THE ROLE OF AGRICULTURE AND FARM HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN RURAL ECONOMIES
Transcript of THE ROLE OF AGRICULTURE AND FARM HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN RURAL ECONOMIES
14
Introduction
The traditional role of agriculture in farm household
diversification in rural economies is clearly visible as
these farm households across the developing and developed
world earn an increasing share of their income from nonfarm
sources. And the specialized nonfarm households that emerge
often diversify into multiple business activities. Decisions
affecting nonfarm enterprise creation, closure and growth are
thus commonly taken within the confines of a multi-activity
rural household. Thus, the nonfarm enterprise dynamics fit
into a household decision-making environment that helps to
shape labor and capital allocations across activities, as
well as outcomes. Consequently, a fuller understanding of
nonfarm enterprise dynamics requires an assessment of the
household decision-making environment within which these
decisions are frequently made. Household motives for
diversification, as well as the opportunities available to
them, differ significantly across settings and income groups,
suggesting an important distinction between: (1)
diversification undertaken for accumulation objectives,
driven mainly by “pull factors”; and (2) diversification
undertaken to manage risk, cope with shock, or escape from
agriculture in stagnation or in secular decline, hence driven
by “push factors.” These terms of push and pull factors are
found in many household and regional case studies that have
14
examined patterns of household income diversification in the
developing world. While diversification driven by pull
factors is usually associated with an upward spiral of
incomes and assets for the households thus engaged, the
diversification by push factors sometimes extracts a
household from poverty, but can be merely a holding pattern
or one of immiseration (even “growth with immiseration” as
Barrett 1998 puts it) as the household adds the equivalent of
subsistence-level nonfarm activity to a risky and poor
agricultural income base. It thus becomes important for
policymakers to understand the nature and patterns of
household income diversification, and distinguish the factors
that drive households into nonfarm activity, and thus inform
program and policies.
The Problem
The pursuance of agriculture in rural areas does not only
bring about positive effects. It also thus brings about
negative effects. Therefore, we would be looking at the role
of agriculture in helping some poor households to be less
dependent on agriculture and diversify their source of
income.
The Statement of Purpose
The purpose of this study is to examine how agriculture has
enable farm households to diversify their sources from which
14
they generate their incomes in order to sustain their
livelihoods. This will be done by answering the following key
question: How has agriculture led to farm household
diversification in rural economies? In order to come out with
such an analysis, we would be answering the following
implementing questions?
1. What is the economic role of agriculture in rural
economies?
2. What are the factors enhancing farm households
diversification in rural economies?
3. What are the challenges faced by farm households
diversification in rural economies?
4. What are the policies to encourage farm household
diversification in rural economies?
5. What are the Multiplier effects of agricultural
activities in rural economies?
The role of agriculture in rural areas in Austria
Agriculture has created employment
opportunities in rural areas. Almost or all of the
inhabitants of the rural areas rely on agriculture as a
source of employment for them and for the survival of their
households. In a census conducted in the rural areas of
14
Australia in 2006, 246 600 people indicated that they were
employed in agricultural production at
the farm level, representing 2.7% of national
employment . Agriculture accounts for 4% of employment in
South Australia (OECD 2009). The sectoral composition of
rural areas should be viewed alongside the
institutional structure of businesses, as this may be
important in terms of contributing to the dynamism of the
economy. The rural economy is an important source of
small businesses and new start-ups (Defra, 2007c).
Rural areas of England account for approximately 19% of the
population and around 25% of the business stock, resulting in
more businesses per head in rural compared to urban areas. In
terms of business start-ups per 10 000 of population (OECD
2009), rural areas are roughly equal to or better than the
English average for business start-ups. However, rural
businesses tend to be smaller than in urban areas, a higher
proportion have no employees and while they have the highest
growth aspirations, they are actually the most likely to
have stayed the same size. Lack of managerial skills is cited
as a key limiting factor for rural businesses, and this is a
factor that applies both to agriculture and other sectors
(SBSAU, 2006).
The economic role of agriculture in
rural areas has facilitated a more increased use of the
14
available land in most rural economies. This land may not be
used only for on-farm activities but also for off-farm
activities such as craft making. For example, in 2003, 43%
of the total New Zealand land area was used for
agricultural production, including land for grazing,
grassland, arable land and land used for horticulture. A
further 7% was in planted production forest. Plantation
forestry accounts for over 15% of land area in Bay of Plenty,
Gisborne and Marlborough. The smaller share of land used for
agricultural or forestry production in West Coast, Tasman and
Nelson, and Southland reflects a larger proportion of
conservation protected areas within these regions (OECD
2009).
As noted above, agriculture plays a
dominant role in land-use and in some regions it continues to
play an important role in the local economy. However, it is
increasingly the case that in economic terms “rural” is no
longer synonymous with “agriculture”, and “agriculture” is no
longer synonymous with “rural” (OECD 2006a). Data from 20
countries for 2000 indicate that − even in regions that
qualified as “predominantly rural” under the OECD
classification − an average of just 9% of the workforce was
engaged in agriculture, the remainder being employed in
industry or services (OECD 2006a).
14
The Production function of agriculture
is another economic role which generally refers to particular
characteristics of agricultural production processes and its
outputs, and more specifically the existence of multiple
commodity and non-commodity outputs that are jointly produced
by agriculture. Some non-commodity outputs may exhibit the
characteristics of externalities or public goods (OECD,
2001). From the Austrian perspective, Wiesinger and Dax
(2004), for example, investigate elements of agricultural
multifunctionality in terms of externalities. In addition to
positive external effects, the authors also consider the
possible negative external effects caused by agricultural
land use and activities. The multiple functions of
agriculture listed above obviously relate to the positive
external effects as well as non-commodity outputs, both of
which farmers are usually not paid for.
In the other economic of agriculture
in rural economies, we look at the Economic function of
agriculture in rural economies where agriculture has led to
the generation of incomes by these farm households which has
enabled them to begin thinking of diversify their source of
income from on-farm to off-farm means of generating incomes.
However, this economic function also holds in the sense that
when this farm produce are harvested, they are taking to
nearby rural market where sales is carried by buyers from
14
outside the rural economy thus also helping to generate what
is termed “new money” in that rural community and it is this
money which helps the farmers to sustain their livelihood and
also begin thinking of how to engage in other businesses
rather than agriculture. As a result, the economic function
of agriculture in rural economies cannot be undermined.
Another aspect is the increase in
the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as a result of agriculture
in rural economies. Agriculture accounts for less than 5% of
GDP in majority of rural economies in OECD countries.
However, it continues to account for a proportionately larger
share of employment, and, in a few cases, for more than 10%
of total employment. Agriculture and forestry occupy the
majority of the land area in most countries across the OECD
area. According to statistics from the U.N. Food and
Agricultural Organization, agricultural land use accounted
for roughly 37% of the total land area of OECD countries; if
the use of land for forests is included, the figure rises to
68%.
Agriculture has played an important role in
the spatial function of rural economies where there has been
the development of road infrastructure, open space and
settlement for living. This road infrastructure enables the
transportation of farm produce from the farms to the market
14
without which the farm produce may be damaged upon arrival in
the market thus the agriculture has played a large role in
the development of road infrastructures in rural areas and
also the effective functioning of the export market in these
rural communities. Also, this road infrastructure also
enables farmers to settle by their farms in order to enable
them pay more attention to their agricultural activities
which at times requires more attention.
However, various methods have been applied to
measure the multifunctional role of agriculture, but
quantification remains difficult. One main challenge refers
to measuring the value of non-commodity outputs because
markets for these goods tend to function inefficiently or are
non-existent. Moreover, Dissemond et al. (2003) argue that
standard measurement methods, for example those based on the
theory of economic externalities, are unsuitable and suggest
using a system theoretic approach that more appropriately
capture causal relationships as well as different actors
involved. While many studies are qualitative, quantitative
studies are rare and their results greatly depend on the
quantification method applied (e.g. Pevetz et al. 1990; Schmid and
Sinabell, 2004). Quantitative results about agricultural
multifunctionality are often at a highly aggregate level and
do not specifically refer to rural areas. As such,
conclusions about the multifunctional role of agriculture in
14
rural economies are difficult. In the context of the EU-
funded project “Towards a policy model of multifunctional
agriculture and rural development” (TOP-MARD), Dax et al.
(2005) provide an overview of studies that attempt to
quantify the multifunctional role of agriculture in Austria.
What are the factors enhancing farm households
diversification into non-agricultural activities in rural
economies?
A major factor explaining household
diversification into non-agricultural activities is a desire
to obtain an alternative source of income. Studies have shown
and is continuing to show that on-farm, non-agricultural
enterprises and off-farm employment were important strategies
adopted by farm households facing cyclical commodity prices,
periodic rises in farm input prices and climatic events such
as prolonged drought. ―This pluriactivity helped to maintain
farm household incomes, while it defended farm equity and
provided greater opportunity for retirement and family
succession. (Taylor and McClintock, 2004).
An important driver for this was
the subsidy reform programme that began in New Zealand
in 1984, the impact of which has been well documented. One
of the initial farmer responses (along with a reduction in
capital expenditure, labour force, fertilizer, etc) was to
14
seek off-farm employment. ―It was often only where off-farm
work was available that many farm-households were able to
survive. (Smith, 2006). A number of coping strategies were
adopted by farmers in the face of unfavourable ‗terms of
trade‘at the farm gate. The Strategies being deployed
include intensification or ―going organic on the
business side and off-farm work on the family side.
The variety and complexity of coping strategies
adopted on the family farm reflect its dual nature as a
business and household unit. (Joseph, Lidgard and Bedford,
2001).
Cash and in-kind non-farm income
contributes substantially to total household income. In rural
economies, rural non-farm income is considered key to rural
development policies aimed at increasing the incomes of small
farmers in addition to creating more employment opportunities
in rural areas. The creation of off-farm jobs also narrows
the income gap between rural and urban households, as well as
among farm households in rural areas.
None-farm income has a positive impact
on farmers’ well being. These positive impacts are to tighten
the labor market that the poor depend on; to help manage
risks by providing employment in during the off-season,
making full use of agricultural assets, or providing part-
time, home-based work which fits well with women’s other
14
domestic work; to add value to farm activities (processing,
trade, storage, etc.); and to provide opportunities to learn
new skills.
Participation in agricultural and non-
agricultural wage employment is positively related to
household size. This makes sense, because larger households
can maintain their farm and household activities, while still
sending one or more members to work for others. Furthermore,
male-headed households are more likely to participate in wage
employment.
Although there are no cultural restrictions in the region for
women to enter the labour market, female-headed households
are often those where the husband left or passed away, so
that women have to spend more time on farm and household
duties to maintain a minimum subsistence level.
Age has a differential impact on
participation in agricultural and non-agricultural wage
employment, which might potentially be explained by different
physical fitness requirements across sectors. Manual
agricultural labour is often harder than work in other
sectors, so that older people are at a disadvantage.
Likewise, education has differential impacts. While schooling
does not seem to be important for agricultural wage
labourers, it significantly increases the probability of
finding work in non-agricultural sectors (Zhu and Luo, 2006).
14
Accordingly, the average wage rate is lower in agriculture
than in other sectors. Noteworthy is also the highly
significant negative effect of market distance for
participation in agricultural wage employment. This is
probably related to higher agricultural labour demand in
areas close to the market, where farm production is often
more commercialized than in settings further remote.
Participation in self employment is mostly determined by
asset and Credit access was excluded from all the models
because it is endogenous and does not provide any insights
about financial constraints to enter off-farm activities.
Strikingly, farm size does not show a significant effect in
any of the models, which confirms that participation in off-
farm employment, is not primarily a response to household
land constraints.
While it is likely that poor and small-
scale farmers pursue a distress-push diversification to some
extent, there also seems to be a significant element of
demand-pull diversification, especially among the better-off.
The off-farm sector is quite heterogeneous, and households
appear to have unequal access to different parts of this
sector. The probit analysis confirms that poor households and
those who are disadvantaged in terms of education and
infrastructure are particularly constrained in their ability
to participate in more lucrative Off-farm activities.
14
Increasing farm household income by
elevating agricultural income is limited. In Korea, farm
households have a small arable land area (1.43 ha on
average), there is only limited room to increase agricultural
productivity given the large number of older, less educated
farmers in Korean agriculture and limits on the level of
price support for agricultural products in an international
context. Therefore, the Korean government emphasized the
promotion of non-farm income.
Finally, improved accessibility in terms
of both transport and communication links have increased the
opportunities for farm households to diversify into non-
agricultural activities. Faster and cheaper transport has
played an important role in closing the distance between
rural and urban areas (Pool et al., 2005). The internet has
been successfully used to market both agricultural
products ( e.g. many vineyards use the internet as a
medium through which their wine can be purchased) and
non-agricultural (e.g. farm stay accommodation)
Farm household diversification into
nonfarm activities emerges naturally from diminishing or
time-varying returns to labor or land, from market failures
(e.g., for credit) or frictions (e.g., for mobility or entry
into high-return niches), from ex ante risk management, and
from ex post coping with adverse shocks. Where returns to
14
productive assets vary across time (e.g., land, labor or
livestock across dry and wet seasons) or among individuals
within a household or households within a community, data
aggregated across time, individuals, or households will
exhibit diverse assets, activities and incomes even if there
is complete Ricardian specialization according to comparative
advantage. Such aggregation likely accounts for a substantial
proportion of the diversification reported in empirical
studies.
Additional explanations turn on
incomplete markets (e.g., for land, labor, credit, or
insurance). Missing land markets, for example, can help
explain why a skilled blacksmith who inherits land spends
scarce time farming although his comparative advantage lies
in smith work. Were land markets operative, he might rent out
or sell his land and devote all his time to blacksmithing.
But in the absence of land markets, and in the presence of
labor market imperfections that preclude his simply hiring
others to work his land for him, his optimal use of labor
time may well include time spent on relatively less
productive farming, else his land asset returns nothing to
him. Observed diversification of labor activities and income
for this hypothetical individual would then be attributable
primarily to the absence of markets.
14
.Challenges of diversification in rural areas
The Weak entrepreneurial skills,
insufficient knowledge about the new activity and the
mentality of most farm households has limited their ability
to diversify on-farm activities for non-farm activities. Most
farm households in rural economies has the zeal and
excitement to get into another means of source of generating
income but lacks the foresight or insight knowledge about the
functioning of that particular source of income generation. A
result of which will lead to most of these farm households
failing in their quest to diversify their income generating
sources.
Most farm households in their quest to
diversify their source of income from on-farm to non-farm
income sources lack the sufficient human and physical capital
with which to carry about other businesses. Human capital in
business is a serious complement in a business entity because
you must be able to understand what the business demands and
knows what to do in order to keep the business floating but
the adequate of these human capital in most rural economies
has impeded the effective operation of off-farm income
generating activity by the rural areas. In continuation,
there are some businesses which require a lot of physical
capital with which to operate the business just like in the
case of warehousing which needs wage labour for the packing
14
of goods. The lack of money with which to cater for the
services of the labour force impedes the ability of farm
households to diversify their sources of incomes.
The Lack of information about the demand
for certain type of goods is another challenge faced by rural
economies in their process of diversification. Market
information is crucial about the success of certain types of
businesses. There are certain businesses which operate on a
seasonal basis and require a lot of information about the
period which it is available. In most rural economies, there
is the acute lack of information about the market demand on
certain types of products thus the inhabitants of the rural
areas with the lack of information about market demand
ventures into the businesses which are not in demand at that
particular period of time a result of which will result in
their folding out of business.
The presence of various local competitors
in the market is a serious challenge to the survival of newly
diversified source of income in farm households. Other local
competitors. However, new businesses coming into the market
face serious competition from already existing operators who
had been in the domain for a certain period of time before
the coming of most farm households. These old business
operators will try to do everything possible in order to
14
ensure that the new businesses diversified into by the farm
households find it hard to survive and adapt to the
conditions of the market.
Finally, government policies pose a
serious challenge to the smooth of new business by most farm
households. There are some goods which are considered as
contraband and illegal to be sold or require the issuance of
special licenses before they go on sale. However, the
complexity of the government mechanism renders it extremely
difficult for most farm households to acquire such rights and
licenses with which to operate such business this hindering
the effective functioning of most farm household businesses.
Also, some challenges may be more acute in
rural areas than elsewhere. When taking up alternative income
sources, agricultural holdings in rural areas may be
particularly confronted with challenges related to location.
With regard to renewable energy as an alternative income-
generating activity, there emerges the problem of the
distance to markets. Similar problems seem relevant for
direct marketing activities. While consumers may not find
their way to remote farm shops, neither are consumers of the
respective agri-food products or other non-agricultural
products easily reachable. While selling opportunities are
limited in rural areas, this means that changes in consumer
preferences and trends are more difficult to identify. Even
14
if situated in a favourable location to centres or cities,
there must of course be consumers that demand and are willing
to pay for the respective products to ensure the
sustainability of the direct marketing activity.
Next to the aforementioned examples, other specific
challenges of income diversification for farmers in rural
areas could be thought of but evidence is missing. Studies
explicitly analyzing challenges of income diversification in
rural areas are not available.
Policies to encourage diversification of farm household inrural economies
Government policies can act as a stimulus
to the diversification of economic activities of farm
households in countries where diversification is a policy
objective. The OECD has examined the impact of selected
policies and countries (OECD, 2009a). Over the last twenty
years, a number of policy measures designed to encourage
diversification, have been introduced in certain OECD
countries. These include grants for processing and marketing
of agricultural products, afforestation and the development
of other activities such as tourism and craft-related
enterprises.
Vocational training and business
development schemes have also been used to encourage
14
diversification. Facilitation activities, such as the
provision of information, industry organization and market
creation have also been employed. However, public expenditure
on measures specifically designed to promote diversification
has tended to be modest in comparison to other expenditures
on agriculture, such as price and income support.
A range of other policies can affect the likelihood that farm
households will attempt to diversify their economic
activities. In a survey carried out by OECD through the use
of questionnaires, it indicates that land-use regulations can
be an important factor, particularly for the development of
activities that require a change of use of existing buildings
or new construction. Differing labour regulations for work
that is classified as agricultural, as distinct from other
work, may also have an impact in certain cases.
In some countries access to other forms of support (e.g. income
support or on-farm investment schemes), may be limited if
farmers devote too much of their time to non-agricultural
activities, or earn too much income from them. This can also
apply to eligibility for preferential treatment for farmers
under social security systems in some countries and for the
treatment of taxation. While such measures may have the aim
of redressing perceived economic disadvantages faced by
farmers, they may act as a disincentive to diversification.
14
However, these measures can have other objectives, which
should be taken into consideration.
Multiplier effects of agricultural activities in rural farm
households
Agriculture is closely integrated with
other sectors of the economy. On the one hand, agricultural
holdings demand inputs (production inputs, investment goods,
and services) for their farming activities, and on the other
hand they supply their output either to consumers or to
further processing, both commercial and craftsmanship.
Through these linkages agriculture affects income and
employment in up-stream and down-stream sectors. These
effects in the up-stream and down-stream sectors are indirect
and in addition to the direct effects for farm households. If
income generated by either direct or indirect effects is
spent within the region, further economic effects are
induced. Due to these multiplier effects, agriculture is
often claimed to be a motor for economic development in rural
areas, and the possible multiplier effects should be ideally
included when analyzing the importance of agriculture in
rural areas.
From a policy perspective it is valuable to
know the relative performance of the different levers by
which economic activity in rural areas can be stimulated.
14
Agriculture, other (diversified) enterprises on farms, non-
agricultural activities which may be located in rural areas
or even those that are urban-based but have strong links with
rural residents are all candidates. So too are the means of
communication (transport infrastructure, IT facilities, etc.)
that enable economic links to function. When incomes and
employment are discussed, frequently the attention focuses on
quantities. However, when job creation is concerned, it may
be equally important to have regard to qualitative aspects –
the full-time or part-time nature of the employment offered,
its seasonal or constant nature, level of associated pay,
sustainability with respect to economic shocks, and the
biographics of the people for whom opportunity is provided
(gender, age groups, skills levels, ethnic origin etc.) are
all of potential interest. Clearly, the social impact of
public spending that generates jobs for unskilled school-
leavers belonging to rural resident families is potentially
very different from that which encourages an inflow of
population, especially if the in-migration contains a high
proportion of entrepreneurs wishing to take advantage of
perceived quality of goods produced in the countryside.
Agriculture and rural areas have become
more attractive for the younger generation in the rural
areas. Beyond farmers’ heirs staying on farms there is
14
migration from urban areas. Before the year 2000, rural areas
were a place of negative net migration. This however had
another twist in the year 2000 as there was positive net
migration from urban to rural areas. It is a very positive
trend in rural areas. First, because young farmers are less
afraid of changes. Second, they are more motivated and
innovative and, third, they are better educated, travel which
offers them different perspectives, and use foreign and urban
samples more easily. Fourth, they have better contact with
the urban culture and lifestyle that enables better co-
operation with town dwellers and creates services for them.
The way of thinking of local government
representatives is changing. They are more assessed by local
society - more confident and conscious of its needs and
expectations from authorities. Local authorities have broader
range of instruments influencing the changes in their
activities like: infrastructure and environmental
investments, soft ones like expertise, trainings, researches,
attracting investments/ new jobs. Moreover, the quest for
transparency limits the briberies and corruption amongst
local authorities.
Conclusion
The contribution of agriculture in farm households play a
role in rural areas through the contribution made by their
14
farming activities, on-farm activities that go beyond
production agriculture, and their participation in the
broader rural economy. An important issue, therefore, is the
extent to which policies can help farm households increase
their contributions in these areas or alternatively may act
to constrain that contribution.
Farm households, in common with non-farm households, are
heterogeneous. Their ability to adapt to economic change and
to take advantage of opportunities that this creates will
vary. However, three sets of characteristics are particularly
important: i) human capital characteristics, such as age,
experience, education and training, in addition to personal
characteristics such as intelligence, motivation and
attitudes to risk; ii) the nature of the farm and farm
business – for example, the size of the farm, land quality,
and access to capital; iii) the external environment in which
the farm household operates – for example, access to markets,
quality of infrastructure, off-farm employment opportunities,
and the strength of formal and informal local social
networks. However, the importance of these factors varies
across different rural areas as well as among households.
References;
14
- Agricultural Policies and Rural Development (2010), a
synthesis of recent OECD work, Pp 13-27
- Ahmed, Funmilola Fausat (March 2012), income
diversification determinants among farming Households in
konduga, borno state, Nigeria, vol. 2, No. 2, pp 2-3
- Christopher B. Barrett, Thomas Reardon and Patrick Webb
(2001), Nonfarm Income Diversification and Household
Livelihood Strategies in Rural Africa: Concepts,
Dynamics, and Policy Implications, pp 8-9
- Karim Hussein and John Nelson: sustainable livelihoods
and livelihood diversification; IDS working paper 69, pp
10-11
- OECD Trade and Agriculture Directorate: agriculture and
farm household diversification. The case of Germany, pp
22
- OECD Trade and Agriculture Directorate: agriculture and
farm household diversification. The case of Australia, pp
14, 24
- OECD Trade and Agriculture Directorate: agriculture and
farm household diversification. The case of Austria, pp
10,13,19
- OECD Trade and Agriculture Directorate: agriculture and
farm household diversification. The case of Poland, pp 31
14
- OECD Trade and Agriculture Directorate: agriculture and
farm household diversification. The case of the United
kingdom, pp 43
- OECD Trade and Agriculture Directorate: agriculture and
farm household diversification. The case of New Zealand,
pp 13, 21
- Raphael O. Babatunde & Matin Qaim: The role of off-farm
income diversification in rural Nigeria: Driving forces
and household access, pp 12
- Thomas Reardon et al, Household Income Diversification
into Rural Nonfarm Activities, pp 3-4