THE NEGOTIATION OF THE BALKAN IDENTITY

IN IZMIR ÇAMDIBI IMMIGRANTS

Ruşen Alkar, Olcay Özkan Dokuz Eylül University, Institution of Fine Arts, Department of Music Sciences

Abstract: Even though the “immigrants” who are ethnically from the various countries and regions of the Balkans define themselves with a general statement of “Balkan immigrant”, this statement includes various ethnicities. The separation and unification, in that situation, is significant because it emphasizes the variability of the limits of identity in defining one’s self. These intertwined limits bring out a discussion from the viewpoint of the continuity of identities. The answer given to the question that which identity will be taken upfront and which will be subordinated determines the relationship between the individual and the society and with which of them the individual interacts. The identity discussion appearing as a multidimensional phenomenon determines the representation of the individual in this aspect.

Music is encompassing besides being determinative. Çamdibi region in Izmir where a vast majority of Balkan immigrants live also is a shelter for many musical groups. These groups differ in terms of instruments and performance. Wedding performances, for instance, have

been brought through competition. On the one hand musical groups named as orchestras and on the other hand groups that have emerged with various names have become both rivals and have also complemented themselves. Orchestras and other groups can perform together especially at the weddings of Macedonia immigrants. Orchestras using traditional instruments and other groups are indispensable parts of transition periods such as weddings, circumcision ceremonies and military service farewells. In addition to this, the immigrant institutions also organize special nights which host these musical groups and create a common perception binding the participants to their common past. In this aspect, the selection of songs which reminisce the “old days” play a binding role in the formation of cultural identity.

This article will try to understand the identity debates of the Balkan immigrants in the city of Izmir, example of Çamdibi neighborhood will be used through observations and interviews with musicians.

Keywords: Balkan immigrant, identity debate, wedding musicianship

I. INTRODUCTION

The topic of migration which has been examined by many disciplines may be discussed via multi reading by means of its contribution to the continuity of human race. Nowadays, in which economic based migration movements are very common, there are also types of migration happening as a result of based on tensions caused by political environment and ethnic conflicts. Since the becoming widespread of the idea of nation building around the world, political environment has created many individual or mass population movements. The fact of migration which is as ancient as humanity is "the geographical mobility of human and the population dynamic reached by this movement". Migration which causes cultural change and alteration may happen as a result of the social and political changes like ideological pressures and unemployment and also by natural reasons like climate change, epidemic and scarcity (Emiroğlu-Aydın; 2003:341). Individuals or human communities passing beyond political boundaries by means of migration movements transmit the cultural make up of the region where they come from to the region where they arrive. This process inevitably makes appear alongside the concepts like conflict, adaptation and negotiation.

The Ottoman Empire which is also entitled as Third

Rome by some historians get this name because of its similar mode of production based on agriculture. Furthermore, the relation between military organization and

the organization of agricultural lands strengthens this

connection. As a result of development and housing policies

that the carried out in Balkans being as one of the most important regions during the Empire, the population in Anatolia (Little Asia) was oriented to the West. The main aim here is to strengthen the domination over these territories that were conquered or invaded from the native's point of view. Nevertheless some tribes that have hostility among each other and communities rebelling against the Ottoman Empire were also forced to migrate to Balkans (These were generally known as Turkmenia tribes). These large and small migration movements had continued during the reign of the Empire on those territories.

The word Balkan which is originally Turkish, means steep, mountainous areas. The Ottoman Empire who had 500 year-histories in Balkans named its territories as Rumelia. The word Rumelia is a word combined with "Rum" meaning "East Rome" and "el" meaning "country". The Ottoman Empire with its territories starting from the East Rome and heading to West Rome, tried to keep different ethnical identities under the same religious structure by following a

permanent population policy since its foundation. In this context, the Empire gathered its nation under two groups: Muslims and Non-Muslims. The communities migrated from Anatolia to Balkans named themselves as Muslims. In addition to this, there were also groups from Balkans who later became Muslim. For instance, groups known as Albanian and Torbeş were included to this definition. The Balkan immigrants were the people who migrated from Rumelia to Anatolia by the regression of Ottoman Empire.

Muslim migration which begun with the loss of domination of Ottoman over the Balkan territories, had increased after Ottoman-Russia war named 93 War between 1877-78 and continued in masses by the time of Balkan Wars continued during the years of 1912-13. After the foundation of Turkish Republic, in 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne which forced people in Turkey and in Greece to make a land exchange was signed. According to this agreement signed between two countries, Muslim people in Greece were forced to migrate to Turkey and Non-Muslim ones to Greece. Yugoslavian Socialist State Federation which was founded in Balkans during the Second World War, signed the Free Immigration Agreement in 1952 with Turkey. As a result, 175.392 Muslims migrated to Turkey between the years 1952-67. These immigrations happened from the Yugoslavia were not supported financially by Turkish government and could not find any significant place in media. This movement was later named as "Silent Turkish migration" because it could not be able to bring a significant voice in public opinion compared to other immigration movements from Balkans and from other Turkic countries (Ağanoğlu; 2001:328 adapted from Yücel).

TABLE I The Population Immigrated to Turkey between the years of 1952-1967.

Year Amount of

Families

% Population Amount

%

1952 32 0.07 73 0.04 1953 303 0.66 1.113 0.68 1954 2.437 5.37 9.728 5.94 1955 4.047 8.92 17.000 10.38 1956 8.083 17.82 31.969 19.53 1957 8.250 18.19 30.162 18.42 1958 8.741 19.27 18.403 11.24 1959 3.795 8.37 18.403 11.24 1960 3.417 7.53 13.304 8.12 1961 1.801 3.97 7.91 4.33 1962 1.286 2.83 3.399 2.07 1963 996 2.19 2.603 1.59 1964 318 0.70 1.288 0.78 1965 333 0.73 1.998 1.22 1966 783 1.72 3.672 2.24 1967 716 1.57 3.452 2.10 Total 46.338 100.00 175.392 100.00

Questionnaire table (Ağanoğlu; 2001:328)

It is not possible to give an accurate number of Muslim population in Macedonia. The official numbers are not in accordance with the unofficial numbers. One of the issues being negotiated on is that the majority of the Muslim population in Macedonia consists of Albanians. "According to the official numbers 540.000 Muslims live in Macedonia. However the real number is assumed to be much higher. Muslim population in Macedonia is assumed to be 45 % of the overall population. 75 % of Macedonian population is Albanian, 13 % of them are Turkish and the rest are of

Macedonian and Slavic descent. (quoted from Turan by Karamahmut; 2006:40). According to official population census in Macedonia, Turkish population which is 21 % of overall population in 1921 decreased to 4 % in 1994. (Hacısalihoglu, quoted from Karamahmut, 2006:41).

II. IMMIGRATION TO TURKEY AND ADAPTATION PROCESS

Most of the Macedonian immigrants have preferred the Aegean Zone of Turkey, especially Izmir. The reason why immigration to Izmir is mostly preferred is that the most of the Balkan immigrants in the past lived there. The ones who immigrated earlier became a guarantor for them. Immigrants have had some problems with the native community in this new land. The immigrants who are claimed to be Turkish/Muslim were nevertheless alienated and excluded by the native people of the region. Furthermore, the fact that most of the immigrants could speak a little Turkish lengthened out their adaptation process. However the relationships between the native community and the immigrant community got better in time. The immigrants coming from closer or same regions of Macedonia had generally preferred to live in the same neighborhoods. For instance, immigrants coming from Tito-velez, Skopje, Shtip and Delcevo had settled in cities like Manisa, Akhisar and Izmir. Macedonian immigrants in Izmir live mostly in neighborhoods such as Karşıyaka, Nergis, Demirköprü, Dedebaşı, Şemikler, Örnekköy (especially the ones coming from Tito-velez) Çamdibi, Altındağ, Mersinli, Gültepe, Mersinpınar, Bergama and Kemalpaşa (especially the ones coming from Delcevo).

Mr. Yasar who immigrated to Izmir in 1950's tells us the problems experienced by people immigrated at that period: "... there are also people who came here long before than we did during the Ottoman Empire and joined military and knew the region. There are also our relatives who settled here long time ago. Furthermore, there were Turks in Macedonia who completely forgot Turkish and spoke Macedonian. Since they didn't know Turkish, they speak Macedonian everywhere. ‘Citizen! Speak Turkish!’ writings were begun to appear everywhere like in train stations in Karşıyaka and Basmane. There were many immigrants working in tobacco factories. Native people

begun to force people to speak, they were insulting by asking always 'Why don't you speak Turkish?' " (Tetik; 2003:64). In the Turkish Republic being a nation-state since its foundation, it is known that ethnic groups identified themselves with the authority has adaptation problems as a result of the state policies shaped under the concept of monism.

III. THE CONCEPT OF IDENTITY IN IMMIGRANTS

Identity which can be described as "socially built representation of an individual", is the answer of people and social groups to the questions of "who are you, to which family do you belong?" (Emiroğlu-Aydın; 2003:47). As the boundaries of the social broaden and become complicated, the notion of identity moves away from being a stable concept and reinforces its changing/transforming structure. As etic definitions of communities are put together with emic definitions, the identity categories of communities increase and communities begin to appropriate multiple identities. If we speak within the context of identity, the exchange of the prominent ones with the ones in reserve, in accordance with the Zeitgeist and/or the coexistence of them confronts us with the idea of identity negotiation. "Defining ourselves or others is a semantics problem and the semantics always includes mutual action: agreement and disagreement, tradition and innovation, communication and negotiation" (Özdemir; 2010:12) are prominent states of those actions. The exchange towards the idea that communities also adopt the identity of the dominant ethnicity besides their own identity brought along reveals negotiation. The contact made in this direction determines the strategies of the community in favor of the continuity of their socialization. The negotiation developed around the frame of multiple identities is frequently seen in immigrant groups. These groups behave by referring to the roots and culture of the earlier natives who settled in those lands before them. Since there is a mutual interaction and information exchange in the negotiation process evolving from conflict to adaptation, there is a dynamic structure in question. With this form of negotiation, individual ensures the continuity of his material and moral comfort by being articulated to the dominant culture. Although the coercive power of the central authority seems to be weakened in a sense, on the contrary it gains social control in itself.

TABLE 2

How the person primarily defines himself (all immigrant groups)

Answer Number (%)

I primarily define myself as a Turk

532 73,6

I primarily define myself as a Muslim

102 14,1

I primarily define myself as a native

28 3,9

I primarily define myself as a citizen of the Turkish Republic

36 5

I primarily define myself as an immigrant

8 1,1

No answer 17 2,4

Total 723 100

Questionnaire table (Ünal; 2012:33)

TABLE 3 Where people feel they belong to (all immigrant groups)

Answer Number (%) Turkey 650 89,9 Bulgaria 10 1,4 Greece 3 0,4 Ancient Yugoslavia

7 1

Turkey and Bulgaria

4 0,6

Turkey and Greece

5 0,7

To the place where I live

24 3,3

To the place where I was born

10 1,4

Total 723 100 Questionnaire table (Ünal; 2012:33)

IV. THE CONCEPT OF IDENTITY IN MACEDONIAN IMMIGRANTS

In Macedonian immigrants the concept of identity has a multiple structure. Immigrants see Turkey as their home land. They say that they were forced to migrate to Balkans in the time of the Ottoman Empire. They originally attribute to the tribes being exiled from Karaman during the Ottoman Empire. Within this context, Macedonian immigrants adopt many identities around the axis of Turkish identity. Bosnians who are not ethnically Turkish, Albanians and Muslim Macedonians who are named Torbeş principally use Turkish identity for defining themselves. There is also tendency, among these groups, to exclude themselves and see themselves superior compared to other groups. Macedonian immigrants use Turkish and Muslim identities together especially when defining their own identities. These two identity engaged with each other are generally seen in Balkan immigrants. Macedonian immigrants in this region are dependent to the official discourse of Turkish government. Along with placing themselves to the center, their attitude towards the different ethnic groups in Turkey is in accordance with the language of the authority. Immigrants think that, as a result of the immigrations they had experienced, they did not receive the attention that they deserved neither from the Turkish Republic nor from the Yugoslavian government. “Since they do not have any other place to go” -with the words of immigrants-, they have an obligatory

commitment to little Asia which they assume as their homeland in the collective memory. Considering the historical background of the migration movements, as a result of the insecure environment caused by many wars ongoing at that time, not having a home land and painful experiences of the Balkan region, immigrant population in Turkey is identified itself with the identity of “good citizen” whose limits were set by the nation state. The consciousness of "homeland cannot be lost twice" became the main drive of this frame of mind.

V. ÇAMDIBI IMMIGRANTS

A. Economy:

The first generation having migrated from Macedonia to Izmir Çamdibi generally worked in tobacco factories and shoe shops. The fact that region where they settled is close to small industrial areas had been an advantage for them. Çamdibi neighborhood too which is our research field obtains this characteristic. Immigrants followed the same path as the earlier immigrants in finding job. The new generation, on the other hand, can have the same job opportunities as the native people because they have equal education opportunities. Besides the population of Macedonian immigrants who are the majority in Camdibi neighborhood, the population of the Albanian, Bosnian and Torbeş is also significantly high. Macedonian men generally perform as semi-professional musicians, as a side job. Macedonian immigrants, who emphasize that they prefer part-time jobs in order to sustain their musical performances, have been assigned in the band of the municipality because of their ability to perform brass instruments. The musicians who worked in that way were in a more advantageous position than the others. While forming bands for wedding ceremonies, they make use of the whole family members for gathering the necessary instruments. For instance, when father and uncle played saxophone or clarinet, children played percussion. In this context, wedding music is performed by forming bands with family members. Isa Altın and Cemal Aga, who came in Turkey in 1950's, had begun to perform wedding music in ceremonies with drum and clarinet. Afterwards, with the words of them, ceremonies were made with tapani groups by the arrival of fanfare instruments. They broadened their repertoire by seeing or hearing from each other in homes or any place where music is performed. As the immigration from Macedonia continued, their repertoire was not only broadened but also became diversified.

B. Social Life:

Many Macedonian immigrants living in the narrow, long and sometimes dead-end streets of Çamdibi neighborhood care that the house in which they live belongs to themselves. If we do not consider the new

generation, we observe that men have an active place in working life. Macedonians in Çamdibi, like other immigrant groups, choose to organize under associations. These associations which come together under the name of "Balkan Immigrants" strengthen their social bonds with the events such as charity campaigns, special day occasions and condolence ceremonies. Events like mother's day, women meetings, weddings and farewell ceremonies organized for young men to go military service strengthen the sense of identity of the immigrants. In the associations founded by Macedonian immigrants, Macedonian lectures were given to the new generations for the sake of old days. Associations organizing travels to Macedonia are apt to strengthen their organic bonds between the land that they abandoned and Turkey which they consider as the 'home land'. In addition, they struggle for the right of dual nationality.

C. The Identity Negotiation:

The adoption of the Turkish identity by Bosnia, Macedonia and Albania origin groups and also their emphasis on Balkan identity show that these identities are open to negotiation within the context of time and space. For instance, the father of Cenk and Ceyhun Üsküp from Rumelia Youth Orchestra is an Albanian migrated from Macedonia. Even though their actual job is related to lighting and electronics, they work as musicians as side job. The fact that their father is a musician contributed to them to gain ground in this path. They have many Macedonian songs in their repertoire because they usually perform for Macedonian immigrants. Ceyhun Üsküp, who is one of the very few musicians making an album among the Çamdibi musicians, introduces his album (The Sound of Skopje) in his personal website with these words: "...the fact that he is grown up with the culture of Rumelia and Balkans and that his father is a musician enabled him to start music at an early age, he entered into this world of music with his brother Cenk Üsküp. They continued to learn and perform better Balkan music day by day with the help of their father. Ceyhun Uskup, who performs songs in Turkish, Albanian, Bosnian and Macedonian languages, decided to release his first solo album in 2013..." Here is the order of the songs in the album:1) Şekersin, 2) Svadba Golema, 3) Bulaşık Almış Koyunlarını , 4) Hajde Huni Vale, 5) Ferdane, 6) Yas Stalno Pijem, 7) Za Pusti Pari Prokleti, 8) O Kandil Garibi, 9) Rum Dum Dum(Siganski, 10) Majka Na Marike and 11) Bülbülüm Altın Kafeste. In this road beginning from wedding musician to make his own album, Ceyhun Üsküp, whose cultural capital is based on Balkan music, expressed the unique culture of Camdibi in a concrete way through his album entitled "The Sound of Skopje".

VI. WEDDING CEREMONIES AND WEDDING MUSIC IN ÇAMDIBI

Wedding ceremonies which are described as "a stereotyped ceremonies aiming to reinforce the social status of families, to announce and to socialize the marriage" (Emiroğlu-Aydın; 2003:243) are rites of passage representing the change from single to coupled status of individual (Kaemmer; 1993:70). The word "düğün" in Turkish which is described as a big ceremony to celebrate an event, in the dictionary of Turkish Language Institution, has etymologically derived from the word of tüg which means "to attach". For Muslim communities in Anatolia, circumcision is a must for boys according to their beliefs; people celebrate this event and offer gifts to the boy. This event called as circumcision feast represents the transition from childhood to the puberty. In some regions, there are musical ceremonies called "infertile ceremonies" organized just to entertain. Through the word "infertile" which means "a person or an animal who does not give birth", it is emphasized to the entertainment without a reason. In this context, the first perception visualized in mind, when the word "düğün" is heard, is suddenly considered as two people getting married.

Macedonian immigrants have two types of weddings: ballroom weddings and street weddings. For street weddings, springs and summers are preferred so that relatives who live abroad come to Turkey for holidays and may be there for ceremony (Güneş; 2005:19). Sometimes either tapani groups i.e. bands or orchestras and sometimes both of them take place in wedding ceremonies. While this is mostly related with the economic condition of the owner of the ceremony, exorbitant expenses are made especially for wedding ceremonies. During the field research, we observed, in a ceremony that we attended, that musicians from Macedonia were brought for the engagement ceremony of daughter of Nevzat Aytunç Matracı who was one of the well-known musicians of Çamdibi and passed away in a car accident in 2006. From the beginning of the ceremony till the end, all the guests sang along all the songs. Musicians who were Christian on the contrary of Muslim community in here performed tradition and popular songs and entertained all the guests during the ceremony.

In Çamdibi where Macedonian immigrants mostly live, there are many coffee shops. Most of them are run by Macedonian immigrants. The Musician's coffee shop which is placed in Barbaros Street and had been run by Isa Altın and now taken over by his sons has a significant place. Since he is now an old man, Isa Altın does not go out often. He sometimes drops by the coffee shop. As one can understand from its name, in Musicians' Coffee Shop, musicians generally came together and thus the ones who come to find a work can easily access to work

opportunities around. In addition, without regarding if a musician or not, this place is socialization area for the ones who come. However the young generation do not really have an interest for the shop. Along with this, as the communication technologies develop and mobile phones become common, many musicians or band groups can contact their customers without attending to the shop. For instance, Ceyhun Üsküp told that he does not go to the shop. When we asked to him why, he answered that people gossip a lot and emphasized the competition between musicians. These musicians take part either in tapani groups or in orchestras (In Macedonian "tapan" means "drum", "tapani" is the plural form). Tapani groups which consist of clarinet, saxophone, trumpet and drums are in a more traditional position compared to orchestras. Orchestras have clavier, saxophone, clarinet and drums. Besides that, there are musicians who are not involved in any group and perform individually in defined sites. For instance, a musician called Orhan Çelebi stated that he has performed for many years in club of General Directorate of state hydraulic works. Apart from that, he also told that he is performing many different styles from Turkish slow music to Turkish classical music because he cares what audience wants. Each music group and each musician has his own business card. On the business card of the 'Veysel and his friends' group which owns a clavier too, for instance, besides the information written "we are at your service in all kinds of entertainment like wedding, circumcision, engagement ceremonies", their facebook addresses are indicated.

Çamdibi Band and Group Balkanski are well known tapani groups of Camdibi. These two groups perform in ceremonies at least three days per week in summertime which is known as ceremony season. The owners of the wedding ceremonies decide the wedding date and make agreement with music groups several months before. The walls of Musician's Coffee Shop are decorated with the pictures of music groups and musicians. As long as there is no horse-racing on TV, Rumeli TV or some TV channels broadcasting from Balkans are watched. Except from the musicians there are many people coming and spending time there.

Well known musicians perform according to the choices of the owner of the ceremony, they may change their repertoire. People also may prefer younger musicians of Camdibi music market in some ceremonies because it is economically affordable. There are also situations in which musicians decrease the price of a determined deal. For example, another musician can take the job of the agreed musician by offering a lower price for the same ceremony. This situation is not approved among the musicians. The ones who can afford both tapani group and an orchestra can pay for both of them in their ceremonies. When a music group is needed in an existing

ceremony and there is no free group, musicians may gather by themselves to form music group. Ali Altın, who is the son of Isa Altın and works actually in the municipality formed a group in the coffee shop after taking the job for a wedding ceremony whose owner is a wealthy person and originally from Bosnia. Being experienced for many years, the musicians hesitated only for one thing: the order of melodies. After agreeing on this subject, only the performing part remained. The immigrant musicians create a musical memory by learning the songs from each other and by watching each other during performances. As a result of this, we observe a concrete and settled repertoire besides that living performances with lasting melodies.

Classical immigrant ceremony having a tapani group or an orchestra begins with the popular songs of the day. According to situation, slow songs for couple's dancing are performed. Traditional folk dances are a must in ceremonies. The oro dances of Macedonian has an important place in ceremonies. The songs named Payduşka, Pakizem, Aman Ayşe are also essential. Furthermore, many oros sang in Macedonian also take place in the repertoire of many musicians. 9/8 time signature songs which are mainly known as Roman songs can also be performed if it is requested by guests.

As we told before, the father of Cenk and Ceyhun Üsküp who are in the Rumelia Youth Orchestra is Albanian. They have Macedonian music in their repertoire because they generally perform music for Macedonian immigrants. They also have Bosnian and Albanian songs in their repertoire. Thus, both the Band of Çamdibi and the group Balkanski form their repertoire according to their audience. For instance, when they perform for Bosnian immigrants, they choose songs according to their musical tastes which mostly signifies their cultural identity. The Balkan identity, which includes many ethnicities in itself, requires that musicians have a diversified repertoire containing songs from various languages. Another reason of having a diversified repertoire is that they do not perform only in Çamdibi.

If we need to mention another characteristic of the coffee shop, we observe that it is a place where cultural transition in a musical sense is experienced. Young musicians come to the coffee house before or after a ceremony to learn and practice difficult songs with professional musicians. They both practice songs and learn it on paper. Thus, there is a master-apprentice relationship between musicians. Almost all musicians own musical background transmitted from past generations. Some musicians begin to perform music by the help of their relatives and their acquaintances. This transition of the musical knowledge put Camdibi in a special place in terms of Balkan music. Being the birth place of musical

production of Macedonian immigrants, Çamdibi constitutes the habitus of this cultural transmission.

Conclusion

Immigrant communities who merge Turkish, Muslim and Balkan identities guarantee their existence and identities within the frame of these three identities. Experiences of immigration from Balkans to Anatolia, in previous years, played a significant role in the surviving strategy of the community as a result of the situation may be called as migration memory. In this situation, the negotiation which seems like a soft war comes in the first place and the field of the rights and freedom are tried to be given more importance by highlighting the concept of culture. Another point that should be remembered is that the possibility of imitation of the dominant ethnicity's means by other ethnical groups is high.

Macedonian immigrants both protect their identities and strengthen the community consciousness by means of their musical performances. Performing Macedonian music in ceremonies, enabling circulation of popular songs by having them in repertoire and perceiving performing skills as a matter of principle contributes to acculturation. As can be understood from the increasing number of associations in recent years, there is an awakening in terms of cultural identity. Immigrants who adapted to Turkey seen as homeland and to the dominant identity in these lands with the principle of 'zero problem' maintain the cultural transmission through associations. Furthermore, the wedding musicians of Çamdibi reinforce their cultural identity by having many songs belonging to different cultures in their repertoires and extend their audience through the cultural negotiation. In this sense, it can be concluded that Macedonian identity, while open to the negotiation, continues to form its pattern by keeping its perpetual motion in reserve.

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