The scent of Catalan rock: Els Pets' ideology and the rock and roll industry

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The Scent of Catalan Rock: Els Pets' Ideology and the Rock and Roll Industry Author(s): Maria van Liew Source: Popular Music, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Oct., 1993), pp. 245-261Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/931234Accessed: 08-03-2015 22:52 UTC

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Popular Music (1993) Volume 12/3. Copyright ( 1993 Cambridge University Press

The scent of Catalan rock: Els Pets' ideology and the rock and roll industry

MARIA VAN LIEW

Since when do Catalans speak Catalan and who are they anyway? Perhaps the 1992 Olympic Games have shed some light on Catalan identity for outsiders, but I believe the idea deserves development with a focus on the recent phenomenon of 'rock en catalt'. By focusing on language and Catalan nationalism, by no means driven by a homogeneous ideology, I hope to clarify these questions about Catalan identity and its role in popular culture. In 1985 what would inspire four youths from Spain's north-eastern coastal region to pick up instruments they had never played before, with the exception of the drummer, and start a punk-rock band provocatively named Condons Adulterats (Spoiled Condoms)? What was the impetus behind their first hit 'Estic penjat' (I'm Stoned)? Fame? Money? Politics? Sex? I believe with the latter we are getting warmer, but as an original member of the band that sprang from this seedling, I can attest to the fact that we just wanted to have some fun. It was a challenge to have our efforts taken seriously and, while they often were not, our local following grew. If commercial success had been the goal of the band we would have agreed to sing in Spanish with the dream of conquering the Spanish peninsula. But the project began locally in the highly industrialised province of Tarragona where the most natural thing to do was to sing in Catalan.

In 1986 I became involved as back-up singer and keyboard player in the Catalan rock band' Els Pets (The Farts) while living in Tarragona, Spain until my return to the United States in 1990. I was then inspired to explore the cultural impact of the band by an article written by Richard Johnson (1988) in which he discusses the validity of 'individual self-knowledge' in the field of cultural studies when 'major cultural differences' are recognised and power struggles in social relationships are taken into consideration. Although rock/pop is primarily a form of entertainment, it is also motivated by an alternative socio-political agenda. In fact a rock band producing popular music in the Catalan language within Spanish borders in and of itself constitutes a political statement. As observer and investi- gator of the band's cultural impact I shall attempt to explain the phenomenon while retaining the 'personal experience and private memory' that Johnson feels can be of value to such a study.

In Spanish history we find a tradition of struggle on the part of Catalonia to maintain a separate identity from Castilianised Spain after incorporation into the Spanish monarchy in 1715. The resurgence or re-awakening of interest in these

245



246 Maria Van Liew

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Els Pets (The Farts) publicity photo May 1990. From left to right: Maria Van Liew, Annabel Gavald&, Joan Reig, Falin Cdceras, Lluis Gavalda, Ramon Vidal.

differences during the mid-nineteenth century by an elitist group of intellectuals was called the Renaixenpa (rebirth), a cultural movement which attempted to restore Catalan to its original status as a language of culture with the complete range of registers that status implied. Towards the end of the nineteenth century Catalan economic development and the diffusion of a strong Catalanist spirit culminated in the Noucentista movement at the beginning of the twentieth century. In contemporary Catalonia traces of the elitist overtones of Noucentisme are often treated with caution due to their similarity to Francoist intolerance of linguistic and cultural diversity.

After four years of civil war the triumph of Francisco Franco in 1939 subju- gated all of Spain to dictatorial rule until his death in 1975. This forty year dictator- ship meant the prohibition of Catalan national identity and language until a democratic governmental system was introduced in 1978. This brought with it a policy of linguistic normalisation (restoration of the language to normalised social and political use) for autonomous regions of Spain such as Catalonia, Euzkadi and Galicia.

This did not automatically pave the way, however, for Catalan rock to develop. As in the case of most non-English speaking countries, rock and roll was imported as a symbol of a global youth culture in which Spanish youth collaborated by singing versions of British and American songs. Since the rebellious tone of rock and roll conflicted with the dictatorial demands of the Franco regime, Madrid's most popular concert hall, Price, was closed down in the late 1960s. Despite the collapse of public rock concerts the music continued to have an impact on youth primarily through records imported by people fortunate enough to travel outside



Els Pets and Catalan rock 247

of the country. In 1972-73 foreign and local bands began performing publicly as Spain moved closer to its eventual democratic transition.

Young people were attracted to 'the happening', the event, as well as to the music itself despite the sparse selection of concerts offered during the early 1970s. A Rolling Stones concert, for instance, attracted so many people nationwide that it could have been considered a pilgrimage. Since such an endeavour was often cumbersome and expensive, regional bands began creating their own music and styles. Southern Andalucia's Triana produced 'Flamenco rock', while Catalonia's Compania Elektrica Dharma incorporated Catalan wind instruments traditionally played for sardanas2 into songs with Catalan lyrics. With the democratic transition (1975-77) and middle-class accessibility to foreign music, the arrival of the Sex Pistols had an audible impact on Spain. Numerous youths were inspired to imitate this simple musical style, which was less expensive to copy than the technical demands of symphonic rock or jazz fusion. It also began a wave of rock and roll revivals of 1950s and 1960s music. Radio programmes served to enhance the trend; a classic example was Dr Shampoo, whose popularity was comparable to that of Wolfman Jack in the United States. Thus, Spain's rock and roll industry began to grow with the number of local groups, some of which, Golpes Bajos and El Ultimo de la Fila among the most successful, established themselves as nationally known bands by the mid-1980s. With the post-Franco 'Movida Madrilefia' as forerunner to the 'coming out' of regional subcultural movements, Catalonia experienced the development of an art form catering to its own particular tastes and needs as a now officially bilingual 'region' of Spain.

So why not promote bilingual or 'bifocal' (Lipsitz 1986) art in Catalonia as representative of its bilingual character? The leader of Els Pets, Lluis Gavalda, does not consider bilingual art a viable solution to the minority status of the Catalan language within Catalan/Spanish society. Due to the high rate of immigration during the 1960s and 1970s, almost half of the population of Catalonia is comprised of native Spanish speakers. In light of this, as well as other socio-political events in Catalan history, Gavalda views the promotion of his language as a survival tactic for Catalan culture and has chosen a popular form of entertainment to do so. But as I have stated above, the main goal of the band was to have some fun. Politics naturally took hold of the project as Catalan rock gained in popularity.

Els Pets ideology and politics Of Spain's eighteen autonomous governments, possibly the most federalised country in Europe, Catalonia's Generalitat 'enjoys' a higher level of autonomous control than other regions. Els Pets' separatist ideology forms part of a minority while their music is celebrated by a considerable portion of Catalan-speaking youth. Although the pro-independence party, Esquerra Republicana, has gained some ground in the last elections, it is a minimal achievement compared to Con- vergencia Uni&'s (CiU) continuing popularity as a conservative nationalist party. CiU emphasises the economic advantage of remaining within Spain, especially in light of the clout larger nations will have in the newly forming European Com- munity agreements. But is this justification for remaining in Spain when a sense of mutual rejection persists among many Catalans and non-Catalans? Do emotional ties or lack thereof deserve the same consideration as economic factors joining Catalonia to Spain? Els Pets, I believe, are placing more emphasis on affective



248 Maria Van Liew

investment as grounds for Catalan independence based on a Catalan identity exemplified through language. While the commercialisation/universalisation of their music and image has made for easy recognition, stepping into the mainstream has not erased the local (original) identity and motivation behind Els Pets. Just as it is debatable whether Bruce Springsteen is (still) sincere in his working-class garb being the millionaire he is, so, too, are Els Pets under scrutiny as true representatives of rural Catalonia.

Pets ideology is based on a national identity as lived and expressed through Catalan language and culture. This ideology was the backbone for representatives of La Nova Cango, a movement in Catalan folk music beginning in the early 1970s. These singers, Lluis Llach and Maria del Mar Bonet among the most famous, were young and openly political. To sing in Catalan was to defy Franco, and several of the young Catalans they represented could not read or write Catalan, making the movement all the more fashionable. Irish journalist, Colm Toibin, lived in Catalonia during the 1970s and describe this generation's aversion to Spanish: For the new generation of Catalans, Spanish was the language of the police and the Govern- ment, the military and the school authorities. For them Spanish was not the language of Lorca's Yerma but of the people who made arrests and carried out executions, the language of the cruel, dark, inflexible state. In the 1970s in Barcelona Catalan was the languge of freedom; it was trendy to speak Catalan in the city, just as it was to smoke dope and own Bob Dylan records. (1992, p. 214)

Els Pets members form part of this generation and, understandably, its experiences and values. While M. D'Lugo (1991) argues that language is perhaps not the only signifier of cultural identity, it is a very important differentiating factor in the case of rock produced in Catalan. Most other elements of the movement are imported, often taken out of historical context from other cultures.3

While Els Pets may seem to be on a crusade for the salvation of their language, they consider themselves first and foremost entertainers and regard any socio-

political agenda or catalanisme4 perceived in their art as an implicit statement on the circumstances of contemporary Catalan society. Off-stage Gavalda openly states his political views in favour of Catalan separatism in interviews. But he does insist that the music and performances are designed for entertainment purposes and not for political rallies. To many Pets fans, however, the music implies some-

thing more; the insistence of a Catalan identity based on historical, linguistic and

political conditions.

Audience and a sense of community: the roots of rock agricola 'The ideological power of popular music comes from its popularity' (1981, p. 61). Although Simon Frith goes on to say that rock is a capitalist industry and not a folk form (p. 62) I would disagree in the case of Catalan rock. The impetus behind the movement stems from a Catalan folk movement called La Nova Cango. But it bran- ches out into global themes and styles. The first generation of Catalan rock musicians started to appear in 1971 as an underground movement that never gained the momentum to develop into a commercial success as did La Nova Cango. The second or bridge generation started producing 'light' pop that did not appeal to a large public and, according to Gavaldi, promoted a stereotypically 'preppy' Catalan style based in Barcelona, which Els Pets and other popular groups from the rural sector attempt to counter. Desirous of a contemporary musical form representative




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Els Pets concert poster from May 1990.



250 Maria Van Liew

of a national identity as well as that of youth in general, the movement contains varying degrees of purpose and intention.

Els Pets were interested in promoting themselves as an alternative to the urban rock created in Barcelona by incorporating "'residual" forms of culture' (Williams 1982, p. 232); namely the rural image of Catalan identity as agricultural, scatological and independent.5 Not all members of the group (which has grown to ten members since 1986) are from the agricultural sector, however. This appropriation/incorporation of the rural image was a conscious strategy to counter the hegemonic image of the metropolitan, bourgeois intellectual who, in the case of Barcelona, represents a tolerant engagement with Catalan bilingualism, touted by Els Pets as hypocritical behaviour. Els Pets set out to counter this metropolitan image with an alternative Catalan identity or 'attitude' which does not necessarily condemn bourgeois capitalist interests, but criticises an indifferent stance toward the bilingual condition of Catalonia. 'Rock agri(cola no vol dir res' (Agricultural rock doesn't mean anything), according to Gavalda, 'es una actitud. Vol dir que som de poble i toquem rock & roll' (it's an attitude. It means that we're small town folk and we play rock & roll) (interview on Canal 33, 1990). The notion of 'attitude' brings Carlos Monsiviis to mind, who describes La Onda, a Mexican middle-class youth movement of the 1960s and closely tied to rock and roll, as a mood ('un estado de animo'), thereby defining the movement based on a sensation of alienation and marginalisation instead of on a rational definition of itself. This sort of affective investment can be attributed to the appeal such a movement can have to a growing public. Thus, Frith's distinction between rock as a social current or mood on the one hand and pop's social significance on the other as confirmation of an established social order (1988, p. 464) is muddled or 'swirled' in the case of Els Pets. Their musical style resonates with a contradiction between rebelliousness and conformity.

Els Pets are often referred to as musically weak but ideologically strong, radical, catalanist and many other labels that emphasise their message over their music, most likely due to the lack of originality in their compositions. The eclectic tastes of the band members are reflected in their songs which include anything from reggae, punk, rap and soul rhythms. Concerts usually begin with a heavy rock song emphasising electric guitars and drums, then wind through the spec- trum of rock and pop styles until they end with a humorous spectacle highlighting a wind section reminiscent of the motown classics, a two female chorus and a lot of

dancing on and off stage. All in all, the purpose is to entertain both visually and musically, the image contained within a specifically local context while the music resonates with global overtones.

Today rock music is assumed to need no explanation or justification and is often taken for granted as representative of the universal celebration of youth (desire and pleasure). But as I have already mentioned, Els Pets derive much of their appeal from traditional Catalan culture and an implicit oppositional status to conservative Catalan society, thus locking horns with Catalonia's ruling party, Convergencia Unid. Steve Chapple and Reebee Garofalo describe politics as integral to the discussion of pop culture, accrediting this to the dismissal of the classical individual artist as isolated from society in favour of the artist who derives his/her art from 'images and forms of expression from tradition long ingrained in the Popular mind' (1977). Thus, the artist has not only individual, but community concerns as well. Only four Pets songs deal directly with political themes, however, and even then in a humorous light. How, then, does their public receive or




perceive a 'hyper-localized' (Grossberg 1986) ideological message from a universal medium like rock and roll?

This is where we experience the overlap with folk music, at least in the case of Els Pets. Steve Redhead and John Street suggest that

the musical-political ideology ... rests on the idea that the music is connected with some notion of "the people". The music is understood as deriving from a local culture and, as such, is an expression of the feelings and experiences of an everyday reality. (1989, pp. 177-8)

I share their concern with the political significance of popular music, for I believe Els Pets exploit the 'right to speak for a community' (p. 178) in a successful attempt to represent a common sentiment of fun-loving dissatisfaction among Catalan youth today. To represent a people rings of political responsibility, but Els Pets tend to steer clear of this kind of appointment and stick to their status as entertainers while, as I have already mentioned, they take advantage of their public influence (i.e. exposure).

Catalan speaking youth are eager for an alternative notion of popular culture which promises to include them rather than exclude them, linguistically and culturally. I tend to agree with Frith's empirical account of pop music as a cultural process (1992, p. 179), rather than as a purely subcultural phenomenon such as Hebdige describes (1979). Frith states that through music as a cultural activity people become a part of its development, thereby normalising its presence as its popularity increases. At the onset Els Pets and other Catalan bands were not producing their music underground, per se, but to understandably small local audiences that rapidly grew as the demand for local art in a global framework increased.

The summer of 1991

Since 'the politics of rock cannot be read off the surface of its texts' (Grossberg 1992, p. 137) the summer of 1991, which has been viewed as the highpoint of Catalan rock popularity, deserves a closer look. I want to examine it as the main event that prompted extensive debate among rock critics, fans and the performers themselves about the purpose of autonomous rock/pop and the goals of individual groups.

On 14 June 1991 a concert that brought together 'the four most popular rock bands singing in Catalan' took place in the prestigious Palau Sant Jordi in Barcelona. More than 22,000 people attended this show organised by the Department of Culture of la Generalitat or, more specifically, Ressons, Centre de 'Promocio' Musical del Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat, with a budget of 30 million pesetas (approx- imately $300,000). The concert broke the record for European attendance to a concert of popular music and was, of course, a great push towards greater popularity for rock bands singing in Catalan; but to whom is credit due for the 'phenomenon'?

As I mentioned above, many issues prompted by this concert were debated and we need to look at some of the arguments for and against governmental subsidies of this type of music in order to gain some clarity as to why la Generalitat would choose to financially support a macro-concert of Catalan rock at this particular point in time.

Ramon Muntaner, former singer and present head of Ressons, states that 'hace



252 Maria Van Liew

tres meses nadie se hubiera querido arriesgar' (three months ago no one would have wanted to risk anything) on a concert of this magnitude, but 'Ahora ... hacerlo es del todo rentable' (Now ... doing it is totally profitable) (El Peri6dico, 14 June 1991, p. 66). Assurance of profit obviously attracts financial backers to the scene of rock produced in Catalan, as it quickly gains momentum as a popular art form. What disturbs many critics, fans and performers is the image la Generalitat promotes of itself as the consistent financial supporter of Catalan rock, whereas a closer view reveals that 'la moguda' or 'el moviment' was a self-propelled phenomenon, even censored in the case of Els Pets, until public support and desire of such a movement became massive and undeniable. According to many critics, this kind of hypocritical adaptation on the part of la Generalitat has been equated to 'jumping on the bandwagon' too late (El Peri6dico, 13 June 1991, espectaculos).

After the macro-concert these issues were debated at length among critics and performers who, in turn, brought to the forefront the connection (or lack thereof) between politics and Catalan rock. Before attempting to answer the question of resistance on the part of Catalan rock and the efforts to co-opt it (or be co-opted) into the dominant structure of Catalan politics, I want to examine the political strategies of two ideologically opposed rock groups, Els Pets and Sopa de Cabra (Goat Soup), the two most highly contracted bands during the summer 1991 concert season.

Interesting to note is the fact that these discussions were publicised through interviews with band members in both Catalan and Spanish-language newspapers and magazines that had formerly ignored any such debate. The most interesting and enlightening article was found in the 'culture' section of the Catalan magazine, El Temps ('Parlen els antiherois del rock catala: d'illuminats a triomfadors' 17 July 1991), three days after the macro-concert. Members from the four bands were introduced as participants in the first generation to make rock in Catalan 'una realitat palpable' (a palpable reality). It also stated that regional support had been juxtaposed to the silence of the mass media until recently. In the same article, under the caption, 'La Nova Resistencia' (The New Resistance), Gerard Quintana (singer of Sopa de Cabra) and Lluis Gavalda responded very differently to a statement made by Lluis Llach, one of the main protagonists of La Nova Canpo, who said that 'el rock catala es un acte de resistencia, com va ser la Nova Canpo en el seu moment' (Catalan rock is an act of resistence, like La Nova Canpo in its time) ('1l nou rock

catala: la gallina del ous d'or' El Temps, 17 June 1991, p. 57). Gavalda and Quintana, as generally accepted representatives of the ideology behind their respective bands, could not agree on the impact and purpose of Catalan rock. Gavalda believes that producing rock in Catalan is not an accident but involves some kind of

political conviction, whereas Quintana feels such an assumption to be a dangerous imposition on the rights of a musician to remain apolitical and interested in art for art's sake. Gavalda states very clearly: 'Nosaltres som independentistes i creiem en la

independencia de Catalaunya i crec que fer rock en catala vol dir que pots ser catalanista i pots no ser-ho i aixL Is el que s'ha de vendre' (We are independentistes and believe in the independence of Catalonia and I believe that to produce rock in Catalan means that you can be a 'catalanista' or not be one, and this is what has to be put across) (ibid.). Quintana, on the other hand, presents himself as apolitical due to the 'danger' of combining art with a political movement or ideology, which, in his mind, means the expiration of both when the political agenda is no longer supported by the public.6 He sees no future in la moguda (the movement) if Catalan bands are




expected to represent or defend any political cause. He proposes that 'cada grup fa el que vulgui' (every group do what it wants) (ibid.), to which Gavalda responds that it is just as damaging to demand that a band not include politics in its songs: 'Cadascu te la seva ideologia i si algu va d'apolitic tambe fa politica' (Everyone has his or her own ideology and if someone considers him or herself as apolitical this is also participating in politics) (ibid.). This comment implies that the use of Catalan in public is in itself a political statement. Gavalda's meaning has to be taken into consideration in light of the circumstances. Frith states, 'Cultural politics are only significant in the circumstances in which they are being made' (1992, p.183) which coincides with Gavalda's interpretation of his band. Els Pets no es un partit politic, es un conjunt de rock i cadascu fa el que vol. Perd considerem que la cultura catalana es troba en un nivell de discriminacid tan gran i en perill d'extincid que creiem que no es pot passar d'aquesta histbria i per tant ho diem. Si fossim anglesos potser les nostres lletres no serien iguals i si Catalunya fos independent potser tambe en fariem unes altres i si fossim irlandsos del nord tambe'fotriem canya. Els Pets is not a political party, it is a rock band and everyone does what they want. But we consider Catalan culture to be at a level of such great discrimination and danger of extinction that we believe that you can't just forget about the situation and therefore we say it. If we were British our lyrics might not be the same and if Catalonia were independent we would most likely write other lyrics, and if we were from Northern Ireland we would also give 'em hell. (El Temps, 17 June 1991, p. 57)

Gavalda, nevertheless, is conscious of the myriad of possible interpretations of the motives of Els Pets and attempts to avoid classification by insisting on his predominant role as entertainer. Members from two other popular bands, Sau and Sangtra'ft, state that they intentionally avoid politics and nationalist sentiment in their lyrics to avoid being labelled, whereas Els Pets are identified as 'a pro- independence group' (ital.), although they have only four songs that discuss the 'Catalan problem'. But Sangtrait member, Pep Sala, states that 'Nosaltres no volem enviar cap missatge ni en broma' (we don't want to give off any kind of message, not even as a joke), and in fact prefers that 'no barregem la nostra ideologia amb la masica' (we don't mix our ideology with music) (ibid.).

Quintana brings up the interesting point that the public will read the music and lyrics as they want in accordance with their own needs and desires. One specific example is the use of the words la terra (the land, the earth) in the line: 'I a la terra si no ets fort es millor que tinguis sort' (And on earth if you aren't strong it's better that you be lucky), which, in the author's mind, has nothing to do with the independence of Catalonia. The line is, however, constantly interpreted as such by the audience at live concerts. This 'obsession' is of concern to all bands, independentistes or not. The impact of the media on the audience's reading of Catalan rock deserves consideration, although I shall focus here on the 'preferred reading' by the groups themselves.

Many 'apolitical' bands fear involving themselves in politics; that is, involving themselves in Catalan national movements whose popular appeal can be short- lived. More often they desire a popular commercial appeal for the sake of longevity. It is worth noting that Sopa de Cabra's members live from their music, and entertain hopes of obtaining a larger market by producing their next record in Spanish, whereas all members of Els Pets hold day jobs alongside their positions in the band. The risk of alienating a possible fan is therefore far greater for Sopa de Cabra, who desire commercial success unrestricted by national borders, than for Els Pets when we consider the latter's dedication to the Catalan independence movement. They



254 Maria Van Liew

firmly stand their ground as independentistes in interviews. Such media exposure is abundant, while Els Pets produce songs based mainly on non-political themes. They believe that by entertaining they can participate in the independence movement without becoming pure politicians. In other words, by appealing to an individual's desire for fun and pleasure they can elicit from them an affective engagement with a larger socio-political agenda - that is, Els Pets separatist ideology.

Commercial success

As their popularity has increased their audience has grown ever younger. This is perhaps indicative of the less sophisticated image used in promoting their second, more commercially successful album. The first album, aptly named Els Pets (1990), depicts the origins and 'attitude' of the band as producers of 'agricultural rock'. The name and cover emphasise an alternative to escapist urban rock and connote the 'stink' of the over-industrialisation of the province of Tarragona as well as a typi- cally scatological sense of humour. The cover displays instruments dispersed among tractors and other farming tools, while the back sleeve offers a portrait of Els Pets at the top of Constantif's cathedral steps while a religious procession including the town priest (suspected of child molesting according to local gossip) passes by. When Els Pets was ready for radio play, censorship on the part of Convergencia Uni6 contributed to its attraction to other non-conformists, a supposedly common trait among youth in general.7 The reason for such a reaction on the part of the government was most likely due, not only to the name of the band, but to the album's first single: 'No n'hi ha prou amb ser catala' ('It's Not Enough to Just Be Catalan'), which is a satire of the attitude and behaviour of the typical member of Convergencia Unid:

No n'hi prou amb ser catalh Quin muermo, quin rotllo, quina merda de '6 milions.' No es mouen, no es mullen, no els molestis, no siguis plom. Mentres tinguin la botigueta i un bon xec a final de mes, els es igual que mani Fraga, Pujolet o el rei.

Espanya, Burundi, o Catalunya, tant els hi fa. Les dretes, les esquerres, o be el centre, tot es igual. Et diuen que ets idealista i que ja et passara amb l'edat, que encara que sembli mentida. Tambe ho han passat. OUOA, no n'hi ha prou amb ser catala! OUOO, per molt que siguem una naci6! OUOA, no n'hi ha prou amb ser catala! OUOO, cal que ho tenguem molt clar!

It's Not Enough to Just Be Catalan What a drag, what a let down, What shit about '6 million'. No one moves, no one gets involved. Don't bother them, don't be a drag. As long as they have their little store and a

good check they don't care if Fraga's in charge, Little Pujol or the king. Spain, Burundi, or Catalonia, they don't care. The Right, the Left, or at least the middle, nothing matters. They tell you you're an idealist and that you'll get over it with age, that even though it seems incredible, they went through it, too. It's not enough to just be Catalan! As much as we remain a nation, It's not enough to just be Catalan, It's time we got that straight.

Although the playfulness of the language is lost in translation, even the English version of this song transmits the call for a change of attitude to which Convergencia Uni6 was not ready to grant air-play in 1989 and had the power officially to censor.



'I-ii

l

ann:me

......

r o

abR maw e

44:: 4b " "N NO w "Ww" 4" ol alw

iooi dw

0*0" rwLA ~d ~ MW 1=" WNlokis

The first album (cassette) cover: Els Pets, promotes the image of 'Rock agricola'.



256 Maria Van Liew

The first stanza attempts to uncover the nationalist propaganda that barely con- ceals the complacency of Catalan bourgeois society. Els Pets were unabashed to point out the hypocrisy of the Catalan catch-phrase: 'Som sis milions' (We're six million), three million of which are Spanish speaking residents of Catalonia, or to express the irony of the popularity of Galicia's junta president, Manuel Fraga, who had worked for Franco during the 1960s and was later president of the conservative Spanish party, Alianza Popular. Els Pets could retain this status as rebels while still marginalised by the tastes of the Catalan cultural mainstream, but when the 'phenomenon' of rock produced in Catalan started to gain momentum in 1990 and 1991 they had to struggle with the contradictions that becoming celebrities could develop. The government, too, was taken aback by a wave of public demand and spontaneous media coverage and a change of tactics was at hand. La Generalitats adopted a more supportive role when 'La Moguda' began to sound from within the mainstream of popular music.

Commercialisation: a threat to ideological dialogue? The groups of 'difference' that serve as elements of cohesion for an alternative or oppositional identity are usually short-lived within the rock and roll apparatus. It is astonishing how quickly such an identity can be popularised and commodified by what Stuart Hall refers to as the ideological labour of actively ruling in and ruling out certain realities (1977). As long as Catalan rock remained a marginalised product so too was its message and subcultural (rebellious) appeal and status. Mexican rock critic, Victor Roura, accurately describes involvement in rock/pop trends as 'una pieza integral de identificacion juvenil' (an integral part of the identification of youth) (Banda Rockera, #68, p. 7), which implies complicity rather than rebellion on the part of those involved. There is a contradiction here that has a dual function: as Catalan rock gains momentum, its subcultural qualities (minority status, small audience, contestatory voice) are emphasised for increased saleability while these very same qualities are threatened by its commercial appeal. As the quality of recordings and performances increases so does its commercial charm. Fredric Jameson discusses a similar contradiction whereby he invokes N. Holland's scheme to describe this problem in (commercial) works of art (1979, p. 141). A product, in this case, Els Pets, serves a utopian function by bringing together groups of people under the rubric of local nationalism and/or global youth culture as defined by popular music. But, as Jameson goes on to say, this is only an illusory harmony which serves to disguise the repression of 'the fundamental social anx- ieties and concerns, hopes and blind spots, ideological antinomies and fantasies of disaster, which are their raw material' (p. 141).

Playing off the fears of a Catalan-speaking public and any possible threat to its language, the Catalan cultural mainstream has caught on quickly. Els Pets orig- inally strove for independence from government subsidies (not that they were offered any!) by holding on to day jobs and taking out personal loans to cover equipment and recording costs. But their expenses eventually became too great as their popularity grew. At this point, remaining outside of the dominant cultural structure was no longer economically feasible. Thus, co-optation and commercial success (implying the erasure of their oppositional status) while retaining the image of the rebel became a viable solution to the pressures of time and money as mentioned above. It also opened the door for Els Pets and other Catalan bands to




influence people's attitudes towards the Catalan language and the independence of Catalonia as a nation based on a strong national identity. This was achieved in part through greater media coverage and their new found influence as public figures. Els Pets were treated as pariah by La Generalitat until public acceptance 'required' an opening in the Catalan cultural mainstream. This demonstrates the power of popular music to dictate its demand in accordance with appropriate historical moments. With this in mind it is not so extraordinary that a space was suddenly found for Catalan rock among other forms of national cultural expression, thereby creating space for political action as well. Catalan rock was not conceived as a political activity, but found itself politicised by the reactions it caused socially, culturally and politically. This is more than likely the reason the ambiguity of the social impact of entertainers like Catalan rock musicians is often debated. As L. Grossberg points out, 'the existence of a real ambiguity within critical evaluations between judgments of musical quality and affective politics' (1984, pp. 109-10) is one of the consequences of such an approach to the production of rock/pop music.

The calculated quality of pop musical production and performances does not mean that they are predictable; they often take us by surprise. This seems to produce positive effects for Els Pets' goal of normalising the Catalan language. The closer they are to the centre of the capitalist structure, which is developing rapidly within the Catalan/Spanish economy, the closer they are to participating directly in the evolution of a national ideology that caters to their concerns more effectively than that of the Pujolian9 government. Class struggle and economics are not the major concern of most Catalan rock musicians, but they are two realities that greatly affect Catalonia's nascent rock and roll industry, and form part of any band's strategy for commercial success.

As Catalan rock gains in popularity, the use of 'residual' forms of alternative or oppositional culture is losing its impact. Radio censorship has been lifted in the case of Els Pets and both 'residual' and 'emergent' cultural forms used by Catalan bands are being incorporated into the dominant structure. The appearance of articles and rock columns in mainstream newspapers and magazines, as well as increased airplay on Catalan national radio and television stations is clear evidence of this.

Increasing commercial success suggests to many of Els Pets' fans the betrayal of the band's assumed objective to represent and participate in 'rebellious' youth culture by abandoning a marginal (often synonymous with oppositional) status to join the ranks of official Catalan cultural production. Els Pets have had to transcend their oppositional status to participate in the world of profit, large-scale performances and media exposure, thereby playing the game of the rock and roll apparatus in order to gain by rather than suffer under its rules. Els Pets have made every effort to form part of, if not lead, a new trend in the cultural mainstream rather than insist on a defiantly oppositional position. Artistic production in Catalan promotes a nationalistic message linked to the need for freedom of expression and recognition of Catalan identity. Instead of changing the structure of Catalan society catering to bourgeois tastes, Els Pets are creating a space for themselves and for Catalan rock in order to demonstrate that the Catalan language is (still) a valid means of expression. As Grossberg states, '[rock] sought to open culture to the needs and experiences of its own audiences, not to deny or overturn the consensual and institutional structures which had made those experiences, and its own existence,



258 Maria Van Liew

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'Invitation' to an Els Pets Concert.

possible' (1992, p. 147). While Catalan rock challenges existing social structures, so, too, does it require their stability and acceptance for its own survival.

Though not the norm for all bands singing in Catalan, Els Pets' success strategy is based on acceptance at the local nationalistic level, but resists association with the Spanish state and its federalist composition. This means opposing the policies of Catalonia's ruling party, Convergencia Uni6, a conservative Catalan nationalist party which favours political, economic and social ties to Spain while




promoting Catalan national identity based on its language and cultural tradition. This is cause for tension between CiU and Catalan separatists who are a politically active minority voice. Although Catalonia's pro-independence party, Esquerra Republicana, has experienced a slight increase in the recent 1992 election with 8 per cent of the votes, Spain's northern Basque Country as well as Quebec and Scotland show greater voter support for their respective separatist parties. This has not discouraged Els Pets from expressing their opinion openly in favour of Catalan separatism, and some critics and fans believe that Catalonia's ideologically conservative-liberal atmosphere has served to support and promote the band.

Developments within the rock and roll apparatus usually form groups of 'difference' that serve as elements of cohesion for an alternative identity, often- times oppositional to that of the dominant, 'normalised' identity, however temporarily fashionable that 'difference' may be. As stated above, Els Pets stand in opposition to CiU political and economic policy. An alternative or oppositional force can quickly be popularised and commodified, and thereby denied any social power without being stripped of its original (authentic) appearance. I would like to argue that, having achieved a high level of local commercial success, Els Pets are struggling from a position within the system against erasure of their implied oppositional status. One of the key players in such a strategy is, of course, the media, which plays a role in what Stuart Hall (1977) refers to as the ideological labour of actively ruling in and ruling out certain realities. The participation of the mass media, often very difficult to achieve but indispensable to the dissemination of any ideological strategy, is required in most counter-hegemonic efforts.

While emphasising cultural/linguistic specificity in their behaviour and public statements, Pets music is the result of an on-going process of cross-cultural and very commercial 'bricolage'. The music and clothing of US and British rock movements of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s are now being recuperated by a Catalan music industry that is capable of capitalising on the temporal displacement and sub- sequent fragmentation of past styles from which Catalan (and Spanish) youth were, to some extent, excluded in their original historical stages. Hence, Catalan rock is a kind of 'pastiche' rock based on the historical memory of exclusion and the incorporation of contemporary music industry technology and commercial market strategies in an effort to feel contemporaneous with the past and the present.

Desirous of a contemporary musical form representative of their national identity as well as that of twentieth-century youth in general, the movement contains varying degrees of purpose and intention, a task which this 'third generation' of musicians has finally carried beyond its infant stage.

Catalan rock, youth and modern technology Pop-videos and the 'visualization of culture' (Grossberg, 1985, p. 63) make rock accessible to the very young who are capable of watching television, buying records, tapes and compact discs but who cannot attend live concerts. This is a global market strategy that works not only for Catalan rock but for most types of (Western) popular music. The changes in modern mass media technologies con- tribute to the overlap of new, often imported developments in the Catalan music industry. Catalan rock seems to be caught in a time overlap of traditional (pre- punk) rock and roll emphasis on youth and pleasure with a nostalgic commitment to the musical and fashion styles of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. This is combined



260 Maria Van Liew

with the importation of contemporary musical 'attitudes' of British and US rock movements whose socio-historical context is, of course, not the same as that of Catalonia. The incorporation of new and emerging rock industry marketing tech- niques, then, attracts larger and often younger audiences with an emphasis on the visual. Catalonia is thus caught between the nostalgic recuperation of what Catalan youth were restricted from during the Franco era, that is, rebellious activity by youth groups within a rock and roll context, and the construction of an 'attitude' which coincides with the contemporary political and social needs of Catalan youth (constantly under debate as we have seen above). In order to contain this 'attitude', however, conservative Catalan currents favour the levelling of US/British rock -

Spanish rock - Catalan rock as the same, as belonging to one grand vision of youth, thereby reducing its local impact. The successful third wave of Catalan rock began as a regional phenomenon where local audiences, (family) support and acceptance were and still are the impetus for new bands like Els Pets (Tarragona) and Sopa de Cabra (Girona) to forge ahead with their projects. Bands that have acquired the resources to take advantage of the recording studios in Barcelona struggle to retain their regional identity as they grapple with global market strategies.

This leaves Els Pets and other ideologically motivated bands in a bind, for participation in the Catalan rock industry is key to their very survival while at the same time contributes to the possibility of the suggested levelling of the goals of any particular political agenda. If singing in Catalan within a bilingual state is a political statement, then the hegemonic state apparatus can appropriate this statement as their own by 'redefining reality' (Hall 1977, p. 332), thereby reducing any band's ability to threaten the dominant Catalan ideology of acceptance of political, economic and social ties to Spain.

The fact that there are now sixty groups producing rock/pop in Catalan demonstrates the success of transcending the 'boom' into a normal(ised) part of Catalan youth culture (El Pais, 30 April 1992, Quadern, p. 3). Though the Catalan economy is strong from a Spanish viewpoint, it lacks competitiveness on foreign markets and remains dependent on Sparrish clout in a developing EEC. This is one of many reasons to doubt that Catalan separatism will be achieved in the near future; still, recognition and promotion of Catalan language and culture is clearly gaining momentum.

Mary Harron asks 'how could anyone [expect] consistent politics and effective social change from a culture based on teenagers?' (1988, p. 204) I believe this question naively ignores the impact popular cultural movements such as rock produced in Catalan can have on the society which, paradoxically, produces it. The

ideology behind a band like Els Pets has succeeded in creating a space for new trends in Catalonia's cultural production, thereby destroying the myth of the innocuous, mindless nature of entertainment while insisting on its importance as an indispensable source of pleasure and affective investment.

Endnotes 1 Els Pets are known for their eclectic musical style

based on US/British popular music. I will refer to them as a 'rock band' in the general meaning of the term.

2 The national folk dance of Catalonia. 3 I do not wish to insinuate that there exists a

pure Catalan essence in need of defence. As L.

Grossberg states, 'every cultural practice is a

hybrid' and 'partly determined by the various contradictory forces, tendencies and positions' (1992, p. 77) which operate both locally and

globally. Hence, Catalan rock, although a local




phenomenon, has a global flavour enhancing its local appeal.

4 '"Catalanism" is the term that has traditionally been applied to any one of the variety of political and cultural positions that focus on the notion of Catalonia as a community separate and unique from the Castilian culture that dominates most of the rest of Spain' (D'Lugo 1991, p. 133).

5 Ngugi Wa Tiong'o's book, Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature (Heinemann, Portsmouth N.H., 1981), is pertinent to the argument of the survival of Catalan in rural areas. Ngugi describes African peasants as the guardians of native languages, significant due to the oral tradition of most native African Languages. Catalan, too, as well as Euzkera and Galician could not be as easily purged from rural areas as they were from urban centres: a vast literary tradition in Catalan

has also contributed enormously to its survival. 6 When it was no longer necessary to protest dic-

tatorial oppression of Catalan culture many art- ists fell to the wayside except for the most famous. The fear of becoming obsolete once certain goals are achieved is perhaps the source of fear on the part of many Catalan rock bands to include themselves in any kind of political agenda.

7 See Grossberg's 'Is There Rock after Punk' (1986, p. 57) for an elaboration of youth as a social category associated with rebellion. 8 The Catalan Generalitat normally supports

artistic production through government subsidies since art produced in Catalan has traditionally been doomed to economic failure due to the small size of its potential audience.

9 Jordi Pujol is president of Catalonia and head of CiU.

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Josep. (Barcelona) Chapple, Steve & Garofalo, Reebee. 1977. Rock 'N' Roll is Here to Pay (Chicago) D'Lugo, Marvin. 1991 'Catalan Cinema: Historical Experience and Cinematic Practice' QRFV vol 13, 1-3 Frith, Simon. 1988. 'Art ideology and popular practice', in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture eds C.

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The scent of Catalan rock: Els Pets' ideology and the rock and roll industry

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