The Position of the Baduj in the Larger West Javanese SocietyAuthor(s): Robert WessingSource: Man, New Series, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Aug., 1977), pp. 293-303Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and IrelandStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2800800 .

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THE POSITION OF THE BADUJ IN THE LARGER WEST JAVANESE SOCIETY

ROBERT WESSING

Northern Illinois University

In this article the Baduj of West Java are seen as a focus for Sundanese society. Because they are believed not to have changed culturally since pre-Islamic times the Baduj are said to be a guide to the proper observance of the adat (custom) and through their maintenance of the holy territory Artja Domas they can in fact be said to act as preservers of the balance in the Sundanese cosmos.

In the mountainous South Banten area of West Java, Indonesia, in the district of Lebak, live a group of people known in the anthropological literature as the Baduj. In this article the position of these people vis-a'-vis the rest of the population of West Java will be examined. My basic goal here is to show what the Baduj are doing in Lebak. Secondarily I will discuss Levi-Strauss's (I963) comments on them.

The Baduj themselves prefer to be called Urang Kanekes (Kanekes people) after the village in which they live. How they came to be called Baduj has long been a matter of discussion (cf. Jacobs & Meijer I89I; Pennings 1902) but the consensus seems to be that the name Baduj was given them by their Muslim neighbours as a derogatory epithet (cf. Paulus 1917: IOI; Hoevell I845: 360-I), likening them to the Arabian Bedawin. Like the Bedawi(n), the Baduj long resisted Islamisation; indeed, till today the Baduj faithfully maintain their own beliefs.

Of their origin and original homeland too, little is known. Pennings (1902) argues for a Banten origin, while Darmawidjaja (I968) and Jacobs and Meijer (I89I) feel that the Baduj could be descendants of highborn survivors of the fall of Padjadjaran, the last and greatest kingdom of West Java, in 1579 (see de Graaf 1947). During their flight these survivors are said to have been visited by the God Dewa Kaladri who gave them their customs and taboos and told them that all would be well if these rules were kept faithfully (Darmawidjaja I968: 29-35).

This last theory is probably a rather fanciful tale commemorating more the love and admiration the Sundanese' people still feel for their glorious kingdom of old than any truth about the Baduj themselves. In any case, while the question of their origins is of course interesting, it has little bearing on this article since both the inhabitants of Banten and those of Bogor, near which the old capital of Padjadjaran was located, are ethnically Sundanese. It is moreover probable that the Baduj were, earlier on, not an isolated phenomenon. De Graaf (I947: II4) reports for instance that about 1552, twenty-seven years before the fall of Padjadjaran, eight hundred hermits on Mt Pulosari were converted to Islam with the exception of their

Man (N.S.) 12,293-303.

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294 ROBERT WESSING

stubborn leader. Furthermore, Koolhoven (1932: 64) writes that the Baduj had earlier also resisted the influence of Hinduism in West Java.

The reason that the Baduj have attracted considerable attention, however, is not only their rejection of Islam but also the fact that they have rejected nearly every other cultural change or development as well. Their territory is taboo to all out- siders and only a few non-Baduj seem ever to have managed to penetrate their borders. The result of this rejection is that they are said to be an example of pure Sundanese culture. When I first arrived in West Java I was told repeatedly that if I wanted to study pure Sundanese custom I would have to study the Baduj. To recapitulate the literature on the Baduj lies beyond the scope of this article. What is significant is that the Baduj hold anything which was not known to their ancestors to be taboo. Thus, they do not read or write, do not handle money, do not practise wet rice agriculture, do not allow glass windows and so on.

Organisationally they are divided into two major groups, the Baduj kadjeroan (inner Baduj) and the Baduj panamping (outer Baduj). The kadjeroan (inner) people who, as may be deduced from their name, live in the innermost part of their terri- tory, are also known as the Djelma Dalam. Hoevell (I845: 365) has pointed out that while dalam may be translated as 'in' or 'inside', in Sundanese it is most often used in connexion with the residence of highly placed persons (cf. Wessing 1974b). He, therefore, translates djelma dalam as people who belong in or to a prominent resi- dence. Since much of the inner Baduj territory is considered holy, which is why it is taboo to outsiders, this interpretation of djelma dalam is probably correct.

The inner territory is divided into three kampung (settlements): Tjibeo, Tjikarta- wana and Tjikeusik, each with its own settlement head (puun). The number of households in these three settlements must be forty. The origin of this rule is unknown, but should the number go above forty, the surplus population is sent to live among the outer Baduj. Similarly, should it fall below the requisite number, the inner settlements may be replenished from the outer ones.

The outer territory is again divided into a number of settlements, some of which lie within the taneuh larangan (forbidden territory) and some of which lie beyond it, in Muslim lands (Geise 1952). The outer area, as was pointed out, serves to absorb excess population. It can also serve as a place to which people who have broken a serious taboo (bujut) may be sent in banishment for a period of time. The literature is not specific on this point, but it would be my guess that the offenders are sent to the settlements which lie beyond the holy taneuh larangan.

It is through the outer Baduj that most of the information about these people has been gained. Through them, too, some new ideas seem to have entered the Baduj culture. Hoevell (I845: 387) points out that when a panamping (outer) Baduj be- comes a kadjeroan (inner) Baduj, he must drop all his non-Baduj ways and submit completely to the customs of the djelma dalam (people of the exalted place). Even so, Pleyte (I909: 523) writes that Islamic elements have slowly managed to find a place in the religious thought of the Baduj. He attributes this to their contact with the rest of the population of Lebak with whom the Baduj claim an ethnic affinity. Hoevell also reports this (I845: 388-98) and gives considerable detail. Thus he writes that the Baduj have the following proclamation of faith: 'Asjhadoe anna illalah was asjhadoe Moehamad was asjhadoe ing kang Batara toenggal' which he translates as 'I believe in the God Allah, and I believe in Muhamad and I believe in Batara tunggal'

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ROBERT WESSING 295

(see below). Hoevell claims, however, that one may safely assume that the Baduj have adopted the Islamic proclamation of faith on purpose in order to lessen the degree of contempt which the Muslims have for non-Muslims. In view of the data to be presented later in this article, I doubt the validity of this hypothesis however.

All the works which I have seen on the Baduj have dealt with social organisation, religion, kinship and agricultural matters. There is, however, an interesting ques- tion which seems to have evaded the attention of all the writers. No-one has ever asked why the Baduj exist as Baduj to begin with. Even Geise (I952), who wrote a book called Badujs en Moslims in Lebak Parahiang, Zuid Banten, restricted his work to a comparative description of these two groups. The Baduj's continued existence as a separate group is probably due at least partially to the isolation of their settlements (cf. Hoevell I845) and to the fact that both the Dutch colonial government and the Indonesian republican government have adopted a 'hands off' policy towards the Baduj over the years. Yet, given the indirect interaction of the Baduj with the rest of the population of Lebak and the rest of WestJava, I do not feel that this explana- tion suffices.

As I pointed out earlier, the Sundanese are both aware of the Baduj and find them an interesting topic for discussion. Darmawidjaja's (I968) booklet first appeared as a series of essays in the daily newspaper Merdeka. This series must have been well enough received to encourage its re-publication. An informant in Gadjah, near Bandung, where I did my field research, told me that when a Baduj (probably an outer Baduj) came through the area people would readily sit down and chat with him about Baduj customs and conditions. When I asked further about their view of the Baduj I was told that the Baduj were rather like a padoman (compass, Coolsma, n.d.: i52; guide to behaviour, Wojowasito & Poerwadar- minta I967) to the adat (custom). To understand this statement a discussion of the adat (custom) in its Sundanese context is in order.

II Adat

The word adat comes from the Arabic 'ada and means, simply, custom (Fyzee I960). Adat was first described in Indonesia by the Dutch who were interested in administering the area and thus mainly concerned with legal matters.2 It should be pointed out there is more to adat than traditional behavioural forms which may or may not have legal implications. The adat is also a set of rules by which life on earth is kept in harmony with the cosmic design. The Sundanese (as well as the Javanese) see all elements of the cosmos, whether concrete or abstract, as imbued with power.

This power has been described by Anderson (I972: 4-8) as 'concrete, homo- geneous, constant in total quantity, and without inherent moral implications as such'. As is discussed in much greater detail elsewhere (Wessing I974a), the cosmos may be seen as a container of this power since the cosmos is the totality of all the abstract and concrete elements and entities in existence. Since these elements are imbued with cosmic power to varying degrees, the totality of the cosmic power contained in them is the totality of the power in the cosmos. The cosmos itself is divided into various categories, usually four outer ones with a central fifth one,

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296 ROBERT WESSING

and a balance of power is maintained between these in such a way that the four outer categories have an equal amount of power and the totality of these four is equal to the amount of power contained in the centre. As long as this balance is maintained everything in the cosmos is harmonious and it may be expected that events will all flow smoothly.

This theme of a centre in opposition to a periphery is, of course, not unique to West Java but is rather a widespread one in southeast Asia. For southeast Asia generally it has been described by Heine-Geldern (I942) while detailed descrip- tions for Indonesia specifically may be found in Berg (I953) and Moertono (I968) on Java, P. E. dejosselin deJong (I952) on Minangkabau and Negri Sembilan, and Schulte-Nordholt (I97I) on Timor. The basic pattern reflected in these descrip- tions is one of a sacred centre with two peripheral regions surrounding it.3 A similar arrangement was noted by Van Ossenbruggen (I9I7) for villageJava.4

The structural significance of this type of arrangement has been discussed by Levi-Strauss (I963), who points out that this pattern, which he terms 'concentric dualism', is usually associated with an inequality in social or religious position be- tween the component parts. This makes sense in view of the way in which cosmic power is distributed in the system.

Within each of the categories there are various entities which have a greater or lesser capacity to contain cosmic power. These entities include not only people but also the souls of departed ancestors (cf. Pennings I902). All are part of the cosmic whole, the order of which is the order of life. As Hidding (I948: 78-8i) has pointed out, life in WestJava must be seen as participation in this cosmic order, in which the adat, which includes all the customs, rituals, obligations and bujuts (taboos), is a guide to proper behaviour. The first responsibility of an individual is to know the adat and live by it. After the proclamation of faith, the admonition to live by the adat is the first thing whispered into a newborn's ear (Wessing I974a).

The rules of the adat are said to have been laid down by the ancestors. They are seen as instrumental in maintaining the cosmic balance and thus the order of life. It becomes obvious then that the adat must, at one level, be seen as a set of sacred rules which are the heritage of the accumulated knowledge of the ancestors of preceding generations. The totality of this knowledge is, of course, not known by each individual, but is deposited in the community as the collective knowledge of its members.

Hidding (I948: 8i) writes that man in West Java should not be seen as an inde- pendent agent, but rather as a functioning part of a larger whole. Through the process of enculturation (see also Geertz I974; Mead I955) the person is socialised into this larger whole and learns to deal with the various entities and influences with which he or she is confronted. Through the adat these interactions are facili- tated and, should something go wrong anyway, the responsibility for the resulting disharmony is not borne by the individual but shared by the community.

The adat is then a set of sacred rules which are to be maintained. Change, how- ever, has come to West Java; Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Dutch colonialism, independence, modern trade and other totally new phenomena have drastically changed life. Not all these changes have had an ill effect on the adat. As Bruner (I973: 233) points out for the Toba Batak (and this holds true for the Sundanese as well) 'the particulars (of the adat) may change, but it is the principles of the adat

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ROBERT WESSING 297

which are fixed.' Thus, many new phenomena have been interpreted and adapted within the scope of the adat. There have been developments, however, which brought with them new rules that conflict with the old adat rules (cf P. E. de Josselin deJong I960, for an example from Malaya). Most Sundanese have adopted these changes to a greater or lesser degree, but even for the most urbanised the question of the adat is still a very real one.

III The Baduj as a padoman

The statement that the Baduj are a padoman (guide) to the adat can now be understood in its full significance. As the preservers of the sacred rules, the Baduj fulfil two important functions in Sundanese society. First, they maintain cosmic harmony and second, they serve as an actual example of how the old adat should be practised, which explains the interest in Baduj customs among the Sundanese.

The maintenance of cosmic harmony must probably be seen as the Baduj's primary function. In connexion with this, certain structural patterns which are implicit in the relation between the Baduj and the Sundanese should be looked at. Levi-Strauss (I963: I38) citing Van der Kroef (I954: 853) has suggested that the opposition between the inner and outer Baduj could be related to 'the opposition between bride-givers and bride-takers in the asymmetric marriage systems of southeast Asia. . .' Van der Kroef actually only said that this division is probably reflective of an ancient moiety structure and that 'each of the outer Badujs feels a profound religious connection with one of the villages in the inner Baduj group.' While, to my knowledge, no regular system of marriage exchange exists between the inner and outer groups, Levi-Strauss could, in principle, be correct if one sees marriage exchange as one concrete realisation of an underlying asymmetric rela- tionship (cf. Lehman I970). As the preservers of the sacred rules, the Baduj can be said to 'give' focus to the Sundanese which places them, in principle, in a position not unrelated to the one held by the bride-giver.

Sundanese social structure may be represented diagrammatically as a circle of dependants surrounding a high status (= great amount of cosmic power) central distributing figure.

dependant

dependant

* centre

dependant

FIGURE I.

One's social standing in WestJava is a function of the number of people who are in some way dependent on one, as well as the status of these dependants themselves. The way to gain social status, therefore, is to become, in one way or other, a dis-

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298 ROBERT WESSING

tributor of a scarce, socially valuable, commodity. This can include being a teacher, a healer, a bride-giver or having access to the supernatural. The dependants look at the centre as a source for guidance, advice and general wellbeing (see also Rubin I973; Scott I972). Given the nature of the function performed by the inner Baduj, Van der Kroef's comment becomes readily understandable as does the perception of the Baduj by the rest of the Sundanese population. After all, wife-givers give not only women but also, in a sense more fundamentally, a source of life.

The Baduj then maintain cosmic harmony and thus the life process. As was pointed out earlier, the Baduj, while being the best known example, are not an isolated phenomenon. Even today there are many villages where at least one kampung (settlement) follows the old rules more closely than the rest of the village. During my fieldwork in West Java I visited the Kampung Naga in the village Neglasari. This settlement had a hutan larangan (forbidden woods) much like the holy ground of the Baduj (see below). As an outsider I was not permitted to visit this place. Sufia Isa (I97i) reports on Kampung Guradog in the village Guradog while Pennings (I902) discusses a Baduj-like phenomenon among the people of Karang, located near the Baduj. The people in all these places have many of the same bujuts (taboos) that the Baduj have, which shows that despite the cultural changes the Sundanese\ have undergone, the maintenance of the adat and the attendant harmony is still a major concern to them.

The Baduj seem to be the most strict adherents to the old rules. They are also the ones located in the most sacred area in West Java. As Geise (I952: I2) reports, Banten, in Baduj mythology, is more sacred than the rest of West Java (see figs 2 and 3). The inner Baduj territory, the kadjeroan is more sacred than the rest of Banten and, as Koolhoven (I932: 70) reports, there is an area called Artja Domas within the kadjeroan area which may not even be visited by the Baduj. Only the three settlement heads (puun) together with a small entourage go there once a year. It is no wonder then that the kadjeroan people are also known as djelma dalam (people of the exalted place).

Artja Domas lies, at least conceptually, at the centre of the Baduj, and perhaps also the Sundanese, world.5 The Artja Domas (arya: holy statute; domas eight hundred; Coolsma, n.d.: 30, IS2) consists of thirteen terraces on which stones have been placed. Van Tricht (I929: I37) reports that the 'highest terrace is dedicated to Batara Tunggal and bears an enormous stone column, more than eight feet high. The second terrace is covered with white sand and is called "Lemah Bodas" (bodas meaning white). This is the place where all the souls go after death . .. for their reunion with B. Tunggal.' Koolhoven (I932: 67) mentions that all the researchers seem to agree that the terraces of Artja Domas contain the graves ofBaduj ancestors, even though the Baduj emphatically denied this. Yet, the graves of powerful ancestors are often regarded as holy places in West Java, and the ancestors are the source of the adat which maintains the order emanating from the centre. The association of graves and Artja Domas is thus not impossible.6

As the centre of the world Artja Domas stands in a direct relation to the centre of the cosmos (cf Heine-Geldern I942; Wessing 1974a), which is the source of all cosmic power and thus the most sacred place. As the residence of Batara Tunggal (Tunggal: one; Batara Tunggal: the one God, used for Brahma, Shiva and Wishnu; Coolsma, n.d.: 695) it serves as the centre from which cosmic power is distributed

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ROBERT WESSING 299

WEST JAVA

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Pandglang X ? * rankasbitunr II ,' *Leuwi%damar

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FIGURE 3.

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300 ROBERT WESSING

throughout the Baduj territory and perhaps, at least in the eyes of the Sundanese, throughout Westjava. Since it is this cosmic power which keeps everything going, the maintenance of Artja Domas by the Baduj serves an indispensable function for the Sundanese.

It was also pointed out earlier that there should be a balance between the outer categories and the centre of the cosmos. Both in terms of cosmic power and in terms of the entities included in the centre, the latter may be said to represent the whole (cf Wessing I974a: 63). The Baduj then can be said to be acting for all the Sundanese. Yet, the question arises how there can be a balance between the Baduj and the rest of West Java, since the adat is not strictly maintained elsewhere in the area.

It should be remembered, however, that the old adat has not totally disappeared from the rest of West Java and thus the imbalance is only partial. Furthermore, as Leach (I960) points out for Burma, the boundary of a geographical domain under the influence of a centre is fuzzy and the influence of the centre tends to fade to- wards the periphery. As long as the centre remains vigorous, however, the domain is said to benefit from the centre's power. It may well be then that the centre is the keystone of the domain where the greatest perfection should exist. This may also account for the fact that outsiders are not allowed to enter the kadjeroan (inner) territory and the fact that only some of the Baduj may enter Artja Domas. The burden of maintaining perfection demands a high degree of closure in the system in Drder to keep outside influences from disturbing the system (cf. Wessing I974a: chapter 4).7

In any case, even if there should be a drain on the centre because of an imbalance, the ceremonial maintenance of Artja Domas may well serve to correct this. Of the nature of this ritual maintenance little is known. Van Tricht (1929: 136) quotes Koorder's field notes as follows: 'nine men, once a year, i7th of fifth month, remain two nights, cleaning, only with hands under supervision of the girang-pu'un. The second day they remain in the bamboo shed for a ritual meal.' These notes are indeed meagre, but they do tell us about an important fact: the ritual meal (hadjat). The cleaning is probably preparatory to this ritual meal.

The hadjat, as described in Wessing (I974a: I26-7) 'is a ritual circle used to draw power from the cosmos through the saying of prayers and the sharing of food. Its aim is to ... bring into a state of well being an occasion, object or person.' The power exchanged in the hadjat should then be seen as a means to restore the cosmic balance of power.

The annual ngabungbang ceremony held in West Java on the occasion of the prophet's birthday is very similar to the ritual maintenance of Artja Domas. While during ngabungbang no food is shared, groups of people form a circle around holy graves and chant prayers. This chanting infuses power into these graves (Wessing I974a: i86) which are approached throughout the year for aid and comfort. Thus this ceremony, as well as the one at Artja Domas, may be seen as a way of pre- venting the depletion of cosmic power from a holy place.

The second function performed by the Baduj is that of being a guide to action. In this sense, too, the location of the Baduj in the sacred territory of Banten is quite fitting. In terms of the social structural model discussed earlier, the act of maintaining cosmic harmony and thus social well being certainly places the Baduj

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ROBERT WESSING 30I

in a central position in terms of Sundanese social welfare and as such alone they would be respected. The logical corollary, therefore, is that because of their posi- tion, their behaviour is to be emulated, and as such they are a padoman (guide) to the rest of Sundanese society. The fact that their example is followed only partially, if at all, does not take away from the fact of their position.

In terms of the larger Sundanese society, then, the Baduj fulfil an important psychological function. As long as the Baduj practise the adat, especially at the sacred centre, cosmic harmony is maintained and thus social welfare is promoted. It is possible that the Baduj are aware of their function vis-d-vis the Sundanese. As Geise points out (I952: I3), the Baduj should not be seen as a strange element in South Banten, but rather, they are appreciated by the Muslims and are seen as indispensable in religious affairs. It may well be that by adopting the Islamic elements in their creed the Baduj are acknowledging this mutual relation with the rest of the Sundanese.

The Baduj furthermore give a sense of security to the rest of the Sundanese in that, even though things have changed, the old adat is not really lost. The Sundanese know they have lost many of the old practices and they bemoan this fact. Yet, through the Baduj they have reference to the old ways and, therefore, a sense of security that all will be well after all.

NOTES

This field research was conducted from June I970 to November I97I. Support for this research was provided by the Midwest Universities Consortium for International Activities (MUCIA) grant N.E.-I-I26. Thanks should also be given at this point to Dr F. K. Lehman and Dr R. T. Zuidema for their critical and insightful comments on an earlier draft of this paper.

I The Sundanese are the indigenous people of West Java. 2 This legal emphasis is the origin of the concept adat law. See also J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong

(1948) and ter Haar (I948). 3 Compare Cunningham's and Schulte-Nordholt's diagrams in Schulte-Nordholt (1971:

229-231). 4 Suparlan (forthcoming) takes issue with Van Ossenbruggen's analysis of this pattern and

argues that the first (inner) periphery is joined with the centre in opposition to the outer peri- phery. In view of the data given by Berg (I953: I82-I83) and P. E. dejosselin deJong (I952: I49-50) Suparlan's comments are probably correct.

5 Baduj territory here reflects again the basic pattern discussed earlier. Artja Domas here takes the place of the centre, surrounded by the kadjeroan and panamping areas. When placed in the larger Sundanese context, the inner territory and Artja Domas become central, which accounts for the notion 'Djelma Dalam', surrounded by the outer Baduj and the rest of the Sundanese.

6 Wibowo (I97I) reports that often graves associated with holy places, such as Hindu or Buddhist temples, do not in fact contain the body of a deceased person even though they are reputed to be the resting place of the founder(s) of a village (especially in Java). He speculates that these empty 'graves' were placed there to prevent these holy places from being disturbed. It is also possible, however, that these graves were placed there in order symbolically to associate the person with the holy (central) place. Thus, while the body of the deceased might lie else- where, the spirit is near the holy centre. This explanation would account for the Baduj's denial that their ancestors are actually buried in the Artja Domas and their statement that Artja Domas is where the spirits go (see also Barnes I974: 36).

7 This notion of closure is, of course, not unique to the Baduj but rather is commonly found throughout southeast Asia. Macdonald (I957) reports numerous instances of villages being closed for a period of time owing to disease and epidemics while Lehman (I963) describes the closing of the house yard among the Chin under similar circumstances. Disease and epidemics are, of course, instances of ritual imbalance during which a high degree of closure is needed in order to restore harmony. The difference between these instances and the Baduj then is one of degree and not of kind.

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302 ROBERT WESSING

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