THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LAW VIOLATION AND DEPRESSION: AN INTERACTIONS ANALYSIS

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LAW VIOLATION AND DEPRESSION: AN INTERACTIONIST ANALYSIS*

STACY DE COSTER University of Massachusetts at Amherst

K A R E N HEIMER University of Iowa

This paper integrates arguments f rom differential social control theory with sociological research on mental health to develop an interactionist explanation of the relationship between law violation and depression. W e focus on the possibility that law violation and depression are related because they share common antecedents, as well as the possibility that these problems mutually influence one another over time. W e test hypotheses derived f rom our theoretical perspective using covariance structure analysis and panel data. Our results show that the relationship between law violation and depression can be explained largely by common antecedents-social-structural positions, stressful life events, and adolescent problems shape social relationships and identities, which together influence the likelihood of both early adulthood crime and depression. W e also find limited support for mutual influence.

Research on the multiple problems of youth has been criticized for too often focusing on only one side of the “externalizing-internalizing” dichotomy (Colten et al., 1991). This dichotomy distinguishes between externalizing problems, such as delinquency, drug use, and antisocial personality, and internalizing problems, such as depression, anxiety, and cognitive disorders. Despite the historic tendency of researchers to focus on one side or the other of this dichotomy, recent studies document a positive association between the externalizing problem of delinquencykrime and the internalizing problem of depression (Capaldi, 1992; Ge et al., 1996; O’Connor et al., 1992).1

* This research was supported by grants from the Spelman Rockefeller Child Research Fund and the Central Investment Fund for Research Enhancement at the University of Iowa. The data were made available by the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research. Neither the funding sources nor the consortium bear any responsibility for the analyses and interpretations drawn here. We thank the editor and reviewers for helpful comments on an earlier draft.

1. Research on severe mental health problems and violence also demonstrates associations between internalizing and externalizing problems (Aldige’ Hiday, 1995;

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Although sociologists often acknowledge this association (e.g., Colten et al., 1991; Hagan, 1997; Hagan and Wheaton, 1993), the precise nature of the relationship between law violation and depression remains elusive. Two explanations have been offered. First, it is possible that the relationship is spurious because law violation and depression are determined by common antecedents and result through a similar process (Hagan, 1988; Hagan and Wheaton, 1993; Rutter, 1989). Indeed, recent studies focusing simultaneously on internalizing and externalizing problems demonstrate that certain factors (e.g., stress and social relationships) are consequential for both depressive problems and delinquent behaviors (e.g., Chassin et al., 1993; Dornfeld and Kruttschnitt, 1992; Hoffmann and Su, 1997, 1998; Lempers and Clark-Lempers, 1990; Reinherz, 2000).2

A second possible explanation is that law violation and depression are related because they influence one another over time. In fact, some researchers propose that individuals may try to alleviate depression by engaging in law violation (Kaplan and Xiaoru, 1994; Kaplan et al., 1986). This means depression should increase the likelihood of law violation, and law violation should reduce future depression. Consistent with this mutual influence reasoning, strain theorists propose that law violation helps reduce depression in the short term by serving as a coping mechanism in the face of stress (Agnew, 1985, 1992; Brezina, 1996, 2000). However, recent evidence suggests that law violation can increase depression in the long term because teenage delinquency threatens involvement in the types of conventional roles and relationships that help curb depression during the adult years (Hagan, 1997).3

Although some studies have examined the common antecedents of law violation and depression (for review, see Hoffmann and Su, 1998) and others have focused on mutual influence over time (Hagan, 1997), researchers have not yet specified a theoretical perspective that accounts for both common antecedents and mutual influence. In this paper, we attempt to build such a perspective. We also seek to account for continuity in like behaviors over time, because studies of crime (Sampson and

Link et al., 1999), as does research on children’s internalizing and externalizing behavior problems (McLeod and Shanahan, 1903).

Most of these studies focus on depression and substance uselabuse. We focus on depression and a more broad definition of law violation because these two problems more clearly represent the internalizing-externalizing dichotomy.

Although strain theory depicts law violation as an effective coping strategy. Brezina (1996, 2000) notes that this depiction is not central to the theory. He proposes that (1) law violation may be an ineffective coping strategy if it is detected by others. who may withdraw from the law violator; and (2) law-violating strategies that are suc- cessful in the short term have the potential to increase problems in the long run. Thus, the prediction that law violation increases depression in the long run is not necessarily inconsistent with strain theory.

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Laub, 1992) as well as studies of mental health problems (Kessler et al., 1997) indicate high levels of stability.

In developing our theoretical perspective, we draw select arguments from the differential social control theory of law violation (Heimer and Matsueda, 1994; Matsueda, 1992), which is an interactionist theory focused on how social-structural positions, social relationships, and identities combine to explain law violation.4 We then synthesize these differential social control arguments with sociological research on mental health to build an interactionist explanation of how crime and depression are linked through common antecedents and mutual influences. We also provide an explanation for consistency or continuity in crime and depression over time.

Our theoretical perspective proposes the following mechanisms linking crime and depression: (1) Social structural positions influence the chances that youths are exposed to stressful events; (2) exposure to stressful events, in turn, triggers law violation and depressive problems during adolescence; (3) adolescent law violation and depressive problems subsequently shape social support and identities; and (4) social support and identities ultimately influence both crime and depression in early adulthood.

Our paper proceeds as follows: We begin by discussing the arguments that we draw from the differential social control theory of law violation. Next, we use theory and research in the sociology of mental health to elaborate on these arguments; specifically, we use symbolic interactionist research on mental health problems and research on the impact of stressful life events. Finally, we derive hypotheses from our theoretical framework, and test them using longitudinal data from the National Youth Survey (NYS) (Elliott et al., 1985, 1989).

SYMBOLIC INTERACTION, LAW VIOLATION, AND DEPRESSION

ARGUMENTS FROM DIFFERENTIAL SOCIAL CONTROL THEORY

Differential social control theory specifies a symbolic interactionist explanation of law violation (Heimer and Matsueda, 1994; Matsueda,

4. We use select arguments from differential social control theory. We d o this because our paper is a first attempt to build an interactionist theory of the links between law violation and depression; we want to keep our theoretical framework as simple as possible here, and then, if it proves fruitful, elaborate on the arguments in future research. Thus, we draw key arguments from differential social control theory that resonate well with research on mental health, and then elaborate on these arguments. Another advantage of this focus is that the hypotheses that we develop can be tested using the data available in the NYS.

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1992). The centerpiece of the interactionist perspective is the role-taking process: When individuals encounter a problematic situation, they take the role or perspective of significant others, view themselves and situations from the perspectives of these others, and fit their actions into a social transaction (Mead, 1934). According to this perspective, the self is formed through role-taking and is composed of reflected appraisals, or views of oneself from the perspective of others (Felson, 1985). In applying this principle to delinquency, Matsueda (1992) posits that reflected appraisals of the self as a rule violator are a proximal determinant of law violation.5

Extending this perspective, Heimer and Matsueda (1 994) show how reflected appraisals arise through experiences with conventional and delinquent roles in primary groups, which in turn are shaped by social-structural positions, including family income, race, and residence. In addition, Matsueda and Heimer (1997) provide a theoretical account of continuity in law-violating behaviors over the life course that centers on the role- taking process. They argue that delinquent individuals select out of conventional social relationships and into delinquent relationships, through self-selection by the delinquent individual and other-selection by friends and family members. The selection out of conventional social relationships and into delinquent relationships leads to role-taking that produces deviant identities, thereby increasing the chances of future criminality. Empirical research (Heimer, 1996; Heimer and Matsueda, 1994) supports the following sequence: Social-structural positions and prior delinquency shape youths’ social relationships or attachments to primary groups, like family and peer groups. Attachments to these groups, in turn, affect the formation of reflected appraisals as a rule violator, presumably because attachments to groups increase the chances that they serve as significant

5. Although research on identity often focuses on global self-esteem (e.g., Rosen- berg, 1985; Wylie, 1979) or self-rejection (Kaplan et al., 1986). rather than on reflected appraisals, Gecas and Burke (1992) posit that i t is difficult to determine the consequences of global esteem. They argue that self-esteem may be based on competent role performance, on reflected appraisals, or on the need for social approval, each of which can have different consequences for behavior and functioning. Consistent with this, research on global self-esteem and delinquency produces inconsistent and weak findings (for review, see McCarthy and Hoge, 1984). In light of these weak findings, Mat- sueda (1992) argues that the critical locus of control for law violation is the formation of the self as an object with a specific set of meanings. Moreover, Rosenberg et al.’s (1995) comparison of the relative importance of global versus specific self-esteem suggests that specific self-esteem is more important for understanding behavioral outcomes, whereas global self-esteem is more important for understanding mental health problems. However, these authors did not measure specific self-esteem relevant to mental health problems. Thus, their conclusion concerning the relative importance of global versus specific self-esteem for predicting mental health problems may be over- stated. Our study focuses on reflected appraisals of self that are specific to law violation and specific to mental health problems.


others and reference groups in the role-taking process. Finally, reflected appraisals as a rule violator influence the chances of subsequent delinquency, as youths behave in accord with their self-images.

PARALLELS IN THE MENTAL HEALTH LITERATURE

In applying the symbolic interactionist perspective to mental health, Thoits (1984, 1985, 1986) proposes that individuals judge the appropriateness of feelings in the same way that they judge the appropriateness of behaviors-by casting themselves as objects from the perspectives of significant others and reference groups. Although feeling depressed may seem acceptable in the face of stress, Thoits argues that there is a cultural norm against depression (see also Sommers, 1984). Thus, individuals attempt to fight depression in order to restore psychological well-being. Supportive others facilitate this process by providing redefinitions of stressful situations or by providing justifications for feelings and reactions (Thoits, 1986). In other words, supportive others allow people to redefine themselves as psychologically healthy, rather than as distressed. Although Thoits does not discuss continuity in mental health problems specifically, she proposes that negative affect can disrupt ordinary interaction, leading depressed individuals to withdraw from social relationships or leading others to withdraw from interactions with depressed individuals (Coyne, 1976; Johnson, 1991). Through social interaction and the disruption of social relationships, therefore, individuals who suffer from psychological problems early in life find it difficult to maintain identities as psychologically healthy, resulting in future depression. The following empirical links, which are consistent with the processes specified in differential social control theory, receive support in the mental health literature: Prior depression shapes individuals’ attachments to family and peer groups (Coyne, 1976; Johnson, 1991), which in turn affect the maintenance or formation of positive identities (Pearlin et al., 1981). This may be because attachments to groups increase the chances that they will serve as significant others and reference groups, which aids individuals in self-labeling as “nondeviant” (Thoits, 1985). Finally, positive identities reduce the chances of subsequent depression (e.g., Rosenberg, 1985).

COMMON ANTECEDENTS, CONTINUITY, AND MUTUAL INFLUENCE

By combining arguments from differential social control theory and the sociology of mental health, we propose that the common antecedents of early adulthood crime and depression are as follows: Early adulthood crime and depression are influenced by reflected appraisals of self, which


are determined by attachments to families and friends, as well as by adolescent histories of delinquency and depressive problems. Specifically, we posit that early adulthood crime is the outcome of reflected appraisals of self as a rule violator, which are shaped by attachments to families and friends, as well as by adolescent delinquency. Early adulthood depression is the outcome of reflected appraisals of self as psychologically distressed, which are shaped by attachments to families and friends, as well as by adolescent depressive problems. Because the same social interactions are important in the production and maintenance of both crime and depression, we propose that these common antecedents explain part of the association between law violation and depression.

This interactional process also specifies how continuity in similar behaviors and problems arises over time. As discussed in differential social control theory as well as in Thoits’s (1986) work, adolescent delinquency and depressive problems may threaten conventional social relationships because conventional others choose not to interact often with “deviant” youths or because “deviant” youths choose not to interact often with conventional others. Because supportive, conventional others help youths to define themselves as nondeviants (Thoits, 1986), youths with weakened social relationships are more likely to view themselves as deviant. Youths who form deviant reflected appraisals, in turn, are more likely to experience depression and to engage in crime as adults. Thus, individuals who engage in adolescent delinquency may be likely to engage in crime in early adulthood, and those who experience adolescent depressive problems may be likely to experience depression in early adulthood.

Continuity in law violation and depressive problems is likely to arise in another way, also. Specifically, prior deviant experiences are likely to become incorporated directly into the self-independent of social relationships-to be called on in future role-taking situations. Youths with depressive histories, for example, may form reflected appraisals as distressed individuals by examining their behavior, independently of their interactions with family and friends. Similarly, youths with delinquent histories may form reflected appraisals as rule violators, apart from interactions with family and friends when they contemplate their behaviors (Heimer, 1996; Heimer and Matsueda, 1994).

Along with specifying common antecedents and sources of continuity in behaviors and problems over time, the role-taking process allows for an explanation of mutual influence between law violation and depressive problems over time. Mutual influence is likely to arise through self- and other-selection out of social relationships. The sequence follows as such: Early depressive problems weaken attachments to families and friends,


increasing the chances of reflected appraisals as a rule violator and ultimately fostering criminal behavior in early adulthood. Similarly, delinquent histories weaken attachments to families and friends, increasing the chances of reflected appraisals as psychologically distressed, ultimately fostering depression in early adulthood. Through these interactional trajectories, then, adolescent depressive problems could increase the chances of early adulthood crime, and juvenile delinquency could increase the chances of early adulthood depression.

The suggestion that delinquent youths are likely to experience depression later in life runs counter to arguments in criminology, which suggest that delinquency serves as a coping strategy for individuals who are con- fronted with stress (e.g., Agnew, 1992; Kaplan, 1980). However, the argument that delinquency is a coping mechanism focuses primarily on the short-term relationship between delinquency and psychological problems. Hagan (1 997) demonstrates that although adolescent delinquency may temporarily serve as an effective coping strategy, it ultimately increases the chances of mid-life depression. This provides an empirical basis for our proposition that adolescent delinquency increases the chances of early adulthood depression. Moreover, some strain theorists suggest that delinquency will not be an effective coping strategy if detected by conventional others, who may withdraw from interactions with or label the delinquent (Brezina, 1996). It is through this withdrawal that we propose law violation and depression are linked from adolescence to early adulthood.

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND EXPOSURE TO STRESS

We add one final element to our theoretical explanation. Differential social control theory recognizes the importance of social-structural positions, such as family income and race, in conditioning the role-taking process (Heimer and Matsueda, 1994). Consistent with this, we propose that structural positions influence the interactional pathways to law violation and depression. However, we go beyond this by proposing that exposure to stress is important in linking structural positions to the role-taking process. Existing research on the common antecedents of internalizing and externalizing problems demonstrates that stress exposure predicts both types of problems (see Hoffmann and Su, 1998). Thus, we incorporate stressful events into our explanation for the common antecedents of law violation and depression. In making our arguments, we first discuss mental health research on exposure to stress, focusing on the ways in which our framework addresses criticisms of stress research.


MENTAL HEALTH RESEARCH ON EXPOSURE TO STRESSFUL EXPERIENCES

Recent contributions to the sociology of mental health focus on understanding the long-term effects of exposure to stress (Kessler et al., 1997; Menaghan, 1997; Wheaton et al., 1997). This line of work documents important links between adolescent experiences and early adulthood depression; it also documents some of the mechanisms through which these outcomes emerge, focusing largely on social relationships and identities. Yet, there are some limitations in this work.

First, most mental health studies of the long-term consequences of stress focus solely on depression. Yet, some researchers argue that this leads to the erroneous assumption that individuals who do not react to stress with depression are unaffected by stress (e.g., Aneshensel et al., 1991 ; Cullen, 1983). Consistent with this, law violation has been shown by strain theorists to be a long-term consequence of stress (Hoffmann and Gray Cerbone, 1999). Moreover, research on the consequences of stress demonstrates that stressful events influence both internalizing and externalizing problems in the short term (see Hoffmann and Su, 1998). This suggests that a narrow focus on depression may lead researchers to under- emphasize the long-term impact of stress on individuals. We address this concern by focusing on both law violation and depression as viable, long- term responses to stress.

Second, research on stress over the life course often does not control for prior depression. Although prior depression may be a main mechanism through which stress influences later depression, Kessler et al. (1997) note that most mental health studies fail to include history of disorder as a mediating variable. Yet, theoretical arguments suggest that prior depression shapes the variables that mediate the impact of early stress on later depression-variables such as social relationships and identities (Brown and Harris, 1978; Rosenberg, 1985). By failing to control for prior depression, therefore, research overestimates the importance of social relationships and identities when examining the long-term outcomes of stress. We address Kessler et al.’s (1997) criticism both theoretically and empirically by specifying prior depressive problems as a predictor of role-taking and future problems.

Similar to Kessler et al.3 (1997) critique, Rutter (1989) argues that stress research may overestimate the influence of social relationships and identities by failing to control for externalizing problem histories-i.e., antisocial behaviors or delinquency. Specifically, Rutter (1989) proposes that responses to stress may differ in form-i.e., delinquency versus depression-but may function similarly in terms of their causes and consequences. Like depression, delinquency is influenced by stressful events


(Hoffmann and Su, 1997), and, in turn, delinquency influences social relationships and identities (Heimer and Matsueda, 1994). Thus, research that does not control for both prior delinquency and prior depression may overestimate the impact of social relationships and identities on future problems. We address this issue by specifying mechanisms through which adolescent delinquency might result in early adulthood depression and through which adolescent depression might result in early adulthood crime.

A final limitation of this body of stress research is that it often does not examine the influence of both social-structural variables and stress exposure. Researchers who focus on stress exposure purport that it is important to focus on stressful events such as parental divorce or personal victimization because these events serve as turning points that set individuals on new, adverse trajectories that lead to mental health problems (Wertlieb, 1997; Wheaton et al., 1997). Those who focus on social-structural variables, however, reason that the structural givens of daily life have cumulative advantages or disadvantages that influence the mental health of individuals, thereby proposing that it is more important to focus on social-structural factors than on stressful events (Menaghan, 1997).

Rather than debate the relative importance of social structure versus exposure to stress, we examine the relationship between structural positions and stress exposure. Specifically, we consider stress exposure to be an intervening link in a sequence beginning with social structure and end- ing with individual responses (Aneshensel, 1982). This is consistent with the differential exposure hypothesis, which holds that group differences in rates of depression are due largely to group differences in exposure to stress (Turner e t al., 1995). Indeed, much mental health research provides a strong empirical base for conceptualizing a connection between social structure and stress exposure (Dohrenwend, 1973; Turner et al., 1995). However, research on the long-term implications of stress has not explored the relationship between social structure and stress exposure, opting to treat social-structural variables as control variables (Wheaton et al., 1997).

SOCIAL STRUCTURE, STRESS, AND DIFFERENTIAL SOCIAL CONTROL

We go beyond existing research on the long-term implications of stress by focusing on the social-structural context of stress. Link and Phelan (1995) argue that factors such as social class and race help determine access to resources-such as money, knowledge, and power-which enable individuals to avoid the stressor of physical illness. Similarly, routine activities studies in criminology demonstrate that lack of access to such resources hinders the ability of disadvantaged persons to avoid the


stressor of criminal victimization (e.g., Cohen and Felson, 1979). We propose, therefore, that disadvantaged social-structural positions, including urban dwelling, lower social-class standing, and minority status, increase the chances of exposure to stressful events. Exposure to stressful events, in turn, shapes behavioral responses in the form of adolescent delinquency (e.g., Hoffmann and Miller, 1998; Paternoster and Mazerolle, 1994) and depressive problems (e.g.. Colten and Gore, 1991; Compass and Wagner, 1991). Adolescent delinquency and depressive problems subsequently increase the chances that individuals embark on trajectories of social relationships and identities that lead to long-term continuity in problems as well as mutual influence between problems.

DATA, MODELS, AND HYPOTHESES DATA

Assessing our theoretical arguments requires data that has certain fea- tures. First, the data must be longitudinal, covering adolescence and early adulthood. Such data allow us to examine mutual influence between law violation and depression over this part of the life course and also allow us to examine continuities in similar problems. Assessing our hypotheses also requires data on attachments to family and peers, reflected appraisals, stressful events, social-structural positions, and crime and depression. The NYS, collected by Elliott et al. (1985, 1989), satisfies these requirements.6 Most studies of stress and its long-term implications have relied on retro- spective reports of stressful events (see Kessler et al., 1997). The NYS provides the opportunity to examine with prospective data the relationship between stress and its long-term effects on crime and depression.

The NYS employed a multistage cluster sampling frame to obtain a national probability sample of 11- to 17-year-olds in the United States in 1976. Seventy-three percent of the sample agreed to participate in the survey. They were interviewed in their homes in 1977 and then reinterviewed each subsequent year. Our analyses use data from the 1977, 1978, 1981, 1982, and 1983 interviews. In 1983, the respondents ranged in age from 18 to 24. The attrition rate over this six-year span was low, 13%; and Elliott and Ageton’s (1 980) comparison of respondents across these waves indicates that loss by demographic variables and delinquency does not com- promise the underlying distributions on these variables. We use the data

According to the interactionist perspective, patterns of behavior and meanings remain relatively stable. Consequently, survey data are appropriate for testing hypotheses derived from such a perspective (see Heimer and Matsueda, 1994; Matsueda. 1992). This view is consistent with those of structural symbolic interactionism, which empha- sizes the structure of role relationships that create stability in meanings and behaviors (McCall and Simmons. 1978; Stryker. 1980).

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from the 1,550 respondents and their parents that remain after pairwise deletion of missing data.’

SPECIFICATION O F MODELS

The constructs specified in our theoretical discussion are not directly observable, but they are measured indirectly by responses to interview questions, which can contain errors in measurement. Therefore, we correct for measurement error by specifying a measurement model and a substantive model. The substantive model is diagrammed in Figure 1; the measurement model is omitted from the diagram for simplicity. The specific survey items used to measure theoretical constructs are listed in Appendix 1.

Capitalizing on the longitudinal design of the NYS, the model specifies a causal ordering that allows us to assess the links between law violation and depression over a reasonable span of time. As seen in Figure 1, the model consists of the following blocks of variables: (1) a vector of exogenous background variables measured in 1977, tapping social-structural positions and control variables; (2) stressful events, measured in 1977; (3) youths’ self-reported delinquency during the year between 1977 and 1978, and self-reported depressive problems, measured in 1978; (4) family attachments and friend attachments, measured in 1981; ( 5 ) reflected appraisals as a rule violator and reflected appraisals as a distressed person, each measured in 1982; and (6) self-reported crime during the year between 1982 and 1983 and self-reported depression measured at the 1983 interview.8

Because we are interested in the long-term impact of stressful events, the time period between exposure to stress and our outcomes of early adulthood crime and depression spans six years. Thus, we specify annual time lags between our blocks of variables, as depicted in Figure 1. These annual lags allow us to capture the effects of the variables over time. This

7. The analyses are based on pairwise present covariance matrices. As a sample size. we use the median sample size ( N = 1,550) of all pairwise covariances. We also estimated our model with the smallest ( N = 1,370) and largest ( N = 1,725) sample sizes of pairwise covariances, as well as with listwise deletion of missing data. The patterns of significance are the same in all four models.

In addition to the reported model, we estimated a series of models varying the timing of variables. For instance, we estimated a model with stressful events measured in 1977, delinquency and depressive problems in 1977, attachments in 1979, reflected appraisals in 1982. and crime and depression in 1983; as well as a model with stressful events measured in 1977, delinquency and depressive problems in 1978, attachments in 1979, reflected appraisals in 1981, and crime and depression in 1983. The results from these models are virtually identical to the reported model. This consistency across models conforms to the arguments of structural symbolic interactionists. who emphasize stability in meanings and behaviors over time (McCall and Simmons, 1978: Stryker. 1980).

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LAW VIOLATION AND DEPRESSION 81 1

is a more conservative test of directional relationships among the variables than specification of simultaneous effects, which require stronger assumptions and can lead to unstable estimates when these assumptions do not hold.9

The vector of exogenous variables tapping social-structural context includes family income, urbanicity, and race. Age and sex are included also as control variables. Stressful events are measured by a scale summing the number of stressful events occurring in the year prior to 1977. Parents were asked about the following events: parental divorce, separation, remarriage, serious illness or death in the family, serious accident in the family, children changed schools, and family moved. In addition, youths’ reports of criminal victimization are included in the scale. This scale is similar to scales utilized in prior studies of adolescent depression (e.g., Dornbusch et al., 1991) and juvenile delinquency (e.g., Agnew and Raskin White, 1992). Furthermore, the scale consists of non-normative, undesirable events over which the adolescents presumably have little or no control. The social-selection hypothesis suggests that history of disorder may select individuals into stressful experiences and events (Dohrenwend et al., 1992). For instance, adults who engage in law violation or who are depressed may be more likely than others to experience the stresses of divorce or job loss. In its extreme form, this argument may suggest that the relationship between stress exposure and later problems is spurious, driven solely by continuities in disorder over time. By measuring stressful events over which youths have little control, we decrease the chances that youths’ histories select them into the events measured here.10 The other qualities of our scale-non-normativeness and undesirability-also have been shown to be desirable for measuring stressful life events (for reviews, see Cohen, 1988; Thoits, 1995).

Attachment to family and attachment to friends are multiple-indicator constructs that assess youths’ relationships with these significant others. Attachment to family is measured by three interview items: asking about

9. Identifying simultaneous equations would require extremely strong and unten- able assumptions, given limitations on appropriate instrumental variables available in the NYS.

10. However, this does not rule out completely the possibility of selection effects. Thus, we conducted a series of sensitivity analyses to further assess whether selection explains the relationship between stressful events and early adulthood problems. For instance, we estimated a model in which delinquency and depression (measured in 1977) were specified to be causally prior to stressful events. The total effect of stress on future depression remains significant in this model, as does the total indirect effect of stress on future crime. Thus, it is unlikely that social selection is the driving force behind the relationships we report between stressful events and the outcomes of early adulthood crime and depression. A brief report on these analyses and their results is available from the authors on request.


how close youths feel to their families, how interested youths perceive the family to be in their problems, and how willing the families are to listen to them. Attachment to friends is measured by three items asking about the importance of having friends, the importance of being included in activities with friends, and the importance of spending time with friends. We chose these particular measures from the NYS because they are the measures used by Heimer and Matsueda (1994) and Heimer (1996) in their tests of differential social control theory. Moreover, these measures are similar to measures of attachment in other delinquency research (e.g., Hir- schi, 1969) and to measures of social support in mental health studies (e.g., Armsden et al., 1990: Kaplan et al., 1983)."

The next block of variables includes reflected appraisals as distressed and reflected appraisals as a rule violator. Reflected appraisals as distressed are tapped by four items asking youths about whether their parents and friends view them as often upset, and whether their parents and friends view them as having many personal problems. Reflected appraisals as a rule violator are tapped by four items asking youths about whether their parents and friends view them as troublemakers and whether their parents and friends view them as rule breakers.12

Early adulthood crime (1983) is measured by a 25-item index of self- reported illegal acts, and juvenile delinquency (1978) is measured by a 21- item scale of such acts (see Appendix 1). These scales include property, violent, drug, and public order offenses, following Elliott et al. (1985). but exclude juvenile status offenses. We use rates of offending rather than frequency of offending because the former are distributed more normally (Elliott et al., 1985). The internal reliability coefficients for these scales are .75 for the 1983 crime scale and .81 for the 1979 delinquency scale.

11. Although measures of social support in the mental health literature are nearly identical to measures of attachments in the criminological literature, the importance of the social bonds that are tapped with these measures has been described differently in these literatures. Although mental health researchers focus on the helping aspects of social relationships (e.g., Thoits, 1985). criminologists focus on the controlling aspects (e.g., Hirschi, 1969). Using Cullen et al.'s (1999) terms, mental health researchers focus on what social relationships "do for a person," and criminologists focus on what social relationships "do to a person." Integrating criminological and mental health arguments. we propose that social relationships are supportive in that they help youths redefine themselves as nondeviants. These redefinitions of self, in turn, play a role in the control of youths' problems.

Consistent with Matsueda (1992). we found that these reflected appraisals formed factors based on content (i.e., rule violator. distressed) rather than on the source (ix., parents and friends). We included four measurement error correlations between identical measures that differ only in the referent significant other and four error correlations between measures of items within constructs that referred to a similar significant other. The improvement of f i t was significant. with L2 = 516.26: df= 8; p < ,000 1.

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Depression in 1983 is measured by responses to questions asking about loss of appetite, unusual sleeping patterns, loss of energy, inability to con- centrate, feelings of worthlessness, and thoughts of death or suicide. This measure is similar to the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression (CES-D) scale (Radloff, 1977), which has been utilized by social researchers to tap depression (Mirowsky and Ross, 1989). Because this measure was not available in prior waves of the data, we utilized a proxy measure of internalizing depressive problems in 1978. Our measure is a scale of internalizing problems that consists of questions asking how lonely or isolated respondents feel within various social environments, such as at school, with friends, and with family members. This scale is similar to a scale developed by Russell et al. (1978) to tap the internalizing mental health problem of loneliness and thus has properties that make it a reasonable proxy for the more general internalizing mental health problem of depression. Specifically, research reports that this scale is highly corre- lated with commonly used depression scales (Weeks et al., 1980), and the construct of psychological loneliness has been shown to share the same determinants as depression (e.g., Seligson, 1983; Weeks et al., 1980). The internal reliability coefficients on our scales are 3 2 for the 1983 depression scale and .71 for the 1978 depressive problems scale.

HYPOTHESES

We use the model discussed above to test the hypotheses in Table 1. These hypotheses formalize our arguments concerning common antecedents, continuity, and mutual influence. Hypotheses 1 through 4 formalize the common antecedents arguments. These hypotheses predict that social- structural positions, stressful events, and social relationships will have important indirect effects on both early adulthood crime and depression. Note that we consider social identities to be important antecedents of both crime and depression, but we focus on the specific aspects of the self that are relevant for the behavior in question. Consequently, reflected appraisals as a rule violator should increase the chances of crime in early adulthood, whereas reflected appraisals as psychologically distressed should increase the chances of depression in early adulthood (Hypothesis 4).

Our model also allows us to assess the continuity or stability of law violation and of depression over time. Specifically, Hypothesis 5 states that adolescent delinquency will have a significant impact on the likelihood of early adulthood crime. Hypothesis 6 states that adolescent depressive problems will increase the chances of early adulthood depression. In the analyses that follow, these hypotheses predict significant total effects of adolescent delinquency on early adulthood crime, and of adolescent depressive problems on early adulthood depression. These total effects may occur as a result of direct effects representing stability over time.

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Table 1. Hypotheses


Common Antecedents of Law Violation and Depressive Problems Hypothesis 1

Hypothesis 2

Hypothesis 3

Hypothesis 4

Social structural factors, including urban dwelling, social class, and minority status, will increase the likelihood that individuals will be exposed to stressful events, which in turn, increase the chances of the early responses of delinquency and depressive problems during adolescence. Early experiences with delinquency and depressive problems will weaken attachments to families and friends. Strong attachments to family and friends will reduce reflected appraisals as a rule violator, as well as reflected appraisals as a psychologically distressed individual. Reflected appraisals of self will directly influence crime and depression, with reflected appraisals as a rule violator increasing the likelihood of crime, and reflected appraisals as psychologically distressed increasing the likelihood of depression.

Continuity in Law Violation and Depressive Problems Hypothesis 5 Adolescent delinquency will increase the chances of early

adulthood crime. Hypothesis 6 Adolescent depressive problems will increase the chances

of early adulthood depression. Mutual Influence of Law Violation and Depressive Problems Hypothesis 7

Hypothesis 8

Adolescent delinquency will increase the chances of early adulthood depression. Adolescent depressive problems will increase the chances of early adulthood crime.

They may also occur because of significant total indirect effects, through the intervening mechanisms specified by the common antecedents explanations, represented in Hypotheses 2 through 4. For example, delinquent histories may reduce family attachments and increase reflected appraisals as a rule violator, in turn increasing the chances of future crime. Histories of depressive problems may weaken attachments to families and increase reflected appraisals as a distressed person, in turn increasing the chances of subsequent depression.

Hypotheses 7 and 8 refer to the mutual influence argument, which says that the association between depression and law violation occurs in part


because these problems influence one another over time. These hypotheses would be supported if there were significant total effects of adolescent depressive problems on adulthood crime and of adolescent delinquency on adulthood depression. Our theoretical arguments suggest that this can occur through the following indirect pathways: Adolescent depressive problems affect the social relationships and identities that lead to crime in early adulthood, and/or adolescent delinquency affects the social relationships and identities that lead to depression in early adulthood. Note that these indirect pathways involve the common antecedents discussed in the previous hypotheses. It is possible, therefore, for both the mutual influence and common antecedents arguments to be correct.13 However, it is also possible for the results to support the common antecedents argument but not the mutual influence argument.

ESTIMATION OF THE MODELS We estimated the substantive and measurement models simultaneously

using the maximum-likelihood procedures of Joreskog and Sorbom’s (1993) LISREL 8. The model fits the data well, given the large sample size (L2 = 447.51, df= 163; AGFI = .96).14 Indeed, the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA) is .033, which indicates a close fit between the model and the data (Browne and Cudek, 1993). The estimates from the measurement model are in Appendix 2. These estimates show that the observed indicators are valid and reliable measures of unob- served theoretical constructs but contain enough unreliability to warrant correction via the measurement model. The unstandardized (b) and standardized (f3) parameter estimates for the substantive model are presented in Table 2. Table 3 presents estimates of total effects for crime (1983) and depression (1983). Table 3 presents estimates of total effects of our predictor variables on crime (1983) and depression (1983). Each of the total effects in this table represents the sum of the predictor variable’s direct effect and indirect effects (through other paths in the model) on the outcome variable (Bollen, 1989).

We began our analyses with an examination of the bivariate correlations between law violation and depression. These correlations demonstrate a

13. This is consistent with Wierson et al.3 (1992) statement that it is not clear whether emotional disturbance leads to antisocial behavior, whether antisocial behavior leads to emotional disturbance, or whether a third variable leads to both types of problems. They further argue that it is possible for all three explanations to be accu- rate. The first two explanations depict mutual influence, and the latter explanation depicts common antecedents.

14. The fit of the substantive and measurement models are assessed simultaneously. The goodness-of-fit measures demonstrate a close fit between the data and our measurement and substantive models.


significant cross-sectional relationship between these problems ( r = .124, p < .001 in 1978; r = .132, p < .001 in 1983), a significant longitudinal relationship between prior delinquency and future depression ( r = .060, p < .05), and a nonsignificant relationship between prior depression and future crime ( r = .030. p > .05). We examine whether these relationships are best explained by common antecedents, mutual influence, or by both.

COMMON ANTECEDENTS

Overall, the results support the proposition that both criminal behavior and depression in the early adult years can be understood as outcomes of an interactionist process that is influenced by social-structural positions, exposure to stressful events, and problematic adjustments to stressful events during adolescence. Specifically, social-structural positions, such as living in urban neighborhoods and lower socioeconomic status, predispose individuals to stressful experiences, including parental divorce, criminal victimization, and changing schools. These experiences increase the chances of delinquency and depressive problems during the adolescent years, which in turn reduce attachments to family and friends, increase deviant reflected appraisals, and eventually, increase the chances of crime and depression in early adulthood. We now address these patterns in greater detail.

Consistent with Hypothesis 1, youths from lower socioeconomic status families and youths who live in urban neighborhoods are more likely than other youths to be exposed to stressful experiences (Table 2, row 1, columns 1 and 4). Additionally, males are more likely than females to experience stressful events (Table 2, row 1, column 5) . Further analyses indicate that this is due largely to the fact that males are more likely than females to be victims of crime, which is consistent with research in the routine activities tradition in criminology (Cohen and Felson, 1979). Note that black youths are not more predisposed to stressful experiences when socioeconomic status and urbanicity are controlled. It may be, as others have suggested, that race is consequential only insofar as it is coupled with economic deprivation or urban dwelling (see Wilson, 1987, 1996).

Also consistent with Hypothesis 1, youths who report stressful events at the 1977 interview are more likely to commit delinquent acts and experience depressive problems in 1978 (Table 2, rows 2 and 3, column 6). Addi- tionally, youths who live in urban areas, older youths, and males are more likely to be delinquent in 1978 (Table 2, row 2, columns 3, 4, and 5), and lower-class and black youths are more likely to experience depressive problems in 1978 (Table 2, row 3, columns 1 and 2). Perhaps race, lower class status, and urban dwelling are stressful for youths, above and beyond their association with the stressful experiences captured in our model. We explore this possibility further in the conclusions.

Tab

le 2

. U

nsta

ndar

dize

d an

d St

anda

rdiz

ed C

oeff

icie

nts

for

the

Stru

ctur

al M

odel

of

Inte

ract

ion

and

Ear

ly A

dulth

ood

Cri

me

and

Dep

ress

ion

Inde

pend

ent

Var

iabl

es

Bla

ck

Ado

lesc

ent

Ref

lect

ed

Ref

lect

ed

Fam

ily

Rac

ial

You

th's

You

th's

Stre

ssfu

l A

dole

scen

t D

epre

ssiv

e Fa

mily

Fr

iend

A

ppra

isal

s as

App

rais

als

as

Inco

me

Stat

us

Age

U

rban

icity

Se

x Li

fe E

vent

s D

elin

quen

cy

Prob

lem

s A

ttach

men

t A

ttach

men

t R

ule

Vio

lato

r D

istre

ssed

19

77

1977

19

77

1977

19

77

1977

19

78

I978

19

81

1981

I9

82

1982

R'

1.

Stre

ssfu

l -.0

52**

-.O

W

-.003

.3

22**

.3

3Ix*

..

. ..

. ..

. ..

. ..

. ..

. ..

. .0

5 -

Dep

ende

nt V

aria

bles

(I

) (2

) (3

) (4

) (5

) ( 6

) (7)

(8)

(9)

(10)

(1

1)

(12)

-

--

--

__

_~

-~

~

Life

(.0

13)

(.W) (.0

14)

(.M

) (.0

56)

Even

ts 1

977

-.lo6

-.0

27

.006

.W

.145

Del

inqu

ency

(.M

)3)

(.018

) (.0

03)

(.015

) (.0

13)

(.006)

1978

-.0

19

-B44

.148

.0

55

.186

.1

92

Dep

ress

ive

(.W

) (.0

39)

(.001

) (.0

31)

(.026

) (.0

12)

Prob

lem

s IW

8 -A63

.088

.0

37

,025

.035

.075

Atta

chm

ent

(.007

) (.

W)

(.008)

(.036

) (.

03l)

(.0

14)

(.059

) (.0

30)

1981

.0

67

-.On

.007

-.W

.016

-.0

16

,119

-311

Atta

chm

ent

(.al

l)

(.073

) (.0

13)

(.057

) (.0

49)

(.022

) (.

093)

(.0

47)

1981

.092

44

4

47

3

.015

-.lo6

-.OM

.003

-.1

64

-.012

-.0

45

-.037

**

,046

.1

81**

,0

04

.562

**

.133

**

-.390

**

-.w

6 A

ppra

isal

s as

(.0

07)

(047

) (.

W)

(.037

) (.0

32)

(.014

) (.0

62)

(.032

) (.0

35)

(.022

) R

ule

Vio

lato

r 19

82

-.Ml

-.025

-A

11

.031

.1

40

.007

23

6 .lo8

-342

-.m

App

rais

als as

(.008)

(.051

) (.

009)

(.0

39)

(.034

) (.

015)

(.066)

(.035)

(.OM)

(.024

) D

istre

ssed

198

2 -.0

55

MI1

-.O

M

.OOO

-.082

.041

.1

68

216

-292

.040

Crim

e (.0

01)

(010

) (.0

02)

(.W

) (.0

07)

(.00

3)

(.013

) (.0

07)

(.W

) (.

005)

(.ow

(.a)

1983

-.W

1043

-.0

96

.o87

.077

.037

358

-.w

-.027

.OD

263

-.052

Dep

ress

ion

(.001

) (.0

10)

(.002

) (.C

UB)

(.007

) (.

003)

(.0

13)

(.007

) (.C

UB)

(.IN

S)

(.W

) (.@

39)

2.

Ado

lesc

ent

-.OM

-.033

.0

21**

.0

34*

.101

**

,046''

..

. ..

. ..

. ..

. ..

. ..

. .I

I

3.

Ado

lesc

ent

-.014

* .1

28**

.0

10

-.029

,0

37

.035

**

...

...

...

...

...

.03

4. Fa

mily

.0

16*

-.018

,0

02

-.010

,0

18

-.W

-.2

50**

-.3

38**

..

. ..

. ..

. ..

. .I

3

5.

Frie

nd

.OM** -.

350*

* -.0

77**

,0

29

-.IS

**

-.026

,0

11

-.272

**

...

...

...

...

.I2

...

...

.30

6.

Ref

lect

ed

7.

Ref

lect

ed

-.015

* ,1

27

-.016

,0

01

-.104

* ,0

23

.394

**

,264

'' -.3

28**

,3

29

..

...

.25

8.

Early

Adu

lthoo

d .ooO

-.017

-.0

07*'

.028

**

.022

**

,005

.1

36**

-.0

18*

-.007

,0

04

.058

**

-.a1

2 2

1

.059

**

.I0

9.

Early

Adu

lthoo

d -.ooO

-.032

**

,003

,0

05

-.038

**

.008**

,015

.0

14*

-037

,0

01

-.028

**

1983

-.W -.W

.M2

.016

-.

1U

.071

.OM

.os5

-.0

29

.009

-.1

3S

281

r

c 5 r 5 0 z 9 z U

U

M

CA ii 8 z

NOTE: Numbers

in p

aren

thes

es a

re s

tand

ard

erro

rs.

Stan

dard

ized

coe

ffic

ient

s are

in b

old

N =

160

0. L

' =

447

.51:

dJ=

163

; AG

Fl =

.96: R

MSE

A =

,033

. * p

< .0

5 **

p <

.O1

(two-

taile

d te

sts)

.


When stressful experiences and social-structural positions lead to delinquency or depressive problems during adolescence, youths are more likely to embark on a trajectory of negative social relationships and the formation of negative reflected appraisals, resulting ultimately in increased crime and depression in early adulthood. First, consistent with Hypothesis 2, delinquency and depressive problems harm youths’ relationships with primary others. Specifically, both adolescent depressive problems in 1978 and delinquency in 1978 are associated with weakened attachments to family in 1981 (Table 2, row 4, columns 7 and 8). Additionally, depressive problems threaten attachments to friends (Table 2, row 5 , column 8). Attachments to friends, however, are not weakened by youths’ prior delinquency (Table 2, row 5 , column 7). This may be because some youths use delinquency to gain acceptance or status in nonconventional peer groups (Cloward and Ohlin, 1961; Cohen, 1955). Overall, the results support the hypothesis that delinquency and depressive problems threaten attachments to primary others, especially families.

Strong family attachment, in turn, reduces the chances that youths form reflected appraisals as rule violators and as distressed persons, consistent with Hypothesis 3 (Table 2, rows 6 and 7, column 9). However, friend attachment does not protect youths from deviant reflected appraisals (Table 2, rows 6 and 7, column 10). Other research suggests that adolescents may be less adept than adults at communicating identity (Gottlieb, 1991). This may explain why attachment to friends does not ameliorate deviant images of self, whereas attachment to family helps reduce negative images of self.

Along with family attachment, prior delinquency and depressive problems affect the formation of reflected appraisals. This occurs through the following indirect effects: Youths who are delinquent or who have depressive problems in 1978 are less attached to their families in 1981, rendering them more susceptible to deviant reflected appraisals. In addition, prior delinquency and depressive problems have direct consequences for reflected appraisals (Table 2, rows 6 and 7, columns 7 and 8).

Youths’ sex also has direct consequences for reflected appraisals. Spe- cifically, males are more likely than females to form reflected appraisals as rule violators (Table 2, row 6, column 5 ) , whereas females are more likely than males to form reflected appraisals as distressed (Table 2, row 7, column 5) . These findings are consistent with other research that proposes that deviant females are likely to be viewed as mentally unstable, regard- less of the actual deviant behaviors in which they engage, whereas deviant males are likely to be viewed as criminal (Schur, 1984; see also Bartusch and Matsueda, 1996).

As predicted by Hypothesis 4, deviant reflected appraisals, in turn, exert significant effects on both depression and crime during early adulthood.


In fact, the standardized coefficients in row 9 of Table 2 show that reflected appraisals as a distressed person in 1982 has the largest effect on depression in 1983, and reflected appraisals as a rule violator in 1982 has the largest effect on crime in 1983. Surprisingly, reflected appraisals as a rule violator not only increase crime, but also reduce depression (Table 2, row 9, column 11). This may be because delinquency is a “group” phe- nomenon (e.g., Erickson and Jensen, 1977). Thus, boys who have been delinquent in the past and who identify with the delinquent self-image may be more likely to have group involvements that offer opportunities for illegal behavior. This would enable them to externalize their problems with others rather than to internalize them.

The differential effects of deviant reflected appraisals on crime and depression suggest that it is important to consider specific dimensions of self-concept because global measures (e.g., self-esteem) would obscure these differential effects (Gecas and Burke, 1992). Although we view reflected appraisals as common antecedents of law violation and depression, these appraisals of self also appear to be relevant for understanding why different individuals respond to stress and disadvantaged structural positions with law violation rather than with depression, and vice versa. We discuss this further below.

Along with reflected appraisals, family attachment plays an important role in the etiology of crime and depression. The total effects of family attachment on both social problems in 1983 are significant. Specifically, youths who are attached to their families are less likely to be criminal or depressed as they enter adulthood (Table 3, row 9). The direct effects of family attachment on crime and depression, however, are not significant (Table 2, rows 8 and 9, column 9). Thus, the total effects of family attachment on early adulthood crime and depression are fully mediated by reflected appraisals.

Interestingly, attachment to friends does not have the salutary effect of family attachment on either crime or depression in the early adult years (Table 3, row 10). This does not rule out the possibility that peer relations may be more efficacious in later stages of the life course. Gottlieb (1991) suggests that the intense need for belonging during adolescence may render adolescents and young adults less likely than more mature adults to solicit support from their peer networks by disclosing problems that may damage their reputations or make them appear deviant. Even if youths feel attached to their friends, therefore, they may not draw on them for support in the face of problems. This is consistent with our finding that family attachment is substantially more important than is attachment to friends in mitigating social problems and in communicating explicit identity during adolescence and early adulthood.


Table 3. Unstandardized and Standardized Coefficients for the Total Effects of Predictor Variables on Early Adulthood Crime (1983) and Depression (1983)

Total Effect on Early Total Effect on Early Adulthood Crime Adulthood Depression

b S. E. p Independent Variables h S. E. p ~ - ~ ~ - ~ I . Family Income -.002 (.(K)2) -.032 -.002 (.002) -.040 2. Black Racial Status -.029** (.011) -.074** -.022* (.010) -.059*

4. Youth’s Age -.006** (.002) -.080** ,003 (.002) ,050 3. Urbanicity .041** (.008) .127** ,008 (.008) ,025

5. Youth’s Sex .054** (.007) .188** -.035** (.007) -.129** 6. Stressful Life Events .012** (.003) .OYX** .012** (.003) .101** 7. Adolescent Delinquency .170** (.013) .324** .026* (.013) .053* 8. Adolescent Depressive -.(X)S (.006) -.018 .030** (.006) .118**

10. Friend Attachment ,003 ( .OW) .019 ,003 (.005) ,021

12. Reflected Appraisals as -.012 (.W8) -.052 .059** (.009) .281**

Problems 9. Family Attachment -.026** (.007) -.102** -.015* (.007) -.065*

11. Reflected Appraisals as .058** (.009) .263** -.028** (.OX) -.135 Rule Violator

Distressed

NOTE: b = unstandardized coefficient; S. E. = standard error; p = standardized coefficient. * p < .OS; ** p < .01 (two-tailed tests).

In sum, these results show that when stressful events and social-structural disadvantage trigger adolescent delinquency and depressive problems, there are repercussions for early adulthood crime and depression, respectively. Moreover, the results suggest that these long-term effects operate primarily through family attachment and reflected appraisals of self for both types of problems. In the case of stressful events, the repercussions for early adulthood crime occur via the interactional processes that we lay out in our theoretical arguments. This is evidenced by the significant total effect of stressful events on early adulthood crime (Table 3 , row 6) and the nonsignificant direct effect of such events on early adulthood crime (Table 2, row 8, column 6). These effects suggest that the long-term effect of stressful events occurs indirectly. Specifically, stress influences adolescent delinquency, family attachment, and reflected appraisals of self, which in turn affect early adulthood crime. Similarly, the significant total effect of stressful events on depression (Table 3, row 6) operates largely through the interactional processes we lay out. However, stressful events also directly influence depression, independent of role-taking (Table 2, row 9, column 6). Overall, stress influences both crime and depression in the early adult years, largely through the interactional processes specified herein.


CONTINUITY IN LAW VIOLATION AND DEPRESSIVE PROBLEMS

Consistent with Hypotheses 5 and 6, adolescent delinquency and depressive problems have important consequences for early adulthood crime and depression, respectively. Indeed, Table 3 (rows 7 and 8) shows that the total effect of juvenile delinquency (1978) on early adulthood crime (1983) is significant and substantial (p = .32), and the total effect of adolescent depressive problems (1978) on depression (1983) is significant, although more modest in size (p = .12). The somewhat modest coefficient associated with continuity in the depressive problems may reflect the fact that identical measures of internalizing problems are not available in 1978 and 1983. Nevertheless, we do detect significant stability, even using different measures of internalizing mental health problems.

As predicted, these total effects reflect a combination of direct effects of similar problems over time, as well as indirect effects through the interactional processes represented in our model. Adolescent delinquency exerts a significant direct effect on early adulthood crime (Table 2, row 8, column 7), and adolescent depressive problems exert a significant direct effect on early adulthood depression (Table 2, row 9, column 8). In addition, a significant portion of the total effect of delinquency on crime is mediated by social relationships and reflected appraisals (total indirect effect, p = .07, p < .O l ) , as is a significant portion of the total effect of depressive problems on early adulthood depression (total indirect effect, p = .06, p < .Ol). Overall, we conclude that our hypotheses about continuity over time are clearly supported. Specifically, we conclude that continuity in law violation and in internalizing problems reflects significant direct and indirect effects.

MUTUAL INFLUENCE OF LAW VIOLATION AND DEPRESSIVE PROBLEMS

Our analysis supports Hypothesis 7. Youths who engage in delinquent behaviors are more likely to become depressed in the future than are other youths, as is evidenced by a significant total effect of delinquency on early adulthood depression (Table 3, row 7). The direct effect of delinquency on future depression, however, is not significant (Table 2, row 9, column 7). This demonstrates that prior delinquency affects future depression through our role-taking mechanisms. The positive total effect of delinquency on depression is not consistent with the strain theory depiction of delinquency as a coping strategy (e.g., Agnew, 1992) but is consistent with Brezina’s (1996) strain theory proposal that delinquency does not serve as an effective coping strategy if it is detected by conventional others who withdraw from or label delinquent youths. The finding also is


consistent with Hagan’s (1996) research, which finds that adolescent delinquency threatens social roles, thereby resulting in later life depression. Overall, prior delinquency exerts a significant total effect on future depression largely because prior delinquency affects social relationships and identities, as hypothesized.

By comparison, our analyses reveal a more complex picture regarding the effect of adolescent depressive problems on early adulthood crime (Hypothesis 8). Adolescent depressive problems have a significant total indirect effect on early adulthood crime (p = .05, p < .01), which occurs largely through the following pathway: Adolescent depressive problems diminish family attachments (Table 2, row 4, column 8); this increases the chances that youths form reflected appraisals as rule violators (row 6, column 9), increasing the likelihood of early adulthood crime (row 8, column 11). Nevertheless, the total effect of adolescent depressive problems on early adulthood crime is not significant (Table 3, row 8). This reflects a counterbalancing effect-adolescent depressive problems exert a direct, negative effect on early adulthood crime (Table 2, row 8, column 8). The bottom line is that adolescent depressive problems do not increase the overall chances of early adulthood crime.

In sum, we find partial support for the mutual influence argument. Adolescent delinquency increases the chances of early adulthood depression; however, adolescent depressive problems do not increase the chances of early adulthood crime. Moreover, the continuity or stability in law violation and mental health problems is more pronounced than is mutual influence between problems over the six-year period under study (com- pare standardized coefficients in Table 3, rows 7 and 8).

CONCLUSIONS

The present study makes several contributions. First, it addresses important questions about potential links between the externalizing problem of law violation and the internalizing problem of depression. Second, our study demonstrates the desirability of continued research that draws together the literatures on crime and mental health-two bodies of knowledge that too often have remained isolated from one another (see Cullen, 1983; Hagan, 1988). Third, we demonstrate that stress exposure is best conceptualized as an intervening link in a causal sequence that begins with social structure and ends with individual responses (Aneshensel, 1982). Fourth, we draw arguments from differential social control theory and build on these to show how the association between law violation and depression may arise; this indicates that differential social control theory is not limited to crime and delinquency, but it can be a useful springboard for developing explanations of other individual-level problems, as well.


Finally, we demonstrate the importance of focusing on specific aspects of self, rather than on global aspects (i.e., self-esteem). We discuss further each of these contributions below, noting also potential avenues for future research using the present theoretical framework.

First, our results show that law violation and depression are significantly positively associated in early adulthood. This association arises, in large part, because similar social-psychological mechanisms produce both law violation and depression in early adulthood. Social-structural constraints, exposure to stressful events, adolescent problems, family relationships, and reflected appraisals of self combine to increase the chances of crime and depression in early adulthood. This supports the common antecedents argument. The mutual influence argument is partially supported also- adolescent delinquency leads to early adulthood depression by influencing social relationships and reflected appraisals of self. Although adolescent depressive problems also lead to early adulthood crime through these pathways, the overall (i.e., total) effect of adolescent depressive problems on early adulthood crime is negligible. Thus, we find strong support for the common antecedents explanation and partial support for the mutual influence explanation. This is the first contribution of our paper.

The second contribution of this paper is that we demonstrate the value of synthesizing mental health and criminological research. One important example is our finding that exposure to stress has long-term consequences for both future crime and future depression. As mentioned above, researchers have begun to recognize that focusing solely on internalizing or externalizing reactions to stress may result in a failure to appreciate the full impact of stress (Aneshensel et al., 1991; Cullen, 1983). Our findings support the recent emphasis on examining both internalizing and externalizing responses to stress (e.g., Dornfeld and Kruttschnitt, 1992; Hoffmann and Su, 1998; Lempers and Clark-Lempers, 1990; Reinherz, 2000) by showing within a single model that both depression and law violation are important outcomes of stress. Our research also demonstrates the value of synthesizing mental health and criminological research by showing that adolescent delinquency is a risk factor for future depression. Indeed, our findings suggest that mental health studies of stress and depression may overestimate the protective capacity of family relationships, as do studies on the multiple outcomes of stress. This is because these studies do not consider the many parts law violation plays in the stress process-i.e., law violation as an outcome of stress, as a threat to family relationships, and ultimately as a precursor to depression. Our study demonstrates that adolescent law violation operates in each of these ways.

This paper also contributes to the literature by showing that exposure to stressful events is not randomly distributed throughout the social structure


(see Aneshensel, 1982; Link and Phelan, 1995). Youths from lower socioeconomic status families and youths who live in urban areas are more likely to be exposed to stress, which ultimately increases their chances of later crime and depression. However, as we noted above, differences in exposure to the stressful experiences included in our model do not explain fully the effects of race, age, and urban dwelling on crime and depression during early adulthood.15 Perhaps our measure of stressful events does not capture all aspects of stress associated with race, age, and urban living. Indeed, Wheaton (1994) suggests that there is an entire universe of stressors-including chronic stressors, daily hassles, life events, and traumas- that may be associated with social-structural positions, but are not included in our statistical model. Future work on the common causes of depression and crime should explore the possibility that these various stressors may mediate more effectively the relationship between social structure and both crime and depression.16 Alternatively, it could be the case that structural positions have independent effects on crime and depression for other reasons. For instance, it may be the case that parental depression, parental law violation, or parental alcohol abuse would mediate the effects of social-structural positions. Previous research demonstrates that these parental problems are influenced by structural positions (McLeod et al., 1994) and, in turn, influence parenting practices, including the fostering of attachments to youths (e.g., Simons and John- son, 1996). Thus, parental problems may mediate the effects of structural positions in our model by influencing parental attachments to youths, the formation of reflected appraisals, and ultimately law violation and depression among young adult children. Finally, it is possible that the unmediated effects of structural position on crime and depression arise because disadvantaged youths are less likely to have access to legal recourse or psychiatric counseling for legitimately and effectively resolving conflicts and stresses, which would increase their vulnerability to these difficulties.

A fourth contribution of the present research is that it demonstrates

It is possible that the differential social control mechanisms not yet incorporated into our model-including youths' beliefs about depression and law violation or youths' perceptions that others would disapprove of depressive or law violating behaviors-would mediate these effects. As discussed in the text, however, the possibilities for why these structural positions exert direct effects on early adulthood crime and depression are not limited to the differential social control framework.

In an early test of strain theory, Agnew and Raskin White (1992) consider life hassles as measures of strain. Such hassles are similar to what Wheaton (1994) refers to as daily hassles and may be important for mediating the relationship between structural positions and delinquent and depressive outcomes. Because Agnew and Raskin White (1992) do not include social-structural positions in their model. they do not assess whether the effects of structural positions on law violation are mediated by life hassles.

15.

16.


that using arguments from differential social control theory can increase our understanding of the processes linking depression with crime. How- ever, the present study is but a first step in demonstrating the usefulness of differential social control theory for understanding these processes. We show the usefulness of several of the core arguments of differential social control, including those pertaining to the influence of deviant identities, commitment or attachment to families, social-structural constraints, and continuity in behavior over time.17 Yet, we do not develop other arguments derived from differential social control theory, such as those regarding the influence of deviant peers, definitions of deviance, or anticipated reactions from others. We focus our efforts in the present paper on social identities, interactions with families, and structural constraints in part because these factors also have been addressed in the literature on mental health; we thus believe that these aspects of differential social control theory are the best place to start in building an interactionist explanation of the link between law violation and depression. In addition, the NYS does not contain data on depressed peers, definitions of depression, or anticipated reactions to depression. Given that we find substantial empirical support for the arguments involving social identities, family interactions, structural constraints, and continuity in behavior over time, we propose that further research employing other aspects of differential social control theory may be fruitful for understanding the association between depression and crime.

In addition, further elaboration of differential social control theory to explain links between these two social problems should address the role of sex. Here, we have treated sex as a control variable and have not developed a theory regarding its influence, as this is beyond the scope of our paper. However, given that males engage in more crime in early adulthood (Hindelang, 1971) and females experience more depression (Gove and Tudor, 1973), a logical avenue for future research is to develop theoretically the role of sex in the role-taking process leading to crime and depression. This may be important for helping us to better understand why different individuals respond to stress, disadvantaged structural positions, and weakened emotional attachments with law violation rather than with depression, and vice versa. This is an important question that has

17. Alternative explanations, such as social learning theory, also may be useful for understanding the link between crime and depression over time. We note, however, that Heimer and Matsueda (1994) argue that differential social control theory can be viewed as subsuming the core arguments from learning theories, and going beyond these to include the processes of role-taking and the self. The present analysis also goes beyond a strict social learning theory explanation of links between crime and depression by including an assessment of the role of criminal and depressive identities, as well as of psychological stress and social-structural constraints.


been raised by both criminologists (Cullen, 1983) and mental health researchers (Horwitz and Raskin White, 1987)’s From an interactionist perspective, fully understanding such a process likely would require con- sideration of how gender socialization shapes identities and the meaning of gender to individuals (see Heimer, 1996; Heimer and De Coster, 1999).

Finally, the present study contributes to research on the self and deviance, more generally. We show that reflected appraisals of self are important for understanding both crime and depression during early adulthood. More precisely, the specific content of reflected appraisals is critical. On the one hand, reflected appraisals as a psychologically distressed person are relevant only for future depression and are irrelevant for future crime. On the other hand, reflected appraisals as a rule violator are consequential for both crime and depression, but they facilitate crime while reducing experiences of depression. This suggests that a focus on global esteem in research on law violation and depression may obscure some important differences in the content of definitions of self. Moreover, this indicates that even though law violation and depression are the outcomes of a similar role-taking process, the meanings of self that result through this process are specific and can-in combination with youth’s sex-help explain why some individuals turn to law violation, whereas others respond with depression.

Overall, this paper integrates theory and research o n crime and mental health to specify and test an explanation of the relationship between law violation and depression. Specifically, we build on core arguments from differential social control theory and elaborate on these using research on stress and mental health. Using this theoretical framework, we examine the common antecedents of law violation and depression, mutual influence between law violation and depression, and continuity in similar behaviors over time. Our empirical assessment demonstrates the usefulness of synthesizing arguments and findings across disciplines and suggests avenues for future research on the relationship between crime and depression.

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Stacy De Coster is Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Massachu- setts at Amherst. Her research interests include gender differences in delinquency and depression. neighborhoods and crime. and gendered victimizations. Direct correspon- dence t o Stacy DeCoster. University o f Massachusetts. Amherst, Department of Sociol- ogy. Amherst. MA 01003-7525.

Karen Heimer is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Iowa. Her other research interests include gender differences in crime and delinquency. trends in imprisonment in the United States, and the links among social structural context. families. peers. and delinquency.

834

Appendix 1.


Description of Observable Variables

SmuiI-Srriic ciinil P o w i o w IV77:

Family Income Tot,il kimily inciinie reported hv parents lor tlic prewcius y e u . cwkd I = c %h.OiItl. 2 = $~~.001-10.000: 3 - $lti.tMil-l4.iltiil: 1 - IIJ.Otil $22.OOI -26,0ti(i. 7 - $~h,Otll-7~i,titll i: S - $3ll.ll i l l 14.ii(I~l. 0 z $34.0tII-iS.O00. I0 = $.Xi.lltll and niorc.

Dummy variahlc ccidcd I i f hliick. (1 11 nmhlack

l X . t l i l ~ l : 5 = $IS.OO1-72.OO~i: (1 7

Black Racial Status

Urhnnicity

C,,,irro/ C;iriiihlr.\. IY77

Youth's Age

Youth'$ Sex

Scrcs\tii/ 1.ik E w i i r ~ . 1077.

Stredul l i f e

Dummy variahle coded I i f urhiin. 0 1 1 i u i i i l o i ~uhurh;in-trrrni the parent i n te r \ . i cw

The variahlc is the age (if youth. I 1 to 17

Dummy viiriahlc coded I 11 male. I1 i t Ienhale

A scale computed hy summing p;iicnt\' ;in\wcr\ to the lollowing quc\tiwh\ .illout *hat c \cnt \ occurred i n (he family in the piist yc.ii. ctided t l ~ c \ c n t d id not occur: 1 - cvcnt occurred.

I ) Divorce 3) Serious illncssideath 5 ) F~iiiil\ m i v c d 7) Children chansed schools 2) Separation 4) Serious accident 6 ) Reini i i i i i igc X ) Youth's report heaten up o r

Event5

attacked

d d i , l c x u i / P rvhloii \, lY7h:

Delinquency 'This variahle is computed ii\ mean\ L i t rates 01 sel l rcpurted i i ivoI\einci i t in ilclinqucncy. t a c h i tem i\ c(idcd I = never: 2 = once o r twice a year: 3 = ~ i i i c c (11 twice cvcr) 2-3 month\: 4 =

day. 9 = 2-3 t ime\ a day. The iillcnses included ;ire'

1) Duniiiged scho(11 property 2 ) Damaged other propcrty 7 ) Ihiught stolen goods 4) Stiilcn motor vehicle 5 ) At lack soihieiinc 6) Dimrdcrly ciinduct 7 ) l l s e d ninriluanii or hash

This \arishlc i\ cc~mputed a s incans 01 \c l I . iepor l \ <if the I o l l i i w i n ~ \t;itcniciits. u l l ich ivcrc c(idcd 5 = strongly agree: 4 = agree. 3 7 i ic i l l ier agree nor diwgree: 2 - iIi\agree. I = h t i o n < l !

di\agree

*"Scimctimcs I l e c l lonely when 1'111 with iii) fiiiiiil!." *"Sumctimes I feel lonely when I'ni with n i l I i iend\ " *"I don't IcuI that I fit in very well with m y lriend\." *"I leel l i ke iin outsider with niv k i m i h '' *"I don't lee1 ;I\ i f I really helong at diool." ."I ol tcn lee1 l ike nohodv ;it \chooI ciircs ahout me." 9'. Ic;ichcr\ dcin'l ii\k me l o %(irk on \pcciiil cl i i \ \rooi i i pioicct\."

*''E\.cn though there iire l<it \ (11 kid\ around. I often feel IoncI\ at \cho111.' *"Teachers don't cal l o n nic i n clii\\. even when I riiihc in! hmd."

h = once ii week: 7 = 2-3 time\ a week: X = once ,I

8 ) Si ld ni;irijunii;i 9 ) Hit \ t ident

10) H i t tu;ichci I I ) Hit p i r e n t I?) Joy r iding 13) Gang lights 14) Sold hard drug,

15) ('iii r ied a Ihidden uciipon I h ) l l \cd t w c e on student\ 17) Il\cd force o n o t h e r I X ) Broken in lc ii huilding 19) Stolen s<micthing worth < $5 X i ) Stolen \oniclhing worth $5 t o S.50 2 1 ) Stolen %)mething worth > 950

I)epre\$ive Problem\

At ru~ t im~ i i r \ , /Val

Family Attachment

Rcsp<mscs lo the follouing coded 1 = n o t at iill i i i i p o i t i i i i t . 2 = not inipwl.in1: 3 = \~ in icuI i i i t important. 4 = pretty important: 5 : very iii ipiii lm~.

*"How important i \ i t t o y i u lo h a \ e ii I i lni i ly that LIOCL~ lot\ (11 thing\ together?" *"How important is i t to you to have parents who comfort you when y ~ u arc unhappy ahout something?" *"How important i s i t t o )ou [ ( I l ia\e p i rcnh who vou can talk to ahout iilmmt eveiythlng""

Rcsponws 10 the following cuded 1 = not at iill nnpoit i int: 2 = not imp~i r lan l : 3 7 wn ieuh i i t iniportanl: 4 : pretty inipurtant. 5 = vcrv important.

Friend Attachment


Appendix 1. Continued

*"H(rw iiiilxrrtant ib it to vou to have a group oi lricndz and he included in their ;ictivitie\?"

Kc\p(iiisc\ t(1 the i ~ i l l ~ i w i n g c d e d I= n o t a t a l l iinpoitant: 3 : ~(iniewhat iniportant: 5 = \er! iniport;int.

*"How important is i t to he asked to take part in things your friends do. \uch as going to parties and games?"

*"How iniportiint is it to you to have friends ask to spend time and do things with you'.'

Ketlected

Appraisals as you?"

Dirtressed

" l i o w much d o you think that your parent\ifriends would iigrcc with these dcscripti<in\ 01

*"Parents agree that I am often up\et."

."Friends agree that 1 a m ot ten upset."

*"Parent\ iigrcc that I have ii k i t o f pcrwnal problems." *"Friend\ agrcc that I h;ivc a lot (11 pcr\m;il prohlcm\."

Ketlected

Appraisals as ~(Iu'!"

Rule Violator

"How much &I yo11 think that y o u r p;irents/lricnd\ would tigrec with thc\c dcsciiptim\ oi

-"Parent\ agree I get into trouhlc."

*-'Friends agrcc I get into trouhle."

*"Parents agree I break rule\."

'"Friend, agrcc I hrcak rule\."

/xidl Adii/~/io,i(/ Pr(J/J/t'tll\. /%?.?.

Crime This k a i iahlc is computed i i s means of rates ot selt-reported invdvement in delinquency Each individual i tem is c(1ded I = ine\ei . 2 = once o r twice a yew: 3 = once 01- tujice every 2-3 month$: 4 = oncc i i iiioiith: 5 = oiicc every 2.-3 weeks. 6 = once ii wcek: 7 = 2 3 tiiiics a wcek: X = once a d:iy: - 2-3 t i m a a dab. T h e oticnsca included are i i z lol l~iws.

1 ) S to len i i i ( i toi \chicle 7 ) D;im;igcd (ither property

2 ) Damaged family property 4) B~iught \t&n goods

5 ) Attack someone

6 ) Lhordcr ly conduct

7) Sold marijuana

X) llscd marijuana o r ha\h Y ) Pick pocket

10) J o y riding I I ) Kohhery I?) H i t parent 13) Hit someone else

14) A r a m

15) Gang fight 16) !Gild hard drug\ 17) Emheirled

IS) Carried ii hidden wedpim 19) Purchased tilcoh(il tor i i i inor

20) 11wd somconc cI\c'\ credit card 21) l lur&ri/ed ii huilding

2 7 ) Stolcn sonicthing worth < $5 23) Stolen roincthiiig woi th $5 to $50 24) Stolen \iinicthing worth > $50 2 5 ) Brciken into it huilding

Ikpression Kczpw~dcn t \ were asked i f ever in their lifetime they hiid two wccks or niure in which the) k i t \:id. hluc. dcprc\\cd. o r when they lost all intcrcst and plca\urc i i i things the) usually c a r d ahout. Respondents who said "no" were given a 0 o n tlie depressiun scale. Kc\p~indcnt\ who answered "yes" were a\ked il there was ii period o f tinic iii which they experienced the following ~vniptonis. For our \caIc. b e added up the numhcr 01 \yiiiptoms rcpiirtcd.

Appetite Preoccupied with Dcath Sleeping

I ) L o s 0 1 appetite 2 ) Low (11 weight without trying 3 ) Increiised appetite

'l'rouhle Thinking SlowiRestlessness Worthlessness

4 ) Trouble concentrating 5 ) Slow. mixed-up thoughts

6) Thought a lot ahout death

7 ) Thought ahuut wicide X ) Attempted suicide

I 1 ) Trouhle sleepins I ? ) Sleeping too niiicli

13) Tired a l l t l i e time

9) Moveditalked slciwer than usual

10) Couldn't sit still 14) Felt worthle5s

App

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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LAW VIOLATION AND DEPRESSION: AN INTERACTIONS ANALYSIS

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