk factor for sexual assault victimization, and research involving college students has indicated that certain populations drink more frequently and in larger quantities than others. Research has indicated that heavy alcohol use is more common among White than non-White college students (Caetano, Clark, & Tam, 1998; Wechsler, Davenport, Dowdall, Moeykens, & Castillo, 1994; Wechsler, Lee, Kuo, & Lee, 2000). In the CADS national survey of college students, African Americans were found to have lower rates of past 30 day alcohol use (52.3%) and heavy episodic drinking (23.3%) than any other racial or ethnic group on campus and Whites reported some of the highest rates (75.3% and 50.2%, respec-tively; Higher Education Center for Alcohol and Other Drug Abuse and Violence Prevention, 2007). Using data from CADS, Meilman, Presley, and Cashin (1995) matched 14 predominately White colleges and universities with 14 sampled HBCUs to examine the drinking behavior of Black and White students within both types of institutions. Students at Black institu-tions reported consuming significantly fewer drinks per week than students at non-Black institutions (1.8 vs. 4.6 drinks per week) and also reported




significantly lower rates of binge drinking (22.3% vs. 37.5% of students). Although the consumption patterns of Black students were the same at tra-ditional and Black institutions, White students at HBCUs reported drinking fewer alcoholic beverages per week (2.6 drinks) than White students at tradi-tional institutions (4.9 drinks).

To our knowledge, no study has estimated the prevalence of sexual assault victimization among HBCU women. The Historically Black College and University Campus Sexual Assault (HBCU-CSA) Study collected data using an anonymous web-based survey that was sent to all undergraduate women enrolled at four HBCUs. The HBCU-CSA builds on past research in an effort to estimate and understand the prevalence of different types of sexual assault experienced by HBCU women and how their experiences compare with those of women at non-HBCUs. Collecting data on a sensitive subject like sexual assault always presents challenges but the privacy and protection provided by a self-administered, anonymous web-based survey likely helped overcome or offset respondent concerns about the psychological dimensions that can affect a respondent’s willingness to answer a sensitive question accurately and honestly (Dillman, 2007; Tourangeau, Rips, & Rasinski, 2000).

Notable aspects of the HBCU-CSA methodology are that it examined both attempted and completed rape and sexual battery, with attention paid to whether the assault occurred via means of physical force/threatened force or incapacitation of the victim. Furthermore, the HBCU-CSA Study gathered data on sexual assaults that happened before and since entering college. This article presents data on the prevalence of different types of completed sexual assault experienced by undergraduate women at HBCUs. In addition, compari-sons are made to data collected from undergraduate women at non-HBCUs using the same methodology, and efforts are made to identify factors that explain the differences found between HBCU and non-HBCU women.

MethodRecruitment of the Study Sample

Undergraduate women from four HBCUs participated in this study, which was reviewed and approved by each HBCU’s institutional review board (IRB) and RTI International’s IRB (will be named after peer-review). The HBCUs were selected purposively and registrars at each provided sampling frames with demographic information on all undergraduate women enrolled for the 2008 fall semester. A total of 15,891 undergraduate women were included across the four HBCU sampling frames. Initially, random samples of women were



Krebs et al. 3645

drawn from each sampling frame and invited to participate in the study, but when it became clear that response rates were going to be much lower than anticipated, all undergraduate women at the four HBCUs were eventually invited to participate in the study.

Undergraduate women at the four HBCUs were sent an initial recruitment email that described the study and were provided with a unique study identi-fication number and a hyperlink to the study website. Importantly, however, because the survey was anonymous, women did not enter their identification number on the study website. The identification number was only used to receive the incentive for study participation (a gift code for an online retailer worth US$20), which was provided after the women entered the study identification number with a computer-generated survey completion code supplied after the last survey question was answered. Approximately 2 weeks after the initial emailing, women who had not completed the survey, the only evidence of which was whether they had received a gift code for the online retailer, were sent their first follow-up email encouraging them to participate. Women could have received a total of six follow-up emails over a data-collection period that lasted approximately 10 weeks.

The overall response rate for survey completion for the undergraduate women at the four HBCUs was 24.9%. A nonresponse bias analysis was con-ducted and respondents and nonrespondents were compared on dimensions of race, age, and year of study, generally, as well as within each of the four HBCUs. Observable differences between respondents and nonrespondents on these dimensions were negligible. A statistic known as Cohen’s effect size was used to assess the magnitude of any observed differences. Cohen (1992) indicates an effect size of 0.2 to 0.3 is “small” in magnitude, suggesting that differences with an effect of 0.3 or less reflect a small amount of potential bias. Across all comparisons, three comparisons approached this level: distribution of respondents across HBCUs (0.25; i.e., the response rate was higher at some HBCUs than others), the distribution of year of study across respondents from one of the HBCUs (0.29; i.e., the response rate was higher among freshmen at one of the HBCUs), and the distribution of age across respondents from one of the HBCUs (0.30; i.e., the response rate was higher among younger students at one of the HBCUs). All other effect sizes were considerably lower. Although none of the effect sizes were above the 0.30 threshold, to reduce nonresponse bias and to increase sample representativeness, weights adjusting for nonresponse were developed using a generalized exponential model (Folsom & Singh, 2000). Weights were added for university, year of study, age, and race/ethnicity, which reduced all of the observed Cohen’s effect sizes to 0. The research methods used in the present study were also used to collect




data on sexual assault from 5,446 undergraduate women at two non-HBCUs in 2005 and 2006. A response rate of 42% was achieved at the non-HBCUs, and comparisons are made in this article between the HBCU and non-HBCU women (Krebs et al., 2009a, 2009b).

AssessmentThe web-based survey administered to undergraduate women at the four HBCUs was cross-sectional in nature and collected a wide range of informa-tion, including data on demographics (race/ethnicity, age, year of study, etc.), school involvement, substance use, mental health, dating and consensual sexual activity, and intimate partner violence. Behaviorally specific questions were used to elicit data on many aspects of respondents’ experiences with sexual assault prior to and since entering college. The sexual assault experiences portion of the survey was prefaced with the following information:

This section of the interview asks about nonconsensual or unwanted sex-ual contact you may have experienced. When you are asked about whether something happened since you began college, please think about what has happened since you entered any college or university. The person with whom you had the unwanted sexual contact could have been a stranger or someone you know, such as a family member or some-one you were dating or going out with.

These questions ask about five types of unwanted sexual contact:

• Forced touching of a sexual nature (forced kissing, touching of private parts, grabbing, fondling, rubbing up against you in a sexual way, even if it is over your clothes)

• Oral sex (someone’s mouth or tongue making contact with your genitals or your mouth or tongue making contact with someone else’s genitals)

• Sexual intercourse (someone’s penis being put in your vagina) • Anal sex (someone’s penis being put in your anus) • Sexual penetration with a finger or object (someone putting their

finger or an object like a bottle or a candle in your vagina or anus).

Respondents were then asked about two general types of sexual assault: (a) physically forced sexual assault and (b) sexual assault when they were incapacitated and unable to provide consent. Each type was described with introductory text. For example,



Krebs et al. 3647

The questions below ask about unwanted sexual contact that involved force or threats of force against you. Force could include someone holding you down with his or her body weight, pinning your arms, hitting or kicking you, or using or threatening to use a weapon against you.

Respondents were then asked, “Since you entered college, has anyone had sexual contact with you by using physical force or threatening to physically harm you?” To capture instances in which physically forced sexual assault was attempted but not completed, women were also asked, “Has anyone attempted but not succeeded in having sexual contact with you by using or threatening to use physical force against you?” The same two questions were asked about victimizations occurring before entering college.

The following text prefaced questions about sexual assault when the victim was incapacitated and unable to provide consent:

The next set of questions asks about your experiences with unwanted sexual contact while you were unable to provide consent or stop what was happening because you were passed out, drugged, drunk, incapaci-tated, or asleep. These situations might include times that you volun-tarily consumed alcohol or drugs and times that you were given drugs without your knowledge or consent.

Respondents were then asked,

Since you entered college, has someone had sexual contact with you when you were unable to provide consent or stop what was happening because you were passed out, drugged, drunk, incapacitated, or asleep? This question asks about incidents that you are certain had happened.

Women were also asked about sexual assaults they suspected had happened while they were incapacitated. These two questions were also asked about incapacitated sexual assaults occurring before entering college. As a primary focus of this article was completed sexual assaults, women classified as vic-tims of suspected drug-facilitated sexual assault were those who experienced a completed assault (an incident they were certain had happened) but were uncertain whether they had been given a drug without their consent prior to the assault.

Separate survey modules then asked contextual questions about each type of sexual assault and responses were used to further classify sexual assault types and victims. Women were asked, in regard to any of their physically




forced or incapacitated sexual assault victimizations, which of the following happened: forced touching of a sexual nature, oral sex, sexual intercourse, anal sex, or sexual penetration with a finger or object. Respondents were allowed to check all behaviors that applied. Women were classified as victims of rape if they selected any one of the following: oral sex, sexual intercourse, anal sex, or sexual penetration with a finger/object. Those who selected forced touching but no other behavior were coded as victims of sexual battery.

To further an understanding of incapacitated sexual assault, the type of incapacitation was used to classify victims of incapacitated sexual assaults. Women who experienced sexual assault when they were incapacitated and unable to provide consent were asked the following: (a) “Just prior to the incident/any of the incidents, had you been drinking alcohol? (yes, no)” and (b) “Just prior to the incident/any of the incidents, had you been given a drug without your knowledge or consent? (yes, no, don’t know).” Based on their responses, we classified the victims into four mutually exclusive categories: (a) victims of drug-facilitated sexual assault (DFSA)—victims who were sexually assaulted when they were incapacitated after they had been given a drug without their knowledge; (b) victims of suspected drug-facilitated sex-ual assault (SDFSA)—victims who were sexually assaulted while incapaci-tated but were uncertain whether they had been given a drug without their knowledge; (c) victims of alcohol and/or other drug-enabled sexual assault (AOD)—victims who were sexually assaulted when they were incapacitated after voluntarily consuming drugs or alcohol; and (d) victims who were sexu-ally assaulted when they were otherwise incapacitated—victims who were asleep or unconscious when they were assaulted but who were not incapaci-tated due to voluntary or involuntary drug or alcohol consumption.

AnalysesSexual assault prevalence estimates derived from the HBCU and non-HBCU samples were compared. The samples were then restricted to include Black women at HBCUs and non-HBCUS in an attempt to determine whether the observed differences may be solely attributable to demographic differences between the two samples. The statistical significance of differences was assessed using bivariate logistic regression models. Data on other factors that potentially explain observed differences are also presented.

Finally, multivariate logistic regression models were run with various sexual assault outcomes. For these models, we subset to only “traditional” students, which reduced the HBCU-CSA sample size from 3,951 to 3,364. This was done because we wanted to be able to compare the experiences of



Krebs et al. 3649

HBCU undergraduate women to those of non-HBCU undergraduate women who were included in a previous study that used the same data-collection meth-odology and the previous study collected data from only traditional students. We define traditional students as those who were enrolled at least half time and who were 18 to 25 years old.

The logistic regression models identify factors associated with sexual assault that, while controlling for other factors, might explain any observed sexual assault prevalence rate differences between the HBCU and non-HBCU women. Three sexual assault outcomes (i.e., any sexual assault, physically forced sexual assault, and incapacitated sexual assault) were regressed on a set of independent variables, including whether the woman attends an HBCU, whether the woman is Black, the woman’s alcohol use frequency, the woman’s age, whether the woman was a victim of forced sexual assault before college, and whether the woman was a victim of incapacitated sexual assault before college. The independent variables were added in stages in an effort to isolate the association between certain variables and various sexual assault outcomes.

ParticipantsDescriptive data on the sample of undergraduate women at the four HBCUs are presented in Table 1. A large majority of the women were Black (87.2%), 2.2% were White, 0.9% were Hispanic, and 9.7% were multiracial or of another race. A slight majority of the sample was 18 to 20 years of age (51.6%), but almost 7% of the sample was 30 or older. Approximately 95% of the women indicated they were heterosexual, with 89.9% indicating they were sexually attracted to men only. There were larger percentages of seniors (28.3%) and juniors (24.6%) than freshmen (23.2%) and sophomores (20.8%) in the sample. Descriptive data on the non-HBCU sample can be found in other publications (Krebs et al., 2009a, 2009b).

ResultsPrevalence Estimates of Sexual Assault Before and Since Entering College

Of the 3,951 undergraduate women at the four HBCUs, 24% reported having experienced an attempted or completed sexual assault either before or since entering college. Figure 1 presents the estimates for the various types of sexual assault experienced by the undergraduate women at the four HBCUs. Nearly 15% of the women experienced attempted or completed sexual assault




before entering college (box 1). A smaller percentage experienced attempted sexual assault before college (8.3%, box 2) than completed sexual assault before college (10.5%, box 3), and a higher percentage of women experienced

Table 1. Descriptive Data on Historically Black Colleges and Universities–College Sexual Assault Sample of Undergraduate Women, Weighted Percentages, and Raw Frequencies

All Respondents

Characteristic % n

Age 18 15.18 668 19 20.01 840 20 16.43 690 21 16.08 632 22-24 18.60 631 25-29 6.83 237 30-39 4.23 154 40+ 2.63 99Race (categorical) White 2.20 97 Black 87.19 3,415 Hispanic 0.90 33 Other 2.34 92 Multiracial 7.37 309Sexual attraction Women only 2.48 100 Men only 89.93 3,529 Both men and women 7.59 305College class Freshman 23.16 985 Sophomore 20.76 860 Junior 24.62 985 Senior 28.34 1,008 Other 3.12 103Forced sexual assault before college No 91.32 3,610 Yes 8.68 336Incapacitated sexual assault before college No 96.59 3,804 Yes 3.41 140

Note: N = 3,951.



Krebs et al. 3651

15) AOD-Enabled

SA(n =166,

4.0%)

16) Drug-Facilitated

SA (n = 9,0.3%)

17) Other Incapacitated

SA (n = 40,1.1%)

10) Sexual battery only

(n = 35,0.9%)

13) Sexual battery only

(n = 23,0.6%)

12) Incapacitated SA

(n=250,6.2%)

8) Completed SA

(n = 383,9.6%)

3) Completed SA

(n = 416,10.5%)

2) Attempted SA

(n = 323,8.3%)

1) Attempted or completed sexual

assault before entering college

(n = 589,14.9%)

Undergraduate Women

Respondents (n = 3,951%)

6) Attempted or completed sexual

assault after entering college

(n = 557,14.2%)

7) Attempted SA

(n = 300,7.8%)

5) Incapacitated SA

(n = 140,3.4%)

9) Physically forced SA

(n = 188,4.8%)

4) Physically forced SA (n = 336,

8.7%)

14) Rape(n = 184,4.5%)

11) Rape(n = 151,3.8%)

Figure 1. The prevalence of different types of sexual assault before and since entering college (unweighted frequencies, weighted percentages)

completed physically forced assault (8.7%, box 4) than incapacitated sexual assault (3.4%, box 5) before entering college.

Approximately 14% of the women reported experiencing completed or attempted sexual assault since entering college (box 6), a slightly smaller percentage than those experiencing such incidents before entering college (box 1). Since entering college, slightly more women experienced completed sexual assault (9.6%, box 8) than attempted sexual assault (7.8%, box 7). Nearly 5% of the total sample was forcibly sexually assaulted since college entry (4.8%, box 9). Approximately 6% of the women experienced incapacitated




sexual assault since entering college (box 12), with AOD-enabled being the most common type of incapacitated sexual assault.

Comparisons of Sexual Assault Prevalence Estimates Between HBCU and Non-HBCU WomenTable 2 presents some key prevalence estimates for different measures of com-pleted sexual assault for the samples of HBCU and non-HBCU women, including any type of sexual assault, physically forced sexual assault, and incapacitated sexual assault—both prior to and since entering college. Column 1 presents estimates from the full sample of “traditional” under-graduate HBCU women, whereas column 2 presents estimates from the full sample of “traditional” undergraduate non-HBCU women. Bivariate logistic regression was used to determine whether being an undergraduate woman at an HBCU, compared with being an undergraduate woman at a non-HBCU, was associated with lower (or higher) odds of experiencing each type of sex-ual assault. Statistically significant differences between prevalence estimates from columns 1 and 2 at the .05 level are indicated with asterisks (*).

As shown in the table, being an undergraduate women at an HBCU is associated with significantly lower odds of experiencing any sexual assault since entering college (OR = 0.68). This result seems to be driven entirely by the fact that HBCU women had a lower odds of experiencing incapacitated sexual assault since entering college (OR = 0.54). In contrast, HBCU women had higher odds of experiencing physically forced sexual assault prior to enter-ing college (OR = 1.38) than their non-HBCU counterparts. HBCU women were less likely to experience incapacitated sexual assault prior to entering college than their non-HBCU counterparts, however (OR = 0.45).

A variety of factors are likely relevant when considering why the prevalence of sexual assault since entering college is lower among non-HBCU women. First, it might be that rates are simply lower at HBCUs because their student populations are demographically different from those enrolled in non-HBCUs, particularly with respect to the racial/ethnic composition. The non-HBCU sample is 66.9% White, 16.2% Black, 3% Hispanic, and 14% multiracial or of another race, whereas the HBCU sample is 2.2% White, 87.2% Black, 0.9%, Hispanic, and 9.7% multiracial or of another race. To test the role of demographic differences, the samples of “traditional” undergraduate women at HBCUs and non-HBCUs were further restricted to only Black women, resulting in 3,224 and 1,018 undergraduate women, respectively. Table 3 presents the same key prevalence figures presented in Table 2 as well as the same figures for the subsamples of Black women. The statistical significance of the differences



Krebs et al. 3653

Table 2. Prevalence of Various Types of Sexual Assault for Undergraduate Women at HBCUs and Non-HBCUs

HBCU Women Non-HBCU Women

Type of Sexual Assault n = 3,364 n = 4,994

Before entering college Any sexual assault 10.1% 11.3% Physically forced sexual assault 8.3%* 6.4%* Incapacitated sexual assault 3.2%* 7.0%*Since entering college Any sexual assault 9.7%* 13.7%* Physically forced sexual assault 4.7% 4.7% Incapacitated sexual assault 6.4%* 11.1%*

Note: HBCUs = Historically Black Colleges and Universities.*p < .05.

Table 3. Prevalence of Various Types of Sexual Assault for Undergraduate Women at HBCUs and Non-HBCUs

HBCU Women

Non-HBCU Women

Black HBCU Women

Black Non-HBCU

Women

Type of Sexual Assault n = 3,364 n = 4,994 n = 3,224 n = 1,018

Before entering college Any sexual assault 10.1% 11.3% 10.0% 9.6% Physically forced sexual assault

8.3%* 6.4%* 8.3% 7.0%

Incapacitated sexual assault

3.2%* 7.0%* 3.0% 3.9%

Since entering college Any sexual assault 9.7%* 13.7%* 9.6% 9.5% Physically forced sexual assault

4.7% 4.7% 4.7% 4.5%

Incapacitated sexual assault

6.4%* 11.1%* 6.3% 4.4%

Note: HBCUs = Historically Black Colleges and Universities.*p < .05.

between the prevalence estimates for Black HBCU and Black non-HBCU women (columns 3 and 4) were assessed using bivariate logistics regression models, and cells with asterisks (*) indicate statistically significant differences




at the .05 level. Once the samples are restricted to Black women, the differ-ences between sexual assault prevalence rates at HBCUs and non-HBCUs disappear and are no longer statistically significant.

The finding that Black women who attend non-HBCUs experience sexual assault at rates similar to Black women who attend HBCUs suggests that factors associated with race/ethnicity, rather than something unique to the HBCU environment, are responsible for the lower rates of sexual assault found among HBCU women. In further examining factors that could explain the lower prev-alence of sexual assault observed among Black women, the role of alcohol use was then explored among the HBCU and non-HBCU samples. Bivariate logistic regression was used to determine whether being an undergraduate woman at an HBCU, compared with being an undergraduate woman at a non-HBCU, was associated with lower (or higher) odds of engaging in each alcohol frequency category. Figure 2 presents the alcohol use frequency data for HBCU and non-HBCU women as well as for Black HBCU and Black non-HBCU women. Non-HBCU women reported drinking much more frequently than their HBCU counterparts such that HBCU women were significantly more likely to report drinking never, less than once per month, or one to two times per month, and significantly less likely to report drinking one to two times per week or daily. For the most part, the alcohol use frequency rate difference between HBCU and non-HBCU women essentially disappears when the data are subset to Black women, suggesting that the lower rates of alcohol consumption among HBCU women were actually due to the lower alcohol consumption among Black women generally. Black HBCU women were, however, less likely to report never drinking and more likely to report drinking one to two times per week than non-HBCU Black women.

Multivariate Logistic Regression Model ResultsTo further test the associations between sexual assault prevalence, HBCU attendance, and race, three multivariate logistic regression models were run. Independent variables were entered in stages in an effort to isolate the impact of variables and assess how the impact changes as the model controls for additional factors. Several outcomes, including any sexual assault, forced sexual assault, and incapacitated sexual assault since entering college, were regressed, in stages, on several factors: whether the woman attends an HBCU (Stage 1), whether the woman is Black (Stage 2), alcohol use frequency (Stage 3), and a set of control variables including the woman’s age, whether the woman was a victim of forced sexual assault before college, and whether the woman was a victim of incapacitated sexual assault before college (Stage 4). The race measure (Black) uses “White” as the reference category. Alcohol use



Krebs et al. 3655

19.2

%

19.0

%24

.8%

34.4

%

33.0

%15

.5%

14.1

%

15.6

%

1.0%

24.2

%

2.6%

34.6

%

0.9%

27.2

%29.9

%26

.1%29

.8%

35.4

%

11.2

%

1.1%

0.0%

5.0%

10.0%

15.0%

20.0%

25.0%

30.0%

35.0%

40.0%

Daily or almost daily

Frequency of Drinking Alcohol Since Entering College

% o

f Wom

en

HBCU Women Non-HBCU Women Black HBCU Women Black Non-HBCU Women

Never Less than once per month

Once or twice per month

Once or twice per week

Figure 2. Frequency of alcohol use since entering college

frequency was dummy coded with “never” as the reference category, so the extent to which each level of alcohol use frequency is associated with the odds of experiencing each sexual assault outcome is assessed. Age is used as a con-tinuous variable. Statistically significant variables signify factors that are associated with the likelihood of experiencing each type of sexual assault since entering college.

Table 4 presents results from the staged model of experiencing any sexual assault. In Stage 1, HBCU women were shown to be significantly less likely to experience any sexual assault. Race was added in Stage 2, with the results indicating that being Black, rather than attending an HBCU, was associated with a lower likelihood of experiencing any sexual assault. In Stage 3, alcohol use frequency was added, with the positive and statistically significant odds ratios indicating that the more frequently a woman drinks, the more likely she is to experience any sexual assault. HBCU and race, however, were no longer statistically significant in the Stage 3 model. These results indicate that alcohol-use frequency is the variable that is most strongly associated with one’s odds of experiencing any sexual assault. In fact, the alcohol-use frequency measure seemingly explains away or overrides the association between the risk of experi-encing sexual assault and HBCU attendance, and the risk of experiencing sexual assault and race, identified in Stages 1 and 2 of the model, respectively.



3656

Tabl

e 4.

Sta

ged

Logi

stic

Reg

ress

ion

Mod

els

for

Expe

rien

cing

Any

Sex

ual A

ssau

lt, C

ompa

red

With

No

Vic

timiz

atio

n, A

mon

g U

nder

grad

uate

Wom

en a

t H

BCU

s an

d N

on-H

BCU

s

Stag

e 1

(N =

8,7

12)

Stag

e 2

(N =

8,7

12)

Stag

e 3

(N =

8,7

04)

Stag

e 4

(N =

8,7

00)

Inde

pend

ent V

aria

bles

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

Inte

rcep

t-1

.85

0.04

-1.7

90.

05-3

.26

0.20

-3.8

10.

22

HBC

U (

non-

HBC

U is

re

fere

nce)

-0.3

80.

080.

68**

*-0

.07

0.15

0.93

-0.0

20.

160.

98-0

.08

0.17

0.92

Rac

e (W

hite

is r

efer

ence

)

Blac

k-0

.39

0.15

0.68

**-0

.17

0.17

0.84

-0.0

90.

170.

91A

lcoh

ol u

se (

neve

r is

ref

eren

ce)

Le

ss t

han

once

a m

onth

0.93

0.22

2.54

***

0.81

0.22

2.26

***

O

nce

or t

wic

e a

mon

th1.

440.

214.

22**

*1.

270.

213.

55**

*

Onc

e or

tw

ice

a w

eek

1.88

0.21

6.56

***

1.67

0.22

5.31

***

D

ail y

2.66

0.29

14.3

3***

2.44

0.29

11.5

2***

Age

0.12

0.03

1.13

***

Sexu

al v

ictim

izat

ion

befo

re c

olle

ge

Forc

ed s

exua

l ass

ault

0.79

0.15

2.20

***

In

capa

cita

ted

sexu

al a

ssau

lt1.

270.

153.

55**

*Ps

eudo

R-s

quar

eda

.009

.012

.094

.155

Not

e: H

BCU

s =

His

tori

cally

Bla

ck C

olle

ges

and

Uni

vers

ities

.a.

Nag

elke

rke

Pseu

do R

-squ

ared

rep

rese

nts

the

stre

ngth

of a

ssoc

iatio

n be

twee

n in

depe

nden

t an

d de

pend

ent

vari

able

s an

d sh

ould

not

be

inte

rpre

t-ed

as

a m

easu

re o

f mod

el fi

t or

the

pro

port

ion

of v

aria

nce

expl

aine

d.*p

< .0

5. *

*p <

.01.

***

p <

.001

, tw

o-ta

iled.



Krebs et al. 3657

All controls added in Stage 4 are statistically significant and are associated with an increased likelihood of experiencing any sexual assault. The finding related to age is expected because the older a woman is, the more time she has to have experienced victimization during her college career. As has been found in previous research, experiencing sexual assault before coming to col-lege is associated with an increase in the likelihood of experiencing sexual assault during college. It is worth noting that the association between alcohol-use frequency and sexual assault remains significant.

The results presented in Table 5 and Table 6 for physically forced sexual assault and incapacitated sexual assault, respectively, tell a similar story. The association between alcohol-use frequency and the likelihood of experiencing each sexual assault outcome remains significant in the final Stage 4 models, with alcohol-use frequency appearing to account for a large proportion of the variation in the dependent variable, especially in the “any sexual assault” and “incapacitated sexual assault” models. Having previously experienced sexual assault is also strongly associated with experiencing sexual assault during college. In fact, the specific type of sexual assault experienced before college seems to be associated with the specific type of sexual assault experienced during college. Those who experienced forced sexual assault before college are more likely to experience forced sexual assault than incapacitated sexual assault, and vice versa. This pattern of women’s vulnerability to specific types of sexual assault—which was previously reported in the study of non-HBCU women (Krebs, Lindquist, Warner, Fisher, & Martin, 2009)—suggests that experiencing a particular type of sexual assault early in life may set in motion a trajectory of vulnerability for that specific type of sexual assault later in life.

A number of the odds ratios describing associations between the frequency of using alcohol and experiencing sexual assault are very large. For example, using alcohol daily, as opposed to never using alcohol, is associated with a 43.7-fold increase in the odds of experiencing incapacitated sexual assault. Some caution should perhaps be exercised in interpreting the magnitude of some of the particularly large odds ratios because odds ratios overestimate the size of a relative risk under certain circumstances (Davies, Crombie, & Tavaloki, 1998). However, despite the fact that the large numbers may be overestimates, they are the byproducts of the very strong relationships between the alcohol-use frequency measures and the sexual assault outcomes and should not be dismissed.

DiscussionTo our knowledge, this is the first study to produce estimates of the preva-lence of sexual assault among undergraduate women at HBCUs. Generating



3658

Tabl

e 5.

Sta

ged

Logi

stic

Reg

ress

ion

Mod

els

for

Expe

rien

cing

Phy

sica

lly F

orce

d Se

xual

Ass

ault,

Com

pare

d W

ith N

o V

ictim

izat

ion,

A

mon

g U

nder

grad

uate

Wom

en a

t H

BCU

s an

d N

on-H

BCU

s

Stag

e 1

(N =

8,7

19)

Stag

e 2

(N =

8,7

19)

Stag

e 3

(N =

8,7

11)

Stag

e 4

(N=

8,70

6)

Inde

pend

ent V

aria

bles

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

Inte

rcep

t-3

.03

0.07

-2.9

90.

08-3

.75

0.22

-4.6

80.

27

HBC

U (

non-

HBC

U is

r

efer

ence

)0.

030.

111.

030.

190.

251.

210.

220.

281.

250.

110.

271.

12

Rac

e (W

hite

is r

efer

ence

)

Blac

k-0

.21

0.27

0.81

-0.0

60.

290.

94-0

.02

0.28

0.98

Alc

ohol

use

(ne

ver

is r

efer

ence

)

Less

tha

n on

ce a

mon

th0.

400.

251.

500.

210.

251.

23

Onc

e or

tw

ice

a m

onth

0.73

0.24

2.08

**0.

460.

251.

59

Onc

e or

tw

ice

a w

eek

0.93

0.25

2.55

***

0.61

0.26

1.84

*

Dai

l y2.

140.

378.

46**

*1.

740.

365.

71**

*A

ge0.

230.

051.

26**

*Se

xual

vic

timiz

atio

n be

fore

col

lege

Fo

rced

sex

ual a

ssau

lt1.

370.

183.

92**

*

Inca

paci

tate

d se

xual

ass

ault

0.61

0.25

1.83

*

Pseu

do R

-squ

ared

a.0

00.0

00.0

28.0

98

Not

e: H

BCU

s =

His

tori

cally

Bla

ck C

olle

ges

and

Uni

vers

ities

.a.

Nag

elke

rke

Pseu

do R

-squ

ared

rep

rese

nts

the

stre

ngth

of a

ssoc

iatio

n be

twee

n in

depe

nden

t an

d de

pend

ent

vari

able

s an

d sh

ould

not

be

inte

rpre

t-ed

as

a m

easu

re o

f mod

el fi

t or

the

pro

port

ion

of v

aria

nce

expl

aine

d.*p

< .0

5. *

*p <

.01.

***

p <

.001

, tw

o-ta

iled.



3659

Tabl

e 6.

Sta

ged

Logi

stic

Reg

ress

ion

Mod

els

for

Expe

rien

cing

Inca

paci

tate

d Se

xual

Ass

ault,

Com

pare

d W

ith N

o V

ictim

izat

ion,

Am

ong

Und

ergr

adua

te W

omen

at

HBC

Us

and

Non

-HBC

Us

Stag

e 1

(N =

8,7

18)

Stag

e 2

(N =

8,7

18)

Stag

e 3

(N =

8,7

10)

Stag

e 4

(N=

8,70

6)

Inde

pend

ent V

aria

bles

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

BSE

OR

Inte

rcep

t-2

.07

0.05

-1.9

90.

05-4

.65

0.42

-4.9

10.

45

HBC

U (

non-

HBC

U is

r

efer

ence

)-0

.62

0.09

0.54

***

-0.2

00.

150.

82-0

.14

0.18

0.87

-0.1

60.

180.

85

Rac

e (W

hite

is r

efer

ence

)

Blac

k-0

.53

0.15

0.59

***

-0.2

50.

180.

78-0

.15

0.18

0.86

Alc

ohol

use

(ne

ver

is r

efer

ence

)

Less

tha

n on

ce a

mon

th1.

960.

437.

07**

*1.

880.

436.

58**

*

Onc

e or

tw

ice

a m

onth

2.59

0.42

13.3

4***

2.48

0.42

11.9

5***

O

nce

or t

wic

e a

wee

k3.

140.

4223

.13*

**2.

990.

4219

.90*

**

Dai

l y3.

910.

4849

.78*

**3.

780.

4743

.71*

**A

ge0.

040.

041.

04Se

xual

vic

timiz

atio

n be

fore

col

lege

Fo

rced

sex

ual a

ssau

lt0.

390.

171.

48*

In

capa

cita

ted

sexu

al a

ssau

lt1.

540.

154.

68**

*Ps

eudo

R-s

quar

eda

.019

.024

.136

.187

Not

e: H

BCU

s =

His

tori

cally

Bla

ck C

olle

ges

and

Uni

vers

ities

.a.

Nag

elke

rke

Pseu

do R

-squ

ared

rep

rese

nts

the

stre

ngth

of a

ssoc

iatio

n be

twee

n in

depe

nden

t an

d de

pend

ent

vari

able

s an

d sh

ould

not

be

inte

rpre

t-ed

as

a m

easu

re o

f mod

el fi

t or

the

pro

port

ion

of v

aria

nce

expl

aine

d.*p

< .0

5. *

*p <

.01.

***

p <

.001

, tw

o-ta

iled.




such estimates is a valuable contribution because existing research on sex-ual assault on college campuses has been conducted exclusively with non-HBCU samples, which are considerably different from HBCU populations. As a result, HBCU administrators have had to develop prevention and response strategies using a research foundation that is not based on the population they serve.

As this study used the same methodology as a previous study of non-HBCU women, results obtained from HBCU and non-HBCU women were credibly compared, which is another contribution of this article. Rates of sex-ual assault—primarily sexual assault when the victim was incapacitated and unable to provide consent—appear to be considerably lower for women at HBCUs than non-HBCUs, with follow-up analyses demonstrating that HBCU women are less likely to experience sexual assault, seemingly because they drink alcohol less frequently. In addition, results suggest that the decision to drink alcohol less frequently may be more closely associated with racial cul-tural patterns than the unique context of HBCUs because Black women at non-HBCUs also consume alcohol less frequently than their White, non-HBCU counterparts and at a rate similar to Black women at HBCUs.

This study is consistent with existing research in finding positive associa-tions between women’s use of alcohol and their likelihood of experiencing sexual assault (Abbey, 2002; Mohler-Kuo et al., 2004; Testa et al., 2003; Testa, Vanzile-Tamsen, & Livingston, 2004), but this article extends prior research by establishing that this link between alcohol usage and sexual assault potentially explains why rates of sexual assault seem to be lower at HBCUs than non-HBCUs, or among Black, as opposed to White, undergraduate women. These findings have implications for campuses trying to prevent or reduce the risk of sexual assault for undergraduate women. For example, the Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security Policy and Campus Crime Statistics Act (20 USC § 1092(f)) mandates that colleges and universities par-ticipating in Federal student aid programs state their policy “regarding the institution’s campus sexual assault program to prevent sexual offenses,” which must include a “description of educational programs to promote the aware-ness” of sexual violence. A review of these programs found that they rarely emphasize the importance of the link between women’s use of alcohol and being a victim of sexual assault (Bachar & Koss, 2001. Failing to provide information on this well-established link is especially troubling given that the college setting is one in which it is common to experiment with, and some-times excessively use, alcohol. The findings of the current study—that sexual assault is less likely to be experienced by subpopulations who engage in low levels of alcohol use—provide additional evidence that reducing alcohol use



Krebs et al. 3661

frequency has the potential to reduce sexual assault prevalence and that sex-ual assault prevention programs should incorporate substance use prevention messages to be effective.

As researchers have consistently shown that individuals who consume alcohol to excess are less able to avoid, resist, or prevent, and are therefore more vulnerable to, victimization (Abbey, 1991; Fisher, Sloan, Cullen, & Lu, 1998), all universities could benefit from the development, implementation, and evaluation of campus-based sexual violence prevention and risk-reduction programs that include a discussion about the potential consequences of alcohol use. For example, programs could include techniques that female and male students can use to monitor the amount of alcohol/drugs consumed and to recognize when they, or others, are impaired and potentially at increased risk of being victimized. Sending the message that not drinking to excess (i.e., limiting intake) and/or not using alcohol or drugs that potentially distort per-ceptions of risk, safety, and potential predators are important self-protection strategies. Equally important is programming directed toward bystanders (e.g., Tabachnick, 2009) and potential perpetrators of sexual assault which reframes sexual acts with persons under the influence of alcohol or other sub-stances as coercive and potentially criminal.

Finally, examination of sexual assault protocols and university policies may identify obstacles to reporting and, consequently, to the generation of accurate campus sexual assault prevalence rates. For example, information solicited about a victim’s use of substances prior to or during a sexual assault may inadvertently infer judgment toward and even permit the pursuit of action against victims who were under the influence of alcohol or other substances at the time of sexual assault. Although the co-occurrence of substance use and sexual assault is vital to document, it is important when documenting these connections and delivering these messages to not blame victims. Although it seems that using substances can increase one’s risk of being victimized, it must be made clear to everyone, including men, that a woman’s substance use in no way makes her responsible for what someone else does to her, as that responsibility lies solely with the perpetrator. It is also worth noting, however, that although including alcohol in prevention and risk-reduction discussions is important, it might be less necessary at HBCUs where rates of alcohol use and sexual assaults associated with alcohol may already be quite low. Given the link between lower rates of alcohol consumption and sexual assault, future sexual assault research may benefit from understanding how, why, and what alcohol and substance use prevention messages are being communicated on HBCU campuses and among HBCU students.




Limitations

Caution is urged in interpreting the findings presented herein due to the meth-odological limitations of the study. First, the current findings are based on the sexual assault experiences of women from four HBCUs only, and although the HBCUs were diverse in terms of public/private status, size, and geographic location, it may be that the experiences of these women are not representative of those of all HBCU women, limiting the generalizability of the results. Similarly, the data on non-HBCU women were collected at only two non-HBCUs. Another threat to the data representativeness is posed by the fact that this study had a low response rate (approximately 25% of all eligible HBCU women participated in the survey). The level of nonresponse bias observed was, however, minimal, and we weighted the data to the true distribution of students in the study population to enhance the representativeness of the sample responses. The impact and the direction thereof that nonresponse has on prevalence estimates of sexual assault are unknown. It may be that victims are more likely than nonvictims to participate in a study like this because they are interested in sharing their experience; however, it also seems reasonable that victims might be less likely to participate because they may not want to share their experiences with anyone. It is also worth noting that the response rate reported herein is extremely conservative. All undergraduate women who could have possibly participated are included in the denominator. For a vari-ety of reasons, many of these women may have never received our invitations to participate. Another limitation relates to the cross-sectional nature of the data, which precludes us from attributing causality to some of the identified risk factors (e.g., alcohol-use frequency). The identified associations simply indicate the significant factors could have preceded or followed sexual victim-ization. The study findings are still useful, however, in that they are suggestive of factors that might put women at risk for experiencing sexual assault.

Despite these limitations, the study presented herein provides the first esti-mates of the prevalence of different types of sexual assault among under-graduate HBCU women, and comparisons to data collected from non-HBCU women suggest that HBCU women experience sexual assault at a lower rate, primarily due to the fact that Black women, who constitute the majority at HBCUs, use alcohol less frequently. The research findings confirm that alcohol use can increase one’s risk of being sexually assaulted and suggest that simply reducing the frequency of alcohol use among undergraduate women has the potential to reduce the prevalence of sexual assault. Additional research is, however, necessary to determine what can be done at HBCUs to further



Krebs et al. 3663

reduce rates of sexual assault, as rates of alcohol use and associated sexual assaults are already relatively low among HBCU women.

Authors’ NoteRTI International is an independent organization dedicated to conducting innovative, multidisciplinary research that improves the human condition.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interest with respect to their author-ship or the publication of this article.

Funding

The authors disclosed that they received the following support for their research and/or authorship of this article: This project is supported by Grant Number 2007-WG-BX-0021, awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. Points of view are those of the authors and do not nec-essarily represent the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.1. Although approximately 25% of the CAS sample was non-White, the break-

down of non-White students into specific racial/ethnic categories was not reported in the article.

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Bios

Christopher P. Krebs has a PhD in Criminology and is a senior research social sci-entist at RTI International. He has research experience in the areas of corrections, substance abuse epidemiology and treatment, intimate partner violence and sexual violence, criminal justice systems, and program evaluation.

Christine Lindquist received her PhD in Medical Sociology and is currently a Senior Research Sociologist at RTI International. Her research interests and areas of expertise include prisoner reentry, families and incarceration, and violence against women.

Kelle Barrick has a PhD in Criminology and is a research criminologist at RTI International. She has research experience in the areas of corrections, program evalu-ation, intimate partner violence and sexual violence, immigration, and human trafficking.

Carmen Crosby, MSW, LMSW, is a doctoral student at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill School of Social Work and a recipient of the CSWE Minority Clinical Training Fellowship. Her doctoral research focuses on disparities in mental health treatment and differential service utilization amongst African Americans sex-ual assault survivors.

Chimi Boyd-Keyes, MA, is the Director of the Women’s Center at North Carolina Central University.

Dr. Yolanda K. H. Bogan is a licensed psychologist. She is an Associate Professor in the College of Education and Director of Counseling Services at Florida A&M University. Her clinical and research interests include mental health advocacy, end-ing violence against women, and HIV/AIDS.



The Sexual Assault of Undergraduate Women at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs

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