the media and the arts le portrait de religion en europe

162

Transcript of the media and the arts le portrait de religion en europe

TIIE PORTRAYAL OF RELIGION IN EUROPE: THE MEDIA AND THE ARTS

LE PORTRAIT DE RELIGION EN EUROPE: LES MÉDIAS ET LES ARTS

THE PORTRAYAL OF RELIGION IN EUROPE: THE MEDIA AND THE ARTS

LE PORTRAIT DE RELIGION EN EUROPE: LES MÉDIAS ET LES ARTS

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONFERENCE

Cardiff 21-24 November 2002

ACTES DU COLLOQUE

Cardiff 21-24 novembre 2002

Edited by

NORMAN DOE

PEETERS LEUVEN PARIS - DUDLEY, MA

2004

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The portrayal of religion in Europe : the media and the arts: proceedings of the conference, Cardiff, 21-24 November 2002 =Le portrait de religion en Europe: les médias et les arts : actes du colloque, Cardiff, 21-24 novembre 20021 editor, Norman Doe.

p. cm. English and French. At head of title: European Consortium for Church and State Research; Consortium

européen pour 1' étude des relations église-état. includes bibliographical references. ISBN 90-429-1498-X

1. Europe--Religion--Congresses. 2. Art and religion--Europe-..Congresses. 3. Mass media in religion--Europe-Congresses. l. Title: Portrait de religion en Europe. ll. Doe, Norman. m. European Consortium for Church-State Research. IV. Series.

BL695.P67 2004 200' .94--dc22

2004050124

© 2004 Uitgeverij Peeters, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven (Belgium)

D. 2004/0602/102 ISBN 90-429-1498-X

All rights reserved. in those cases expressly determined by law, no part of this publication may be rnultiplied, saved in an autornated data file or rnade public in any way whatsoever without the express prior written consent of the publishers.

CONTENfS- SOMMAIRE

NoRMAN DoE, Preface ...................................................................... 1

WoLFGANG WIESHAIDER, Communicating religion in Austria: the media and the arts .................................. ;.............................................. 5

RIK ToRFS, Religion et médias en Belgique..................................... 19

MATTI KariRANTA, The legal position of religion and the media in Finland ....................................................................................... 41

FRAN<;:OIS JANKOWIAK, Religion et médias en France ....... ...... ......... 57

MICHAEL GERMANN, The portrayal of religion in Germany: the media and the arts.............................. ...... . ... . . .. . . .. ......... .... ........... ......... 77

PANAGiaris LADAS, Religions et médias dans l'ordre juridique hellé-nique........................................................................................... 109

JoHN O'Down, Religion in arts and media: Ireland ........................ 129

ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI, La religion et les médias en ltalie .............. 151

MATHIAS SCHILTZ, Religion et médias en Luxembourg ................... 175

HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER, The portrayal of religion in the Nether-lands: the media and the arts ..................................................... 185

JóNATAS E.M. MACHADO, Media and religion in Portugal............... 209

JAIME RossELL, Religious denominations and the media in Spain .. 231

LARS FRIEDNER, The portrayal of religion in Sweden: the media and the arts..... .. .. ......... .. ... ..... ... . .. . . ............. .. ................. ........... .. .. .. .. . 259

JAMEs YoUNG, Regulation of the representation of religion in the media in the United Kingdom. .......... .. ...... ................................ 265

NORMAN DoE, Religion and media law in Europe: a comparative study........................................................................................... 287

NoRMANDOE

The Centre for Law and Religion The Law School, Cardiff University

PREFACE

The fourteenth annual conference of the European Consortium for Church and State Research took place in Wales (Cymru), one of the nations of the United Kingdom, 21-24 November 2002, at the university located in its capital city Cardiff (Caerdydd). The hosting of the event was organ­ised on behalf of the Consortium by the Centre for Law and Religion, at the Law School, working in collaboration with the University Chap­laincy at Cardiff. The conference papers, reproduced in this volume of proceedings, were prepared and circulated in advance, and the delegates consisted of both Consortium members and the national reporters. The conference was attended by thirty-five people representing the countries of the European Union.

The conference opened with a session entitled Practitioners' Perspectives, chaired by the Revd Gareth Powell, in which talks by Archbishop Peter Smith (ofthe Roman Catholic Church) and Mr James Carroll (lrish Con­sul) explored the work of the Central Religious Advisory Committee. This is a secular body charged with the function of examining religious broadcasts: their preparation, quality, accuracy, and balance. Under the direction of Mr David Harte, the Consortium then discussed the work of the committee, in particular, how it deals with broadcasting which mis­represents religion to the public or is overly critica! or disrespectful of it. Exepriences from around the European Union were shared. The remainder of the conference was devoted to the working sessions of the Consortium. There were three.

The first session, chaired by Sophie van Bijsterveld, dealt with the por­trayal of religion in the written press. On the basis of the wealth of infor­mation contained in the extensive national reports, the discussion con­sidered the legal framework (eg the degree to which the press is govemed by laws or whether it is self-regulated), the social reality (eg whether press coverage is amicable or hostile to religion), and the dynamic (eg cur­rent or likely future developments) at work in the countries ofEurope. The

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second session, chaired by Axel von Campenhausen, considered the fast­moving developments in the communication of religion on radio, tele­vision and the intemet, an area which is experiencing very dífferent approaches across Europe. The final session, chaired by Gerhard Robbers, dealt with religion and the arts; questíons included: When religious law requires change in, for instance, liturgical practice, does this produce con­flict with civil law requiring conservation and protection of heritage? What fmancial benefits do religious organisations enjoy from state funding of the arts, and do these benefits cause problems for the state' s posture in its relations with religious groups? And, are the limits of freedom of religious art less strict than those on freedom of expression through the press, radio and television?

The conference delegates also visited Cardiff Law School, where, at a reception, they heard about the work of the Centre for Law and Religion, particularly its work in the field of the ius commune of the Anglican Com­munion, the work of the Colloquium of Roman Catholic and Anglican Canon Lawyers (set up in Rome in 1999), and the work of the centre's new forum for the study of law, sociology and religion in Europe. There was a dinner at Cardiff Castle, and delegates met informally, prior to dinner on the final night, The Most Revd Rowan Williams, formerly the Arch­bishop of Wales and currently the new Archbishop of Canterbury.

The sponsors for the event, without whom the conference would not have been possible, were the following:

National Assembly for Wales (through the Welsh Assembly Govemment)

Cardiff 2008 Ltd

Sir Halley Stewart Trust

Cardiff lnitiative and Chamber of Commerce

Cardiff Hotelíers Association

Cardiff City Council

Ecclesiastical Law Society

The Bishop of Hereford (Church of England)

The Bishop of Lancaster and Lancaster Roman Catholic Diocesan Trustees

The Bishop of Clífton and Clifton Catholic Diocesan Trustees

The Bishop of Menevia (Roman Catholic)

The Bishop of Liverpool (Church of England)

The Bishop of St Albans (Church of England)

PREFACE 3

In addition to the contributors themselves, for invaluable assistance with the organisation of the conference I should líke to express my gratitude to Sharron Alldred, for help with the French, Anne Fomerod and Marie Navarro, and for advice on grammatical propriety, Susan Mansell. For their help, encouragement and support, I am also grateful to my colleagues at the Centre for Law and Religion, namely: Anthony Jeremy, Gareth Powell, Mark Hill, Javier Oliva, Augur Pearce, Roger Rustan, Gregory Cameron, Eithne D'Auria and Robert Ombres OP. Finally, I am indebted to the members of the executive committee of the Consortium and to the staff at Peeters, Leuven.

WOLFGANG WIESHAIDER

University of Vzenna

COMMUNICATING RELIGION IN AUSTRIA: THE MEDIA ANO THE ARTS

SUMMARY: l. The press and religion- l. Freedom of the press- 2. Respect for religion and non-discrimination- 3. The joumalist's conviction versus Tenden­zschutz- 4. Ensuring that the press is not being offensive to religion- 5. Copy­right- 6. Interim- 7. Self-regulation by the press- 11. Radio- l. Public radio-2. Prívate radio - III. Television - IV. Internet- V. Religion and the arts -l. Criminallaw - 2. Copyright law - VI. Self-regulation in general.

l. The press and religion

l. Freedom of the press

Freedom of the press is guaranteed by Art. 13 of the State's Fundamen­tal Law, 1 in conjunction with Nos. 1 and 2 of the Provisional National Assembly's Resolution of 19182 with Art. 10 of the European Conven­tion on Human Rights, all of which are part of the Austrian Constitution, itself not restricted to one legal act. Taking these three norms together, the Constitutional Court,3 as well as doctrine, categorise this liberty as freedom of communication. 4 lt encompasses the freedoms of expression, of information and of media.5

The main source of press law is the Media Act.6 The legislation seeks to resolve conflicts on the basis of civil law damages rather than by way of criminal sanctions. Other sources of press law may be found in §1330 of the Civil Code7 and §78 of the Copyright Act,8 to protect the personality of an individual, several provisions of the Criminal Code9,

1 Staatsgrundgesetz, Reichsgesetzblatt 18671142. 2 Beschluss der Provisorischen Nationalversammlung, Staatsgesetzblatt 1918/3. 3 Reports- hereinafter VjSlg. - 1987/11.297. 4 W. BERKA, Die Grundrechte. Grundfreiheiten und Menschenrechte in Osterreich,

Springer, Wien- New York, 1999, pp. 313 seqq. 5 W. BERKA, 'Praambel', no. 7, in W. BERKA, T. HbHNE, A.J. NOLL, U. POLLEY, Medi­

engesetz, LexisNexis- ARD- Orac, Wien, 2002, p. 13. 6 Mediengesetz, Bundesgesetzblatt- hereinafter BGBl.- 1981/314, amended by BGBl.

1987/211, 1988/233, 1993/20, 91, I 1997/105, I 2ooons. I 2001/130, 136. 7 Allgemeines bürgerliches Gesetzbuch 1811, Justizgesetzsammlung 946 as amended. 8 Urheberrechtsgesetz, BGBl. 1936/111 as amended. 9 Strafgesetzbuch, BGBl. 1974/60 as amended.

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the Act against unfair Competition10 and severa! other (administrative) acts. 11

Freedom of the media comprehensively guarantees the publishing of print media, the running of broadcasting stations as well as the publish­ing and dissemination of other media.12 The freedom is not limited to the contents to be published or broadcast.13 Hence, any print medium is free to cover religious affairs.

2. Respect for religion and non-discrimination

The law ensures the respect of the press for religion mainly on two levels: the criminal offence and the civil claim for damages. The law distinguishes between individual and collective aspects of religion, and it prescribes different legal consequences.

An individual's personality is protected by various means and to vary­ing degrees. The protection covers a person's honour, privacy, and pre­sumption of innocence. In respect of religion, the first and second aspects are most relevant.

Sedes materiae are §§ 111 seqq. of the Criminal Code, which deal with defamation of character (§ 111) and insult (§ 115). Defamation is action­able when committed in the media, in broadcasts or in similar publi­cations or announcements available to the general public (§ 111 s. 2). Charges may only be brought against the offender on the initiative of those offended ( § 117 s. 1 ). Spiritual counsellors, of any religious com­munity in Austria, 14 are explicitly treated by § 117 s. 2 in this respect. If they are offended in the exercise of their office or duty, charges may be brought for any offence against their honour, by themselves or by a superior.

The civil claim for damages, set out in § 1330 of the Civil Code, goes further than the criminal provisions. While, however, § 1330 explicitly excludes compensation for non-pecuniary loss, §6 of the Media Act pro vides for an indemnity of the offence. 15 The right of an inidividual to their own picture is regulated by §78 of the Copyright Act, which entitles

10 Bundesgesetz gegen den unlauteren Wettbewerb, BGBL 1984/448 as amended. 11 See E. SwoBODA, Das Recht der Presse, 2nd ed., Verlag Medien & Recht, Wien, 1999,

pp. 3 seq; W. BERKA, 'Einleitung', no. 26, in Berka et alii, op. cit. (note 5), p. 9. 12 W. BERKA, 'Priiambel', no. 11, in BERKA et alii, op. cit. (note 5), p. 15. 13 Ibid., no. 15, pp. 15 seq. 14 The provision is not restricted to any legal recognition. 15 Cf. W. BERKA, 'Vor §§6- 8a', no. 9, in BERKA et alii, op. cit. (note 5), p. 63.

COMMUNICATING RELIGION IN AUSTRIA 7

the offended person to seek an injunction - removal included - and a publication of the judgment (§85). 16

The private sphere is also safeguarded by the fundamental law on the protection of data (Art. 1 § 1 Data Protection Act 200017). Contrary to other fundamental rights, 18 this right has third-party effects (Art. 1 § 1 s. 5).19 The right is extended by the entitlement of a person to anonymity, and is derived from § 16 of the Civil Code, which includes, according to the Austrian Supreme Court, a right to privacy - this allows a further possi­bility for a person to seek an injunction.20

Finally, §7 of the Media Act protects personallife from publicity by the media. The protection applies to private and family life, the borne and correspondence, as laid down by Art. 8 s. 1 ofthe ECHR.21 Naturally, this private area may also cover a person's religion, their practice of it, attendance at services and ceremonies etc.22 In this context, it is of inter­est to note that criminalliability may attach not only to journalists but also to authors of letters or advertisements.23

The legally recognised Churches and Religious Societies, registered Denominational Communities, as well as religious communities organised as private associations, are legal bodies. Although generally they cannot be offended against under criminallaw ,24 they may rely on rights to hon­our under civillaw, following the prevailing jurisprudence and doctrine.25

3. The journalist's conviction versus Tendenzschutz

Tendenzschutz which may be understood as ideological protection - is a labour law concept. § 132 s. 2 of the Labour Constitution Act26 provides that §§ 108-112 leg. cit. (dealing with the right of the works committee to participate in the economic affairs of an enterprise) do not apply to

16 SwoBODA, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 194 seqq.; BERKA, ibid., no. 10 seqq., pp. 63 seq. BGBI. I 1999/165; cf. R. PoTZ, 'Das Dateruchutzgesetz 2000 im religionsreehtlichen

Kontext', osterreichisches Archiv für recht & religion 2000, 384-394 (386). 18 BERKA, op. cit. (note 4), pp. 128 seqq. 19 lbid., pp. 129, 275. 20 BERKA, 'Vor §§6-8a', nos. 13 seq., in BERKA et alii, op. cit. (note 5), pp. 64 seq. with

references. 21 Cf. W. BERKA, '§7', no. 6, in BERKA et alii, op. cit. (note 5), pp. 93. 22 lbid., no. 11. p. 95. 23 U. Poll.EY, '§28, no. 10', in BERKA et alii, op. cit. (note 5), p. 297. 24 W. BERKA, 'Vor §§6-8a', no. 30, in BERKA et alii, op. cit. (note 5), p. 69 with refe­

rence to jurisprudence. 25 Ibid., no. 8, p. 63. 26 Arbeitsveifassungsgesetz, BGBL 1974/22 as amended.

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enterprises which directly serve the reporting professions or the expres­sion of opinions, so far as the political orientation of those enterprises is con cerned.

The opinions of joumalists are protected by §2 of the Media Act. Each employee of a media enterprise has the right to refuse to collaborate on a contribution - as regards content - which contradicts his conviction in fundamental questions of morality, politics, religion or the principies of joumalism. The right does not apply to disagreement with opinions which conform to the orientation of the media as given in the publisher' s imprint. A justified refusal may not lead to any disadvantage for the employee.27

Thus, the joumalist's conviction considered together with the Tendenz of the media enterprise meet the requirements of Art. 10 of the ECHR. 28

4. Ensuring that the press is not being offensive to religion

Religion in general, that is, whenever no single person or a defined group is involved, is protected mainly on the level of criminal law. The two majar offences, explicitly dealing with religion, are: (1) disparagement of doctrines, worship, practices or institutions of a religious community in Austria (§ 188 ofthe Criminal Code ), if likely to cause justified offence; 29

and (2) incitement against a religious community in Austria, or against a group defined by their members' adherence to such a religious commu­nity (§283 s. 1), if seen to endanger public order.30 The same applies to swearing at or belittling similar groups in a way which offends human dignity (§283 s. 2).

5. Copyright

According to §44 s. 1 of the Copyright Act, individual articles contained in a newspaper or periodical conceming current religious issues may freely be reproduced and distributed in other newspapers and periodicals, if the reproduction is not expressly prohibited. This constitutes a limita­tion on the exploitation rights of an author. This also applies only to eco­nomic and political issues, which underlines the day-to-day importance of religion.

z7 Cf. NoLL, '§2', nos. 2 seqq., in BERKA et a1ii, o p. cit. (note 5), pp. 43 seqq. 28 !bid., no. 17, p. 50. 29 Sanctioned by imprisonment up to six months or by up to 360 day-fines; see be1ow

chapter V .l. 30 Sanctioned by imprisonment up to two years.

COMMUNICATING RELIGION IN AUSTRIA 9

6. Interim

The relationship of the press and religion is govemed principally by gen­eral provisions, under which religious matters are subsumed. This goes for the protection of the religious sphere as well as for religious adver­tising, and for access to information. In the latter case, religious organi­sations, too, are bound by the Data Protection Act 2000, due to its third­party effect, as stated above.31 There are no special provisions to regulate the religious press.

7. Self-regulation by the press

The relevant self-regulation guidelines for joumalists are to be found in the Code of Ethics for the Austrian Press. 32 The parts of this Code con­ceming religion are as follows: (1) "Any discrimination for racial, reli­gious, ethnic, sexual or other reasons is inadmissible". (Art. 5.5); and (2) "Disparagement or mockery of religious doctrines or of recognised Churches and Religious Communities33 , which causes unjustified offence, is inadmissible." (Art. 5.6)

Although the Code is not legally binding, it fixes the customs of the press industry, and is important for the interpretation of legal norms, such as §§2, 6 seqq. of the Media Act, § 1330 of the Civil Code or § 111 of the Criminal Code. 34

The Code is the main document of the Press Council (Presserat), an institution of voluntary self-control of the press, founded in 1961. The Council was also responsible for amendment of the Code, and it has decided on complaints about the press, which may be filed by anybody. Since 1996 the Council has even discussed and decided on cases about which no complaints had been filed. 35

The Council was composed of 24 honorary members, eh osen by: the voluntary institutionalised representation of the printed media publish­ers' interests (Verband Osterreichischer Zeitungen)- 10 members (this

31 Cf. Pon, op. cit. (note 17), p. 386. 32 The 1ast amendment dating from 21 January 1999; see NoLL, '§2', no. 13, in BERKA

et alii, op. cit. (note 5), pp. 46 seq.; http://www.voez.at/down1oad/PR_Ehrenkodex.pdf [28 February 2003].

33 By not using the technical term of "legally recognised Churches and Religious Socie­ties", the Code ought to be interpreted as encompassing both 1egally recognised Re1igious Societies and registered Denominationa1 Communities, because both are recognised by the State, though in different ways.

34 NoLL, '§2', no. 14, in Berka et alii, op. cit. (note 5), pp. 49. 35 Cf. SWOBODA, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 161 seq.

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institution unifies all relevant daily and weekly papers and magazines as well as sorne church-run36 papers); the Trade Union 'Art, Media and Lib­eral Professions' 10 members; the Press Club Concordia37 2 mem­bers; and the Austrian Association of Joumals and Specialist Press38

-

2 members. Sorne controversia} decisions have recently led to a fundamental cri­

tique of the Council. 39 On 1st July 2002 the Councíl ceased to exist. To-date the organisations previously represented are negotiating the foundation of a new association (representing the organisations mentioned above), in order to revive the Council.40 Earlíer, there was even a call for its re­establishment by law.41

If there ís any further self-regulatíon by newspapers (dailies, weeklíes etc.), it may be found in the publisher's imprint, and often consists of one article of the statutes for the editorial staff. The tendency, however, is to employ very general wording, ranging from: (1) This paper stands for respect for parliamentary democracy and a constitutional state, for tolerance of all ethoic and religious commuoities etc; 42 and, (2) This paper defends fundamental freedoms and human rights and fights any endeavours to endanger them or the democratic, constitutional order of society;43 to (3) This paper reflects the variety of the (chief) editors' opinions.44

11. Radio

There are two k:inds of radio station in Austria differing as to ownership or the legal framework within which they are established: the Austrian public radio station (Osterreichischer Rundfunk- ORF); and, the prívate radio, comprising all other radio stations including religious ones.

36 Eisenstiidter KirchenZeitung, Kiimtner KirchenZeitung, Kirche bunt, Kirchenzeitung der Diozese Linz, Rupertus Blatt, Vorarlberger KirchenBlatt, Wiener KirchenZeitung.

37 The Presseclub Concordia, an independent incorporated association, is the oldest press club in the world (founded in 1859). lts members are Austria's leading joumalists as well as foreign media correspondents; cf. http://www.concordia.at/concordia/relaunch/ en_willkommen.htm [28 February 2003].

38 The Osterreichischer Zeitschriften- und Fachmedien-Verband, founded in 1946, is the professional association of media owners publishers of Austrian journals and specialist press; cf. http://www.oezv.or.at [28 February 2003].

39 Cf. though differently motivated and directed SWOBODA, op. cit. (note 11), pp. 163 seq. 40 Cf. Der Standard 30. 10. 2002. 41 Cf. Der Standard 3. 8. 2002. 42 Der Standard: http:l/derstandard.at/standard.asp?id=750727 [28 February 2003]. 43 Die Presse: http://www.diepresse.com/or/impressum.asp [28 February 2003]. 44 Neue Kronenzeitung: http://www2.krone.at/sendung/e/email/email_uebersicht.html

[28 February 2003].

COMMUNICATING RELIGION IN AUSTRIA 11

l. Public radio

The ORF is a public law foundation (§ 1 s. 1 of the ORF Act'5) empowered to run three nationally receivable programmes and oine to be received in each Land (§3 s. 1 no. 1). §4 s. 1 enumerates the purpose and functions of these programmes, four of which are relevant to this paper:

(1) to inform the public on allimportant política!, social, economic, cul­tural, and sporting questions (no. 1);

(2) to promote the understanding of all questions related to co-existence in a democratic society (no. 2);

(3) to impart and promote art, culture, and science (no. 5); (4) to consider adequately the importance of the legally recognised

Churches and Religious Societies (no. 12).

The ORF is obliged to be objective and, in a suitable manner, to broad­cast different and critical views, taking into consideration the variety of opinions in public life (§4 s. 5). lt has to comply with these duties inde­pendently of any influence of the State, political parties, other media, or political or economic lobbies (§4 s. 6).

The first broadcasting principie, in § 1 O s. 1, states that the contents as well as the presentation of all ORF programmes must respect human dig­nity and the fundamental rights and freedoms of others. The programmes must not stir up any hatred on account of race, gender, age, handicap, reli­gion, or nationality (§10 s. 2). Advertisements, in particular, must not offend human dignity, nor contain any discrimination ( on the same grounds), nor offend religious or political convictions (§14 s. 1 nos. 1-3). This also holds for religious advertísements, which are (eg in contrast to Germany) not generally forbidden.

The broadcast of religious services must not be interrupted by adver­tisements. The same goes for any other programmes wiih a religious content, shorter than 30 minutes46 (§15 s. 6). On three days of the year, commercial advertising is forbidden by §13 s. 5: Good Friday, All Saints' Da y (1st November), and Christmas E ve (24th December). This rule, again, reflects the fact of the Christian majority in the country.

To safeguard the interests of listeners, §28 s. 1 establishes the Audience Council (Publikumsrat), consisting of 35 members. The Roman Catholic

45 Bundesgesetz über den Osterreichischen Rundfunk, BGBl. 1984/379 as last amended by BGBI. 12001/83; cf. S. ScHIMA, 'Die wichtigsten religionsrechtlichen Regelungen des Bundesrechts und des Landesrechts Jahrgang 2001, zweites Halbjahr', osterreichisches Archiv für recht & religion, 2002, pp. 89 seqq.

46 For similar, but longer programmes see the general provisions in §15 s. 1-5.

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Church and the Lutheran and Calvinist Church are entitled to nominate one member each (§28 s. 3 nos. 3-4).47 Among other tasks, the Audience Council nominales six members of the Foundation 's Council, one of whom must be from the realm of the legally recognised Churches and Religious Societies (§30 s. 1 no.2).

The Federal Communication Senate,48 the supervisory body, will also decide on complaints, ftled by anybody who: claims to be directly hurt by a violation of the ORF Act; or pays the broadcast receiving licence or is exempted from paying it and whose complaint is supported by at least 300 other customers; or claims in a well-founded manner to have been directly affected by a violation of §10 (§36 s. 1). The fine for a violation of § 10 s. 2, §§ 14, 15 is up to 36.000 euros (§38 s. 1). In addition, the pro­visions of the Criminal Code as described abo ve apply.

2. Private radio

Only after the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in Lentia and Others v. Austria on 24 November 1993,49 which held that a (public) broadcast monopoly violates Art. 10 of the ECHR, was a legal framework for the functioning of prívate radio passed in 1993.50 After severa! amend­ments the current law, the Prívate Radio Act,51 carne into force on 1 April 2001. §8 no. 1 of this explicitly states that legally recognised Churches and Religious Societies may run such radio stations, although they are organised as public law corporations.

Parallel to the ORF Act, §16 s. 4 of the Prívate Radio Act stipulates that the contents and the presentation of all programmes must respect human dignity and the fundamental rights of others and must not stir up hatred by reason of race, gender, religion or nationality. More strictly than the provisions for both public broadcasting in general and prívate television, §19 s. 6, however, forbids without exception the interruption by advertisements of the broadcasting of religious programmes or pro­grammes wíth a religious content.

47 Cf. ScHIMA, op. cit. (note 45), pp. 93 seq. 48 Bundeskommunikationssenat, see § 1 s. 2, §§ 11-13 of the KommAustria-Gesetz, BGBl.

I 2001/32. 49 Appl. No. 13914/88, 15041/89, 15717/89, 15779/89, 17207/90, Series A, No. 276;

cf. also Europiiische Grundrechte Zeitschrift 1994, pp. 549 seqq.; Juristische Bliitter 1994, pp. 324 seqq.

50 Regionalradiogesetz, BGBL 1993/506, cf. P. TwAROCH, W. BUCHNER, Rundfunkrecht in Osterreich, 5th ed., Juridica-Verlag, Wien, 2000, pp. 21 seq.

51 Privatradiogesetz, BGBI. I 2001/20, amended by BGBL 1 2001/136.

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A complaint about alleged violations of the Prívate Radio Act can be filed by any person who: claims to be directly damaged; or has their regular and established address in that Land and whose complaint is sup­ported by at least 100 other persons of that area (§25 s. 1). Given repeated or serious violations, the regulatory authority52 must take proceedings to revoke broadcasting permission (§28 s. 1). In addition, the provisions of the Criminal Code as described above apply.

The stipulations about religious programmes, however, do not pose a serious problem for the vast majority of the Austrian prívate. radio sta­tions, which are commercial stations, because they generally concentrate on music with only quite superficial news headlines at regular intervals.

Radio Orange,53 Vienna's only free radio, offers a programme in Arabic, announcing forthcoming events wíthin the Muslim community. A trilin­gual programme calls for peace among people of different ethnic, reli­gious etc. backgrounds. A music programme for women, called Lourdes, is a parody of the Catholíc pilgrimage movement.

Finally, there are two explicitly religious radio stations: Radio Ste­phansdom,54 run by the Catholic ecclesiastical foundation of the same name, concentratíng on classical music and on information programmes about the Catholic Church; and Radio Maria, 55 run by the prívate "asso­ciation for the spreading of boundless brotherly love". Although legally and financially independent, all programmes are orientated towards the doctrine of the Catholic Church. lt broadcasts liturgy, catechism and spir­ituality, counselling, news from the Church and the world (including Radio Vatican), local news, interviews, and music (including spiritual music).56

111. Television

As in the case of radio, one ought to differentiate between public and prí­vate television stations. The public station, again ORF, is obliged to run two nationally receivable television programmes (§3 s. 1 no. 2 of the ORF Act). What has been said in respect of the radio, as to the contents of the programmes and the manner of broadcasting, is also valid for pub­líe television. Analogous rules apply to prívate television stations, laid

52 "KommAustria", see §1 s. 1, §§2, 3 of the KommAustria-Gesetz, BGBl. I 2001/32. 53 http://www.orange.or.at [28 February 2003]. 54 http://www.radio-stephansdom.at [28 February 2003]. 55 http://www.radiomaria.at [28 February 2003]. 56 http://www.radiomaria.at [28 February 2003].

14 WOLFGANG WIESHAIDER

down in the Private Television Act.57 In the case of television, however, the norms represent the adoption in Austrian law of EC law (ie Directive 89/552/EEC of 3 October 1989) on the coordination of certain provisions laid down by Law, Regulation or Administrative Action in Member States concerning the pursuit of television broadcasting activities.58 Thus: Art. 11 s. 5 of the Directive 89/552/EEC (conceming religious programmes) corresponds to §15 s. 6 of the ORF Act59 and to §36 s. 4 of the Private Television Act, respectively; Art. 12lit. e of the Directive 89/552/EEC (concerning advertising) corresponds to §14 s. 1 no. 3 ofthe ORF Act and to §37 no. 3 of the Private Television Act. (The latter provision com­prises teleshopping, too, which § 13 s. 2 of the ORF Act prohibits for the public channels.); and Art. 22a of the Directive 89/552/EEC (forbidding stirring up hatred} corresponds to § 10 s. 2 of the ORF Act and to §31 s. 2 of the Private Television Act.

A complaint about alleged violations of the Private Television Act can be filed by any person who: claims to be directly hurt; or has their reg­ular and established place of residence in the area served by the station and whose complaint is supported by at least 300 other persons of that area; or claims in a well-founded manner to be directly affected by a vio­lation of §31 (§61 s. 1). The addressee ofthe complaint is the regulatory authority, which is also in charge of the general legal supervision of the television stations.

A private television station may be fined up to 8.000 euros for violating §§31, 36, 37 of the Private Television Act (§64 s. 2). Repeated or serious violations of the law may lead to the revocation of broadcasting permis­sion (§63 s. 1). In addition, the provisions of the Criminal Code described above apply. In respect of the ORF see the chapter about public radio abo ve.

IV. Internet

Since the internet is quite a new medium, it is not yet the subject of much regulation. Although media law has not yet been adapted to the require­ments of internet, it is widely accepted that the Media Act - as described

57 Privatfernsehgesetz, BGBl. 1 2001/84; cf. Schima, op. cit., (note 45), pp. 94 seq. 58 OJ 1989 L 298, p. 23, corrected by OJ 1989 L 331, p. 51 and amended by Directive

97/36/EC, OJ 1997 L 202, p. 60. 59 But cf. §14 s. 7 of the ORF Act, stating that television advertisements have to be

broadcast in blocks between the single programmes and that separately broadcast spots must remain exceptional; yet, § 15 s. 2 though starting with an identical wordíng, sets forth the condition for such exceptíons.

COMMUNICATING RELIGION IN AUS1RIA 15

above - applies not only to printed media, but also to electronic media. This principally includes the internet. In this case, however, it is neces­sary not to confuse the world wide web with specific net services, since only those net services can be considered - depending on their contents etc - as media within the meaning of § 1 of the Media Act. 60 Once sub­sumed, the questions concerning religion etc. can be answered as for the printed media (for which see above). Jurisprudence, though, is still rare.

In Austria, the E-Commerce Acríl is based on Directive 2000/31/EC, concerning certain legal aspects of information society services, in par­ticular electronic cornmerce, in the Interna! Market (Directive on elec­tronic commerce).62 §22 s. 2 nos. 1, 2 of the Act practically repeats Art 3 s. 4 lit. a no. i of Directive 2000/31/EC, providing that the State may take measures to set limits to the free information society service if - among other items- the measures are necessary for public policy, in particular the prevention, investigation, detection and prosecution of criminal offences, including the protection of minors and the fight against any incitement to hatred on grounds of race, sex, religion or nationality, and violations of human dignity concerning individual persons.

V. Religion and arts63

l. Criminal law

In addition to Art. 1 O of the ECHR, the Austrian Parliament passed an amendment to Staatsgrundgesetz in 1983, thus introducing express pro­tection for freedom of art: Art. 17a.64 The Constitution uses a broad def­inition of art, guaranteeing its autonomy. It is formulated without any explicit limitations. Consequently, this fundamental right is only limited by so-called immanent limits. Intentional infringements violate the right,

60 NoLL, '§1 ',nos. 48 seqq., in BERKA et alii, op. cit. (note 5), pp. 38 seqq. 61 E-Commerce-Gesetz, BGBI 1 2001/152. 62 0J 2000 L 178, pp. 1-16. 63 The discussion in the meeting of the Consortium stressed that the cultural property

issue is linked to the realm of art. Though it goes beyond the communication of religion in the strict sense and will therefore not be covered in the present paper. For further infor­mation about the special regulations concerning religious communities and the protection of cultural property see W. WIESHAIDER, 'Auswirkungen der Novelle 1999 zum Denkmal­schutzgesetz auf die Religionsgemeinschaften', osterreichisches Archiv für recht & religion 2000, 395-403; W. WIESHAIDER, Denkmalschutzrecht, Springer, Wien- New York, 2002, 135-142.

64 Cf. BERKA, op. cit. (note 4), pp. 350 seqq with many references to jurisprudence and doctrine.

16 WOLFGANG WIESHAIDER

whereas generallaws may set boundaries while they fully respect a basic space for art. Proportionality is the ruling principie. 65

Basically, the two concurring freedoms of religion and of art are bal­anced on the sub-constitutionallevel by the Criminal Code, especially by the following offences:

(1) §§ 125, 126 s. 1: threatening the destruction, damage, disfigurement, and rendering unusable someone else's object which is: dedicated to the religious service or to the worship of a religious community66

(no. 1); a grave ora memorial ata cemetery orina room used for religious practice (no. 2) with imprisonment up to two years or up to 360 day-fmes. Should the damage exceed the amount of 40.000 euros, possible imprisonment will range between six months and five years (§126 S. 2);

(2) §188: threatening the disparagement ofreligious doctrine, which car­ries imprisonment up to six months or up to 360 day-fines; 67

(3) § 189 s. 1: threatening the hindrance or disturbance of a legally permis­sible exercise of religion68 by violence or threat, with imprisonment up to two years;

(4) §189 s. 2: threatening nuisance at places dedicated to manifest reli­gion69 (no. 1), ata legally permissible religious service (no. 2), or with a thing directly dedicated to a legally permissible religious service (no. 3), with imprisonment up to six months or up to 360 day-fines; 70

(5) §190 s. 1, threatening the disturbance ofthe peace ofthe dead by tak­ing away a corpse or ashes from the entitled person or a body lying in state, or by violating a corpse, ashes, a grave, a place of lying in state or a memorial, with imprisonment up to six months or up to 360 day-fines;

65 VfSlg. 1985/10.401, 1987/11.567, 1988/11.737. 66 This terminology comprises both recognised Churches and Religious Societies and

Registered Denominational Communities. The only condition is that the community exists as a religious community in Austria.

67 See Oberlandesgericht 24. 4.1985, 8 Bs 350/84, Medien und Recht 1985 issue 4 no. 9 (seizure ofthe film "Das Gespenst" by H. Achtembusch); O. TRlFFTERER & K. SCHMOLLER, 'Die Freiheit der Kunst und die Grenzen des Strafrechts. Auswirkungen des Art 17a StGG auf die strafrechtliche Verwantwortlichkeit bei künstlerischer oder vermeintlich künst­lerischer Betatigung', Osterreichische Juristen-Zeitung 1993, 547-553; 573-582 (578 f) with further examples and most recently J. WALLNER, 'Strafrecht und Kunstfreiheit im Kontext der religios-weltanschaulichen Sphare. Überlegungen anhand eines Anlassfalles', osterreichisches Archiv für recht & religion 2002, 239-259.

68 See footnote 66. 69 See footnote 66. 7° Cf. 'TRIFFrERER & SCHMOLLER, op. cit. (note 67) 578 f.

COMMUNICATING RELIGION IN AUSTRIA 17

(6) §190 s. 2, threatening the removal of adomments from a grave, a place of lying in state or a memorial, with imprisonment up to three months or up to 180 day-fines;

(7) § 191, threatening the disturbance of a funeral service with imprison­ment up to three months or up to 180 day-fines;

(8) §283, threatening incitement against a religious community in Aus­tria, or against a group defined by their members' adherence to such a religious community (s. 1), if likely to endanger public order.71 The same goes for swearing at or belittling similar groups in a way which offends human dignity (s. 2).

The celebrated case of Otto Preminger Institut v. Austria 20 September 199472 illustrates that proportionality may also include, to a certain degree, regional variations and social differences.73 Local courts ordered the seizure and forfeiture of a film purportedly offending an average per­son' s religious feelings. The European Court of Human Rights considered these measures not disproportionate and held that there was no violation of Art.10 of the ECHR.74 Its decision repeats the local courts' rationale for applying §188 of the Criminal Code and balancing it with the free­dom of art. It also reflects the relevant domestic jurisprudence. Domes­tic cases are often resolved at courts of first instance, ending with acquit­tal,75 if not tumed down by the public prosecutor.76 This does not, however, reflecta weakness of the penal system, but more likely a wide respect for a fair balance between freedom of art and religious feelings.

2. Copyright law

In the realm of the arts and religion, there are further exemptions to the author's copyright and limitations to author exploitation rights. §45 s. 1

7I Sanctioned by imprisonment up to two years. 72 Series A No. 295-A; see also Juristische Blatter 1995, pp. 304 seqq. 73 An 87% Roman Catholic majority in the Tyrol caused severa! criminal complaints,

whereas a far smaller Catholic majority in Vienna was apparently not offended by the showing of the film. ..

74 Cf. T. ÓHLINGER, "'Das Gespenst" und die Freiheit der Kunst in Osterreich, Zeit­schriftfür Urheber- und Medienrecht, 190 seqq; C. MAYERHOFER, 'Die Freiheit der Kunst vor staatlichen Eingriffen, Osterreichische Juristen-Zeitung 1986, 21 seqq.

75 Cf. e. g. the Habsburg Recycling Case: Cabaret artists used quotations from the Bible, bishops' words, and church hymns for a satirical collage; see Der Standard, 30. 3. 1994.

76 Cf. e. g. the Haderer Case, see W ALLNER, op. cit. (note 67) passim. The Greek edition, however, was recently seized by the police in bookshops in Greece. It is reported that the author, the translator, and the Greek publishing house are to be charged for having offended the Christian Orthodox religion, see e. g. Oberosterreichische Nachrichten 28.2.2003, 7.

18 WOLFGANG WIESHAIDER

no. 1 of the Copyright Act refers to works of language.77 After having been published, they may be reproduced and distributed in a collec­tion of several authors' works, intended to be used in churches, schools or for other educational purposes. A work of a scientific or didactic nature, consisting of two or three-dimensional pictorial depictions, and which does not count as a work of art, may be included only if it eluci­dates the content of the work. Dealing with the free use of published musical works, §53 s. 1 no. 2 permits the public performance of these at a religious (the text speaks of an 'ecclesiastical') ceremony where the audience is admitted free of charge.

VI. Self-regulation in general

The mere fact that the Austrian market is quite small might not be a satisfactory reason for the general lack of self-regulation in this field. The interviews undertaken for this study, however, seem to establish that people consider the legal framework to be sufficient, containing, as it does, a regard for the fundamental freedoms involved.

77 Computer programs constitute works of literature (§2 no. 1 Ieg. cit.).

RIK TüRFS

Université Catholique, Leuven

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE

REsuMÉ: l. Cadre général- A. Niveau intemational- B. Niveau beige- 11. La presse écrite et la religion - A. Legislation - B. Auto-controle - C. Presse sécu­liere et presse historiquement religieuse - D. Nouvelle presse religieuse? -III. L'audio-visuel et la religion- A. Cadre normatif- l. La communauté fran-9aise- 2. La communauté tlamande- B. Évaluation- IV. La religion et les arts.

l. Cadre général

A. Niveau international

Afín de bien situer la position de la religion dans le monde des médias en Belgique, il faut d'abord décrire le cadre légal en général. C'est effec­tivement ce cadre quí réunít les conditíons dans lesquelles aussi bien la presse écrite que la radio, la télévisíon et les arts fonctionnent.

D'abord, il y a le niveau internatíonal. L'article dé au sein de la Convention Européenne des droits de l'homme (CEDH) est l'article 10, proclamant le droit a la liberté d'expression, y compris la liberté d'opi­nion et la liberté de recevoir ou de communiquer des informations ou des idées sans qu'il puisse y avoir íngérence d'autorités publiques et sans considération de frontieres. Déja, le § 1 er de 1' article 1 O prévoit une limite possible: «Le présent article n'empeche pas les États de soumettre les entreprises de radiodiffusion, de cinéma ou de télévision a un régime d' autorisation. »

Tandis que le §2 de l'article 10 formule, dans la tradition de la CEDH, les formalités, les conditions, les restrictions et les sanctions possibles, il ne faut pas oublierl 'article 17 de la meme Convention, qui stipule qu 'au­cune des dispositions de la Convention ne peut etre interprétée comme impliquant pour un état, un groupement ou un índividu, un droit quel­conque de se livrer a une activité ou d'accomplir un acte visant a la des­truction des droits ou libertés ou a des limitations plus amples.

Au niveau moins formel des Nations Unies, il faut signaler l'article 19 du Pacte intemational relatif aux droits civils et politiques. L'article 19.2 annonce clairement que la liberté d'expression comprend la liberté de

20 RIK TORFS

rechercher, de recevoir et de répondre des informations et des idées de toute espece, saos considération de frontieres, sous une forme orale, écrite, imprimée ou artistique ou par tout autre mayeo de son choix.

Des limites peuvent etre trouvées daos l'article 19.3 du meme pacte ou encare daos son article 20 qui interdit tout appel a la haine nationale, raciale ou religieuse qui constitue une invitation a la discrimination, a 1 'hostilité o u a la violence. Enfin, 1' article 27 nous intéresse aussi, lorsqu'il déclare que daos les états ou il existe des minorités ethniques, religieuses ou linguistiques, les personnes appartenant a ces minorités ne peuvent etre privées du droit d'avoir, en commun avec les membres de leur groupe, leur propre vie culturelle, de professer et de pratiquer leur propre religion ou d'employer leur propre laogue.

Au niveau international, il faut aussi souligner l'influence possible d'un autre pacte des Nations Unies, a savoir le pacte international relatif aux droits économiques, sociaux et culturels. Ici, l'article 6 (droit au travail) ainsi que l'article 15 (entre autres la participation a la vie culturelle et le maintien, le développement et la diffusion de la science et de la culture) sautent aux yeux.

B. Niveau beige

Le premier instrument dont il faut tenir compte au niveau beige, est bien entendu la Constitution. Elle date de 1831 et figure ainsi parmi les plus aociennes au monde. Tout en ayaot subi un grand nombre de modifica­tions, la Constitution a maintenu 1 'esprit libéral et ouvert qui la caracté­risait a 1 'époque de sa promulgation.

La liberté de presse fait l'objet d'un article a part. L'article 25 (l'ao­cien article 18) est ainsi formulé: «La presse est libre; la censure ne pourra jamais etre établie; il ne peut etre exigé de cautionnement des écrivains, éditeurs ou imprimeurs. Lorsque l'auteur est connu et domici­lié en Belgique, l'éditeur, l'imprimeur ou le distributeur ne peut etre pour­suivi.»

Cet article protege la liberté de presse avec beaucoup de conviction. Ceci est du au fait que, au moment des derniers mois du Royaume Uni des Pays-Bas et de la révolution beige, la liberté de presse était une des revendications principales des révolutionnaires.1 Ceci explique aussi le

1 Pour une description détaillée des questions et des réponses a cette époque, voyez C. TERLINDEN, Guillaume Ier, roi des Pays-Bas, et l'église catholique en Belgique (1814-1830), Albert Dewit, Bruxelles, 1906, 2 volumes.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 21

statut spécial du délit de presse, qui doit etre jugé devaot la Cour d'assi­ses par un jury. 2

Pour le statut de la presse, la constitution contient d'autres dispositions d'une grande importance, a savoir les normes qui régissent les struc­tures politiques de la Belgique. L'article ter de la Constitution définit la Belgique comme un État fédéral qui se compase des communautés et des régions. L'article 127 détermine les compétences des Conseils de la Communauté frao~aise et de la Communauté flamaode. Ils reglent par décret, chacun pour qui le concerne, entre autres, les matieres culturelles. Ceci vaut aussi, daos un autre contexte, pour le Conseil de la Communauté germaoophone. 3

De la structure de la Belgique comme état fédéral découle done une certaine complexité au niveau des normes régissaot les médias, surtout les médias audiovisuels.

11. La presse écrite et la religion

A. Législation

La position de la religion au sein de la presse écrite est déterminée par quelques éléments majeurs. Bien sur, il y a l'histoire et la situation socio­logique de la Belgique. Je reviens ci-dessous sur ces questions plutót sociologiques que juridiques.

Cependaot, la législation importe elle aussi. Ainsi, il faut souligner la loi du 19 juillet 1979 tendaot a maintenir la diversité daos la presse quoti­dienne d'opinion.4 Cette loi nationale, promulguée a une époque ou les compétences nationales étaient encore plus larges, o' est plus applicable

2 Constitution beige, art. 150: «Le jury est établi en toutes matü~res criminelles et pour les délits poli tiques et de presse, a 1 'exception des délits de presse inspirés par le racisme ou la xénophobie.>> Cf. C. DouTRELEPONT et D. FEsLER, «La presse et le droit. Trois themes récurrents: la responsabilité pénale et civile de la presse ainsi que l'acces a l'antenne des partís politiques en campagne électorale>>, in G. THOVERON etC. DoUTRELEPONT (ed.), La presse- pouvoir en devenir, Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles, Bruxelles, 1996, pp. 191-213; G. DucHAINE, Du délit de presse, Bruylant, Bruxelles, 1866, 182 p.; D. DE PRINs, «De burgerlijke rechter en de persvrijheid>>, Rechtskundig Weekblad 2000-2001, pp. 1445-1456; F. JoNGEN, <<La responsabilité pénale et civile de la presse>>, Le Journal des proces 1991, n° 196, pp, 11-13; T. VERBIEST, <<La presse électronique. Droit d'auteur, délit de presse, responsabilité en cascade, droit de réponse, racisme et révisionnisme>>, Auteurs & Media 2000, pp. 69-79; D. VooRHOOF, <<Brokkelt de grondwettelijke bescherming van de drukpersvrijheid en het verbod van censuur verder af?>>, (Note sous Cassation 29 juin 2000), Recente Arresten van het Hofvan Cassatie 2001, pp. 25-35.

3 Constitution beige, art. 130. 4 Moniteur beige 26 juillet 1979.

22 RIK TORFS

pour la Communauté flamande a cause de l'article 4 d'un décret du 7 juillet 1998.5 La loi prévoit un crédit annuel pour l'aide directe a la presse quo­tidienne d'opinion.

Pour la Flandre, le protocole du 27 juillet 1998 entre le gouvemement fla­mand et la presse écrite flamande rend possible des mesures comparables.

La diversité de la presse, y compris la presse idéologiquement au reli­gieusement déterminée, est done un objectif majeur en Belgique. La pro­tection de la diversité culturelle ou religieuse n'est d'ailleurs pas seule­ment assurée de fas;on positive. 11 y a aussi la possibilité de sanctions pénales. Ainsi, le racisme, la xénophobie et le négationnisme sont inter­dits par la loi.

En ce qui conceme le racisme et la xénophobie, la base légale de l'in­terdiction se trouve dans la loi du 30 juillet 1981.6 L' article 1 er de cette loi définit la notion de «discrimination». Elle inclut toute forme de dis­tinction, exclusion, limitation ou préférence ayant pour but ou pour consé­quence que la reconnaissance, la jouissance ou 1' exercice a titre d 'égalité des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales au niveau politique, économique, social, culture! ou ailleurs dans la vie sociale, soient anéan­tis, atteints ou limités.

En príncipe, la religion peut etre elle aussi 1' objet de cette discrimina­tion. Cependant, lorsque la loi devient plus précise, la religion n'est pas explicitement mentionnée, contrairement a la race, la couleur, l'ascen­dance, !'origine ethnique ou la nationalité. Bien sur, des liens existent entre, par exemple, !'origine ethnique ou la nationalité d'un coté, et la reli­gion d'un autre coté. Mais, répétons le, la discrimination religieuse est moins accentuée que d'autres formes de discrimination.

La loi du 23 mars 19957, punit la négation, la minimalisation, la justi­fication o u 1 'approbation du génocide commis pendant la deuxieme guerre mondiale par le régime national-socialiste allemand. Une premiere remarque: i1 s'agit uniquement du génocide par le régime national-socia­liste. D'autres génocides ou crimes de guerre ne sont pas concernés. Ensuite, il est clair que la religion en tant que telle n'est pas directement impliquée. Néanmoins, indirectement, certains groupes religieux pour­raient etre plus concernés par cette loi que d'autres. Les lois de 1981 et de 1995, en pratique, ne conduisent qu'a tres peu de procédures et de peines concretes.

~ Moniteur beige 28 aout 1998. 6 Monlteur beige 8 aout 1981. 7 Monlteur beige 30 mars 1995, err. Moniteur belge 22 avril1995.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 23

Une protection directe de la religion n'existe done pas, ni au niveau des articles de presse, ni d'ailleurs au niveau de la publicité. Le crime de blasphémie n 'existe pas en Belgique. Dans une these de licence en socio­logie de 1999, Kristien Loyens a démontré que la discussiorl concemant la publicité faisant usage de symboles religieux, n'aboutit qu'occasion­nellement a un conflit ou a une protestation officielle. 8 Si conflit il y a, le Jury pour Pratiques Honnetes dans le domaine publicitaire peut inter­venir. Ce jury stimule l'autodiscipline des bureaux publicitaires et de la presse.9 11 décide par ailleurs si une campagne publicitaire peut etre conti­nuée ou, en revanche, doit etre arretée. Le Jury n'a pas joué pas un tres grand role jusqu'ici, et n'intervient que tres rarement dans le domaine religieux. 10

B. Auto-controle

Un rOle important au niveau de la déontologie et du fonctionnement pro­fessionnel est joué par 1' Association Générale des Journalistes Profes­sionnels. Les statuts de cette Association datent du 28 février 1998_11 L'association générale est une association nationale, qui collabore avec deux associations régionales, a savoir l'Association des Journaliste Pro­fessionnels (A.J.P.) et la Vlaamse Vereniging van Beroepsjournalisten (V.V.J.). L'association a plusieurs fonctions parmi lesquelles la défense de la liberté professionnelle des joumalistes et des droits de la presse. Mais l'association s'occupe également du maintien des regles de dignité professionnelle parmi ses membres. Et surtout: elle veille sur l'applica­tion des normes sur la déontologie professionnelle.

C. Presse séculiere et presse historiquement religieuse

La Belgique est un pays historiquement tres catholique, au meme titre que, par exemple, l'Irlande ou la Pologne. Jusqu'il y a quelques décennies, pres de 90% de la population était baptisée dans 1 'église catholique. Ceci n'est plus le cas aujourd'hui. Tandis que le pourcentage de baptemes

8 K. LOYENS, Het gebruik van religieuze symbolen in de reclame, Faculté des sciences sociales, Louvain, 1999, Ill+82 p.

9 K. LoYENS, op cit., p. 50. 10 Certains auteurs souhaitent un role plus important pour ce jury. Cf. R. STOCKMAN,

«Stop normenoverschrijdende reclame>>, De Standaard, 18 juin 1997, p. 11. 11 On les trouve dans L. NEELs, D. VOORHOOF et H. MAERTENS, Medialex, Kluwer Rechts­

wetenschappen, Anvers, 1999 5, pp. 619-631.

24 RIKTORFS

catholiques se situe actuellement autour des 70%, la sécularisation frappe durement la société beige, plus qu'elle ne le fait dans les pays voisins, pourtant eux aussi sérieusement touchés par le meme phénomene de sécu­larisation. La raison pour laquelle la sécularisation conceme la Belgique plus que d'autres pays, s'explique sans doute par le lien profond qui unis­sait la vie religieuse, la vie politique et la vie économique. Une émanci­pation populaire, peu importe son point de départ, finissait toujours par toucher aussi aux dimensions religieuses ou ecclésiales de la probléma­tique concemée.

Dans ce cadre, l'évolution de la presse écrite est parfois déconcertante. On constate le déclin, lent mais inéluctable, de la presse catholique. TI s 'agit d 'un processus qui a débuté il y a a peu pres 25 ans, et qui a conduit au changement quasi complet du paysage idéologique de la presse beige.

Un livre précieux publié en 1975 et intitulé Radioscopie de la presse beige décrit une situation d'une époque entierement révolue.U Cepen­dant, si révolution il y a eu, il s'agit surtout d'une démarche interne, d'une implosion idéologique de la presse catholique qu'il y a un quart de siecle encore, était une presse de masse.

En 1975, Louis Meerts, alors rédacteur en chef de la Gazet van Antwer­pen, écrivait sur son joumal: «Nous savons qu'une évolution constante s 'effectue dans les domaines religieux et ecclésiastique. De nouveaux problemes se sont posés et continuent a surgir. Nous acceptons a cet égard une pluralité de conceptions et d'opinions qui se trouve d'ailleurs reflé­tée dans notre rubrique religieuse. Mais nous défendons avec une grande conviction un certain nombre de données fondamentales qui, selon nous, forment l 'essence du christianisme et qui témoignent de notre adhésion a la Communauté de l'église catholique»Y Aujourd'hui ce joumal, tout en ne reniant pas ouvertement ces racines catholiques, est devenu un quo­tidien ouvert a toutes les tendances.

Un méme sort a subí un autre journal flamand plutót régional, Het Belang van Limburg. En 1975, ce quotidien fut décrit comme «catho­lique indépendant, soutenant la démocratie chrétienne».l4 La aussi, une grande ouverture a été créée, une ouverture qui se dessinait déja lentement en 1975. Dans Radioscopie de la presse beige on apprend: «Unique quo­tidien de la province du Limbourg, Het Belang van Limburg se doit de mettre quelques gouttes d'eau dans son vin: il s'agit de conserver et

12 R. CAMPÉ, M. DUMON et J.-J. JESPERS (ed.), Radioscopie de la. presse beige, Mara­bout, Verviers, 1975, p. 600.

13 L. MEERTS, <<Notre identité a nous>>, in R. CAMPÉ e.a. (ed.), op cit., p. 15. 14 R. C&\1PÉ e.a. (ed.), op cit., p. 504.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 25

meme de conquérir les lecteurs (le Limbourg est la province qui compte le plus de jeunes de moins de trente ans dans sa population)».15

Le journal suit done la sécularisation générale. Aujourd'hui pour des raisons économiques, les deux journaux cités, a savoir Gazet van Ant­werpen et Het Belang van Limburg collaborent étroitement au niveau de la rédaction. Par exemple, ils ont le meme (au singulier) rédacteur qui couvre l'actualité religieuse. Ce joumaliste compétent est monsieur Jos Vranckx, un catholique plutót conservateur qui a commencé sa carriere a la Gazet van Antwerpen a l'époque du rédacteur en chef Louis Meerts. Monsieur Vranckx se plaint régulierement de l'identité catholique perdue de son joumal d'origine. Ses articles se situent tout a fait dans la tradi­tion catholique, mais re~oivent une place toujours moins prominente dans les deux journaux concernés qui désormais soignent leur marché régio~ nal au lieu d'insister sur leurs racines catholiques.

Plus frappant encore est la situation chez les deux quotidiens de qua­lité que la Flandre possede, a savoir De Standaard et De Morgen. Leur histoire est tres différente et leurs chemins semblent se croiser.

De Standaard, qui existe depuis 79 ans, était historiquement un jour­nal chrétien, comme en attestent a la fois son histoire et l' enseigne qui figurait a droite du titre: six lettres en croix, A VV-VVK, Alles voor Vlaanderen, Vlaanderen voor Kristus (Tout pour la Flandre, la Flandre pour le Christ). Cette enseigne, utilisée pour la premiere fois en 1881, rérere surtout aux intellectuels flamands qui, pendant la guerre 1914-1918, au front, luttaient contre l'unilinguisme (francophone) des officiers supé­rieurs. Pendant longtemps, De Standaard fut considéré comme le porte­parole d'un catholicisme modéré en toutes matieres, sauf pour ce qui a trait a la défense de la cause flamande. 16

Cependant, depuis une bonne vingtaine d'années, une lente évolution s'est produite. Un pluralisme accru fut signalé parmi le corps journalis­tique. A un moment donné, 1' ancienne majorité catholique au sein du journal fléchissait. Au cours des années '90 du siecle précédent, le caractere catholique du journal a disparu. Le symbole supréme en était la margi­nalisation, puis la disparition de l'enseigne A VV-VVK. Cette disparition a bouleversé une partie des lecteurs traditionnels, mais elle était la consé­quence logique d'une évolution mise en route vingt ans auparavant.

Bien entendu, cette évolution a eu des répercussions non négligeables sur l'information religieuse offerte par le joumal. On peut distinguer trois

15 !bid. 16 !bid., p. 250.

26 RIKTORFS

phases, qui de toute évidence se situent plutot au niveau de la stratégie rédactionnelle implicite qu'au niveau des príncipes officiellement formu­lés et acceptés.

(a) Dans une premiere phase, De Standaard donnait une voix au catho­licisme intellectuel et ouvert. Les réformes qui avaient lieu dans le sillage du Concile Vatican II étaient couvertes avec un enthousiasme certain. Entretemps le supplément littéraire du journal, le Standaard der Letteren suivait de tres pres les évolutions dans le monde théo­logique international.17

(b) La deuxieme phase, avant, autour et apres le disparition de l'enseigne A VV-VVK au milieu des années '90, était caractérisée par un mutisme quasi absolu vis-a-vis des problemes religieux. A un moment donné, plus aucun journaliste a plein temps ne s'occupait de la vie reli­gieuse18, chose surprenante pour un journal se voulant (mais sans doute pas toujours a juste titre) un des meilleurs journaux européens.

(e) Aujourd'hui, il y a lieu de parler d'une troisieme phase. L'informa­tion religieuse refait surface, a une époque ou la religion intéresse davantage les jeunes lecteurs. Deux caractéristiques émergent claire­ment. D'abord, l'information religieuse ne se limite plus au seul domaine du catholicisme. Ensuite, le point de vue du journaliste a changé. ll n'écrit plus en tant que catholique pour des lecteurs catholi­ques. ll est loin d'étre le spectacteur engagé dans le style de Raymond Aron. En revanche, i1 essaie de décrire la religion en tant qu'obser­vateur neutre.19 Par exemple, dans la description des conflits internes au sein de l'Église, il n 'y a pas question de partí pris, ni en faveur des contestataires, ni du profit des autorités ecclésiastiques. Un détail curieux: le supplément littéraire Standaard der Letteren, produit par une sous-rédaction jouissant de beaucoup d'autonomie, est devenu de tendance tres anti-cléricale, voire meme résolument athée.

L'autre journal de qualité flamand s'appelle De Morgen. Avec ses 24 ans, il s'agit d'une publication considérablement plus jeune que son rival amé, De Standaard.

17 Elle fut dirigée pendant tres longtemps par monsieur Guido Van Hoof, pour qui 1' as­pect spirituel était plus important encore 1' aspect litréraire.

18 Apres le départ, en 1999, de monsieur Bert Claerhout, devenu en 2000 le premier rédacteur en chef de Tertio, cf. infra.

19 Le rédacteur principal couvrant actuellement les dossiers religieux est monsieur Dominique Minten, germaniste pas spécialement formé au niveau théologique ou spirituel.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 27

Cependant, le joumal peut se vanter de racines tres profondes, car il est 1 'héritier de la presse socialiste traditionnelle, plus concretement des joumaux anversois Volksgazet (fondé en 1914) et gantois Vooruit (fondé en 1884). Ces deux journaux se trouvaient tres pres du partí socialiste. Ainsi, des la fondation du Partí ouvrier beige en 1885, Vooruit est reconnu comme son organe officiel pour la partie flamande du pays. 20 Apres la deuxieme guerre mondiale, Vooruit perdait un· important privilege21 : en tant qu' organe officiel, le journal gantois était serví a tous les membres du Partí et la cotisation au Partí comprenait l'abonnement a Vooruit. La montée de Volksgazet a mis fin a ce privilege, et rapidement le jour­nal anversois devanee Vooruit. Déja a partir de 1953, le succes de la Volks­gazet décroit. Comme tous les journaux dits «d'opinion», Volksgazet est victime d'une certaine désaffection du public et des annonceurs. Dans les années '70, elle ne peut éviter la faillite. Vooruit aussi cesse de parattre. Sur les ruines des deux journaux socialistes pas tres modernes et de toute fa¡;on trop liés au partí, un nouveau journal progressif est lancé, De Mor­gen. Ses liens avec le socialisme traditionnel demeurent assez forts pendant les premieres années de sa parution. Finalement, des problemes financiers et la vente du titre au groupe plut6t commercial qui publie aussi le premier quotidien flamand (libéral et populaire) Het Laatste Nieuws, consacre déf'mitivement 1 'évolution du Morgen vers un journal de qualité a la fois progressif et indépendant, visant surtout un public jeune et bien formé.

Concernant l 'information religieuse, De Margen a connu une évolution plus que remarquable.

(a) Dans la phase initiale couvrant les années '70 et '80, la religion n'était certainement pas un sujet de prédilection. Si le scepticisme vis-a-vis de ce phénomene, qui était caractéristique de Vooruit et de Volksga­zet ne se manifestait plus autant, la religion continuait d'etre per~ue comme un su jet n 'intéressant que tres modéremment les lectrices et les lecteurs du Morgen.

(b) Au courant des années '90- caractérisées par la «crise religieuse» de son rival De Standaard, De Morgen a montré un vif intéret pour l'information religieuse. Ses articles sur les pratiques sectaires et sur l'Islam d'abord, et ses contributions sur l'église catholique ensuite, en faisaient vers la fin du siecle précédent, sous la direction du rédac­teur en chef et éditorialiste Y ves Desmet, une source d'information incontournable dans le domaine religieux. Les services pastoraux des

20 R. CAMPÉ e.a. (ed.), op cit., p. 346. 21 !bid., p. 43.

28 RIKTORFS

dioceses ne pouvaient plus s'en passer. Bien entendu, l'angle du jour­nal n'était pas celui de l'initié. Cependant, l'information fournie, tout en étant critique, se prouvait la plupart du temps correcte et reflétait parfaitement l'état d'esprit général si caractéristique du Morgen, fai­sant état de liberté et de sens critique.

(e) Tout récemment, a partir de 2000, une nouvelle politique rédaction­nelle semble moins favoriser les questions religieuses. Par la suite, le départ de deux journalistes de taille qui couvraient brillamment 1' ac­tualité religieuse n'a jamais été digéré.22

De toute évidence, l'évolution récente des deux journaux de qualité en Flandre est éloquente. Tandis que De Standaard, vu son origine catho­lique, a hésité un long moment sur la stratégie a suivre concernant l'in­formation religieuse, De Morgen, sans le poids d'un passé catholique, se sentait plus libre de répondre aux désirs du marché. Comme me 1' a confié un jour Bart Sturtewagen, rédacteur en chef adjoint du Standaard: «Si nous écrivons sur la religion, on nous reprochera d'etre incapable d'oublier notre passé catholique. Quand De Morgen fait la meme chose, il est loué pour son audace et son ouverture d'esprit». L'histoire semble avoir son prix.

En Belgique francophone, les deux journaux de qualité sont Le Soir en La Libre Belgique. Le Soir a toujours eu des objectifs multiples. Organe de grande diffusion, il s' adresse a des catégories socio-culturelles tres diverses. Cependant, parmi ses lecteurs un nombre considérable appartient aux milieux intellectuels et aisés, d'ou une information politique suffi­samment importante et de qualité.23 Le Soir est un journal complet et éclectique. Il se veut un quotidien au style clair, simple, non tendancieux. L'information religieuse foumie par Le Soir n'est pas abondante, tout en étant assez cohérente. Un de ses meilleurs joumalistes, Christian Laporte, figure en Belgique francophone parmi les experts les plus renommés de la vie interne de l'église catholique.24 Il appartient a un courant de pensée plutot progressif, surtout dans le contexte précis de la Belgique franco­phone, ou le catholicisme, traditionnellement moins majoritaire, est aujourd'hui sans doute plus conservateur qu'en Flandre.

22 Il s'agit de Jan De Zutter, partí pour le cabinet du minister flamand socialiste Steve Stevaert (début 2002), et de Peter-Jan Bogaert, devenu porte-parole de la ministre verte Míeke Vogels (printemps 2001). Ces choix politiques témoignent du pluralisme et de l'in­dépendance vis-a-vis des structures ecclésiales traditionnelles.

23 R. CAMPÉ e.a. (ed.). op cit., p. 152. 24 Cf. par exemple ses lívres: C. LAPORTE, Portraits d'Église, 1, Les catholiques belges,

du parvis au maítre autel, Pire, Bruxelles, 1997, p. 298; C. LAPORTE, Portraits d'Église, 2, Les catholiques belges, du parvis au maltre autel, Pire, Bruxelles, 1998, p. 208.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 29

La Libre Belgique est un journal a la fois catholique et conservateur.25

En 1972, le rédacteur en chef du moment Víctor Zeegers caractérisait ainsi son journal: «Ürdre et liberté ... C'est au nom de l'ordre et de la liberté que nous avons toujours été partisan de l'entreprise libre contre 1 'emprise des socialistes ». 26 Le conservatisme du journal se rem~te aussi dans sa prise de position prononcée en faveur de la monarchie. Le quo­tidien, fondé en 1883, est, parmi les journaux de qualité en Belgique, le seul a etre resté ouvertement catholique. 11 s'agit d'un catholicisme en príncipe assez conservateur, bien que sa réaction vis-a-vis des récents dossiers de pédophilie de pretres a été particulierement violente. En tout cas, le catholicisme de La Libre Belgique demeure tres «francophone». Tandis que Le Soir ne néglige point l'actualité ecclésiastique flamande, La Libre Belgique, bien que traditionnellement beaucoup lue par la bour­geoisie flamande, a tendance a se replier sur elle-meme.

En guise de conclusion, on peut dire que, au niveau de la presse écrite quotidienne, l'évolution des demieres décennies a été plus prononcée en Flandre qu'en Belgique francophone. En Flandre, l'hégémonie certaine dont jouissait la presse catholique a été lentement démantelée. En revanche, en Belgique francophone, 1 'histoire récente révele beaucoup moins de modifications spectaculaires.

D. Nouvelle presse religieuse?

Un aperºu de la place de la religion dans la presse ne serait pas complet sans mentionner deux figures de proue de la presse catholique. D'abord, il y a les hebdomadaires religieux d'importance, Dimanche en Belgique francophone ainsi que Kerk en Leven en Flandre. Surtout ce demier se réjouit d'un tres grand nombre de leéteurs (environs 800.000).11 demeure le plus grand hebdomadaire flamand, chose surprenante a premiere vue. Kerk en Leven doit son succes a une formule spécifique. Pendant que la partie majeure de l'hebdomadaire est composée d'articles identiques pour tout le tirage, il y a aussi une page paroissiale (avec les horaires des messes) aussi que quelques pages diocésaines. La combination de la pré­sence de nouveUes locales et d'une technique de vente caractéristique (du porte a porte par des gens du quartier) pourrait expliquer le soeces, qui meme en temps de sécularisation accrue ne semble pas etre profondé­ment menacé.

25 R. CAMPÉ e.a. (ed.), op cit., pp. 58-59. 26 Déclaration de Victor Zeegers a l'émission Radioscopie du 13 mars 1972.

30 RIK TORFS

Ensuite, il existe, en Flandre, et ce depuis le début de 2000, un nou­vel hebdomadaire catholique et intellectuel intitulé Tertia. Cet hebdo­madaire, au tirage limité d'environs 6.500 exemplaires, a été con<;u comme une réaction a la sécularisation rapide de la presse écrite tradi­tionnellement catholique. L'hebdomadaire, qui bénéficie du soutien généreux de 1 'église officielle ainsi que des quelques ordres et congré­gations financierement prosperes, réunit dans sa rédaction quelques jeunes joumalistes a la fois conservateurs et enthousiastes, ainsi que des anciens, parfois déja officiellement partís a la retraite, provenant la plupart du temps du joumal De Standaard. Bert Claerhout, le rédacteur en chef, y fut le demier joumaliste expert en matieres religieuses avant 1' abandon de 1 'enseigne AVV-VVK.

En théorie, la rédaction de Tertia est indépendante de 1 'église catho­lique. Cependant, en réalité, vu aussi les intérets financiers, les liens avec 1 'église officielle sont plus qu' étroits. Sans injection financiere exteme, les jours de Tertia seraient sans doute comptés.

Malgré ce qui précede, l'existence meme du nouvel hebdomadaire n'a pas été unanimement applaudi, meme pas au sein de la communauté catholique. D' o u vient done cette hésitation?

Une fois la position de force du catholicisme au sein de la presse écrite perdue, deux courants de pensée se dessinaient parmi les catholiques et ont donné lieu a un authentique combat derriere les coulisses.

Une premiere tendance insistait sur l'importance pour les catholiques de rester présent dans la presse de qualité traditionnelle. Certes, De Stan­daard n'était plus un joumal catholique et De Margen ne l'était pas encore. Mais par le biais d'articles d'opinion occasionnels, la voix du catholicisme pouvait toujours se faire entendre. Les intellectuels catho­liques, ainsi allait le raisonnement, devraient essayer d'établir de tres bons contacts avec les rédactions «neutres» des quotidiens majeurs. Ainsi, ils seront, le moment venu, automatiquement consultés et interviewés.

A cette approche s 'opposait une autre tactique qui a finalement abouti a la création de Tertia. L'idée conductrice derriere le projet est que, a tout prix, il faut maintenir une presse résolument catholique. La présence catholique dans les joumaux séculiers S' avere insatisfaisante, paree que certains themes (la pauvreté, la doctrine sociale de 1 'église, la lenteur comme remede a la compétitivité capitaliste exagérée), faute de sensation et de spectacle, ne trouveront jamais une place dans les pages de la presse ( devenue) séculiere. En effet, ainsi de continuer le raisonnement, la presse séculiere ne retient de la religion que le volet spectaculaire, les proble­mes internes et les scandales qui émergent. Autrement dit, une discussion

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 31

intellectuelle de haut niveau entre chrétiens est désormais tout a fait impossible dans la presse sécularisée.

Finalement, l'église catholique beige a choisi Tertia. Le bon choix? Comme toujours, il y a des avantages et des inconvénients. 11 est surement positif de disposer d'un périodique qui, en détail, connalt les tenants et les aboutissants de la vie, la doctrine et l'éthique catholique, tout en ayant un reil vif pour les activités d' autres églises et religions. Cependant, il ne faut pas sousestimer les inconvénients. Les qualités joumalistiques du périodique ne sont pas toujours au dessus de tout soup<;on. La doctrine est pure, mais le style ne l'est pas. Et il y a plus. La parution hebdomadaire de Tertia demande beaucoup d'énergie de la part des intellectuels se sentant proches de l'église officielle, un gro u pe relativement pe ti t. Ceci explique d' ailleurs partiellement l 'absence de ces derniers dans les débats de la presse traditionnelle. Enfin, le nombre limité de souscriptions et de lecteurs ne semble pas forcément ren­forcer la voix des catholiques dans les grands débats de société. De Stan­daard est tiré a 100.000 exemplaires, De Margen a 60.000, Tertia a 6.500.

111. L' Audio-visuel et la religion

A. Cadre narmatif

Suivant 1' article 127 § 1, 1 o de la Constitution, les matieres culturelles sont réglées par les Conseils de la Communauté fran<;aise et de la Com­munauté flamande.

Ainsi, le statut de la radio et de la télévision publique est différent pour les deux grandes communautés que connaí:t la Belgique. Cependant, il y a des caractéristiques communes. Des programmes religieux spécifiques sont soignés par des associations reconnues d'inspiration religieuse. Entre­temps, bien sur, la radio-télévision publique en tant que telle couvre elle aussi, des événements religieux ayant un intéret général. Enfin, il y a aussi le statut de l'audiovisuel en général qui inclut les initiatives pri­vées. Pour une description plus détaillée, il faut distinguer entre la Com­munauté fran<;aise et la Communauté flamande.

l. La Cammunauté fran(:aise

Pour le volet public de 1' audiovisuel, le document de base est le Décret portant statut de la Radio-Télévision beige de la Cornmunauté fran<;aise (RTBF) du 14 juillet 1997.27

27 Moniteur beige 28 aout 1997.

32 RIK TORFS

Ce décret s'attarde d'ábord sur la mission de service public. L'article 3, al. 3 dit clairement que l'entreprise VeUt etre «Un facteur de cohésion sociale tout en répondant aux attentes des minorités socio-culturelles». En plus, la RTBF doit permettre de «refléter les différents courants d'idées de la société, sans discrimination, notamment culturelle, raciale, sexuelle, idéologique, philosophíque ou religíeuse et sans ségrégation sociale». Les buts idéologiques mis en perspective par la RTBF deviennent par la suite plus précis encbre: «Ces émissions tendent a provoquer le débat et a cla­rifier les enjeux démocratiques de la société, a contribuer au renforce­ment des valeurs sociales, notarnment par une éthique basée sur le res­pect de l'etre humaín et du citoyen, a favoriser l'intégration et l'accueil des populations d'origine étrangere vivant en Communauté fran~aise».

De cette déclaration générale on peut retenir deux idées. D'abord les príncipes envisagés ne sont pas neutres et refletent une vision politique assez prononcée. Ensuite, toute discrimination est interdite. Parmi la liste de formes de discrimination inacceptables, la religion est explicitement mentionnée.

Les grands príncipes se voient également reflétés dans le domaine plus spécifique des émissions concretes. Ainsi, 1' article 7 § 1 er offre un cadre bien précis: «L'entreprise ne peut produire ou diffuser des émissions contraires aux lois ou a l'intéret général, portant atteinte au respect de la dignité humaine, et notarnment contenant des invitations a la discrimina­tion, a la haine et la violence, en particulier pour des raisons de cace, de sexe ou de nationalité ou tendant a la négation, la minimisation, la justi­fication, l'approbation du génocide commis par le régime national-socia­liste allemand pendant la seconde guerre mondiale ou toute autre forme de génocide».

Quelques conclusions s'imposent. D'abord, tout comme dans la loi concemant le racisme et la xénophobie du 30 juillet 1981, la discrimina­tion religieuse n'est pas mentionnée- ce qui, bien entendu, ne signifie pas encore qu'elle soit autorisée. Ertsuite, la loi du 23 mars 1995 interdisant le négationnisme est reprise ici, mais dans un sens plus large. Désormais, non seulement le génocide commis par le régime national-socialiste ne peut etre nié, mais aussi «toute autre forme de génocide», une formule d 'ailleurs assez insaisissable.

Une autre norme importante concemant l' esprit et le con ten u des émis­sions est l'article 7 §2, qui stipule que les émissions qui concourent a l'information ou a l'éducation «sont faites dans un esprit d'objectivité, sans aucune censure préalable ou ingérence d'une quelconque autorité publique ou privée».

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 33

Comme déja signalé, la RTBF s'occupe elle-meme d'émissions concer­nant la religion, mais elle travaille aussi ensemble avec des associations représentatives auxquelles peuvent etre confiées des émissions de radio et de télévision a la RTBF. Ces associations, une fois reconnues, peuvent émettre leurs propres programmes, librement, rriais pas sans limites. En effet, les associations reconnues respectent l'article 7 §ter du décret du 14 juillet 1997. Bien entendu, ils ne sont pas lié par le §2 et l'esprit d'ob­jectivité que ce demier exige. Si toutefois des problemes se présentent au niveau de l'application de l'article 7 §ler, le conseil d'administration de la RTBF peut, apres avoir mis en demeure et avoir entendu l'association intéressée, suspendre provisoirement les émissions concemées.

Concretement, en ce qui conceme les émissions idéologiques et reli­gieuses, l'arreté du gouvemement de la communauté fran~aise du 22 mars 200P8 reconnalt cinq associations, a savoir une association catholique, humaniste, protestante, israélite et orthodoxe. Les associations couvrent les cultes légalement reconnus suite a l'article 181 de la Constitution, sans inclure pour autant les musulmans qui n' ont pas encore su créer leur association religieuse compétente au niveau de l'audiovisuel. Le temps mis a disposition des associations concemées, reflete partiellement leur force numérique au sein de la société.

Contrairement au réseau public, les émetteurs privés ne sont liés que par le décret sur l 'audiovisuel du 17 juillet 198729, modifié maintes fois depuis. L'article 24 quater a le meme esprit que l'article 7 §1 du décret du 14 juillet 1997 et a été la source d'inspiration.

Le meme décret sur l'audiovisuel, dans son article 27, contient des normes sur la publicité. Ainsi, la publicité ne peut pas, entre autres, «com­porter de discrimination en raison de la race, du sexe ou de la nationa­lité», ou «attenter a des convictions religieuses, philosophiques ou poli­tiques». Bien que la discrimination religieuse ne figure pas parmi les formes de discrimination interdites, la religion se voit done protégée par un autre biais. Évidemment, le contenu exact d'une atteinte a des convic­tions religieuses reste a déterminer plus précisément.

2. La Communauté flamande

La VRT (Vlaamse Radio en Televisie) connaít, en grandes lignes, le meme systeme que la RTBF, avec d'une part son profile propre, et d'autre part les associations reconnues ayant droit a 1' antenne.

28 Moniteur beige 29 juin 2001. 29 Moniteur beige 22 aoO.t 1987.

34 RIKTORFS

Les principes généraux régissant la programmation et l'approche de la VRT se trouvent dans l'article 23 §1 des décrets coordonnés concemant la radio et la télévision du 25 janvier 1995.3° Cet article réfere a la Décla­ration Universelle des droits de l 'homme pour motiver 1' absence de toute fo~e de discrimination entre tendances idéologiques et philosophiques. L'mformation foumie doit etre impartiale et fidele a la vérité. Les pro­grammes du service d'information doivent répondre aux normes de la déontologie. En méme temps, ils jouissent des garanties de l'indépendance rédactionnelle comme prévue par le statut de rédaction.

Les principes généraux formulés en Flandre sont done, en général, plus sobres et moins idéologiquement élaborés que leurs pendants francophones.

Tout comme la RTBF, la VRT collabore avec des associations idéo­logiques, reconnues cette fois-ci par le gouvemement flamand, et ainsi autorisées a diffuser leurs programmes.

Le gouvemement flamand reconnait (pour la télévisíon) deux associa­ti?ns liées aux deux groupes idéologiques les plus représentatifs (art. 27 b1s §2). En pratique, il s'agit des catholiques et des humanistes non-confes­sionnels. D'autres associations peuvent etre (et sont en pratique) recon­nues elles aussi.

Concemant le positionnement idéologique des associations reconnues la Communauté flamande se veut plus prudente que la Communauté fran~ cophone. En Communauté flamande, la reconnaissance d' associations condanmées pénalement sur base de la loi du 30 juillet 1981 sur le racisme et la xénophobie est retirée automatiquement (art. 27 bis §3; art. 27 qua­ter §2). En revanche, l'esprit ou le contenu des programmes ne se voient pas décrits de fac;on positive dans le décret.

Le décret regle également le principe de subsides et les liens techniques avec la VRT.

Pour la reconnaissance de la radio et de la télévision régionale et com­me~cia~e, certaines conditions doivent etre remplies. Par exemple, pour la radto d1ffusant sur tout le territoire flamand, il faut a peu pres les mémes normes d'impartialité ou indépendance rédactionnelle que pour la VRT (art. 38 octies § 1, 9°).

~n ce qui con cerne la publicité, 1 'article 81, 1 o stipule qu' elle ne peut avon: une tendance politique, religieuse, syndicale, idéologique ou philo­sophtque. Toute discrimination sur base de race, de sexe, de nationalité ou de conviction philosophique ou politique est interdite. Enfin, aucune atteinte ne peut etre portée a la dignité humaine.

30 Moniteur belge 30 mai 1995.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 35

L'article 82 §6 n'autorise pas la présence de pages publicitaires dans les programmes religieux ou idéologiques émanant des associations reconnues.

B. Évaluation

Comment évaluer la position de la religion dans l' audiovisuel? Il faut souligner trois points, se situant d'ailleurs a des niveaux tres différents.

(1) L'aspect communautaire entraine de petites différences techniques, mais ne crée pas une situation tout a fait différente au sein des deux communautés majeures du pays. Cela aurait été possible, mais ce n'est pas le cas. Pourquoi? La raison est claire: les éléments majeurs du systeme existaient déja avant la régionalisation et n'ont pas changé depuis. Le systeme avec les associations reconnues ayant le droit a 1 'antenne a été maintenu du coté flamand comme du coté franco­phone. Si différence il y a, elle se situe surtout au niveau de la rhé­torique. Le décret de la Communauté franc;aise est plus exubérant au niveau des déclarations verbales visant a protéger les grandes valeurs; la communauté flamande se montre sans doute plus ferme dans le domaine de l'action. D'une certaine maniere, les différences cultu­relles entre les communautés se refletent sur le terrain de l'idéolo­gique dans 1 'audiovisuel.

(2) Au niveau des rapports juridiques entre religions et état, la commu­nautarisation de la vi e culturelle en général et de 1 'audiovisuel en particulier, entraine des conséquences a premiere vue surprenantes. En effet, il se peut tres bien que les interlocuteurs religieux des auto­rités publiques ne soient pas les memes au niveau fédéral qu'au niveau des communautés.31

A u niveau fédéral, 1' article 181 stipule que les traitements et pen­sions des ministres du culte sont a la charge de 1 'état. Les sommes nécessaires pour y faire face sont annuellement portées au budget. Aujourd'hui, six cultes (le catholicisme, le protestantisme, l'anglica­nisme, le culte juif, l'orthodoxie et l'islam) ainsi que les humanistes non-confessionnels sont légalement reconnus par l'état.32 Celui-ci

,31 Cf. R. ToRFs, «De vertegenwoordiging van erkende erediensten», (Note sous Conseil d'Etat, 5 octobre 1999, arret n° 82.670), Rechtskundig Weekblad, 1999-2000, pp. 1095-1099.

32 Le catholicisme et le protestantisme ont été reconnus par la loi du 8 avrill802. L'an­glicanisrne et le culte juif ont été reconnus par la loi du 4 mars 1870, Moniteur beige 9 mars 1870. L'islam a été reconnu par la !oí du 19 juillet 1974, Moniteur beige 23 aoíit 1974. L'orthodoxie enfm a été reconnue par la loi du 17 avril1985, Moniteur belge 11 mai 1985.

36 RIK TORFS

possede, pour chacun des groupes concemés, des interlocuteurs dont il reconnaí:t la représentativité. De toute fa~on, le soutien financier aux cultes, garantí par la constitution, demeure une matiere fédérale et se trouve, pour des raisons historiques, sous la compétence du ministere de la justice.

Mais il y a aussi des rapports entre les religions et 1' état qui se situent au niveau communautaire. Ceci est vrai pour le secteur de l'éduca­tion, y compris l'éducation religieuse. Le principe de la liberté d'en­seignement est garantí par la Constitution33, mais ce demier doit etre partiellement concrétisé au sein des communautés. 34 Ceci fait que, pour la désignation des enseignants de religion, l'interlocuteur des communautés n'est pas forcément le meme que celui qui, au niveau fédéral, est reconnu en tant que tel par le ministre de la justice. Le meme principe vaut pour les associations reconnues ayant le droit a l'antenne. Vu la compétence communautaire, le ministre commu­nautaire ou régional ayant sous sa compétence l'audiovisuel, désigne, en tenant compte évidemment d 'une représentativité satisfaisante, son interlocuteur pour la matiere concemée. Un clivage entre, par exemple, l'interlocuteur du protestantisme au niveau fédéral et l'interlocuteur du meme groupe religieux au niveau des communautés, n'est done pas exclu. La tension peut aller plus loin encore: en príncipe, il est tout a fait possible que le ministre communautaire compétent pour 1 'enseignement accepte d 'a u tres interlocuteurs que son homologue responsable pour les médias. 35 En d'autres mots, le communautaire peut influencer le dossier de la représentativité des interlocuteurs religieux acceptés par les autorités publiques.

(3) Le principe meme des associations reconnues ayant droit a l'antenne suscite beaucoup de commentaires. 11 y a quelques années, le direc­teur de l'association reconnue responsable pour les émissions catho­liques a la VRT, le pere Emest Henau, s'est exprimé dans un livre36

en faveur d'un service des affaires religieuses aupres de la radio-télé­vision publique. 11 était d' avis que 1' existence meme des associations reconnues (dont la sienne ... ) avait une fonction d'alibi aupres des

33 Constitution belge, art. 24. 34 Constitution belge, art. 24, §5: <<L'organisation, la reconnaissance ou le subven­

tionnement de l'enseignement par la communauté sont régies par la loi ou le décret.>> 35 Cf. R. ToRFs, <<De vertegenwoordiging van erkende erediensten», pp. 1095-1099. 36 E. llENAD, God op de buis. Over religieuze uitzendingen in de openbare omroep, Davids­

fonds,Leuven, 1993,p. 111.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 37

responsables de la VRT. Le raisonnement implicite développé par ces demiers était, toujours selon le pere Henau, que la religion ne deman­dait plus d'attention particuliere, car son terrain était couvert de fa~on quasi exhaustive par les associations reconnues. La comparaison avec, entre autres, la BBC est éloquent. La BBC ne connaí:t pas un systeme d' associations reconnues prenant soin des programmes religieux. Mais malgré son statut public, elle offre des reportages et des documentaires de grande qualité au sujet de la foi, des églises et de la religion.37

L' argumentation du pere Henau est assez di verse. Son premier argu­ment est aussi juridique que discutable: la liberté religieuse présup­pose l'acces au forum du discours public. D'autres points avancés par Henau sont l'importance historique et sociale du christianisme, le christianisme comme source d'inspiration ainsi que son approche unique et spécifique. De toute fa~on, 1' argumentation semble etre trop religieuse pour pouvoir convaincre le monde extérieur. Quoiqu'il en soit, l'appellancé par le pere Henau en 1993 n'a eu qu'un retentissement tres relatif. A part du langage spécifiquement religieux, deux causes peuvent expliquer son échec. D'abord, la réalité empirique est moins désastreuse que la description offerte par le pere Henau veut laisser croire. La VRT ne reste pas muette dans le domaine du religieux. Certes, elle se concentre plutot sur les événements un peu plus spectaculaires que sur l'analyse appro­fondie de la spiritualité sous-jacente. Mais dans le cadre de la tache d'information si importante parmi les objectifs de la VRT, une telle approche ne surprend guere. Ensuite, le concept de religion mis en avant par le pere Henau insiste sur l'importance du témoignage, sur la réponse aux questions qui sont les catholiques et que font-ils? Les questions davantage épineuses, susceptibles d'entramer une certaine discordance au sein meme de la communauté catholique, sont soigneusement évitées. Ainsi, apres la promulgation de la lettre apostolique Ordinatio sacerdotalis (1994), qui préconisait que 1' ordination sacerdotale de la femme irait a 1' en­contre de la constitution divine de l'Église, l'indignation et la discus­sion en Flandre étaient a la fois importantes et tres médiatisées (entre autres par la VRT et la RTBF). Mais l'association reconnue catholique n'en a guere fait mention dans sa programmation de style spirituel. La tension entre l'association catholique reconnue et la VRT est done plutüt une question de style religieux que d'hostilité implicite.

37 E. llENAD, op cit., pp. 79-90.

38 RIK TORFS

IV. La religion et les arts

Le domaine de la religion et des arts ne conceme que marginalement le systeme juridique. La liberté artistique, en Belgique, est en principe tres grande. Occasionnellement quelques petits problemes surgissent. Par exemple, début 2002, a Tumhout dans la province d'Anvers, l'exposi­tion d'une reuvre d'art quelque peu pomographique exposée dans une chapelle propriété de la ville, fut interdite par le bourgmestre.

La législation applicable est done la législation ordinaire. 11 n'y pas de normes spécifiques se limitant au domaine artistique.

Quel est la situation sur le terrain? Dans le film belge, 1' aspect religieux n'est nullement dominant. Jusqu'il y a quelques décennies, un pourcen­tage considérable de films (surtout en Flandre) concemait la vie rurale au début du vingtieme siecle. Le role du curé, tantot autoritaire, tantot bon enfant, y était inéluctable. Peu de problemes étaient a signaler.

Au niveau des arts visuels et de la musique, tres peu de difficultés sem­blent se manifester.

Au su jet de la littérature, quelques tendances générales se manifestent. D'abord, la plupart des écrivains se consacrant aux sujets religieux,

sont assez anti-cléricaux. L'ancienne position de force du catholicisme, suivie par un sentiment général d' émancipation, pourrait expliquer cette situation.

Ensuite, les livres religieux se vendent moins bien qu'auparavant, du moins s'ils traitent les sujets catholiques traditionnels. En revanche, l'éso­térisme, la spiritualité dans un sens large ainsi que la critique d 'église atteignent toujours un public tres considérable. Les maisons éditrices adaptent leur poli tique a ces nouvelles tendances, et s 'ouvrent au goút du marché.

La religion dans l'éducation est bien présente au niveau des écoles. L'article 24 §3 in fine de la Constitution stipule que tous les éleves sou­mis a 1, obligation scolaire ont droit, a charge de la communauté, a une éducation morale et religieuse. En outre, la grande majorité des écoles en Belgique est (de nom) catholique. Mais les cours de religion ont aujourd'hui un contenu tres ouvert, et une atmosphere tres anticléricale émergeant meme dans des écoles catholiques n'est plus du tout exceptionnelle. L' école catholique devient de plus en plus une école libre, échappant au controle des autorités ecclésiastiques et jugeant la religion bien souvent de l'extérieur.

Au niveau des universités, un clivage non considérable existe entre la théorie et la pratique. En théorie, il y a trois types d'université, a savoir les universités publiques (et done en principe relativement neutres comme

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN BELGIQUE 39

Liege, Gand, Diepenbeek, désormais Anvers), les universités libres a ten­dance humaniste non-confessionnelle y compris des liens étroits avec la franc-ma~onnerie (les deux universités de Bruxelles), les universités catholiques (Leuven et Louvain la neuve). En pratique, les frontieres deviennent floues, le corps enseignant évolu vers le pluralisme. Tres occa­sionnellement, une confrontation avec le monde des arts se présente quand meme. En 2001, lors d'une exposition d'art, le recteur de la Katholieke Uiversiteit Leuven, l'ingénieur civil André Oosterlinck, a fait évincer des salles de réception du rectorat, une reuvre qu'il jugeait pomographique. En motivant sa décision, le recteur Oosterlinck n'a cependant pas fait mention de motifs religieux, mais bien du dégoút qu'il ressentait per­sonnellement, en tant qu'intellectuel cultivé, a l'égard de l'objet exposé.

MATTI KOTIRANTA

University of Helsinki

THE LEGAL POSITION OF RELIGION AND THE MEDIA INFINLAND

SUMMARY: lntroduction- l. Freedom of expression and the right of access to information 11. Media and religion general considerations - l. The press 2. Internet, radio and television - III. Freedom of religion and conscience.

lntroduction

Jónatas Machado states in bis paper on Portugal: "The analysis of the relationship between media and religion is particularly appropriate, since freedom of expression and freedom of religion have historically devel­oped hand in hand, and becarne two of the most important foundations of modern liberal democratic constitutionalism. "1 Freedom of expression may be understood as one of the most typical political rights, protecting on the one hand the individual's right to self-expression but, on the other hand, functioning at the same time as an indispensable foundation stone of a democratic society. A prerequisite for an operative democracy is the free exchange of information as well as the free formation of opinion (which may embrace religious opinions). Freedom of expression includes the right to express and disseminate information and opinions, as well as the right to receive information without hindrance by another.

In the Constitution of Finland (2000), the Freedom of Expression Act (The Constitutional Act of Finland § 12, HM § 1 0) enjoys a large field of application in the sense that freedom of expression is not bound to any particular method of communication; that is, there is a neutrality with regard to the instruments of communication. Also, by virtue of the Constitu­tional Act, the regulations dealing with freedom of expression are applied to all kinds of communication technology, both those being currently used and those to be introduced in the future. The sphere of application of the Freedom of Expression Act includes all kinds of data, opinions and other messages irrespective of their content (Govemment bill 309/ 1993 Parliament, p. 56) or the purpose of the expression and publication

1 See below for the report on Portugal

42 MATTI KOTIRANTA

in question; that is, there is neutrality as regards content and purpose. The articles on freedom of expression in the human rights agreements similarly protect general opinions, information and ideas. Thus, with respect to the sphere of application of the Constitution 's Freedom of Expression Act, in Finland no distinction is made for instance between political, religious, artistic, scientific, commercial, entertainment-related or other messages. Instead, the regulations are applied to all kinds of com­munication. Furthermore, conceming religious cornmunication, it must be noted that the Constitutional Act's §ll (HM §9), which safeguards freedom of religion and conscience, has specifically confirmed every­one's right to express bis or her convictions.

The fundamental norms regulating the legal status of media and reli­gion in Finland are established in the Constitution, in Section 12 of the Constitutional Act ("Freedom of expression and the right of access to information") and in Section 11 of the sarne Act ("Freedom of religion and conscience"), which are examined more closely in the following.

l. Freedom of expression and the right of access to information

In Finland, freedorn of expression is regulated partly by legislation and its interpretation (by the court and by the Parliarnent's Committee on the Constitution), and partly by a licence system (adrninistered by designated authorities). Laws regulate joumalism, for instance, by limiting joumal­istic activity (e.g. laws dealing with the protection of privacy), by oblig­ing the mediato act in a prescribed manner (e.g. by ordering compliance with the right of reply) or by defining a status for joumalism (eg. by guar­anteeing the protection of joumalistic sources).

In the 1990s, for example, the freedom of expression of the press was regulated on the highest level of the hierarchy of norms by the Constitu­tion's Freedom of Expression Act (§12) and on the level of ordinary legislation e.g. by the Freedom of Printing Act and the regulations of the Penal Code. Freedom of expression is also regulated by severa! inter­national treaties signed by Finland. Of these the most significant are the European Convention on Human Rights and the General Treaty Con­ceming Civil and Political Rights.2 Freedom of expression manifested in

2 The International General Treaty Concerning Civil and Political Rights, in Art. 19.3,

guarantees the right to hold opinions and freedorn of expression, which includes freedom to seek and irnpart infonnation and ideas of all kinds. The freedom of expression envis­aged in the European Convention on Human Rights, in Art. 1 O, includes the freedom to hold opinions as well as the freedom to receive and irnpart infonnation and ideas. Also

THE LEGAL POSITION OF RELIGION AND THE MEDIA IN FINLAND 43

these instruments, as a human right, has largely been irnplemented in Finnish law. Furthermore, Finnish authorities must tak:e into account the decisions and practice on freedom of expression of the organs monitor­ing compliance with these instruments.3

Freedom of expression is also regulated by norms other than those on the level of law. For instance, the ethical guidelines of journalists and the Council for Mass Media in Finland (Julkisen Sanan Neuvosto), which monitors cornpliance with them, and its resolutions, have created a form of regulation, though one which is not legally binding. Rather, this sys­tem obliges the parties that have accepted the basic treaty of the Council for Mass Media in Finland. Although no general obligation is imposed by this self-regulation on anyone other than those who have specifically accepted the treaty, the decisions and declarations of the Council for Mass Media have created customary or so-called soft law in the field of freedom of expression.

The basic rights regulations, on both freedom of expression and free access by the public to records kept by authorities, are included in § 12 (HM § 1 O) of the Constitutional Act of Finland. In Section 12 of the Con­stitutional Act, freedom of expression and the right of access to infor­mation are protected as fundamental constitutional rights. The relevant provisions read as follows:

"(1) Everyone has the freedom of expression. Freedom of expression entails the right to express, disseminate and receíve information, opinions

the protection of journalistic sources has been counted among the rights guaranteed by ECHR, Art. 10.

3 Thus the freedom of expression may not be limited nor can its practice be interfe_red with on any grounds. According to the position taken by the Committee on the C~nstttu­tion the regulations on basic rights may be pe~issible grounds. fo~ lirniting an equ~valent provision on basic rights (Report of the Comm1ttee on the Const1tut10n 25/1994 Par.hru_nent p. 5). Applied to freedom of expression, the requirement means that acceptable pn~ctples of limitation have been exhaustively Iisted in Art. 10.2 of the European Convenuon on Human Rights, which in this respect is more detailed than Art. 19.3 of the Internatio~al General Treaty Concerning Civil and Political Rights. ~us the free~om ?f e~press1on guaranteed by the Constitutional Act can on1y be limited m the follo~mg sttuatmns:

because of national security, territorial integrity or general secunty - in order to prevent disorder or crime - to safeguard health or morality - to safeguard the reputation or rights of other persons - in order to prevent revealing confidential infonnation or - in order to guarantee the authority and impartiality of a court of justice. It must be stated, as S. MANNINNEN (1999, p. 405) points out, basing his argument on

V.-P. VUJANEN (1998b, p. 296), that in this respect the Constitutional Act neverthe1ess dernands more than the national human rights which lea ve the state with a certain margin for deliberation.

44 MATTI KOTIRANTA

and other communications without prior prevention by anyone. More detailed provisions on the exercise of the freedom of expression are Iaid down by an Act. Provísions on restrictions relatíng to pictorial pro­grammes that are necessary for the protection of children may be laid down by an Act.

(2) Documents and recordings in the possessíon of the authorities are public, unless their publication has for compelling reasons been specifi­cally restricted by an Act. Everyone has the right of access to public doc­uments and recordings."

Structurally, the Freedom of Expression Act of the Constitutional Act (§12, 1st clause) contains: 1) a general provision confirming the validity of freedom of expression as a basic right belonging to everyone; 2) a provision specifying the system of rights included in freedom of expres­sion; 3) a prohibition against prior hindrance; 4) a regulatory reservation according to which more exact regulations concerning the use of free­doro of expression will be provided by law; and 5) a so-called qualified legal reservation authorising the enactment of necessary limitations to pictorial programmes in order to protect children.4

The constitutional guarantee of public access to records (§ 12, 2nd clause) correspondingly consists of: 1) the main rule, according to which docu­ments and other records possessed by an authority are public; 2) a legal reservation, under which limitations on public access to records, based on necessary reasons, may only be implemented separately by law; and 3) a right in everyone to receive information from public documents and records.5

Freedom of expression protects the freedom of communication in general by protecting each human being's fundamental right to self-expression and communication with other human beings.6 Freedom of expression

4 Tiris limitation clause was added to the Freedom of Expression Act in eonneetion with

the Refonn of Basie Rights. In this context a pietorial programme means movies, video prog:~es and other similar situations involving programmes meant to be viewed as movmg ptctures. (HE 309/1993 Parliament, p. 57). However, aceording to the Committee o!l th~ Consti~ution, tl_te. l~itati~n clause can also be applied to television broadeasting, sm~e m praetlee televtston 1s a stgnifieant distribution eharmel for movies and other pie­tonal prograntmes (Statement of the Committee on the Constitution 19/1998 Parliament).

: S. MANNINEN, Sananvapaus ja julkisuus, Juva, 1999, p. 388. On the one hand, freedom of expression is basieally the right of an individual. 0n

the other hand, freedom of expression is closely linked with the freedom of assembly and prot~st safeguarded by .the Co~st~tutional Aet's §13 in its 1st clause (Hm §lOa clause 1). In this way the system of baste nghts also proteets the individual's right to use freedom of expression together with other persons. HE 309/1993 Parliament, p. 25 and pp. 58-59, see also KHO 1982 II 6.

TilE LEGAL POSffiON OF RELIGION AND THE MEDIA IN FINLAND 45

has been guaranteed in the Constitution to every person within the sphere of the administration of justice in Finland, irrespective of his or her nation­ality. However, as a central concept, freedom of expression is considered to be a basic política! right, the primary purpose of which is to safeguard the prerequisites for two foundation stones of a democratic society: free communication of information and civil debate that is open to everyone, free and public. Communication and public debate are, on the one hand, essential pieces of the democratic decision-making process and, on the other hand, instruments for the democratic control of the use of power.

In the reform of basic rights in 1995, the freedom rights were speci­fied to correspond to international human rights standards, and the essen­tial economic, social and cultural rights were introduced in the Constitu­tional Act. Thus, even from an international perspective, a modern body of regulations concerning basic rights was created. It has now been included without changes in the new Constitutional Act that took effect at the beginning of March 2000. According to the preliminary work on the reform of basic rights, the central purpose of the provisions on freedom of expression is to guarantee the prerequisites of a democratic society: free formation of opinion, open public debate, the free development and pluralism of mass communication, as well as the possibility to criticise publicly the exercise of power.7 The principie of publicity correspond­ingly safeguards the prerequisites for the individual's opportunities for participation and influence as well as for the criticism and control of the exercise of power and the operations of governmental authorities. 8 Thus, freedom of expression and the principie of publicity are solidly Iinked and serve the same objectives in safeguarding the prerequisites for the realisation of democracy in practice.

Asto the principie of publicity, the Constitutional Act of Finland con­tains severa! basic rights characteristic of an information society. They define the individual' s intellectual position and the protection of related rights. According to these, everyone has, for instance, the right to express their opinion and to receive information, but at the same time everyone has the right to retain privacy and to keep confidential matters secret. In addition, these rights define the framework for the use and exchange of information.

These kinds of rights regulating and related to information may be called basic intellectual rights. They constitute an important structural

7 HE 309/1993 Parliament, p. 56. 8 HE 309/1993 Parliament, p. 58.

46 MATII KOTIRANTA

part of the functioning of the information society, significant parts of which are also based on juridical regulation. The basic juridical structure protects the functioning of the information society, defines its rules and the mutual relationships between its actors. Olli MaenpiHi 9 has distin­guished between four different factors he re:

(1) The object of protection: The basic intellectual rights, as defined by the Constitutional Act, can be divided into two main groups according to the object of their protection: (a) the basic rights regulating the dis­semination of information and communication, and (b) the basic rights defining the use and utilisation of information.

(2) Functions: The basic intellectual rights are always, in one way or another, organically related to information. Nevertheless, they form a rather varied group of rights and they define data about each other in order to achieve objectives that may even differ very clearly from one other. Thus, it is clear that their functions also differ considerably from each other. According to Maenpaa, at least the following objectives may be considered essential: - the protection of the integrity of the individual (protection of privacy

and private life) - the protection of the freedom of expression and communication (free­

dom of expression) - the safeguarding of the access to information (public access to records) - the protection of information as an object of exchange and economic

utilisation (information as a private right)

(3) Basic rights regulating the dissemination of information and com­munication: The objects of protection of the basic rights related to the dis­semination of information and communication are, above all, the recep­tion, the presentation and the sending of information. As to their nature, the basic rights belonging to this group can in principie be of two types. Their objective may be either to safeguard and to make more efficient the dissemination of information (eg. publicity) orto limit the dissemination of information (eg. protection of personal data). Thus, the basic rights related to the dissemination of information and communication contain elements heading in opposite directions. In practice their reconciliation may prove to be problematic.

The basic rights protecting access to information, its reception and communication, form a cluster to which belong particularly freedom of

9 O. MÁENPÁÁ, Julkisuusperiaate [The Principie of Publicity ], Helsinki, 1999, pp. 8-9.

THE LEGAL POSITION OF RELIGION ANO THE MEDIA IN FINLAND 47

expression ( Constitutional Act § 12, 1st clause) and public access to records ( Constitutional Act § 12, 2nd el a use). Freedom of expression protects the right to express, make public and receive information, opinions and other messages without any prior impediment. On the other hand, public access to records guarantees to everyone the right to obtain information from a public document or record. One may also consider as basic rights the right to be heard by public authorities and the right to receive a justified decision from those authorities (Constitutional Act §12, 2nd clause). The public hearing of administrative and court matters (Constitutional Act §21) and the publicity of the activities of Parliament (Constitutional Act §50) have the same objective. The same kind of access to information is also supported by the obligation to publish the laws and other binding provi­sions as well as the state budget (Constitutional Act §79-80, 83).

The second group of basic rights dealing with the dissemination of information and communication contains basic rights limiting access to information and protecting the information in itself. These restrictive basic rights are especially the protection of private life and of personal data (Constitutional Act §10, 2nd clause).

(4) Basic rights protecting the utilisation ofinformation: The freedoms of expression and publicity are also relevant to the use of information. Freedom of expression particularly protects such use of information as seeks to express and make public severa! kinds of message. The basic right of publicity does not expressly protect the use of public information, but the public nature of the information enables its use for rather differ­ent kinds of purpose.

Essential basic rights protecting the economic utilisation and exchange of information are the protection of property (Constitutional Act § 15) and the liberty to pursue a trade (Constitutional Act § 18, 1st clause). The objects of the protection of property are such essential immaterial rights - from the point of view of the use and exchange of information - as copyright and patent rights. The liberty to pursue a trade also protects information~based trades such as in the fields of communication and entertainment. Moreover, business, company and other professional secrets are also founded on these basic rights.

11. Media and religion: general considerations

The wide scope of the Freedom of Expression Act also regulates religious communications. As stated before, the new Finnish Constitution's (2000)

48 MATTI KOTIRANTA

Freedom of Expression Act (The Constitutional Act of Finland § 12, HM § 10) has a large field of application in the sense that, on the one hand, freedom of expression is not bound to any particular method of commu­nication (neutrality as to instruments). Also, through the Constitutional Act, the regulations dealing with freedom of expression are applied to all kinds of communication technology, both those currently used and those to be introduced in the future. On the other hand, the scope of the Free­dom of Expression Act has been understood to include all kinds of data, opinions and other messages irrespective of their content or purpose (neu­trality as to content and purpose ). Moreover, regarding the scope of the Freedom of Expression Act, it is essential that in Finland no distinction is made between political, religious, artistic, scientific, commercial, enter­tainment-related or other messages. Instead, the regulations are applied to all kinds of communication.

l. The Press

In the press, freedom of expression is seen to be realised most fully when journalism is free and truthful and treats different social groups equally. 10

The independence of the mass media has been understood to be safe­guarded best when legislation only defines the exterior framework for the use of freedom of expression and by leaving responsibility for content to the media themselves. There are no principies or guidelines concem­ing the access of religious groups to the press nor press consultation with religious groups. However, it is obvious that the larger newspapers take into account religious matters when sharing responsibilities among their editorial departments.

Besides juridical norms the operation of the media is regulated by so­called self-regulation, an autonomic control seeking to maintain standards of quality in communication. The Council for Mass Media in Finland (Julkisen Sanan Neuvosto) and its resolutions regulate those media that have signed the basic treaty of the Council. The Council for Mass Media in Finland is not a court of justice nor does it exercise public authority. However, its decisions are carefully observed in Finland. They form a so-called soft law in the regulation of the freedom of expression and prac­tices which may have significance even in court in situations involving interpretation of freedom of expression provisions. The Council for Mass Media in Finland expresses in its decisions what it considers to correspond

1° For more details on this see SNELLMAN, 2000.

THE LEGAL POSITION OF RELIGION AND THE MEDIA IN FINLAND 49

to journalistic ethics. Its decisions express what is customary law in free­doro of expression. 11

There are several differing opinions conceming the meaningfulness and efficiency of the self-regulation of the mass media. Dissatisfaction with the press's own capacity to do so, and possibilities to guarantee a responsible use of words, have led to demands for increasing the effi­ciency of official control. Also in Finland there is occasionally debate about the efficiency of the Council for Mass Media and the competence of its decisions. The establishment of a new kind of institution called the Press Secretary, ie. an organ monitoring the press, has been alluded to.

2. Internet, Radio and Television

Internet and the opportunity it has created for new uses of freedom of expression also raises the possibility of misusing this same freedom. The presentation of groundless claims to a great audience is technically easier through the intemet than through traditional media. Juridical reg­ulation often follows only at a late stage in the development, adopting development processes that have already taken place. This is also hap­pening with the Printing Responsibility Act, which became outdated and impractical with the advent of the internet. The intemet and other new communication technology have been taken into account in the new Freedom of Expression Bill which is intended to substitute the Printing Responsibility Act, the Radio Responsibility Act and the Cable Broad­casting Act. The bill drafted by the Freedom of Expression Commission assumes the principie of neutrality regarding instruments, targeting all dissemination of information with the same kind of regulation irrespective of the distribution technology.

Already the Radio and Television Broadcasting Act (744/1998) has reformed the regulation of electronic communication and abolished the Radio Equipment Act (8/1927) and the Cable Broadcasting Act (307/1987) which earlier regulated the licence system of television and radio broad­casting. According to the new Act, today broadcasting is subject to licence, ie. the exercise of television and radio broadcasting through radio waves freely propagating in space. However, cable broadcasting and other television and radio broadcasting no longer require a licence, but only

ll Juridically, the basíc treaty of the Council for Mass Media in Finland and joumalistic ethics do not bind those who have not signed the Council's basic treaty. However, it can be seen that deviation from practíces created by the Council would require clear justifica­tion in order to be acceptable.

50 MATTI KOTIRANTA

the provision of a notice to the Finnish Communications Regulatory Authority, The Finnish Broadcasting Company (Oy Yleisradio Ab) may lawfully carry out television and radio broadcasting directly without a licence. The reform has thus led to the abolition of the licence regulation contemplated earlier in the Cable Broadcasting Act and has preserved the licence system only in the field of broadcasting under the regime of the new Act.12

A broadcasting licence is granted by the Council of State, which, according to the Television and Radio Broadcasting Act's §10, must in its consideration of the licence seek to promote freedom of expression and to safeguard the versatility of programming and the needs of special audi­ence groups. Moreover, it must take into account in its entirety the tele­vision and radio broadcasting being carried out in the respective areas.

The Finnish Broadcasting Company ( Oy Yleisradio Ab) has indeed largely been responsible also for religious radio and television program­ming. Radio devotions, along with radio worship services, represent the oldest tradition in spiritual programming in the Finnish Broadcasting Company. The first morning devotion was broadcast on the radio in March 1932. The Finnish Broadcasting Company has transmitted the morning devotion practically every weekday morning for 70 years. 13 The Finnish Broadcasting Company also broadcasts on television the acts of worship of various churches and religious communities. Moreover, sorne regional local radio stations broadcast religious programmes.

In summary, it can be stated that the Finnish approach to regulating the communication of religion in the media is based on the wide sphere of

1•2 MAN~N (1999, p. 396) points ~ut that radio and television broadcasting being

sub~ect. to hcence does not unreservedly flt into the framework prohibiting prior hindrance, wh1ch lS confirmed by the constitutional Freedom of Expression Act when it refers to the regulation of broadcasting. On the other hand, the preliminary works of the Reform of Basic Rights, the Committee on the Constitution's earlier statement of practice (Commit­tee on the Constitution 8/1961 Parliament, Committee on the Constitution 2/1986 Parlia­ment), has led to the understanding that the Freedom of Expression Act does not prevent the preservation of the licence systern in the area of electronic communication, if the neces­sity of regulation by licence can be justified in an acceptable way from the perspective of the materialisation of freedom of expression. In fact, the licence system can be considered as a means of safeguarding the widest possible practica! materialisation of freedom of expression in broadcasting. In broadcasting, regulation by licence may also be required in order to distribute the radio frequencies equitably between various broadcasting agencies (HE 309/1993 Parliament, pp. 57-58).

13 For more information on this see Heikki-Tapio Nieminen 's doctoral dissertation on

the "Moming Radio Devotionals on Finnish Radio", "The structure and content of Lutheran moming broadcasts transmitted by the Finnish Broadcasting Company Y/Ji' between 1932 and 1997".

THE LEGAL POSITION OF RELIGION ANO THE MEDIA IN FINL&"'D 51

application of tbe Constitution's Freedom of Expression Act (Constitu­tional Act § 12). This sphere of application has been understood to include all kinds of data, opinions and other messages irrespective of their con­tent and purpose. As a result, the churches and religious communities enjoy broad legal possibilities to communicate their message to the public. In Finland the dissemination of the Christian message is carried out mainly through the church-related press, public service radio and television broadcasting, local radio broadcasting and the internet. The Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland also has its own Church Communication Centre which disseminates information about church-related matters to the press and also monitors what the press writes about the church. Indeed, in Finland the churches have responded actively to the development of mass communication. The churches have also pronounced on the birth of the modem information society and the ethical problems caused by it. 14

lll. Freedom of religion and conscience

In Section 11 of the Constitutional Act, freedom of religion and conscience is protected as a fundamental constitutional right. The relevant provisions read as follows:

(1) Everyone has the freedom of religion and conscience.

(2) Freedom of religion and conscience entails the right to profess and practise a religion, the right to express one' s convictions and the right to be a member of or decline to be a member of a religious community. No one is under the obligation, against bis or her conscience, to participate in the practice of a religion.

The first sentence of the second paragraph of Section 11 lists as included in freedom of religion and conscience the most important exterior forms of manifestation of the basic right; that is, the right: to profess and prac­tise religion; to express one's convictions; to belong toa religious com­munity. In other words, the religious freedom of organisation is provided as well as the fundamental dimension of the so-called negative freedom of religion (ie. the right not to belong to any religious community). According to the government bill concerning the Reform of Basic Rights these dimensions were either included in the old constitution or had been derived by interpretation from its provisions. Freedom of worship, which

14 For more details on this see Raine Haikarainen's doctoral dissertation "From lnfor­mation to Communication. Ecumenical Discussion on Communication, 1948-2000". This study has been completed very recently at the University of Helsinki.

52 MATTI KOTIRANTA

had been left without separate treatment (ie. a religious community's right to decide about its own religious ceremonies) is included in freedom of profession and practice of religion.

These terms ofthe basic right appeared formerly in the interpretation15

of the republican constitution of 1919 in its old §8 (see Committee on the Constitution 12-13/1982 Parliament), which guaranteed the freedom of conscience and religion of the Finnish citizen. Complementarily, one must still mention the prohibition of discrimination based on ideology. This was earlier expressed separately16 in the constitution's §9, but is now based on § 11 of the new constitutional Act interpreted together with the provisions of §6. Section 6 of the new Constitution of Finland reads as follows:

"Section 6- Equality

(1) Everyone is equal before the law.

(2) No one shall, without an acceptable reason, be treated differently from other persons on the ground of sex, age, origin, language, religion, conviction, opinion, health, disability or other reason that concems his or her person.

(3) Children shall be treated equally andas individuals and they shall be allowed to influence matters pertaining to themselves to a degree cor­responding to their level of development."

In connection with religious equality, when the constitution of 1919 was being enacted there was a long debate as to whether the Lutheran Church's special position in relation to the state should be mentioned in the constitution. The full realisation of the principie of freedom of reli­gion in the constitution of 1919 meant that the Finland as a state became religiously uncommitted and neutral. The Freedom of Religion Act of 1922 provided detailed provisions conceming religious liberty. It also confmned the different positions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church and

15 The former Section 8 reads as follows: "A Finnish citizen shall have the right, pro­

vided that the law or good custom is not infringed, to practise a religion in public and in private, and also, in accordance with the separate provisions on this matter, the right to renounce the religious community to which he belongs and to join another religious com­munity."

16 The former Section 9 reads as follows: "The rights and obligations of a Finnish cit­

izen shall not depend on the religious community to which he belongs or on whether he belongs to any such community. The restrictions preseribed regarding public Offices shall however remain in force until otherwise prescribed by Act of Parliament."

THE LEGAL POSITION OF REUGION AND THE MEDIA IN FINLAND 53

the Orthodox Church in relation to the state as compared to other religious communities. When regulating the juridical position of religious com­munities the prevailing realities of religious policy were taken into account besides the foundations of freedom of religion. Of these the most impor­tant are the historical heritage - on the one hand, the significance of Lutheran Christianity in the history of Finland and, on the other hand, the Finnish and more generally Scandinavian tradition's strong state church tone - and the citizens' religious distribution. Since virtually all the peo­ple once belonged to the Lutheran Church. and since the Orthodox Church has had strong bases in Karelía of Ladoga, Karelia of Onega, Karelia of Viena, in Syvari and Petsamo, these two churches have in the course of history attained a special position in relation to the state. 17

When the Freedom of Religion Act took effect the population register system was created. 18 This register was kept by the Evangelical Lutheran Church, by the Orthodox Church, by other religious communities and for others by a district registrar (the so-called civil register). This complex system was reformed in the 1970s and in 1995 the Lutheran Church Board and the Ministry of the Interior agreed on measures that the popu­lation register would be a joint matter for church and state. 19 Even today one of the peculiar features of the Finnish system is the special juridical and economic status of two churches, the Lutheran and the Orthodox, differing from other churches and relígious communities. Whereas other religious communities are required to register on the basis of the Freedom of Religion Act, there are special provisions dealing with the Lutheran and Orthodox churches. The legal status of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland has also been treated separately in the Constitution of 2000. lts special status and autonomy are protected by §76 of the Con­stitutional Act 20, according to which the church's form of organisation and govemment are prescribed in the Church Law, which for its part regulates its own procedure for amendment. This arrangement safeguards a strong autonomy for the Lutheran Church in the Finnish Constitution.

17 For more details see M. KoTIRANTA, "Kirche, Staat und Religionsfreiheit in Fin­land", in Zeitschriftfür evangelisches Kirchenrecht, 45 (2000), p. 233-256.

18 The register, which had original! y been created for the needs of the Lutheran Church, developed into the state's general population register.

19 The agreement means a shift in emphasis in comparison with earlier years when the goal of the Ministry of the Interior was to transfer the population register matters to state authorities.

20 Section 76 of The Church Act: (1) Provisions on the organisation and administra­don of the Evangelic Lutheran Church are laid down in the Church Act; and (2) The legislative procedure for enactment of the Church Act and th~ .right t~ ~ub~it legislative proposals relating to the Chorch Act are govemed by the spec¡flc provisions m that Code.

54 MATTI KOTIRANTA

The new Constitution no longer contains the provision conceming other religious communities corresponding to the constitution's former §83 in its 2nd clause. The provision referred to the Orthodox Church, which, nevertheless, can still be considered as the second state church due to the speciallegislation conceming it and its status in public law (The Orthodox Church Act 521/1969).21 Judicial decisions about the freedom of religion of individuals, related in Finland to the principie of equality (Section 6 of the Constitution), are discussed elsewhere.Z2

LITERATURE:

HAIKARAINEN, RAINE

2002 From Infonnation to Communicatíon. Ecumenical Discussion on Commu­nication, 1948-2000. Diss.

KOTIRANTA, MATTI

2000 "Kirche, Staat und Religionsfreiheit in Finland", in Zeitschrift für evan­gelisches Kirchenrecht, 45 (2000), 233-256.

MACHADO,JONATAS 2002 Media and Religion in Portugal- Report by Jonatas E.M. Machado for

European Consortium for Church and State Research Conference, 21-24 November 2002, Cardiff.

21 M. ScHElNIN (1999, p. 374) has, basing hís argument on Manfred Nowak, stated that the applicatíon of the state church system adopted in Fínland ís not contrary to the free­dom of religion. The prerequisite of the acceptability of the state church system is that the state also permits the profession of other religions and does not exercise dírect or indirect pressure on people to join the state church. Also the UN Human Rights Committee, which monitors the UN's General Treaty on Civil and Political Rights (1966), has assumed that a state church system based on historical círcumstances can be reconciled with the treaty obligations in Article 18.

22 See J. SEPPO, "Church and State in Finland 1997", European Journalfor Church and State Research- Revue européenne des relations Églises-État, 5 (1998), pp. 12l-130.1n out­line, cases have included the following: (l) a Muslim woman's right to keep her head cov­ered during office hours; (2) A female Jehovah's Witness rejected the offer of a temporary job as a cleaning lady in an Evangelical Lutheran Church, for religious reasons, by refer­ring, for instance, toa verse in Corinthians, which forbids one "to be partners with demons"; (3) a Finnish member of the Adventist Church employed by the State Railways did not want to work after the sun had set on Fridays as, according to his relígíous beliefs, sunset marked the begínning of the Sabbath. The frrst time the man left work in the middle of bis shift the State Railways gave him a warning, but after this had happened severa! times, the man was dismissed. The appellate board accepted the dismissal and the Supreme Administratíve Court confmned the decision. The Adventist, however, considered that Finland had violated ECHR, Art. 9, and appealed to the European Human Rights Commission. He also made an additional appeal against discrirnination: he considered himself to ha ve been subjected to discrirnination, as the official rest day, Sunday, had been set according to the majority reli­gion. The man claimed that the State Railways' ínflexibility reflected a lack of tolerance of relígious minorities that stemmed from the superior position of the Lutheran Church.

THE LEGAL POSITION OF RELIGION AND THE MEDIA IN HNLAND 55

MANNINEN, SAt.-ll 1999 Sananvapausjajulkisuus (PL 12 §). Perusoikeudet. Toim. Hallberg, Kara-

puu, Scheinin, Tuori ja Viljanen. Juva. S. 387-417.

MAEi'.'PAA, ÜLLI

1999 Julkisuusperiaate. Helsinki.

NIEMINEN, HEIKKI-TAPIO . . . . . 1999 Suomalainen radiohartaus (Morning Radio Devotionals on Fmrush Radio).

"The structme and content of Lutheran moming broadcasts transmitted by the Finnish Broadcasting Company- YLE between 1932 and 1997". Diss.

SCHEININ, MARTIN . . 1999 Uskonnonja omantunnon vapaus (PL 12 §). Perusotkeudet. Totm.Hall-

berg, Karapuu, Scheinin, Tuori ja Viljanen. Juva. S. 353-386.

SEPPO, JUHA 1998 Church and State in Finnland 1997.- European J?umal f?r Church and

State Research- Revue européenne des relations Eglises-Etat, 5 (1998), 121-130.

SNELLMAN, CHRISTINA . . 2000 Suomalaisten sanomalehtien sananvapaus 1990-luvulla- otkeudelhsten

nonnien ja eettisten siiiinttijen siiiintelemlinii. Valtiosiiiintooikeuden pro gradu -tyo. Helsingin yliopisto.

VILJANEN, VEL!-PEKKA . . 1998b Perusoikeudet ja rikoslainsiiadiinto. - Perusoikeuspuheen-vuoroJa. To1m.

Pekk:a Llinsineva ja Veli-Pekk:a Viljanen. Turku. S. 277-306.

LAWS:

Suomen perustuslak:i 2000 [The Constitution ~f ~inland ~000] See http://www.eduskunta.fi/ [The new Const1tut10n of Fmland]

PRELIMINARY WORKS OF LAWS:

HE 1993 Hallituksen esitys [Govemment Bill] 309/1993 vp. Hallit~ksen esitys

eduskunnalle perustuslak:ien perusoikeussiliintOjen muuttamtsesta.

PeVM . 1994 Perustuslakivaliokunnan rnietinto [Report of the Committee on the Constl-

tution] 25/1994 vp. Perustuslak:ivaliokunnan rnietintO hallituksen ~sityk­sestii no 309/1993 vp perustuslakien perusoi.keussiilintojen muuttrumsesta.

PeVL 1961 Perustuslakivaliokunnan lausunto 8/1961 vp. Perustuslaki-valiokunnan

lausunto talousvaliokunnalle hallituksen esityksestii 25/1960 vp radiolaiksi.

56

PeVL 1986

PeVL

MATTI KOTIRANTA

Perustuslaki~aliokunn~ lausunto 2/1986 vp ). Perustuslaki-valiokunnan lausunto h~lh~uk_~~n-~si~~k~esta n:o 108/1985 vp kaapeliliihetystoimintaa koskevaksilamsaadannoksi seka lakialoitteista 76 ja 857/1985 VP.

1998 Perustuslaki~aliokunn~ lausunto 19/1998 vp. Perustuslaki-valiokunnan lausunto h~lht_uksen esityksesta n:o 34/1998 vp televisio ja radiotoimintaa koskevaks1 lamsaadannoksi.

DECISION OF THE SUPREME ADMINISTRATIVE COURT:

KHO 1982 ~~rkeinmi~ ~allin~o~oikeuden ratkaisuja 1982 n 6, 49, 101, 392, 711 426.

Aanen~ahv1stm - JarJestyssaantO- Yleinen jarjestys ja turvallisuus _' Mie­lenosoitus.

FRANCOIS JANKOWIAK

Université París - XI

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE

REsuMÉ: Introduction - l. Presse et religion - A. Presse non confessionnelle -B. Presse «confessionnelle»- ll. Radio, télévision, intemet- A. Radio- l. Radios non confessionnelles- 2. Radio «confessionnelles»- B. Télévision- l. Chaines non confessionnelles - 2. Chaines confessionnelles - C. Internet.

Introduction

L'étude de l'acces et de l'utilisation des moyens techniques de commu­nication par les différentes confessions présentes sur le territoire national nécessite, pour le cas franc;ais, le rappel de quelques préalables. Dans le cadre général des «libertés de l'esprit» (liberté d'opinion, de la foi, de l'instruction et droit a l'information) dégagées par Jacques Robert et Jean Duffar1, la question des médias renvoie d' abord a la faculté théorique, tolérée et organisée par l'État, ainsi qu'aux possibilités réelles de les exprimer. Or, la liberté d'expression en matiere religieuse- et ses limites éventuelles- recouvre deux hypotheses distinctes: la manifestation d'une croyance par la pratique d'une religion et la communication d'informa­tions ou d'idées en matiere religieuse. Ces deux aspects, «interne» et «externe» en quelque sorte, induisent des régimes juridiques différents, appréhendés par les articles 9 et 1 O de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme (CEDH).2 Ainsi la liberté d'expression doit-elle com­prendre ici la liberté d'information et la liberté en matiere religieuse.

1 J. RoBERT, J. DUFFAR, Droits de l'homme et libertésfondamentales, 7• éd., Paris, 1999, titre 2, pp. 561-784. Les auteurs distinguent ces libertés de !'esprit de la liberté physique, d'une part, et des «libertés de l'expression collective» d'autre part (idem, pp. 785-827). Voir aussi D. BREILLAT, Les libertés de !'esprit, Paris, 1996.

2 Les croyants qui manifestent leur religion font part de leurs «convictions>> au sens de l' art. 9 de la Convention, tandis que les joumalistes spécialisés en matiere religieuse rel(oivent et communiquent des informations et des idées, opérations qui relevent de l'art. 10 du meme texte. Or, la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme a rapproché ces deux dispositions en affirmant que le terme de <<conviction>> s'applique a des vues atteignant un certain degré de force, de sérieux, de cohérence et d'importance (Cour, Campbell et Cosans, 25 janvier 1982, no 36). Cette distinction entre opinion (art. 9) et conviction (art. 10), remarque J. DUFFAR, <<n'épuise [ ... ] pas le sujet>>, la Commission européenne des droits de l'homme ayant établi des classifications entre ces notions: les informations qui peuvent se définir comme la mise en forme des faits et des nouvelles ne se confondent pas

58 FRAN!;OIS JANKOWIAK

Le droit fran~;ais ne connaí't sans doute pas de «régime de l'informa­tion religieuse», celle-ci obéissant largement au droit commun de l'infor­mation, bien qu'on puisse relever «quelques spécificités, essentielles, mais peu nombreuses».3 Les textes a valeur constitutionnelle en vigueur dans l'hexagone posent le príncipe général d'une liberté d'opinion et d'expression de ces opinions, dont les croyances religieuses ne sont qu'une catégorie. L'article 10 de la Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen (DDHC) du 26 aout 1789 proclame que «nul ne doit etre inquiété pour ses opinions, memes religieuses, pourvu que leur manifes­tation ne trouble point 1 'ordre public »; 1 'article 11 du m eme texte dispose que «la libre communication des pensées et des opinions est un des droits les plus précieux de l'homme». Garantissant un certain nombre de droits économiques et sociaux, le préambule (al. 5) de la Constitution du 27 octobre 1946 affirme le principe de non discrimination selon lequel «nul ne peut etre lésé, dans son travail ou son emploi, en raison de ses origines, de ses opinions ou de ses croyances». En disposant que «le peuple fran­~;ais proclame solennellement son attachement aux Droits de 1 'Homme et aux principes de la souveraineté nationale tels qu'ils ont été définis par la Déclaration de 1789, confirmée et complétée par le préambule de la Constitution de 1946», le préambule de la Constitution de la ye Répu­blique ( 4 octobre 1958) réaffirme la valeur constitutionnelle de ces prin­cipes. Son art. 2 détermine que «la France est une République indivisible, la1que, démocratique et sociale. Elle assure l'égalité devant la Loi de tous les citoyens sans distinction d 'origine, de race o u de religion. Elle respecte toutes les croyances». Dans le domaine des cultes, ces dispositions consti­tutionnelles trouvent un prolongement explicite a l'art. 1 al. 1 de la loi du 9 décembre 1905 portant séparation des Églises et de l'État: «La Répu­blique assure la liberté de conscience. Elle garantit le libre exercice des cultes sous les seules restrictions édictées ci-apres dans l'intéret de l'ordre public».4

avec les «opinions» ou «idées>> au sens de l'art. 10 (R. Geillustreerde, 6 juillet 1976). Cf. J; Duffar, <<Les limites a la liberté d'expression en matiere religieuse en Europe>>, dans Eglises et médias. Doctrine et droit. Actes du colloque franco-italien de Rome, 20-21 mars 1998, L'Année canonique, 41, 1999, pp. 71-86, notamment p. 71.

3 Cette formulation est due a B. BASDEVANT-ÜAUDEMET, <<Le régime de l'information religieuse en droit fran¡;ais>>, dans Églises et médias. Doctrine et droit ... , op. cit., pp. 111-130, ici p. 111, qui précise que <<la définition méme de ce qui peut constituer l'informa­tion religieuse a proprement parler, et non pas toute émission a caractere religieux, n'est pas aisée a donner. Il ne semble pas que les confessions religieuses elles-mémes aient adopté sur ce point des criteres précis permettant de dresser une liste de ce qui est émis­sion d'information religieuse>> (ibid).

4 Le régime de séparation, et par conséquent d'égalité juridique des cultes, est mis en ceuvre par !'al. 2 de ce méme article: <<La République ne reconnait, ne salarie ni ne sub­ventionne aucun culte>>.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 59

L'État la'ic est done tenu a des obligations de caractere positif qu'expri­ment les verbes assurer et garantir. La loi du 29 juillet 1881 relative a la liberté de la presse, seul moyen de communication alors existant, contient des principes généraux applicables (et largement appliqués) aux autres médias. Cette loi, a laquelle est reconnue une valeur constitution­nelle5, proclame dans son art. 1er que «l'imprimerie et la librairie sont libres» et son art. 5 précise que «tout journal ou écrit périodique peut etre pub lié sans autorisation préalable et sans dépot de cautionnement».

L'ensemble de ces dispositions fondamentales, relevant du domaine des libertés publiques, est complété par un droit a l'information. Si les textes ne le consacrent pas expressément, B. Basdevant-Gaudemet note que «divers éléments du droit fran~;ais des médias témoignent de ce que cette conception sous-tend la construction juridique relati ve aux médias ». 6

Du devoir fait a l'État de donner un contenu positif et concret au droit a l'information exigible par tout citoyen- ce qui justifie l'existence d'un service public de la communication audiovisuelle - découlent les notions d'information pluraliste, transparente et suffisamment indépendante, regles qui inspirent le régime juridique commun des moyens de commu­nication.

Un autre volet commun a tous les médias et a tous les cultes fait évo­quer la question de l'institutionnalisation de la communication religieuse. Ses manifestations refletent grossierement le degré d'institutionnalisation des groupes religieux eux-memes: parmi les confessions représentées en France, le catholicisme apparaí't a la fois comme pionnier et comme le plus soucieux d'établir, sous forme d'unions ou de fédérations, un réseau structuré d'intervention. 11 convient d'en rappeler brievement les princi­pales étapes historiques.

Au lendemain de la publication par le pape Paul VI de l'instruction pas­torale Communion et progres (23 mai 1971 ), la Fédération des organismes de communication sociale (F.O.C.S.) se constitua pour mettre en reuvre les orientations pontificales. Elle procéda au regroupement en son sein de tous les organismes qui, depuis la création de la Centrale catholique du cinéma en 1937 et devenue plus tard Office catholique fran~;ais du cinéma, assuraient les relations publiques de l'Église avec le monde des médias. La F.O.C.S. eut pour responsables successifs les P. Berthier, Dubost puis Di Palco, futur porte-parole de la Conférence des éveques de

5 Elle fait partie des <<príncipes fondamentaux reconnus par les lois de la République>> consacrés par le préambule de la Constitution de 1946, auquel renvoie le préambule de la Constitution de 1958.

6 B. BASDEV ANT-ÜAUDEMET, <<Le régime de l'information religieuse ... >>, art. cit., p. 112.

60 FRAN<;:OIS JANKOWIAK

France. Par ailleurs, depuis 1952 existaient les centres diocésains d'in­fonnation, chargés de promouvoir la presse et de stimuler la prise en compte des médias par l'Église. Leur secrétariat national (S.N.C.D.I.) fusionna le 1er mai 1982 avec la F.O.C.S. pour fonner le conglomérat unique de Chrétiens-Médias, fédération des organismes catholiques d'in­fonnation et de communication, officiellement investie des relations et de la pastorale envers les médias et bénéficiant par la de la double confiance des évéques et de celle des prétres ou laYes engagés localement. Le groupe en appelait pour cela au concours de «toute l'Eglise», en liaison avec le secrétariat général de 1 'épiscopat et son secrétariat national de 1 'opinion publique, ancien secrétariat de l'infonnation religieuse créé en 1962 et qui prit sa dénomination actuelle en 1965, dans le sillage du concile V a ti can II. Celui-ci s'analyse plutot en organe officiel d'infonnation, définition contestée par une partie de ses membres mais qui correspond assez bien a la réalité de ses activités. La place occupée dans 1 'organigramme ecclé­sial par son responsable, qui est également secrétaire général adjoint de l'épiscopat et porte-parole des évéques de France, dit assez l'importance accordée a sa mission, au-dela des aspects purement fonctionnels. Ces structures pennirent une unification partielle des sources d'infonnation, par la transmission a la presse des déclarations vaticanes et de celles de la Conférence des évéques, quelques deux cents joumalistes représentant les divers médias étant accrédités aupres du secrétariat. Les éléments d'infonnation donnés a cette occasion étaient complétés par un bulletin hebdomadaire intitulé S.N.O.P., reprenant le sigle du secrétariat général. Le porte-parole du secrétariat est traditionnellement le secrétaire de la Commission épiscopale de 1 'opinion publique, une des quinze commis­sions reliées directement a la Conférence épiscopale fran~aise. 7 Or cette Conférence fut, a l'occasion de sa réunion en Assemblée pléniere de l'épiscopat, a !'origine d'une réflexion nourrie sur les moyens de com­munication per~ue, en 1979 puis 1980, comme la prise de position de l'Église de France sur ces questions. Trois themes préoccuperent les évéques: les processus de filtrage de l'infonnation, la restructuration de la société par les nouveaux médias (principalement l'infonnatique et la télématique), enfin la foi chrétienne a l'épreuve des médias. Les résolu­tions votées allerent dans le sens d'une action simultanée- au risque, ce qui arriva, d'une dispersion des efforts -, dans de multiples directions: mise sur pied d'équipes militantes, solutions financieres, relations avec les

7 Le S.N.O.P. agit également en liaison avec le COPIC (Comité permanent pour l'in­formation et la communication).

,:)

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 61

professionnels des médias, ouverture intemationale. Cette dynamique fut relayée cette méme année 1980 et l'année suivante par l'examen des pers­pectives missionnaires, déclarées colonne vertébrale de l'Église de France. La Conférence des évéques de France s 'est de nouveau penchée sur la question de la communication sociale en novembre 1998 et plus précisé­ment sur la télévision.8

Le cas du protestantisme est tres différent. J.-P. Willaime a rappelé que «parler des attitudes protestantes face aux médias est une gageure»9, le monde protestant ne connaissant pas d'instance centrale qui définisse une position commune. Christianisme de la parole et du texte, historiquement actif dans le domaine de la presse et de la radio, il s 'est ouvert avec plus de lenteur aux médias visuels. Globalement, les médias ont un effet fédé­rateur obligeant le protestantisme a coordonner ses structures et ses efforts; en Europe, si chacune des confessions et des Églises nationale ou régionale ont leurs joumaux, parfois leurs émissions radiophoniques, les médias protestants rassemblent souvent plusieurs organisations. Dans le cas fran~ais, c'est la Fédération Protestante de France, structure rassem­blant les Églises luthériennes, réfonnées et certaines Églises baptistes et évangéliques, qui gere l'émission Présence Protestante diffusée sur une cha1ne de service public (France 2) de méme que les cultes retransmis sur les ondes de France-Culture. L'islam, le juda'isme ou l'orthodoxie ainsi que quelques religions orientales (au premier rang desquelles le boud­dhisme) n'offrent pas d'exemples directement comparables.

l. Presse et religion

On adoptera ici une définition restrictive de la presse, soit la presse écrite quotidienne ou périodique, a l'exclusion des autres moyens de commu­nication, ce qui ne correspond pas a la définition traditionnellement rete­nue par le droit fran9ais. 10 Le statut juridique des entreprises de presse est

8 Observatoire catholique de la télévision, «Problemes soulevés par l'évolution du pay­sage médiatique. La télévision>>, Documents épiscopat, no 1, janvier 1998; voir aussi O. DE LA BRossE, «L'Église de France face aux problemes de communication», Revue d'éthique et de théologie morale Le Supplément, 210, septembre 1999, pp. p3-189 et, pour une étude historique plus détaillée, F. JANKOWIAK, «'Fides ex aud_itu'. L'Eglise et les moyens de communication sociale a l'époque contemporaine>>, dans Eglises et médias ... , op. cit., pp. 7-40. ,

9 J.-P. WILLAIME, «Les attitudes protestantes face aux médias>>, dans Eglises et médias ... , op. cit., pp. 57-70, ici p. 57.

10 En ce sens J. RoBERT, J. DUFFAR, Droits de l'homme et libertésfondamentales, op. cit., p. 657: «Ün entend par 'presse' non seulement les imprimés périodiques mais !'en­semble des formes d'expression de la pensée autres que l'expression verbale directe. Le

62 FRAN<;::OIS JANKOWIAK

régi par la loi du 1 er aout 1986, modifiée par celle du 27 novembre de la méme année. L'indépendance des titres est assurée par un dispositif anti-concentration visant a garantir le pluralisme des joumaux d'opinion, pluralisme reconnu a plusieurs reprises comme un «objectif a valeur constitutionnelle» par le Conseil constitutionnel ( cf. décisions des 10-11 octobre 1984, 29 jui11et 1986 et 18 septembre 1986).11 Ce príncipe recouvre deux aspects: liberté de publier et de faire connaítre d'une part, liberté du public de s'informer par le moyen de son choix d'autre part.

A. Presse non confessionnelle

Le traitement des affaires religieuses par les journaux non confessionnels varíe considérablement d'une publication a l'autre, mais il faut constater l'importance de ces rubriques. Le quotidien franr;;ais de référence, Le Monde, dispose d'un service propre publiant en moyenne quatre articles par semaine, hors les suppléments hebdomadaires tel que Le Monde des Livres. C'est incontestablement dans ce joumal que le fait religieux est abordé de la far;;on la plus approfondie, la plus complete et aussi la plus objective. Les autres quotidiens d'opinion ou d'information (L'Humanité, organe du Partí communiste fran¡;;ais, Libération, France-Soir ou Le Figaro) exposent les questions religieuses dans une rubrique de société et/ou de culture et recourent assez fréquemment aux jugements de valeur.12 Dans les hebdomadaires, l'évocation de ces questions est plus épisodique, mais Jean-Paul II, la situation de l'islam en France, le retour du religieux ou la lai:cité de l'enseignement et de l'État sont des sujets susceptibles d'apparaitre en couverture. Parmi ces publications, Le Nouvel Observa­teur et Marianne expriment une sensibilité assez nettement anticléricale,

régime de la presse s'applique done a toutes les formes de l'imprimé (livres, périodiques, affiches) et aux diverses techniques modemes de diffusion de la pensée (radio, télévision). On y rattache aussi des spectacles (notamment le cinéma)». Voir aussi F. BALLE, Médias et société, Paris, 1999.

11 Voir J. MORANGE, «Le régime constitutionnel des cultes en France», dans Le statut constitutionnel des cultes dans les pays de l'Union européenne. The constitutional Status of Churches in the European Union Countries, Actes du colloque réuní a l'Université de Paris-X1, 18-19 novembre 1994, Milan; Paris, 1995, pp. 119-138, surtout pp. 129-130.

12 Libération par exemple se pose en chantre d'une lalcité militante, mettant l'accent sur les dangers d'un enseignement des religions a l'école ( «L'école enseigne les religions sans les prechet», Daniel Licht, 15 mars 2002) ou entendant redonner «La parole aux incroyants» (Juliette Minces, 14 mai 2002). L'islam a pu etre présenté comme «une société réglée, sédentaire et bourgeoise>> (titre d'un article de S. Allemand et J.-D. Merchet, 16 et 17 février 2002). Le courrier des lecteurs des quotidiens fran~aís contient une proportion non négligeable de prises de position sur les questions religieuses (ainsi la nécessité ou du moins le caractere 'raisonnable' d'une démission de Jean-Paul II).

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 63

remettant en cause les regles morales et éthiques défmies par Rome et l'Église de France; Le Point ou L'Express prennent des positions plus nuancées, qu'on pourra rapidement qualifier de «libérales», méme si ce traitement n'évite pas non plus les clichés, les raccourcis ou les généra­lisations batives.

Les différentes confessions ne peuvent invoquer aucun droit spécial a s 'ex primer par écrit dans la presse, hors du cas particulier du droit de réponse et du droit de rectification, ouvert a toute personne sans discri­mination. Cette demiere possibilité est longuement réglementée par l'art. 13 de la loi du ter aout 1986 relative a la presse et- avec davan­tage de restrictions par l'art. 6 modifié de la loi du 29 juillet 1982 pour le domaine audiovisuel. 11 y a ainsi obligation d'insérer «les réponses de toute personne nommée ou désignée dans le joumal ou écrit périodique. I1 peut etre répondu notamment a un article religieux». La loi définit et réprime ainsi les infractíons commises envers la liberté d'expression, au nombre desquelles l'outrage, l'injure et la diffamation. Le 13 novembre 1997, la Cour d'appel de París a considéré que la violence de certaines images (il s'agissait en l'espece de dessins satiriques), représentant par exemple le pape guillotiné, outrepassaient le droit de critique et de contes­tation et caractérisaient un délit de provocation a la haine et a la violence a l'encontre d'un groupe de personnes a raison d'une religion déterminée, tel que défini par l'art. 24 al. 6 de la loi de 1881.

Des octobre 1920 fut créée 1' Association professionnelle des Journa­listes de l'Information Religieuse (AJIR), qui est aujourd'hui plus ancienne association professionnelle de la presse franr;;aise. L 'annuaire de ses membres, consultable sur le si te Internet de 1 'Association 13 , atteste d 'une représentation tres large des statuts personnels et des confessions ainsi représentées.14 Dans ses débats, l'association se réjouit de la qualité géné­rale du travail réalisé, tout en avouant éprouver une difficulté d'acces et de dialogue avec les représentations institutionnelles des diverses confes­sions.15

13 http://ajir.multimania.com/ 14 Selon sa propre définition, «l' Association professionnelle des Joumalistes de l'In­

formation Religieuse regroupe des joumalistes traitant régulierement de la religion et des faits religieux dans leurs joumaux, confessionnels ou non confessionnels, en presse écrite, radio ou télévision».

15 Évoquant l'assemblée des éveques de France réunie a Lourdes en octobre 2002, le président de l'association, Jean-Pierre Denis, chef du service religion de La Vie, indiquait: «Nous avons aussi entrepris un travail de lobbying, il est vrai tres ingrat, quant au huis-clos de cette assemblée. J'aí redit récemmentque le systeme était devenu contre-productif et parfois absurde, voire humiliant; il souligne en effet aquel point notre travail n'est perc;u

par quelques uns - que comme une sorte de maladie endémique, a garder sous contróle,

64 FRAN<;:OIS JANKOWIAK

B. Presse «confessionnelle»

Comme le souligne J. de Broucker, «la presse catholique est une nébu­leuse bien dífficile a visiter, a dessiner, a dénombrer; d'une source a 1 'autre, les évaluations vont de moins de cinquante a plus de cinq cents titres».16 La formule meme de «presse catholique>> est ici sujette sinon a caution, du moins a précaution. Car il est délicat, sur un plan statutaire, de qualifier telle ou telle publication de confessionnelle ou de non-confes­sionnelle. Comme !'indique J.-P. Durand pour le cas de l'Église catho­lique, «le sens commun de la publication catholique profite ici aux uns et induit en erreur beaucoup d'autres. De nombreux joumalístes et cer­tains dírigeants de parutions fondées et animées par des catholiques n'ont pas encore eu l'occasion de bénéficier d'une lecture canonique du statut de leur périodique, a tel point que beaucoup restent peu renseignés sur leurs propres obligations et celles de leur joumal ou de leur magazine. Combien sont en mesure de connaítre de quelle marge de liberté ils dis­posent a l'égard de l'Église catholique et de ses autorités officielles?».17

La reconnaissance, meme publique, d'une inspiration religíeuse détermi­née de la part d'une publication- ce que la jurisprudence retient comme «entreprise de tendance» - n'emporte pas, au sens strict, son caractere confessionnel.

Le joumal La Croix, fondé en 1883 par des représentants de la congré­gation des Assomptionnistes, est le plus ancien organe de presse confes­sionnel encore actif18 et le seul a observer un tirage quotidien, qui atteint les 100.000 exemplaires. Répondant a l 'origine a un souci de constituer en France une presse qualifiée et organisée (plus de cent éditions régio­nales étaient associées a l'organe central), il intervint directement dans les questions politiques, montrant en particulier une grande vigueur polé­mique, on le sait, lors de !'Affaire Dreyfus.19 Aujourd'hui, ce titre est la seule publication appartenant juridiquement a une congrégation religieuse,

a basse intensité. Les journalístes sont-ils des ennemis? Ont-ils pour vocation de recueillir pieusement des conclusions, sans entendre les débats qui l~s précMent?».

16 J. DE BROUCKER, La presse catholique en Fra:nce. Etat des lieu.x et des questions, Paris, 1992, p. 19.

17 J.-P. DURAND, «Les publications catholiques et le droit canonique. Quelques préala­bles>>, dans Églises et Médias ... , op.cit., pp. 87-110, cit. p. 90.

18 Cette qualification est toutefois contestée par le directeur de sa propre rédaction, Bmno Frappat: «Ni joumal «paroissial>>, ni journal «religieux», ni journal «confessionnel», la Croix est l'autre voix de la presse quotidienne. ll joue sa partition, qui tranche sur le concert médiatique. [ ... ] toujours, il cherchera la petite lumiere au fond de l'actualité, qui permet de ne désespérer ni de l'homme, ni de l'Histoire».

19 Cf. É. PoULATet R. RÉMOND (dir), Cent ans d'histoire de LaCroix 1883-1983, París, 1988; P. SORLIN, La Croix et les Juifs, París, 1967.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 65

l'institut des assomptionnistes, qui controle le propriétaire civil du jour­nal La Croix, le groupe Bayard-Presse.

Le groupe Bayard-Presse, avec sa filiale intemationale créée en 1989, bénéficie d'un tirage de publications adultes évalué a 1,5 millions d'exem­plaires avec des titres phares (La Croix, Le Nlerin et Notre Temps), qui jouissent d'une audience ciblée et largement fidélisée. TI en va de meme pour les publications destinées a lajeunesse (350.000 lecteurs). Le groupe d'éditions de La Vie Catholique, avec La Vie (320.000 abonnés) et Télé­rama (480.000 exemplaires) cótoie les indépendants, parmi lesquels Témoignage chrétien et le bulletin mensuel du Secours catholique, Messages. Le maillage est beaucoup plus serré pour la presse diocésaine et les Semaines religieuses (environ 200.000 exemplaires bimensuels) et davantage encore pour la presse catholique paroissiale, constituée en une Fédération nationale des périodiques chrétiens a diffusion locale (F.N.P.C.D.L.) et qui fonctionne sur une stratégie d'articles communs, la díversité émanant des ínformatíons locales. Leur tirage global S' évalue a 3,5 millions d'exemplaires.

Fondé en octobre 1975 par le pere Michel Evdokimov et Jean Tché­kan, le Service orthodoxe de presse (S.O.P.) se défínit comme «l'agence de presse de l'orthodoxie en Europe occidentale» et animé par «une ecclésialité ouverte ». Placé sous les auspices de 1' Assemblée des éveques orthodoxes de France, ce service est assuré par la Fratemité orthodoxe en Europe occidentale. Ses informations, traduites en quinze langues et diffusées dans 62 pays, sont depuís 1997 reprises sur un site

Intemet.20

La couverture des sujets religieux par les publications de tendance n'est pas davantage uniforme que chez leurs hom~logues de ~a. presse ,«,sé~u­liere». Sí La Croix fait une large part aux pnses de pos1t1on de 1 Eghse catholique, elle traite aussi des questions recuméniques et des autres confessions, en particulier l'islam.21 Le méme constat est valable pour Réforme, hebdomadaire de l'Église réformée fondé a la Libération et ~ans le contexte de la Résistance par deux théologiens protestants, Albert Fmet et Jean Bosc; sa charte indique que «lire Réforme, c'est aussi le moyen de marquer son attachement a une certaine maniere de penser et de vivre. Une culture, une éthique cbrétienne. Maís sans dogmatisme. Dans le souci du respect de la diversité des opinions».

20 V oír infra. 21 V oír les réflexions de Michel Kubler (assomptionniste et rédacteur en chef du ser­

vice religíeux de La Croix depuis 1997), Le pari de la presse écrite, París, 1999.

66 FRAN<;OIS JANKOWIAK

II. Radio, télévision, internet

Les deux premiers médias inclus daos cette rubrique constituent l'essen­tiel de ce que 1 'on a coutume de désigner sous le nom de «paysage audio­visuel fran<;:ais». Celui-ci présente bon nombre de spécificités. La loi du 30 septembre 1986, complétée et modifiée a plusieurs reprises depuis sa promulgation, régit le statut de 1 'audiovisuel fran9ais. 22 Son principe fon­damental est formulé des l'art. 1er aL l: «La communícation audiovi­suelle est libre». Les alinéas suivants du meme article exposent les motifs justifiant de poser une limite a 1 'exercice de cette liberté et définissent le role du Conseil supérieur de l'audiovisuel (C.S.A.), autorité administra­tive indépendante chargée de la garantir.23 Pour sa part, depuis un arrét rendu le 6 février 1996, la Cour de Cassation veille sur «le droit du public a l'information».

La méme loi organise également un dispositif anti-concentration, essen­tiellement constitué de limites en capital (proportion de parts détenues d'une société de communication audiovisuelle, art. 65 et 66), pour assu­rer le respect du pluralisme. Le Conseil constitutionnel a donné une jus­tification détaillée de ce príncipe dans ses décisions du 21 janvier 1994 et du 27 juillet 2000, rendues sur deux projets de loi visant a modifier la loi du 30 septembre 1986. Outre des précisions apportées aux attributions du CSA, la loi du ¡er aoílt 2000 (n° 2000-719) prévoit plusieurs mesures de protection des mineurs vis a vis des programmes qui seraient suscep­tibles de nuire a leur épanouissement et ceux qui inciteraient a la haine pour des raisons de race, de sexe, de religion ou de nationalité.24 Le Conseil

22 Voir E. DERmux, <<Le nouveau statut de la communication. Les lois du 1"' aout, 30 sep­

tembre et 27 novembre 1986>>, Revue du droit public, 2, 1987, pp. 321-360 et, du meme, Droit de la communication, Paris, 1991.

~. Héritier de la Haute Au~orité de la Communication Audiovisuelle créée par la loi du ~9 JU~llet 1982 et de la Comm1ssion Nationale de la Communication et des Libertés (CNCL) e~bhe .en 198?, le. CSA est plac~ par la loi du 17 janvier 1989 a u creur du dispositif de re~lahon de 1 au~tOVlsuel fran~ms. Il comprend trois membres désignés pour quatre ans, trots membres dés1gnés pour six ans et trois membres désignés pour huit ans. Les autori­sations d'exploitation et d'émission des services diffusés par voie hertzienne terrestre ou sat~llitaire sont délivrées. sur la base d'une convention liant l'instance de régulation et I'ex­plottant. Quant aux servtces par cable (radio et télévision), les collectivités locales autori­sent 1 '.établissement du réseau et le CSA son exploitation. Le CSA peut suspendre, réduire ou retrrer la durée des autorisations et infliger des sanctions pécuniaires notan!ment en cas d'infraction au cahier des charges dont le respect incombe au titulaire d~ l'autorisation. Ces obligations sont établies par décret.

~ Les conventions d'autorisation comportent systématiquement la clause suivante: <<La s.ocJété [ détentrice de l' autorisation] veílle dans son progrararne: l. a ne pas inciter a des pra­ttques ou comportements délinquants ou inciviques; 2. a respecter les différentes sensibilités politiques, culturelles et religieuses du public; 3. a ne pas encourager des comportements

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 67

supérieur de l' andíovísuel est chargé de veiller au respect de ces dispo­sitions. La directive du Conseil européen du 3 octobre 1989, dite «Télé­vision saos frontieres», avait déja fixé les principes déontologiques appli­cables aux programmes: <<Les Etats membres veillent de meme a ce que les émissions ne contiennent aucune incitation a la haine pour des raisons de race, de sexe, de religion ou de nationalité». Le droit international suit, a propos des minorités nationales, une orientation comparable.25

A. Radio

l. Radios non confessionnelles

Il importe de distinguer ici le secteur privé du secteur public. A ce der­nier- et plus précisément a la société de Radio France est faite l'obli­gation de programmer et de diffuser «le dimanche matin des émissions a caractere religieux, consacrées aux principaux cultes pratiqués en France. Ces émissions, réalisées sous la responsabilité des représentants désignés par les hiérarchies respectives de ces cultes, se présentent sous forme de cérémonies cultuelles ou de commentaires religieux. Les frais de ces émissions sont pris en charge par la société, dans la limite d'un plafond fixé, pour chaque émission, par les dispositions annuelles du cahier des missions et des charges».26

La question de 1' acces des gro u pes religieux aux médias se pose daos des termes juridiques semblables pour la radio et la télévision. 27 Revenant sur l'art. 10 de la CEDH, la Commission européenne a posé le principe sui­vant: «ll est évident que la liberté 'de communiquer des informations et des idées' qui est incluse dans le droit a la liberté d'expression garantí par 1' art. 1 O de la Convention, ne peut pas etre interprété comme comportan! un droit général et illimité pour tout particulier ou pour toute organisa­tion de bénéficier de temps d'antenne a la radio ou a la télévision afin de promouvoir ses idées».28 Le tempérament a ce principe est introduit par

discriminatoíres en raison de la race, du sexe, de la religion ou de la nationalité; 4. a pro­mouvoir les valeurs d'intégration et de solidarité qui sont celles de la République; 5. a prendre en considération, dans la représentation a l'antenne, la diversité des origines et des cultures de la communauté nationale».

25 Voir par ex. l'art. 9 de la Convention-cadre pour la protection des minorités natio­nales adoptée a Strasbourg le 1 er février 1995.

26 Cahier des missions et des charges de Radio France, art. 18. Voir infra les dísposi­tions similaires retenues pour le secteur télévisuel.

27 Voir F. MESS!\"ER, «L 'acces des religions aux médias audiovisuels pub líes dans certains pays de l'Union européenne. Perspectives juridiques», dans P. BRECHON et J.-P. WJLLAIME (dir.), Médias et religions en miroir, París, 2002.

28 D. 45tsno, 12 juillet 1971.

68 FRAN\X)IS JANKOWIAK

l'interdiction de toute discrimination en faveur ou au détriment d'une confession particuliere.

2. Radios «confessionnelles»

La disparition du régime de monopole et le développement des radios locales a partir de 1981-1982 (époque dite des radios «libres») a favorisé la création de radios confessionnelles, le plus souvent a couverture régio­nale, auxquelles s'applique un régime d'autorisation préalable. Les radios privées se voient délivrer une autorisation d'émettre dans la bande FM (modulation de fréquence: 87,5 MHz- 108 MHz) pour une durée maxi­male de cinq ans. Cette autorisation est susceptible d'étre renouvelée deux fois hors appel aux candidatures, pour une durée de cinq ans a chaque fois. Les stations concluent avec le CSA une convention qui fixe leurs obliga­tions, notamment en matiere de contenu du programme, de publicité et de proportion de chansons fran<;;aises. Les radios «associatives de proximité ou communautaires» forment la ¡e catégorie, dite «catégorie A», de la classification des radios privées - qui en compte cinq- défmie par le CSA.

Parmi les stations les plus importantes, Radio-Orient, qui émet en région parisienne, a retenu pour slogan «L 'Islam de France et de tolé­rance»; coté catholique, Radio Notre-Dame a Paris (pouvant étre écou­tée en direct sur Internet grace au procédé RealAudio) ou Radio Fourviere (Lyon) sont parmi les plus anciennes. Certaines collaborations d'orienta­tion recuménique ont vu le jour; Radio Dialogue, a Marseille, est le fruit d'une coordination de quatre Églises, orthodoxe, arménienne, catholique et réformée, et déclare proposer une vision de la vie inspirée de l'Évan­gile, dans le respect et l'écoute des autres courants de pensée. RCF 63, basée a Clermont-Ferrand, se présente comme la «radio recuménique du Puy De Dome». De fa<;(on plus ponctuelle, des stations catholiques, a l'image de Radio Vent du l1lrge (Caen), RCF Parabole (Dijon) ou Radio Présence dans la région Midi-Pyrénées offrent des temps d'antenne a d'autres confessions. La plupart de ces stations adherent au réseau RCF (Radios chrétiennes de France), actuellement composé de 45 radios diocé­saines; l'autre grand réseau est animé et coordonné par Radio Notre-Dame.

B. Télévision

l. Chaínes non confessionnelles

La loi de 1986 prévoit expressément des émissions a caractere religieux diffusées par les chaines publiques. Son art. 56 dispose: «La société visée

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 69

au troisieme alinéa de l'article 44 [il s'agit de la société nationale char­gée des programmes de télévision diffusés sur !'ensemble du territoire métropolitain, en l'occurrence France 2] programme le dimanche matin des émissions a caractere religieux consacrées aux principaux cultes pra­tiqués en France. Ces émissions sont réalisées sous la responsabilité des représentants de ces cultes et se présentent sous la forme de retransmis­sions de cérémonies cultuelles ou de commentaires religieux. Les frais de réalisation sont pris en charge par la société dans la limite d'un plafond fixé par les dispositions annuelles du cahier des charges». C'est la, de loin, la disposition essentielle. Comme !'indique B. Basdevant-Gaudemet, les émissions religieuses ne sont qu'accessoirement visées par quelques autres rares articles.29 Ainsi, aux termes d'un décret du 27 mars 1992, ces émissions ne peuvent étre interrompues par des messages a caractere publicitaire (art. 15). Ces messages, de fa<;(on générale, ne doivent conte­nir «aucun élément de nature a choquer les convictions religieuses, phi­losophiques ou politiques des téléspectateurs» (art. 5). Le CSA prohibe pour sa part les publicités commerciales sur des sujets religieux, et les tri­bunaux veillent au respect de ces prescriptions.30

Le traitement de l'informátion religieuse par les chaines fran<;;aises presente certaines caractéristiques bien marquées. En dépit du caractere impressionniste d'un tel constat- dans la mesure ou toute étude quantitative suffisamment fiable nécessiterait une tres longue enquéte, avec possibilité de consulta­tion des archives audiovisuelles de chacune des sociétés émettrices -les trois chaines de service public (France 2, France 3 et France 5), fédérées au sein du groupe France-Télévisions, accordent une place non négligeable a l'information religieuse. Dans les émissions d'information, et en premier lieu dans les trois éditions quotidiennes des joumaux télévisés (13 heures, 20 heures et une édition «de nuit» diffusée a un horaire variable), le reli­gieux - ou plus exactement son actualité - est le plus souvent évoqué en pages «société 1 culture» et délibérément inscrit dans une perspective sociale, comme composante d'une réalité fran<;;aise, sans référence a une transcen­dance.31 La méme approche est parfois conduite en politique intemationale.

29 «Le régime de l'information religieuse ... », art. cit., p. 117. 30 Exemples jurisprudentiels dans T. MASSIS, «Convictions, respect des croyances et

liberté d'expression a travers la presse et les médias»,Légipresse, n. 131, Il, Chroniques et opínions, pp. 41-47.

3l Symptomatique de cet état de fait, le programme d'une émission-débat («Ca se discute>>) proposée par France 2 le 9 mai 2001 sur le theme «La religion conduit-elle toujours au bonheur?» donnait le canevas suivant: «Cette semaine nous allons parler de religion. Non pas pour vous enseigner la morale ou la théologie mais pour vous raconter des histoires d'hommes et de femmes».

70 FRAN(:OIS JANKOWIAK

Les constats a formuler sur ce type de traitement sont différents selon la confession considérée. Des avant les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, le discours télévisuel a hésité entre une «diabolisation» et une «norma­lisation» de l'Islam en France32, acceptation qui passerait par la création ou une affirmation définitive d'un «Islam fran~ais» adhérant pleinement aux valeurs républicaines et parmi elles a la conception d'une la'icité «a la fran~aise». L'approche du catholicisme s'effectue souvent dans une seule perspective quantitative (insistant sur le nombre de personnes ras­semblées lors des grandes solennités liturgiques ou a l'occasion de mani­festations particulieres, telles les Joumées Mondiales de la Jeunesse) ou «anecdotique», sans interrogation sur ce que ces événements - définis comme tels paree que mobilisant plusieurs dizaines de milliers de person­nes - représente pour l'institution ecclésiale ( évangélisation, pastorale, voire «géopolitique» du catholicisme). En revanche, la situation irlan­daise est presque systématiquement traitée par le récit des affrontements entre confessions, appuyé par des images récurrentes de guérilla urbaine, sans toucher aux racines historiques et religieuses des conflits. La pré­sence de correspondants permanents (et non de simples envoyés spéciaux) au Proche-Orient permet ponctuellement la diffusion d'une séquence plus approfondie sur le conflit israélo-palestinien, qui fait l'effort d'une expli­cation historique (débutant le plus souvent en 1967), mais la encore dépourvue d'éléments explicatifs proprement religieux. Ainsi la percep­tion générale de l'information est-elle celle d'une complexité découra­geante pour le joumaliste et done pour le public. L'analyse géopolitique, abordée sur la chaí'ne franco-allemande Arte par Jean-Christophe Victor (émission hebdomadaire baptisée Le dessous des cartes), est totalement absente des reportages diffusés par les chaí'nes d'information générale.

L'art. 56 de la loi du 30 septembre 1986 prévoit les conditions d'ac­ces des groupes religieux aux anteones. Le Jour du Seigneur, émission catholique, est produite par le Comité fran~ais de Radio-Télévision (C.F.R.T.), actuellement dirigé par deux Dominicains, Hervé Jégou et Jean­Didier Boudet. Association créée en 1950, sa vocation est de «s'engager dans l'audiovisuel pour témoigner de l'espérance chrétienne». Outre la retransmission de la messe, a 11 heures, plusieurs émissions d'informa­tion religieuse ou a caractere documentaire sont diffusées (parmi les plus régulieres, Fidescope, Question d'Église, Midi 7 et Interligne) dans la

32 N. YAVARI-D'HELLENCOURT, «'Diabolisation' et 'normalisation' de !'islam: une ana­lyse du discours télévisuel en France», dans P. BRECHON et J.-P. WILLAIME (dir.), Médias et religions en miroir, op. cit.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 71

tranche horaire 10.30-12.00. La responsabilité des émissions incombe a la Conférence des éveques de France. La participation de plusieurs confessions a une ineme tranche de programmes est susceptible de favo­riser les relations interconfessionnelles. Les collaborations entre catho­liques et protestants sont les plus visibles. Sur la chaí'ne France 2, l'émis­sion mensuelle Agape est commune au Jour du Seigneur et a Présence Protestante; elle propose des forums dont les themes offrent un líen plus ou moins étroit avec l'actualité religieuse mais aussi sociale et poli­tique.33

La place et la nature du traitement accordé aux différentes confessions par les chaí'nes de télévision paraí't dépendre, pour une large part, de l'importance sociologique, réelle ou supposée, qui leur est attribuée. Ce constat, qui n'est certes pas particulier a la France, souleve un grand nombre de questions qui s 'ordonnent globalement autour de la notion de représentativité. La qualité du traitement est elle aussi inégale. On en donnera ici un seul exemple: en juin 2002, le site Internet de France 5, sous la rubrique d'une de ses émissions ( «C dans l'ain> ), propose plu­sieurs dossiers thématiques dont le contenu a servi aux joumalistes de base documentaire pour la préparation de numéros de la dite émission. Sur les quatre sujets retenus, trois concement exclusivement l'Église catholique et sont jugés porteurs par le média: la canonisation du Padre Pio (avec l'intitulé ambigu: «Le pape canonise le paranormal» ), les pers­pectives du prochain conclave34, pour lequella chaine suppose, avec la aussi beaucoup de légereté, qu'il s'agit d'une «succession ouverte»35, et les proces pour pédophilie engagés contre l'Église. Le quatrieme et der­nier theme semble brandir une menace pour la lalcité de l'enseignement: «les religions entrent a l'école».

2. Chafnes confessionnelles

Les chaí'nes de télévision confessionnelles sont encore en France au stade des expérimentations. En acceptant d'exclure les opérateurs intervenant sur les réseaux cablés locaux (et parfois municipaux), aux moyens et a la

33 Parmi les sujets retenus pour 2002, on mentionnera: «Dieu aime-t-illes gays? Les Églises et l'homosexualité», <<Les humoristes et la religion>>, «L'art a la rencontre du sacré» ou encore «Mourir au nom de Dieu>>.

34 Les informations qui y figurent, souvent réductrices et incompletes, sont exposées avec tres peu de rigueur. Ainsi pour la description de l'institution du conclave, décrit comme la procédure de «la nomination [sic] d'un pape selon le droit canon>>.

35 Titre d'ailleurs emprunté a un article signé par Caroline Pigozzy dans l'hebdomadaire Paris-Match du 30 mai 2002.

72 FRAN<;OIS JANKOWIAK

diffusion limités36, le seul exemple est celui de la chaine catholique KTO

créée a l'initiative du cardinal archevéque de Paris, Mgr Lustiger, a la fin de l'année 1999. Diffusée sur le bouquet numérique Canalsatellite et sur le réseau de télévision par cable de Paris (Noos), cette chmne propase des magazines d' actualité, des documentaires et entretiens, des émissions de catéchese et d'enseignement, retransmet un certain nombre d'offices religieux et diffuse quelques films.

I1 faut également mentionner la place tenue par la trentaine de chaines de télévision étrangeres (arabes, maghrébines et turques) qui sont rec;ues en France par satellite et dont un petit nombre se dit confessionnel; toutes pourtant, en diffusant des lectures du Coran et des prieres, évoquent abon­damment l'islam.

Dans l'hypothese ou le choix de la télévision numérique terrestre (TNT) s'imposerait comme nouveau standard, les facilités techniques - et la réduction des couts qui en résulterait - permettraient a un plus grand nombre d'intervenants d'investir le domaine télévisuel. Dans la configu­ration technique actuelle (par voie hertzienne ), le montant des investisse­ments nécessaire rend prohibitive toute présence confessionnelle.

C. Internet

La place accordée au «religieux» dans son ensemble sur l'lnternet fran­c;ais (qui n'est pas distingué a priori, par les moteurs de recherche, de }'In­ternet francophone, évidemment bien plus large) reflete la multiplicité des formes, mais aussi du fond, qu'il recouvre dans la société franc;aise contemporaine. Ce constat d'évidence souleve pourtant d'importantes dif­ficultés, car ce reflet neva pas sans déformations. Si le quotidien Le Monde pouvait affirmer, dans son édition du lundi 10 juillet 2000, que «les reli­gions sont entrées en force sur Internet», ce support ne se préte pas a la hiérarchisation des sources d'information. Les mentions «Église», «Catholique» OU «Orthodoxe» pouvant étre librement utilisées par tout a chacun, le risque de confusion et de dérive est évident37 ; une forme de

36 Le plus fréquemment, ces ~haines dites <<ciiblées>> diffusent des émissions produites

par des structures nationales. L'Eglise catholique est la plus engagée dans ce domaine; le CFRT coproduit en relation avec cinq équipes locales des émissions d'inspiration chrétienne a destination des télévisions de proximité (Marseille, Mulhouse, Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, Nice, Cannes et Rennes).

37 A seul titre d'exemple, les partisans de Mgr Gaillot, ancien éveque d'Evreux privé d'office p~ Rome en 1996, animent son «diocese virtuel» de Partenia (www.partenia.org); un site «Evreux sans frontieres» (www.assoc.wanadoo.fr/esf) rassemble d'autres de ses sympathisants. Deux sites au moins se réclament de Mgr Lefebvre et de la Fraternité Saint

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 73

réponse consiste dans le «référencement» (un néologisme forgé a cette occasion) de sites, qui se voient ainsi parés d'une sorte de label et dis­posent d'un lien sur les sites dits «officiels» des principaux groupes reli­gieux. Par ailleurs, le si te de 1' association déja citée AJIR distingue, dans sa page de liens, les «sites religieux», renvoyant aux pages officielles des Églises et confessions, des «sites d'information religieuse» (agences, por­tails Internet, presse écrite, radios et télévisions).

S' agissant des si tes gérés par les organisations religieuses, plusieurs initiatives fédératrices internationales sont a mentionner. En 1996, sous le patronage de la World Association for Christian Communication (W ACC) fondée en 1968 s 'est tenue la premiere réunion de la European Christian Internet Conference (ECIC), regroupant des responsables d'activités Inter­net dans le domaine ecclésiastique. L'orientation est recuménique. Sa création fut le fruit d'une réflexion sur les possibilités offertes par Inter­net aux Églises chrétiennes et entendait exploiter la nature particuliere de ce nouveau moyen de communication: «L'ECIC estime que les commu­nautés chrétiennes doivent s 'organiser pour pouvoir prendre leur place et remplir leur róle dans le nouveau monde d'Internet. Les frontieres nationales n'ont plus d'importance dans l'environnement sans frontieres d'Internet». La session 2002, tenue du 9 au 12 juin dernier a Cologne, prit pour theme la place des confessions chrétiennes «au milieu de la société médiatique» et insista sur le risque que leurs efforts demeurent confinés a leur propre public; or il s'agit aussi de jeter un pont vers un monde éloigné des Églises. D'ou, soulignent les travaux, l'importance de trou­ver des voies pour assurer la présence des Églises également en dehors des sites spécifiquement conc;us pour et par celles-ci.

Autre instance de réflexion, les Assisesfrancophones de ['Internet chré­tien ont tenu leur premiere session a Paris le 8 juin 2002. Réunissant, a l'initiative d'Eklesia.net et en collaboration avec Témoins et Croire (site lancé par le groupe catholique Bayard Presse), une cinquantaine de par­ticipants pour la plupart franc;ais et catholiques, cette rencontre a constaté la place (a dire vrai traditionnelle) prise par le bénévolat chez les diffé­rents protagonistes des activités chrétiennes sur Internet en France. C'est méme le cas de responsables de sites officiels de différents dioceses. Néanmoins apparaissent des signes de professionnalisation: l'exemple du diocese de Versailles est remarquable a cet égard. Son site38 dispose d'un comité de rédaction qui se réunit deux fois par trimestre, avec participation

Pie X, déclarée schismatique par le Vatican (www.angelfrre.com/nm/tradi et www.fraternite-piex.be). ·

38 www.catholique-versailles.cef.fr

74 FRANc;;OIS JANKOWIAK

du vicaire général. Chaque rubrique est considérée comme un «mini-site» bénéficiant d'une certaine autonomie, meme si tout est controlé par le responsable des communications avant d'etre mis en ligne. L'accent est placé sur la nécessité d'un rafraichissement permanent, clé de toute fré­quentation réguliere: parmi les éléments d'actualité, l'un au moins doit dater de moins de huit jours. Les liens disponibles renvoient notamment a un site d'évangélisation pour enfants (la Maison Are en Ciel), dépen­dant du meme diocese, ainsí qu'a une page dénommée Cybercuré, créée par un pretre du diocese voisin de Nanterre, le P. Raymond d'Izamy, qui choisit la forme des questions-réponses, sur le mode F AQ (Frequently Asked Questions ou, selon son libellé franr;ais, Foire Aux Questions) typique des sites Internet. D'autres sites privilégient une thématique pas­torale, a l'image du Portail du mariage chrétien. L'accompagnement pas­toral des jeunes et de préparation au mariage dans un cadre diocésain est ici combinée avec la nécessité de créer des passerelles pour permettre a des individus de renouer avec l'Église.39 Ponctuellement, des rencon­tres sont organisées qui mobilisent les moyens techniques de plusieurs médias.40

En laissant de coté les outils généralistes, qui permettent une premiere exploration des données disponibles sur la Toile, un certain nombre de sites proposent des moteurs de recherche et/ou des listes de sites dédiés aux questions religieuses, tels Bethel, Huguenots, Top Chrétien ou lnfo­catho.org. D'autres sites ont une vocation de «portail», défini comme un site rassemblant les liens dans un domaine et les répartissant par themes et sous-themes. Le site Catholiens répond a cette définition et offre a la fois des liens et des dossiers thématiques. Le site Internet du Jour du Seigneur livre des renseignements pratiques, dossiers et témoignages, ainsi que des dépeches d'actualité. Il ne néglige pas les autres confes­sions, proposant notarnment un dossier détaillé sur 1 'Islam, son histoire et son importance dans le monde et s'interrogeant sur les difficultés ren­contrées par les couples mixtes chrétiens-musulmans. On doit également

39 L'animateur technique du site ( «webmaster» ), Claude Hériard, a obtenu que sa page soit donnée comme référence par 1 'un des principaux sites commerciaux franl!ais destinés aux futurs mariés, exemple de collaboration que peuvent développer des sites religieux et des sites commerciaux.

40 A. Toulon par exemple, le 21 mai 2002, l'ordinaire du lieu, Mgr Dominique Rey, a rencontré une centaine de jeunes sur le mot d'ordre de «tout peut changer». Ce débat a été organisé dans le cadre des Amphis de la Foi, émission mensuelle du réseau RCF (Radios chrétiennes en France), avec la collaboration de l'équipe du site www.ínXL6.org (pronon­cer in excelsis ... ). qui se présente comme «le portail jeune de l'Église de France >>, tandis que la réalisation vidéo était assurée par Le Jour du Seigneur.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS EN FRANCE 75

signaler, pour la richesse des liens proposés, le site suisse francophone Religioscope, inauguré a Fribourg le 15 janvier 2002, qui déclare pré­senter «des informations et des analyses sur les facteurs religieux dans le monde contemporain». La perspective choisie est délibérément cultu­relle: «Attentif aux développements et tendances sans négliger l'histoire, ce site se place en amont de l'actualité et tente de foumir quelques clés pour la comprendre», indique sa page d'accueil.

Le site de la Conférence des éveques de France (www.cef.fr), inauguré en septembre 1996, s 'est peu a peu transformé en un portail catholique, permettant notamment de se connecter aux sites des différents dioceses, lesquels dioceses renvoient a leur tour aux sites des pru;oisses. Le nombre de pages consultées par mois est proche du million. Les diverses com­munautés protestantes disposent d'un site commun (www.protestants.org), géré par la Fédération protestante de France. Les juifs de France peuvent se connecter sur «Communauté on line» (www.col.fr), portail institu­tionnel relié au Fonds social juif unifié (FSJU), au Consistoire ou a 1' Agence juive. Les objectifs de «Planet-shalom» (www.planet-shalom.net) sont plus ambitieux. Ce site propose une revue de presse, des articles ori­ginaux, des informations pratiques, mais aussi un service de vente en ligne de produits casher. L'Orthodoxie n'affiche qu'une présence discrete sur le réseau, par le truchement du Service Orthodoxe de Presse (s.o.P.)41

;

le si te est con¡; u de fas:on rigoureuse et offre 1' acces a de tres nombreuses informations sur la situation des Églises orthodoxes dans le monde.

La plupart des sites musulmans de langue frans:aise présents sur Inter­net ont déployé, depuis les événements du 11 septembre, une stratégie d'explication, voire de vulgarisation, de la religion islamique, qu'ils estiment faire l'objet, de la part des autres médias, de caricatures et de simplifications outrancieres.42 Les sites défendent en particulier de l'ac-cusation de religion belliqueuse, précisent la notion de guerre sainte, reviennent sur la confusion souvent opérée entre monde musulman et monde arabe, récusent les qualificatifs d'intégriste et de fondamentaliste. La dénonciation opérée est avant tout celle d'une dramatique absence, chez les journalistes (notamment les professionnels de l'audiovisuel), de

41 www.orthodoxpress.com; sur le S.O.P., voir supra, rubrique «presse». 42 Ainsi sur la page de présentation du site www.oumma.com, quise définit lui-meme

comme «le site de référence de l'Islam francophone»: «Notre objectif de [est de] travail­ler a la réduction des perceptions négatives sur l'Islam. Car les musulmans ont droit a nn traitement rationnel, a une image valorisante et critique de leur religion. Nous ne cesserons de lutter contre ceux qui souhaitent réduire notre religion a des stéréotypes en !'appré­hendant a partir des catégories de la violence, du terrorisme, du fanatisme, du passéisme. Nous nous devons·de persévérer dans cette voie en toute humilité>>.

76 FRAN<;OIS JANKOWIAK

culture religieuse et historique, ce qui les rend inaptes a une quelconque analyse ou distanciation.

Nombre d'observateurs et de professionnels des médias, confessionnels ou non, soulignent que, sur Internet, le groupe religieux n'est qu'un acteur parmi d'autres. Pour le pasteur Ralf Peter Reimann, coordinateur Inter­net de l 'Église évangélique luthérienne de la Rhénanie, les responsables des Eglises n'ont pas encore pleinement pris conscience d'un change­ment de paradigme: celui de la marginalisation de l'Église, que le «réseau des réseaux» n'a certes pas créée, mais qu'il rend manifeste. L'enjeu d'Internet est done celui de la relation entre l'Église et le monde. Or, dans la perspective d 'une réflexion théologique sur le rapport entre le Christ et les cultures, la question se pose de savoir si la bonne approche est de multiplier les sites chrétiens, dans l'espoir de pouvoir y attirer un public toujours plus vaste, ou s'il serait approprié d'insérer du «contenu chré­tien» sur des si tes commerciaux? Ces deux stratégies peuvent du reste etre menées de front, mais comportent un préalable: la présence efficace des Églises sur Internet implique de dépasser une dépréciation de la Toile, qui tend a attribuer a son contenu une valeur inférieure a celle d'autres «produits» médiatiques. L'irruption et la généralisation d'Internet et de ses usages - qui connaí:t en France une progression plus lente que dans les autres pays de la communauté européenne - induit de nouvelles tech­niques d'exposition, de traitement et de diffusion de l'information reli­gieuse qui transforment indirectement les pratiques sociales du journaliste: des pratiques qui, en évitant que le religieux diffusé ne soit qu'un reli­gieux diffus, touchent !'ensemble des relations entre religions et médias.

MICHAEL ÜERMANN

University of Halle

THE PORTRAYAL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY: THE MEDIA AND THE ARTS

SUMMARY: l. The German legal framework in general- l. Freedom of expres­sion and freedom of art - 2. Religious freedom - 3. Religious corporations' right to self-determination; separation between state and church; public law status of religious corporations- 4. Non-discrimination- 5. European Convention on Human Rights- 11. The Press and Religion- l. The secular press- (1) State reg­ulation - (2) Self-regulation - 2. The religious press - (1) State regulation -(2) Self-regulation - 111. Radio, Television and the Internet - A. Broadcasting services (radio and television) - l. Secular broadcasting services and religion -(1) State regulation- (2) Self-regulation- 2. Radio stations/television channels run by religious organisations- (1) State regulation- (2) Self-regulation- B. The Internet- IV. Religion and the arts- l. The arts: state regulation and self-reg­ulation- (1) State regulation- (2) Self-regulation- 2. Freedom of expression and religious law - V. Conclusions.

l. The German legal framework in general

The fundamental norms regulating the legal status of religion, media and the arts in Germany are established in the federal constitution, the Basic Law ('Grundgesetz'). 1

l. Freedom of Expression and Freedom of Art

In Article 5 of the Basic Law, freedom of expression is protected as a fun­damental constitutional right. Article 5 Section (1) guarantees freedom of expression by any means of communication. In particular, it covers free­doro of expression in the press, broadcasting, or films. In addition, it is interpreted as guaranteeing the preconditions for the free operation of the mass media. As for the press, the scope of the provision covers the free establishment and operation of a press enterprise. The same is valid for films. In contrast, the free establishment of broadcasting services is considered to be dependent on an allocation effected in accordance with

1 English translation by Axel Tschent~cher, The Basic Law (Grundgesetz): The Con­stitution of the Federal Republic of Germany (May 23rd, 1949), 2002.

78 MICHAEL GERMANN

statutory regulations. Once estab1ished, broadcasting services enjoy free­dom from State influence in their operation.

The freedoms guaranteed in Article 5 can be claimed by any individual, as well as, under of Article 19 Section 3 of the Basic Law, 'to the extent that the nature of such rights permits', by domes tic corporations.

Like almost all basic rights stated in the Basic Law, the freedoms guar­anteed in Article 5 represent limitations on the legislative, executive, and judicial powers of the State, exclusively. They are not addressed to prívate subjects. Prívate subjects encounter obligations to respect the free­dom of others as far as these obligations are imposed on them by legisla­tion in administrative, criminal, or civil law. By requiríng the legislator to protect individuals' freedom even against prívate interference, and by correspondingly guiding the interpretation of the laws, basic rights have an indirect effect on the relationship between prívate subjects.

Article 5 Section (2) of the Basic Law empowers the legislator to restrict the freedoms guaranteed in Section (1). Restrictions must be of a 'general' kind; that is, they must not be targeted ata specific opinion and must be justified by a prevailing interest. Laws protecting the young or the right to personal honour may be directed against harmful content, even ifby doing so they do not approach their subject in a 'general' way, insofar as the protected interests prevail against the interest associated with freedom of expression.

Article 5 Section (3) of the Basic Law guarantees freedom of art. There is no explicit reservation in favour of legal restrictions. Article 5 Section (2) is not applicable to freedom of art. However, restrictions remain possi­ble to the extent necessary in order to protect colliding constitutional interests. The basic rights of others, in particular, may justify the imposi­tion of legal restrictions on freedom of art. The ríght to personal honour, for example, as guaranteed by Article 2 of the Basic Law, can be asserted against freedom of art, provided that it prevails over freedom of art in cases of conflict.

2. Religious Freedom

Article 4 of the Basic Law protects religious freedom as a fundamental constitutional right. According to the predominant interpretation of this article, it protects any expression of religious or philosophical convictions, without distinction between religious or philosophical thoughts and reli­gious or philosophical practices. As to the expression of religious or philo­sophical opinions, Article 4 displaces the general guarantee of freedom

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY' 79

of expression under Article 5 Section (1) of the Basic Law. On the other hand, the freedom of mass media under Article 5 Section (1) and the spe­cial conditions for íts exercise, by broadcasting in particular, apply to the respective religious activities.

Article 4 of the Basic Law does not provide a reservation in favour of legal restríctions. An increasing number of scholars prefer to apply Arti­cle 136 Section (1) ofthe Weimar Constitution, which is incorporated by Article 140 of the Basic Law. This stipulates that the exercise of freedom of religion may not interfere with the fulfilment of civic responsibilities. According to this point of view, legislation could restrict the religious freedom guaranteed by Article 4 of the Basic Law for all and not only constitutional - legislative purposes. The Federal Constitutional Court ('Bundesverfassungsgericht'), however, continues to distinguish between the two guarantees, and, consequently, demands that any legal restriction be warranted by a constitutionally acknowledged interest which prevails over interests exercised under religious liberty.2

3. Religious Corporations' Right to Self-Determination; Separation between State and Church; Public Law Status of Religious Corporations

Artícle 140 of the Basic Law incorporales the fundamental provisions of the Weimar Constitution on the relationship between Church and State. Among them, Article 137 strengthens the collective exercise of religious liberty, as guaranteed by Article 4 of the Basic Law.3

Article 137 Section (1) of the Weimar Constitution declares abolished any establishment of an official church, confession, religion, or ideology. This means separation of Church and State. The constitutional status of religion and religious communities is not based on their special meta­physical dignity or on any participation in the State's sovereignty. On the other hand, it does not intend to force religious activity away from public life. The basic idea is to provide the legal prerequisites for a free develop­ment of religious life, as far as this will not violate colliding interests, and on a parity basis, which includes non-religious beliefs (Section (7)).

2 Federal Constitutional Court, decision of 11 Aprill972, in: official reports ('Entschei­dungen des Bundesvelfassungsgerichts'), vol. 33, p. 23-42, especially p. 30 s. Decisions will henceforth be cited as follows: BVelfGE 33, 23-42 (30 s.) [11.4.1972].

3 A comprehensive overview is given by H. DE WALL, 'Das Verhiiltnis von Gesell­schaft, Staat und Kirche in Deutschland', in: Zwischen nationaler Identititt und europití­scher Harmonisierung. Zur Grundspannung des zuküriftigen Verhiiltnisses van Gesellschaft, Staat und Kirche in Europa, B. KAMPER and M. ScHLAGHECK (eds), Berlin, 2002, pp. 85-100.

80 MICHAEL GERMANN

Article 137 Section (3) of the Weimar Constitution guarantees the right of self-determination to religious corporations. They are subject to the State's legislation, but the State only may impose on them 'a law valid for all'. Since even a formally general regulation can affect a religious body, due to its specific concepts of religious life, in a more sensitive way than other subjects, 'the law valid for all' must be judged by weigh­ing the affected religious interests against those interests patronized by the law in question.

With regard to the right to self-determination, Article 137 Section (5) of the W eimar Constitution offers to religious corporations certain legal forms of regulating and administering their affairs which exceed the civil law forms of action. These legal forms are enveloped in the forms of public law. For example, Churches may model the terms of employment of their ministers after the public service, if they deem this more appro­priate than civil law labour contracts. Religious corporations are free to acquire this public law status and then to choose between public and pri­vate law forms of action. Public law status will be conferred upon them on a parity basis, provided they can be judged capable of making a reliable and responsible use of it.

The public law status offered by Article 137 Section (5) of the Weimar Constitution does not incorporate the religious body concemed into the sphere of the State. The separation between State and Church, as laid down in Section (1), remains unaltered. Sorne scholars, nevertheless, interpret the public law status as an expression of a special relationship between the religious corporations so favoured and the State, founded on their mutual esteem. But this does not attribute to the religious corpora­tions under public law any participation in the State's sovereignty. In any case, the public law status indicates a certain social importance; taking account of the social importance of religious communities, laws can, and do, simply refer to their public law status.

4. Non-Discrimination

Religious discrimination is prohibited by Article 3 of the Basic Law. Again, as it is valid for almost all basic rights, the duty to give equal treatment to every religious position is addressed to the State exclusively. Prívate subjects are free to differentiate arbitrarily, unless the law imposes on them special restrictions. fu particular, it is an aspect of religious liberty to be allowed to favour one's own religious position and to keep away from any different religious position.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 81

5. European Convention on Human Rights

Germany is a member of the Council of Europe and applies its European Convention on Human Rights. There is no need to discuss this intema­tional regulation here because in the nationallegal order of Germany it is surpassed by the corresponding basic rights under the Basic Law.

11. The press and religion

l. The Secular Press

(1) State Regulation

The legal conditions for press activities arise from general civil and criminallaw and from specific press law. Civillaw and criminallaw are codified by the Federallegislator in the Civil Code ('Bürgerliches Gesetz­buch') and in the Penal Code ('Strafgesetzbuch'). Press law is under the legislative competence of the Liinder, and has been codified in the respec­tive press laws of the Liinder.

(a) The freedom of the press to cover religious affairs is part of the freedom of expression and of the press as guaranteed by the Article 5 Section (1) of the Basic Law (see above). When expressing its own reli­gious point of view, the press also can appeal to the freedom of religion as guaranteed by Article 4 of the Basic Law (see above). Of course, this includes the freedom not to cover religious affairs. There are no legal restric­tions to the free choice of topics.

Most Liinder press laws state that: 'The press fulfils a public function, in particular by procuring and disseminating news, expressing opinions, voicing criticism, or in another way partícipating in the process of shap­ing opinions. ' 4 If these provisions were understood as a legal demand regarding the contents of press activity, one could deduce a duty to take into account religious affairs in a proper manner. However, the freedom of the press entrusts the fulfilment of this public function to pluralism. So there is no binding duty to cover religious affairs, but a simple appeal to good joumalism.

(b) Norms ensuring that the press respects religions and that the press is not offensive to religion can be found in the Penal Code.

The most general one is the crime of insult, § 185 of the Penal Code. Insult can consist in offending religious feelings of an individual. Accordingly,

4 For example: §3 of the press law ('Landespressegesetz') of Northrhine-Westphalia.

82 MICHAEL GERMANN

the punishability of insult can be considered to protect religion as an aspect of personal dignity. Often the press will be able to clairn a certain allevíation provided by § 193 of the Penal Code. Under this, an offending utterance rnade to 'safeguard legitirnate interests' is 'only punishable to the extent that the existence of an insult results frorn the form of the utter­ance or the circurnstances under which it occurred'. Taking into account the freedorn of the press, publicatíons which are judged to contribute to the 'public function' of the press, as it is proclaírned by the press law provisions (cited above), are assurned to be rnade in order to 'safeguard legitirnate interests'. Consequently, such publications are Iawful unless they have an insulting character by their form or by the circurnstances. § 194 Section ( 1) of the Penal Code prescribes that 'an insult shall be prosecuted only upon cornplaint' filed by the victirn. Section (3) of the sarne paragraph provides a specíal right to cornplain if the insult has been cornrnitted agaínst a public official or a public authority of a Church or other religious corporation under public law. Then, the cornplaint can also be filed by the superior in service, or by the head of the public authority or the head of the public supervisory authority, respective! y, all this in irnitation of the provisions conceming State authorities.

Specific protection of religious groups is provided by § 130 of the Penal Code, banning inciternent of the People against segrnents of the popula­tion in a rnanner which risks disturbing the public peace. Section (1) of this paragraph subjects to punishrnent the author of an inciternent, while Section (2) No. 1 subjects to punishrnent the propagator of another's incit­ing writings. In the case of the press, both the author and the collaborators in the press enterprise are punishable. Religion is protected here as a char­acteristic of social groups, and it is protected only against very brutish and socially explosive violations.

More specific to the protection of religion is § 166 of the Penal Code, banning any insulting of faiths, religious societies and organizations ded­icated to a philosophical conviction in a manner which risks disturbing the public peace.

Taking into account the freedom of expression and of the press, the insulting character of an utterance must be judged restrictively, so that criticisrn, even if it is harsh and unbalanced, remains admissible. Freedom of religion neither obliges nor entitles the legislator to shield anyone's religious feelings from being confronted with disapproval or rejection. fu addition, an insult under § 166 of the Penal Code is punishable onl y if it risks disturbing the public peace. This is one reason why a religious insult has hardly ever been sentenced under this provision.

TIIE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 83

Recently, disparate proposals to reform § 166 of the Penal Code have been discussed. Sorne wish to repeal this provision, arguing that the protection against ínsult under § 185 of the Penal Code was sufficient, and that the special protection in favour of religious cornmunities was an unjustified privilege. Others wish to tighten §166 of the Penal Code by erasing the requirernent that the public peace must be in danger; they argue that protection must be provided in favour of the religious feelings only of those who will not react in an unpeaceful manner but suffer silently. In any case, even the rnost coarse rnockery, disparagement and abuse of a religion cannot be averted by § 185 of the Penal Code as long as it is not directed agaínst an individual. But it can harrn the adherents of the religion concemed to the sarne extent. § 166 of the Penal Code retaíns its importance as a deterrent. On the other hand, crirninallaw can­not be used to clean up public communications of all offensive material. The fact that sorneone's feelings have been hurt by religious insult can­not by itself justify a penal sanction. Only if a religious insult contributes to poíson the social climate in general, will it bring the State's criminal jurisdiction into the arena. This threshold can be rnarked by 'public peace', if interpreted as including a peaceful social clirnate. Press law does not add any special standards to these provisions of criminal law.

(e) There is no State regulation ensuring equal treatment of different religions (and non-díscrimination) by the press. When a discrirninating practice reaches the intensity of an insult, it will be covered by the norms indicated above. Otherwise, the press is cornpletely free to choose topics and to express opinions on sorne or all religions or none of thern, and is not obliged to treat different religíons equally orina balanced way. It is free to support one religion, to contradict the next and to ignore another. This results from freedorn of expression and of the press and, if the prac­tice is based upon a religious position itself, frorn freedom of religion (see above).

(d) There is no specific State regulation on religious advertising and access of religious groups to the press. The access of religious groups to the press is at the editors' discretion. The editor is, in particular, free to accept or refuse religious advertisernents. Press laws prescribe that adver­tisernents rnust be distinguishable from editorial text. In this context, 'advertisement' is defined as any remunerated ítem. Another restricted aspect of accessing the press is the right of reply, which can be claimed by any individual or religious body that is affected by an assertion of fact printed in a press publication. As a matter of course, religious groups or

84 MICHAEL GERMANN

their adherents are free to edit and publish their own publications, and many do (see below).

(e) The press is not entitled to claim media access to information held by religious organizations. Press laws state that public authorities must, in principie, give information to representatives of the press if useful to the fulfilment of their public function (see above ). This does not concern information held by religious organizations, even under public law, because the Churches and all religious corporations are separated from the State and, as a consequence, do not constitute 'public authorities'.

Consequently, the press can obtain access to information held by reli­gious organizations on a voluntary basis only. In any case, the religious organizations must respect the right to privacy, as protected by the Fede­ral Data Protection Act ('Bundesdatenschutzgesetz'). Imparting personal data to the press constitutes a 'transfer' of personal data toa third party, as defined in §3 Section (4) No. 3 of the Federal Data Protection Act. Religious bodies under private law are subject to the Federal Data Pro­tection Act. Churches and other religious corporations under public law are not subject to this Act, but they are expected to bind themselves autonomously by corresponding regulations. The Roman Catholic and the Protestant Churches apply their own data protection acts5, binding the transfer of personal data to a third party by rules similar to those for data transfer from public bodies to private bodies. According to these rules, the press may be given access to personal data held by a religious body only if there is a legitimate purpose and there is no overriding legitimate interest of the data subject.

Further restriction is provided for the transfer of 'information on a person' s ... religious or philosophical convictions', figuring among the 'special categories of personal data' as defined in §3 Section (9) of the Federal Data Protection Act and the corresponding §2 Section (11) ofthe Data Protection Act ofthe Protestant Church in Germany (asto be amended). The Federal Data Protection Act contains a specific provision in favour of processing - which includes transfer - special categories of personal data by religious bodies. Consequently, imparting information to the press which reveals something about a person' s religious convictions requires the explicit consent of the person concerned.

5 The Roman Catholic Dioceses in Germany apply identical directives on data protection

('Anordnungen über den kirchlichen Datenschutz'). The Protestant Churches (that is, terri­torial churches, associated in the 'Protestant Church in Germany'- 'Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland') apply the Data Protection Act of the Protestant Church in Germany ('Daten­schutzgesetz der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland'), of 10 November 1977, as amended.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 85

(2) Self-Regulation

Collective self-regulation and self-monitoring of the German press is per­formed by the German Press Council (Deutscher Presserat).6 The Press Council is a voluntary association of the publisher and journalist asso­ciations. One of its functions is to elaborate recommendations for proper journalistic work. To this effect, it has issued a Code of Conduct, called 'Principies of Journalism - Press Code' ('Publizistische Grundsiitze -Pressekodex').7 The Press Code is complemented by guidelines explain­ing each principie. Compliance is monitored by the Press Council itself. In case of infringement, a complaints committee or the plenary assembly of the Press Council can issue an explanatory notice, a censure, or a rep­rimand. The procedure is opened upon submission of a complaint, which can be filed by anyone, or upon the Press Council's own initiative. Cen­sures and reprimands are expected to be published in the press, especially by the culprit newspaper. Even though this procedure is not legally bind­ing, the threat of peer criticism is deemed to be an effective incentive to indi­vidual press organs to abide by the Press Code. Beside this common frame­work of self-regulation, particular interna! policies regarding the treatment of religious subjects do not seem to have been put into a definite shape.

On the basis of the Press Council's 'Principies of Journalism', and the explanatory guidelines, one can record no more than this:

(a) There are no particular principies or guidelines regarding the report­ing of religious affairs.

(b) The principies and guidelines do not recommend any e qua! treatment of different religions. However, they aim to ensure that the press does not act offensively. The relevant principies read as follows:

Principie No. 10: Publications, in words and pictures, which could, by their form or by their content, seriously offend the moral or religious feelings of a group of persons, are irreconcilable with the responsibility of the press.

Principie No. 12: There must be no discrimination against a person because of his sex or because of bis belonging to a racial, ethnic, religious, social or national group.

6 See <URL: http://www.presserat.de/>. 7 <URL: http ://www .presserat.de/site/pressekod/kodex/index.shtml>.

86 MICHAEL GERMANN

Similar self-regulation can be found in the code of conduct of the Gerrnan Advertising Council ('Deutscher Werberat', established by the Central Association of the Gerrnan Advertising Industry 'Zen­tralverband der deutschen Werbewirtschaft'), conceming all adver­tising activities. 8

(e) There are no principies or guidelines conceming the access of reli­gious groups to the press and press consultation with religious groups.

It is obvious that the larger newspapers take into account religious mat­ters when sharing responsibilities arnong their editorial departrnents.

On the part of the Churches, a nurnber of agencíes manage their appear­ance in all fields of the media, including the secular and religious press. The most important ones are the 'Zentralstelle Medien', established by the Conference of the Roman Catholic Bishops in Gerrnany ('Deutsche Bischofskonferenz'),9 and the 'Gemeinschaftswerk der evangelischen Publizistik gGmbH', established by the Protestant Church in Gerrnany ('Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland'). 10 Furtherrnore, severa! news agencies are dedicated to circulating inforrnation relevant to Church life, such as the 'Katholische Nachrichtenagentur', owned jointly by the Roman Catholic dioceses in Gerrnany and by Roman Catholic media associations,U the 'Evangelischer Pressedienst (epd)', run by the Protestant Church in Germany, 12 and the 'lnformationsdienst der Evangelischen Allianz (idea)', affiliated with evangelical protestantism, as represented in the Gerrnan Evangelical Alliance (' Evangelische Allianz'). 13 In addition, probably all institutions of the Churches ha ve designated public relations officers in contact with the press.

(d) There are no particular principies or guidelines conceming religious advertising. The Press Code only states sorne general rules on adver­tising. These rules clearly do not airn at religious advertisement. Wbile the rules on remunerated items can, in principie, apply to religious iterns, the rules on surreptitious advertising deal exclusively with com­mercial advertising, but not religious ( or other social) advertising. Any report on social activities may ha ve a publicity effect in favour of these activities.

8 See <URL: http://www.werberat.de>.

9 See <URL: http://dbk.de/dbk/in_dbk072.html>.

10 See <URL: http://www.gep.de/>. 11 See <URL: http://www.kna.de/>. 12

See <URL: http://www.epd.de/>. 13

See <URL: http://www.idea.de/>.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 87

(e) There are no particular principies or guidelines conceming access to information held by religious organisations. The Press Code of the Press Council only states a general principie on the treatment of perso~al data. This applies to personal inforrnation which the press may be gtven by religious organisations.

2. The Religious Press

(1) S tate Regulation

There are no specific provisions, neither restrictions nor p~vileges: con­ceming newspapers run by religious organisations or o~erwtse mot~v~ted by religious purposes. Thus, the general press law apphes to the_ rehgtous press also. The legal position of the religious pr_ess, however, ts _backed by the freedom of religion as guaranteed by Arttcl~ 4 ~f the B~s~c La~. In addition, the newspapers run by religious orgarnsatlons parttctpate ~n their right to self-deterrnination as guaranteed by Article 140_ of the Bas~c Law in conjunction with Article 140 Section (3) of the Wetmar Constt­tution (see above). The Federal Constitutional Court h~ ~tated that a le.gal subject, which, on its own, does not constitute a :eh~tous commumty, can nevertheless appeal to the right to self-deterrnmatton under the fol­lowing conditions: it must consider itself as contributing to the PW:V?ses of a religious community, it must be considered the_ sai?e by t~at rehgtous cornrnunity, and there must be a mínimum orgamzatlonallmk between both bodies. 14

(a) As for the establishment, ownership and management of r~ligious newspapers, the only and general restrictions arise from commerctallaw. They will, as a rule, not come into conflict with the specific ~eeds of the religious press. But should the occasion ari~e, for ~xarn~le 1f the. l~gal demands conceming the structure of cornpames colhde wtth the rehgton­motivated principies on how the body in question must. be controlle~ by its religious superiors, then the legal dernands rnust be tmplernent~d m a moderated way that takes into account religious freedorn a_nd the n.g~t to self-deterrnination. A precedent, even though not concemmg a rehgtous press activity, can be seen in the 'Bahá'í' case. This religious cornrnunity, while being constituted as a body under the law of associations, deterrnined,

14 BVerfGE 24, 236-252 (246 s.) [16.10.1968]; confinned in E 46, 73-96 (86 s.) [11.10.1977); 53,366-420 (391-399) [25.3.1980]; 57,220..249 (242) [17.2.1981]; 70, 138-17.3 (162) [4.6.1985].

88 MICHAEL GERMANN

in its statutes, to subject certain decisions not exclusive! y to the members' votes, as prescribed by the law, but also to its externa! followers and reli­gious authorities. The Federal Constitutional Court ruled that the law of associations must, in order to be applied as a 'law valid for all' in accor­dance to Article 137 Section (3) of the Weimar Constitution (see above), give way to the particular religious needs in question. 15 The same could be asserted by a religious newspaper enterprise, when it feels it is ham­pered by commercial law in realizing its religious concepts.

(b) The religious newspapers' support of party politics is not subject to any legal restrictions. It is covered by the freedom of the press accord­ing to Article 5 Section (1) of the Basic Law, and if the newspaper refers to religious motives when supporting a certain political party, the freedom of religion according to Article 4 of the Basic Law applies as well. Sorne scholars, indeed, argue that a political commitment cannot be subsumed at all under freedom of religion. But this would confine professing and practising a religion under Article 4 of the Basic Law to an apolitical quietism. At the most, a political commitment merely pretending to fulfil religious motives does not fit the guarantee of religious freedom. Think­ing of deviant religious newspapers which might tend towards extreme political positions, the limits of supporting party politics are worthy of notice: even an anticonstitutional party may be supported, unless, in very exceptional cases, it has been banned by the Federal Constitutional Court after engaging in violent activities to overthrow the principies of a free and democratic constitutional system, in accordance to Article 21 Section (2) of the Basic Law. If a newspaper's support is aimed at such a prohibited party, it cannot appeal to free exercise of religion.

(e) What has just been said about the religious newspapers' support of party politics also applies to their coverage of political ajfairs. They are completely free to decide whether or not to report and comment on polit­ical questions, and to the extent that they are pursuing religious ends, this freedom is grounded on the freedom of religion in addition to the free­doro of the press.

( d) Religious newspapers have to respect the above-mentioned general provisions of the Penal Code ensuring religious newspapers, too, are not offensive to other religions. Again, any application of these provisions to religious newspapers must take into account not only freedom of the press, but also freedom of religion. This could, in the event of conflict in

15 BVerfGE 83, 341-362 [5.2.1991].

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 89

any particular case, raise the threshold for judging a religious polemic as an insult or malicious assault under §§ 130, 166, 185 ss. of the Penal Code.

(e) Advertising in religious newspapers is subject to the same regulations as it is in other newspapers (see above).

(2) Self-Regulation

The religious press organs are members of the German Press Council, and thus have subjected themselves to the regulations of the Press Code (see above). There is a considerable variety of religious newspapers in Germany, most of which are affiliated with one of the two major denom­inations, the Protestant Church and the Roman Catholic Church.

(a) Their relationship with a church or other religious organisation ranges from being entirely owned by that body to a rather loose association.

Just one example. The religious publication with probably the largest circulation in Germany (1.4 million copies in print) is 'Chrismon', a protestant magazine, which appears monthly and is inserted as a supple­ment in four secular newspapers. 16 'Chrismon' is issued on behalf of and in part funded by the Protestant Church in Germany (Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland). Its publishing house is a subsidiary of the publisher of one of Chrismon's host newspapers. The management of Chrismon's publisher reports to an advisory board, consisting of an equal nu~ber .of representatives of the parent company and the Protestant Church. Chrts­mon' is directed by a board of publishers consisting of four church rep­resentatives. The board meets with the chief editors about twice a year. They confine themselves to comment on the finished and distributed product after the fact. Up to now, advisory comments prior to publication have been made only on request by the editors. The editors are independent in their work and not subject to directives on the part of the Church. How­ever, the editors strive to maintain a lively exchange of information with the Church, to the benefit of both sides.

The editorial departments of 'Chrismon', as of the other religious news­papers, are of a manageable size. Therefore, most editorial policies can be dealt with on an ad hoc basis andina purely informal manner: This is true in relation to:

(b) the reporting ofpolitical and religious affairs,

16 For further details, see <http://www.chrismon.de>.

90 MICHAEL GER~"'N

(e) ensuring equal treatment ofpolitical parties, racial groups and other religions (non-discrimination),

(d) consultation with the State, political parties and other religious groups, or

(e) política[ and religious advertising.

On these issues, no definite observations are to be noted.

(t) Where the access of a religious newspaper to information held by religious organisations is autonornously regulated by the sarne religious organisation under public law (cf. above), the regulation concemed can be taken for self-regulation. A religious newspaper falls within the 'church bodies ', to which a transfer of personal data is adrnissible under allevi­ated conditions.

III. Radio, television and the internet

A. Broadcasting Services (Radio and Television)

l. Secular Broadcasting Services and Religion

(1) State Regulation

The freedorn of expression by rneans of broadcasts under Article 5 Sec­tion (1) of the Basic Law (see above) covers radio and television to the sarne extent. The Federal Constitutional Court, as followed by rnost interpreters of the Basic Law, conceives itas guaranteeing not only free­doro frorn State influence, but also the social and political function of the rnass media in a democratic society, and, as a consequence, its legal prerequisites. From this, the Federal Constitutional Court has deduced certain standard duties to be irnposed on the broadcasting services.17 Legis­lation rnust provide for the broadcasting not being handed over to par­ticular social groups but letting all relevant social groups get a word in. This demands that the different matters of sociallife be considered in the

17 See BVerfGE 12,205-264 (260) [28.2.1961]; 31, 314-357 (325 s.) [27.7.1971]; 35,

202-245 (221 s.) [5.6.1973]; 57, 295-335 (320) [16.6.1981]; 59, 231-274 (257 s.) [13.1. 1982]; 60, 53-67 (64) [9.2.1982]; 73, 118-205 (152) [4.11.1986]; 74, 297-357 (323 s.) [24.3.1987]; 83,238-341 (295 s.) [5.2.1991]; 87, 181-206 (197 s.) [6.10.1992]; 90,60-107 (87 s.) [22.2.1994]. This interpretation is contested by a number of scholars, for example by C. DEGa'HART, 'Artikel5 Abs. 1 und 2 (Zweitbearbeitung)', in: R. DoLZBR and K. VooEL (ed.), Bonner Kommentar zum Grundgesetz, loose-leaf edition, 88-901h supplement, Heidel­berg, 1999, no. Deg92643-648.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 91

broadcasting schedules. The prograrnmes as a whole rnust reflect plurality of opinions, cultural trends and social issues in a balanced way. Broad­casting services rnust be subject to a legal regime which is apt to ensure that every recipient can, with regard to both the technical supply and the contents, receive a basic programrne.

In the beginning (after 1945), this regime consisted of a set of public broadcasting stations, established by particular laws on the Liinder level, run autonomously under legal supervision by the Liinder authorities, and providing nation-wide prograrnrnes as well as regional prograrnrnes. Since the 1980s, the public broadcasting stations have been cornplemented by prívate broadcasting stations, licensed and supervised by dedicated Liinder authorities ('Landesmedienanstalten'). They run local or regional radio channels, and nation-wide television channels. Radio is broadcast via terrestrial transmissions, as are the rnost important television channels. A wider range of channels are broadcast via cable and vía satellite. By this, most regional channels can be received nation-wide too.

The broadcasting laws pro vide for pluralisrn in two respects. They take precautions against a biased selection of contents, and they install plu­ralistically cornposed comrnittees to control the broadcasting policies. The public broadcasting stations are obliged to reflect the diversity of thernes and opinions in their own prograrnmes. They all have their own committees (' Rundfunkrat'), made up of delegates of the most irnportant social groups, deciding on prograrnme issues of a general character and providing responsible supervision for the programrne. The private broadcasting stations do not to the sarne ex:tent rneet an obligation of reflecting pluralisrn in their prograrnrnes in a balanced way. lnstead, what they are expected to contribute to a di verse range of prograrnrnes can be considered when allotting the scarce broadcasting licences. The prívate broadcasting stations, again, are subject to a control by a pluralistic corn­rnittee; this cornmittee is an organ of the licensing and supervising author­ity ('Landesmedienanstalt', and is called 'Medienrat' or 'Rundfunkkom­mission'). Only if a prívate broadcasting company achieves a controlling influence on the range of prograrnmes as a whole, can it be told to appoint its own advisory council corresponding to the comrnittees in public broad­casting stations.

Gerrnany, as a rnember of the Council of Europe, applies its European Convention on Transfrontier Television. 18 As far as Gerrnan television

ts Of 5 May 1989 <URL: http://conventions.coe.int{freaty/EN/WhatYouWant.asp? NT=132>.

92 MICHAEL GERMANN

broadcasting activities concern the European Community market, they are subject to the corresponding EC Council Directive.I9 The national legislation on broadcasting services is exercised by the Liinder, the fed­eral legislation not being competent in this matter. The Liinder have arranged common general regulations on public and private broadcasting services in the Interstate Broadcasting Treaty ('Rundfunkstaatsvertrag').zo Every public broadcasting station has its statutes laid down in a specific law

21 or, if the station is run by more than one Land, in another specific

interstate treaty.22 The further regulations on licensing, running and super­vising private broadcasting stations are laid down by the Liinder in their own Private Broadcasting Services Acts.

This legal framework contains sorne regulations on the communication and treatment of religion by secular broadcasting services: 23

(a) The coverage ofreligious affairs, debates, documentaries and films is an aspect of the due portrayal of plurality, as demanded by the broad­casting laws, for example by:

§25 of the Interstate Broadcasting Treaty:

(1) In the private broadcasting, the contents must essentially reproduce the plurality of opinions. The important political, ideological and social forces and groups must be given fair opportunity to express themselves in the full programme services; minority views shall be taken account of.

~ince rel~gious affairs are an aspect of reality, religious debate an opin­Ion-formmg topic, and religious films a part of culture, these principies provide that religion is fairly represented among the contents of radio and television.

19 Council Directive of 3 October 1989 on the coordination of certain provisions laid down

b~ .law, regulation or administrative action in member states conceming the pursuit of tele­VISIO~ bro.adcasting activities (89/552/EEC), OJ L 298, 17 October 1989, p. 23, as amended by D1rect1ve 97/36/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 30 June 1997 OJ L 202, 30 July 1997, p. 60. Consolidated version: <URL: http://europa.eu.int/eur-lex/enf consleg/main/1989/en_1989L0552 index.html>.

20 Interstate Treaty on Broadcasting in Unified Germany ('Staatsvertrag über den Rund­

funk im vereinten Deutschland') of 31 August 1991, as amended. 21

.For example: .Act on the Bavarian Broadcasting Station- 'Gesetz über die Errichtung u_nd die Aufgaben emer Anstalt des offentlichen Rechts "Der Bayerische Rundfunk" (Baye­ns~~es Rundfunkgesetz- BayRG)_' of 10 Au~ust 1948, as amended.

For example: Interstate Treatles on the Frrst and Second German Television Channels ('ARD-Staatsvertrag' and 'ZDF-Staatsvertrag'), both adopted with the Interstate Broad­casting Treaty (note 20), as amended.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 93

(b) Broadcasting religious services is not expressly demanded by law. How­ever, the right of the churches to fumish their own broadcasts (see below) can be expected to be used, and of course is used, to broadcast religious services. Such broadcasts of a religious service, as well as other religious programmes, enjoy special protection against being interrupted by adver­tisements, according to Article 14 of the European Convention on Trans­frontier Television.

There also is an inverse right of religious communities not to have their events broadcasted. While Article 5 Section (1) of the Interstate Broadcasting Treaty entitles every licensed television broadcaster in Europe 'to short coverage free of charge for his own broadcasting pur­poses of functions and events which are open to the public and of gen­eral interest', including 'access, the right to make short, direct transmis­sions and recordings, the right to use the material to prepare a single report, and the right to transmit', Section (3) of the same article exempts 'churches and other religious communities or their institutions which carry out similar functions'. This means that religious communities can deny permission of broadcasting their services.

(e) The access ofreligious groups to radio and television has three aspects. The first is their right to run their own broadcasting stations (see below). The second is their right to furnish religious broadcasts to be inserted in the programmes of secular stations.24 The third is their right to be repre­sented in the pluralistic committees of public broadcasting stations and the supervisory broadcasting authorities.

As for the right to furnish religious broadcasts, this must be differen­tiated from religious advertising. Religious advertising is excluded from broadcasting by §7 of the Interstate Broadcasting Treaty. Instead of reli­gious advertising, the religious communities can get access to broadcast­ing in the form of transmission time granted by the broadcasting stations. What §42 of the Interstate Broadcasting Treaty lays down for prívate broadcasting stations is repeated for the public broadcasting stations by corresponding, but slightly different, provisions:

23 Fuii details are given by C. LINK, 'Der Anspruch der Kirchen auf Priisenz in den offentlich-rechtlichen und privatrechtlichen Massenmedien des Rundfunks und des Femse­hens', and 'Die gesetzlichen Regelung~n der Mitwirkung der Kirc.hen in den Einrichtungen des Rundfunks und des Femsehens', m: Handbuch des Staatsk1rchenrechts der Bundes­republik Deutschland, vol. 2, J. LIST and D. Prn.soN (eds), 2"d edition, Berlín, 1995, pp. 251-284 and pp. 285-313. . . .

24 A recent review on the relevan! legal provisions and their practica! ImplementatiOn IS given by M. STOCK, 'Viele Religionen im Rundfunk? Religiose Sendungen- gestem, heute und morgen', in: Zeitschrift für evangelisches Kirchenrecht, vol. 45 (2000), pp. 380-403.

94 MICHAEL GERMANN

§42 Section (1) ofthe Interstate Broadcasting Treaty- Transmission time for third parties

The Protestant Churches, the Catholic Church and the Jewish Community shall, upon request, be granted fair time for the trans­mission of religious programmes; the broadcaster may demand reimbursement for costs.

The underlying motive of the right to transmission time is that religious programmes are essential to complete plurality but can only be furnished by the religious communities portraying themselves. Of course, not every single religious community can be given the same entitlement for prac­tica! reasons, but also dueto that the programme shall reflect social real­ity. Legislation does not violate equality when differentiating according to the social importance of the religious communities in question. This explains that the cited provisions enumerate the most important religious communities in Germany, that is, the Protestant Churches and the Roman Catholic Church according to the number of their members, and the Jew­ish Community according to its cultural importance as a live witness to the Jewish part of German cultural identity and to its survival in spite of the National Socialist atrocities. But as other religious identities gain in social importance, these enumerations must be reconsidered. § 11 Section (3) of the Interstate Treaty on the 'ZDF' Television Station (and similar provisions in other broadcasting laws), takes this into account by open­ing itself for 'other nation-wide religious communities under public law'. Article 4 of the Act on the Bavarian Broadcasting Station is even more accommodating because it refers to any religious communities under prí­vate or public law, and to any communities dedicated to non-religious, philosophical convictions provided that they have availed themselves of their right to acquire public law status. The differentiation between pri­vate and public law status can be considered justified as an abbreviation for the specific qualities associated with the public law status (see above), whereas religious and non-religious communities (under Articles 3 and 4 of the Basic Law), must not be treated differently, so that the latter enjoy the same rights even if organized under prívate law. §42 Section (1) of the Interstate Broadcasting Treaty, by excluding even important religious communities, other than the Churches and the Jewish communities, is not reconcilable to religious equality. There is no practica! consequence, yet, because the only communities of an apparently similar relevant social importance, the Islarnic ones, lack the organization necessary for exer­cising such a right. But if such a community, once organized in a reliable

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 95

structure, should claim equal consideration in prívate hroadcasting schedules to the extent corresponding to its social importance, it ought to be success­

ful. As for the right of religious communities to be represented in the intemal

comrnittees of the public broadcasting stations, of the relevant provisions

the following is an example:

§21 of the Interstate Treaty on the 'ZDF' Television Station:

(1) The Television Council is made up of seventy-seven mem­bers, namely

a)-<:) [31 representatives of poli ti cal bodies and partí es); d) two representatives dispatched by the Protestant Church in

Germany (Evangelische Kirche in Deutschlaná); e) two representatives dispatched by the Roman Catholic

Church; f) one representative dispatched by the Central Council of

the Jews in Germany; g)-j) [12 representatives of professional associations]; k) four representatives of charity organizations, namely one

each of the Charity of the Protestant Church in Germany (Diakonisches Werk der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutsch­lami), the Charity of the Roman Catholic Church (Deut­scher Caritasverband), the German Red Cross, and the German Workers' Welfare Committee (Deutsche Arbeiter­

wohlfahrt); and 1}-r) [25 representatives of other political, professional and

charitable associations].

Corresponding provisions apply to the committees within the public broadcasting authorities supervising the private broadcasting stations.

If, exceptionally, even a private broadcasting company is, in order to ensure plurality, told to instan its own pluralistic committee for inter­na! control (see above), it will have to appoint members in such a way that their membership of different sections of society is, as a whole, 'a guarantee that the main opinions in the community are represented' (§32 Section (2) of the Interstate Broadcasting Treaty). This, again, includes the religious communities. However, this has not yet been put into prac­

tice. In the pluralistic committees, the religious communities are present as

a part of society. Enumeration of the Churches and the Jewish Community reflects their social importance. As for the consideration of other religious

96 MICHAEL GERMANN

groups, lik:e the Islamic ones, the same is true as has just been noted refer­ring to the right to furnish religious broadcasts.

( d) All the above-mentioned · provisions in favour of plurality aim to ensure equal treatment of dif.ferent religions. Further special precautions against religious discrimination are isolated and of minor importance.

(e) Broadcasts which are offensive to religion fall within the scope of the general bans (see above). In addition, broadcasting laws repeat the general provisions and impose them upon the broadcasters. They state general principies on programming, which refer to, among other items, religion. They can be enforced by the special interna} or externa! broad­casting supervision bodies. However, due to their general character, only extreme violations willlead to notable measures. Beside that, the implementation of the broadcasting principies is a matter of editorial policy.

(2) Self-Regulation

The legal framework for broadcasting services covers most of the issues which in the case of the press are left to self-regulation, concerning prin­cipies asto content and institutions for monitoring (see above). So there seems to be no need for an additional self-regulating body equivalent to the Press Council. Only for one area of responsibility, namely the pro­tection of minors, private television providers have associated in the Tele­vision Voluntary Self-Control Organization ('Freiwillige Selbstkontrolle Fernsehen' FSF).25 This carries out work similar to that of the Press Council, but it does not refer to the treatment of religion.

Instead, the portrayal of religion in broadcasting is dealt with in the form of direct contact between the broadcasters and the Churches. The Churches have established agencies responsible for broadcasting affairs. 26

The cooperation of the broadcasters and the Churches has been given a more formal shape in diverse ways:

The 'First' public television channel (run by the Workgroup of the Public Broadcasting Stations of the Federal Republic of Germany -'Arbeitsgemeinschaft der offentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunkanstalten

25 See <URL: http://www.fsf.de/summary.htm>.

26 For the responsibility of the Protestant Church in Germany see <URL: http://www.

ekd.de/rundfunk/>. On the part of the Roman Catholic Church, a special department of the 'Zentralstelle Medien' (above, note 9), fulfils similar functions.

THE PORTRA YAL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 97

der Bundesrepublik Deutschland', ARD) assembles its editorial staff and the representatives of the Churches in a coordination committee ('ARD Koordination Kirche'). The 'Second' public television channel (run by the 'ZDF' public broadcasting station- 'Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen') has dedicated two editorial departments to religious topics ('Church and Life' 'Kirche und Leben'), one for Protestant and one for Roman Catholic matters. Each Church has been granted a right to share in appoint­ing the chief editor. These editorial departments keep close contact with those responsible for broadcasting affairs within the Churches. The other editorial departments can, and occasionally do, consult the religious departments when dealing with religious issues. RTL, one of the most important private broadcasting stations, has concluded a general agreement with the Protestant Church in Ger­many (EKD) and the Association of the (Roman Catholic) Dioce­ses of Germany. Here, the broadcaster and the Churches agree to cooperate in a spirit of partnership and to assist the Churches in making effective the Gospel and Christian ethics in programmes as a whole.

Where the treatment of religion is not subject to formal agreements, it depends on the editorial departments' practices. As for the severa! aspects of the treatment of religion, the following agreements and practices can be reported:

(a) The coverage of religious affairs and debate is not regulated as far as the selection of topics in general broadcasts is concemed. Sorne regu­lations and practices, however, schedule special broadcasts dedicated to religious topics.

In the 'Second' public television channel (ZDF), the 'Church and Life' ('Kirche und Leben') departments provide:

- '37 Grad' ('37 degrees'), once a week, with repeats on the '3sat' channel, under joint responsibility with the 'culture and society' department: documentarles portraying persons in borderline situa­tions, referring to moral issues and proposing a value-oriented way of life; religious issues are referred to from a general interest view­point rather than from a Church insider standpoint; 'Zur Zeit' ('now'), every Sunday morning, 15 minutes: news, reports and interviews on the current events in Church and society;

- 'Feiertagsakzente' ('focus on religious festivals'): 15 minutes before the news on the relevant holiday, trying to bring religious

98 MICHAEL GERMANN

festivals to life for the general public; on Easter, Whitsun and Christmas 45 minutes at prime time, featuring aspects of Church history;

- 'Tagebuch' ('diary'): 15 minutes on the '3sat' channel, once a week with repeats, under joint responsibility with the Austrian public television: a magazine programme, referring to religious, moral and cultural issues;

- Other documentaries, from 6 to 8 times a year, on historical or analytical issues;

- Special broadcasts because of current events · , Services: see below.

The Brandenburg public broadcasting station ('Ostdeutscher Rund­funk Brandenburg'- ORB) dedicates 30 minutes every Sunday after­noon to broadcasts on religious topics, and another 30 minutes every fourth Wednesday toa magazine programme, both on the televísion channel. There are no guidelines concerning the selection of topics. Similar practices seem to be effective for the other public television channels and, as well, for the radio channels.

The general agreement of the RTL private television station with the Protestant and the Roman Catholic Churches lays down that broad­casts communicating the Church 's message and other Church broad­casts are a regular and integral part of the programme, including all its appropriate branches. The Churches' contributions may cover their commitment in public affairs as well as broadcasts of their cer­emonies and events. They can be integrated in broadcasts dedicated to information, education or advice. As a guideline, 45 minutes a week are granted to both Churches altogether.

(b) Broadcasting religious worship is arranged on a regular basis. The 'First' and the 'Second' public television channels (ARD and ZDF) altemately broadcast a service every Sunday morning, alter­nating between the Protestant and the Roman Catholic Church. Once a year a service of the Orthodox Churches is inserted. The Bavarian Broadcasting Station broadcasts, on its regional televi­sion channel, five Protestant and five Roman Catholic regular services a year. In addition, on special occasions further services are inserted into the programme.

In contrast, the Brandenburg public broadcasting station (ORB) con­fines itself to fumish one service a year for the ARD series of Sun­day services.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 99

The general agreement of the RTL private television station with the Protestant and the Roman Catholic Church, as cited, expressly includes broadcasts of their ceremonies and events.

It must be made clear that, in any event, the broadcast services are under the exclusive liturgical responsibility of the relevant Church.

(e) Equal treatment of different religions is already guaranteed by law, including differentiation according to their social importance (see above). Self-regulation adds little:

The 'Second' public television station (ZDF) applies broadcasting guidelines which read as follows: '[ ... ]VII. (1) The broadcast~ s.hall support the mutual understanding of the Churches and the rehg10us communities. Their common features of their social and cultural work must be recognized especially. (2) Care must be taken that broadcasts do not mock or disparage religious faith. (3) Religious issues and acts of worship shall be portrayed with due reverence and care. VIII. [ ... ] (2) The broadcasts shall support tolerance, namely respect for the others' faith, opinions and convictions, as well as the acceptance of the legal order. Moral and religious convictions of the people are to be respected.'

Where agreements on cooperation with the Roman Catholic and the Protestant Churches exist, they are formed on a parity basis. The editor­ial departments consider it a matter of course that their programmes cover other religions in accordance to their social importance.

(d) As already explained, direct access of religious groups to broadcast­ing mainly covers the broadcasting of their services. Besides this, reli­gious content is essentially based on consultation with religi~us g~ou¡;s. Contributions are produced by the broadcaster and under h1s ed1tonal responsibility. Only in exceptional cases are thery produced by. t~e reli­gious communities themselves and then taken over for transm1ss10n by the broadcaster.

The 'First' public television channel (ARD) transmits, every Saturday night, a 5 minute broadcast, 'Word for Sunday' ('Wort zum Sonntag'), by a priest or pastor. The general agreement of the RTL private television station with the Protestant and the Roman Catholic Church provides that the Churches' contributions are coordinated between the broadcaster and both Churches. The Churches, by their representatives, are responsible for

100 MICHAEL GERMANN

broadcasts communicating the Church's message, the broadcaster's responsibilíty for the programme as a whole being unaffected. The Churches' contributions will be fmanced as a part of the whole pro­gramme, later agreements reserved. A Church's contribution can be realized either by integration or by cooperation. By integration, the Church prepares the contribution and provides the personnel, while the broadcaster remains the producer. By cooperation, the Church produces the contribution, and the broadcaster inserts it into the pro­gramme; a fee is left to negotiation. Under the general agreement, RTL has installed an office for coordination, and the Churches have named one representative each. If the broadcaster has a pluralistic supervisory body - obligatory for the public broadcasting stations -the Churches will provide one representative each; the procedure of such a body will be laid down conjointly.

The prívate radio stations mostly proceed by cooperation. They main­tain no special departments for religious programmes, but they insert contributions produced by the Churches into 'Church window' pro­grammes.

(e) Religious advertising cannot be subject to self-regulation because it is excluded by law (see above).

For the purpose of implementation, the 'Second' public television station (ZDF) applies a guideline which contains the following rule: The ban on religious advertising 'does not exclude social advertis­ing, for example appeals for charitable donations.'

2. Radio Stations 1 Television Channels run by Religious Organisations

(1) State Regulation

fl.'- rec~nt study on broadcasting stations maintained by Church organiza­ttons m Gennany states that their number is rather small.27 Most of them are of a regional and temporary character. In any case, the study enu­merates two Roman Catholic and one Protestant nation-wide and a few regional radio stations, as well as one regional television station, sorne further ones being at the planning stage. The need for special broad­casting stations of a religious character seems to be lessened by virtue of the rights of the Churches to participate in the programme of secular broadcasting (see above). Most religious broadcasting stations, thus, are

27 R. WlLLENBERG, Rundfunk unter kirchlicher Trligerschaft, Frankfurt a. M. etc., 2001.

TIIE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 101

run by organizations which keep a distance from the Churches so enti­tled. Digital broadcasting and the increase of channels could, in future, make more attractive to the Churches running their own broadcasting stations. The most recent event in this context is the start of 'Bibel TV', the frrst 24 hour television channel dedicated to religion, from 1 October 2002.28

The legal position of religious organizations running broadcasting sta­tions is essentially analogous to that of the religious press (see above). There are no specific regulations; the generallaw applies to the religious broadcasting, its freedom of communication being backed by the free­doro of religion ánd by the right to self-detennination under Articles 4 and 140 of the Basic Law.

(a) The establishment, ownership and management ofreligious radio sta· tions 1 television channels is subject to licensing. For the broadcasting must be kept free from State influence, bodies under public law generally are not admissible as licensees. This cannot apply to religious commu­nities even where they enjoy public law status under Article 140 of the Basic law in conjunction with Article 137 Section (5) of the Weimar con­stitution, because this status does not involve the religious community concerned in the State organization (see above). Most broadcasting acts therefore make an express exception, and the other ones must be interpreted alike.29

Sorne of the criteria by which the broadcasting authoritíes have to con­sider applications for a broadcasting licence have particular relevance when applied to religious organizations and programmes. For example, priority is given to universal interest programmes over special interest programmes. Broadcasting authorities would tend to class any programme run by a religious organization as a special interest programme. But this would lead to discrimination if such a programme were intended to cover the broad range of subjects and fonnats, just from a confessional point ofview. Applications for a broadcasting licence must be assessed by their contribution to plurality in the broadcasting as a whole. As religious pro­grammes represent an authentic and irreplaceable expression of religious views and relígious aspects of sociallife, they can be considered especial! y valuable to a pluralistic spectrum of broadcasting services. The broad­casting authorities, anyway, ha ve to ensure that the programmes as a whole do not become biased in favour of particular denominations or ideologies.

28 See <URL: http://www.bibel-tv.de/>. 29 WILLENBERG (note 27), pp. 103-105.

102 MICHAEL GERMANN

This leaves the way open for individual religious programmes have a spe­cific religious character, provided the other programmes are able to cover competing and neutral positions. Religious programmes are subject to no 'religious advertising': §7 Section (8) of the Interstate Broadcasting Treaty (see above). Though, naturally and legitimately, having an inten­tion to moti vate recipients in favour of particular religious objectives, the integration in their specific editorial concepts mak:es them different from what this provision seeks to preven t. 30

(b) The religious broadcasting stations' support of party politics must respect the obligations of any broadcasting programme to give a fair and balanced representation of the plurality of political opinions. Apart from this, they are subject to the general1egal framework for supporting polit­ical parties, as has been outlined in the context of religious press (above). There are no special provisions applying to broadcasting stations run by religious organizations.

(e) The same is true as concems their coverage ofpolitical affairs.

( d) The radio and television stations run by religious organizations are subject to the provisions (see above) of the general broadcasting Iaw ensuring their broadcasts are not offensive to other religions. Again, the application of these provisions must tak:e into account religious freedom and the right to self-determination, in the same manner as applies to the religious press (above).

(e) Advertising in programmes broadcast by religious organizations, finally, does not encounter any special conditions but is subject to the same regulation as in secular programmes.

(2) Self-Regulation

(a) The interna! policies of religious broadcasting stations31 carry prin­cipies with respect to the broadcasting of religious affairs and debates:

'Radio Horeb' and 'Radio Neues Europa' (Radio New Europe) are com­mitted to communicating the Church's message from aRoman Catholic point of view. They share in the objectives of 'Radio Maria', the intemational association of Roman Catholic radio stations: presenting

3° Further detai!s: WILLENBERG (note 27), pp. 112-135, 181-220. 31

For all details conceming the topics touched on under (a) to (d) see WILLENBERG

(note 27), pp. 33-55. There, also regional broadcasting stations are presented, whereas the following focuses on the nation-wide ones.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 103

the historical, philosophical, cultural and ethical implications of the Christian faith and their position in the current issues of social life. Their programmes cover worship, Christian education, counselling, information and entertainment. 32

The 'Evangeliums-Rundfunk' (Gospel Radio) fulfils a conception of itself as doing missionary work in a secular society from an evange­lical point of view. Its programmes include prayers, pastoral care, conselling, information and entertainment, especially Christian music. 'Bibel TV' is dedicated to communicating the Bible by shows, movies, music, education, and children' s entertainment.

(b) Due to their confessional commitment, religious broadcasting stations tak:e no particular interest in ensuring equal treatment of other religions. However, they take care to maintain a certain religious and denomina­tional openness.

(e) The religious broadcasting stations arrange for consultation with reli­gious groups according to their confessional roots. Looking at organiza­tional relationships to 'their' Churches, one can note little which would match self-regulation as regards consultation.

'Radio Horeb' is run by a Luxembourg corporation, affiliated to 'Radio Maria' and funded by donations. 'Radio Neues Europa' is run by a German association, being, as mentioned above, equally committed to the objectives of 'Radio Maria', and cooperating with 'Radio Horeb'. 'Radio Maria' conceives itself an activity within the Roman Catholic Church under canons 298, 327, 711 of the Codex Iuris Canonici. 'Radio Campanile' was another Roman Catholic radio, but trying to keep a greater distance from the Roman Catholic Church. Though set up in 1996, it had to be closed in 1998 due to financia! problems. The 'Evangeliums-Rundfunk' was started in 1959, now being the most enduring religious radio in Germany. It is funded by donations, and it maintains only loose contacts with the Protestant Churches. 'Bibel TV' is run by a non-profit association. Most shares are held by a private fund of an individual publisher, but also the Roman Catholic and the Protestant Churches participate by 25%, the rest being shared by several minor Protestant organizations. All share­holders bear responsibility for the prograrnme. By this, 'Bibel TV' keeps an indirect, yet formal contact with the Churches.

32 For more details see W. ScHMID, 'Radio für die Frommen? Katholische Hiirfunk­sender und ihre Programme', in: Herder Korrespondenz, 2000, pp. 155-160.

104 MICHAEL GERMANN

(d) With n:gard to religious advertising, the law again lets no space for self-regulat:ton (see above).

B. The Internet

Neither press laws nor broadcasting laws apply to Internet services The all~cation of legislatíve competences between the. federal and the L~nder leg1slators has led to two separate sets of regulations on Internet services. the federal Teleservices Act33

, applying to services designed for individu~ use, and the Interstate Media Services Treaty34, applying to services addressed to the ~eneral public. Both codifications tally in laying down that !nternet .s~rv1ces shall not be subject to licensing or registration. The spectal prov~stons for Internet content, as well as the self-regulation of Internet service.s

35, do not concern religion. In any way, Internet contents

n:ust comply With the general provisions civilizing the freedom of expres­ston (see above).

. ~ccording to this: (a) websites run by religious groups36 enjoy freedom SI~mlar to that of the ~e~igious press (see above ), and (b) criticism of reli­gwn as well as (e) rellgwus advertising in the Internet are legal to the same extent as they are in general (see above).

V. ReJigion and the arts

l. The Arts: State Regulation and Self-Regulation

(1) State Regulation

(a) The criminallaw protecting religion against offensive communications ~above) applies, likewise, to any artistic communication like films paint­mgs,_ sculpture, music, or literature. There are no special regulati~ns on certam genres of art conceming their treat:tnent of religion. The application

33 Act on the Utilization ofTeleservices (Teleservices Act- 'Teledienstegesetz' TDG)

~nacted as Article .1 o~ the Fe~eral .;ct Establishing the General Conditions for fuforrna~ ~~~d) Commumcation Servtces ( Inforrnations- und Kommunikationsdienste-Gesetz' u

34 of 1 August 1997 (see <URL: http://www.iid.de>), as amended. '

Interstate Treaty on Media Services, signed between 20 January and 7 February 1997 as amended. '

3~ Especial) y pr~vided ,by t.he. Association for the Voluntary Self-Monitoring of Multi­media Serv1ce Provtders ( Fretw!llíge Selbstkontrolle Multimedia-Diensteanbieter e V ') see <URL: http://www.fsm.de/>. · · '

36 See R.P. REIMANN, 'Virtuelle Kirche zwischen Tradition und Modeme: Bestands­

a2ufnahrne ~d Handlungsfelder', in: Zeitschrift für evangelisches Kirchenrecht vol 47 ( 002), pp . .:l55-574. , .

1HE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 105

of the general provisions, however, must respect the freedom of art as guaranteed by Article 5 Section (3) of the Basic Law (see above). Only other constitutional interests can justify restricting the freedom of art. Such a constitutional interest is to be seen in the State's duty to protect religious freedom, being constitutionally intended by Article 4 of the Basic law. If, in any conflict, this interest prevails over the freedom of art, the protectión of religion, as provided by criminal law, will assert itself against an offensive art product. 37

(b) In so far as public education, in schools and universities, touches the arts, religious art is involved in terms of its cultural importance. Any ousting of religious art from public education would infringe the State's neutrality towards religion and the prohibition of religious discrimination as laid down in Article 3 of the Basic Law (see above ). For the same rea­son, on the other hand, public education must deal with religious art free from any imposed religious or ideological commitment.

With this intention, schoollaw shapes the educational objectives with regard to all aspects of cultural life including religious culture, all by invoking the spirit of tolerance. According to this, religious. art may be made a subject for classes: music lessons are to deal with religious music as well as with secular music, Iiterature lessons are to deal with religious literature as well as with secular literature, and so on, but always from a neutral point of view. The same applies to the corresponding courses in the State universities.

In addition, German law takes into account that there are dimensions of culture which cannot avoid religious positions. Due to this, public edu­cation in Germany gives space to religious education which is both inte­grated, on a voluntary basis, into the public institutions and independent from any State influence upon its religious content. This is the intention in integrating voluntary religious lessons into the ordinary currículum in S tate schools, except for religion-free schools, as stated by Article 7 Sec~ tion (3) ofthe Basic Law. The same intention supports the integration of theology in the form of confessional faculties into the State universities, as provided by several Uinder constitutions, by treaties between the Uin­der and the Churches, and by university law. Within these confession­bound fields of education, religious culture and art can and will be dealt with from a confessional point of view.

37 For further details, see the instructive study on the limits of State intervention in the conflict between the art and religious feelings by C. HILLGRUBER, 'Die Religion und die Grenzen der Kunst', in: Kirche und Kunst: Essener Gespriiche zum Thema Staat und Kirche, vol. 36, H. MARRÉ, D. SCHillviMELFEDER and B. KAMPER (eds), Münster, 2002, pp. 53-89.

106 MICHAEL GERMANN

(e) Wherever the State funds artistic activities,38 religious art participates on equal terms. Separation of Church and S tate, as laid down in Article 140 of the Basic Law in conjunction with Article 137 Section (1) of the Weimar Constitution, does not exclude religious communities and activi­ties from cultural and educational policy benefits. On the contrary, with­holding such funding from religious activities while reserving it for non­religious activities would constitute religious discrimination. Religious motivation must not cause disadvantages with regard to the enjoyment of funding.

(2) Self-Regulation

Por the purpose of self-regulation, the principal association of the film industry (' Spitzenorganisation der Filmwirtschaft e. V.' - SPIO), consis­ting of the associations of film producers, film distributors, cinemas, and video companies, has set up a voluntary self-control procedure ('Frei­willige Selbstkontrolle der Filmwirtschaft'- FSK).39 It applies to all films intended for public showing and distribution in Gennany. Film produc­ers and distributors as well as cinemas bind themselves to not showing or distributing films without prior examination by the relevant self-con­trol committee. Self-control is entrusted to the cooperation of the film industry with those responsible in the government, the federal association of youth organizations, the Roman Catholic and the Protestant Churches and the Jewish community. The examination criteria aim to protect religion against harmful content. As for further aspects and genres, there is no apparent self-regulation on treatment of religion in the arts.

2. Freedom of Expression and Religious Law

Interna! regulations and policies of religious communities on the com­munication of religion are part of religious self-detennination, the exercise of which is protected under Article 140 of the Basic Law in conjunction with Article 137 Section (3) of the Weimar Constitution (see above). Their importance with regard to State policy is that they are to be respected

38 See for example the Federal Act on Measures in arder to Promote the German Films

('Gesetz über MaBnahmen zur Ftirderung des deutschen Films: Filmftirderungsgesetz­FFG') as promulgated on 6 August 1998 (Federal Journal- BGBI., part I, p. 2053), online at <URL: http://www.gesetzesweb.de/FFG.html>; and the guidelines of the Film Assessment Authority ('Filmbewertungsstelle'), a joint establishment of the Liinder, online at <URL: http://www.f-b-w.org/>.

39 For details, see <URL: http://www.spio.de/2FRAMES/FSK.HTM>.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN GERMANY 107

as fonnal definitions on how the religious community concerned intends to exercise its freedom. By this, they contribute to shape a re1iable basis for cooperation and coordination between Church and State policies in the field of social and cultural communication.

V. Conclusion

The Gennan approach to regulating the communication of religion in t~e media and the arts combines strict neutrality of the State towards reh­gion, and maximum responsiveness towards both free?om of religion and freedom of expression. Religious freedom and neutraht~ of the Stat~ ~eek to provide that public communication is accessible for dtvergent rehg10us and ideological positions. State law: backed a~d c?mplemente? by .self­regulation, does not neutralize pubhc commumcat10n bu~ confmes 1tself to maintain open access and fairness. The Churches ~nJoy ~road legal possibilities to communicate their message to the pubhc. Th1s approach sometimes is contested as favouring the predominant Churches by out­dated privileges. However, their legal status must be perceived as being grounded on religious liberty and the possible leg~l ~ndeavou~s to fo~ter its exercise, and it is equally accessible to all rehg10us and tdeologiCal positions in accordance with their (quantitative) social imp?~ance. The religious communities are encouraged to make best use of 1t m order to contribute their share to the portrayal of religion in Gennany.40

4D I would like to acknowledge all who contributed information and help: Die.ter Czaja (RTL) Maria Dickmeis (Westdeutscher Rundfunk), Ulrich Germann (for spec1al he!~), Reinold Hartmann (ZDF), Fritz Penserot (EKD), Michaela Pilters (~DF), ~arald Qmst (Ostdeutscher Rundfunk Brandenburg), Chris~ian Sauer (Chrismon), Nma Sch1mkus (Axel Springer Verlag AG), Hubert Schtine (Bayenscher Rundfunk).

PANAGIOTIS LADAS

Université Aristote de Thessaloniki

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS DANS L'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HELLÉNIQUE

REsuMÉ: l. Partie générale- l. lntroduction- 2. Le cadre juridique- A. La constitution hellénique de 2001-1) Les dispositions constitutionnelles - 2) La portée des dispositions constitutionnelles 3) La religion «dominante» et la liberté de la conscience religieuse: résolution de 1' ambigui:té par la jurisprudence­B. La loi ordinaire - C. La protection de la religion par les moyens du droit pénal 11. Partie spéciale - l. La presse - A. La presse séculiere - B. La presse religieuse 2. La radio et la religion- 3. Les arts et l'éducation face a la religion- A. Les arts- B. L'éducation.

l. Partie Générale

l. Introduction

L'attitude des médias et des arts envers la religion en Grece renvoie d'une part aux bases constitutionnelles de l'organisation des relations entre Eglise et Etat et d'autre part, a la protection des droits individuels garan­tís par la Constitution elle- m~me.

L'organisation des relations entre l'Etat et l'Eglise est caractérisée par la reconnaissance de la religion chrétienne orthodoxe comme la religion dominante en Grece. La prépondérance de l'orthodoxie apparait déja dans les textes constitutionnels de la Révolution de 1821 et elle se répete d'une maniere constante dans les Constitutions helléniques depuis l'an 1844 jusqu'a nos jours. Ce phénomene peut ~tre éclairci en se ramenant a l'his­toire des institutions politiques de la Grece: le peuple grec apres la Révo­lution de 1821 ayant acquis son indépendance nationale tenait de son devoir de rendre hommage a 1 'Eglise orthodoxe, pour les services qu' elle lui a rendus pendant la Révolution.

D'autre part, la Constitution hellénique considere la liberté de convic­tion religieuse comme inviolable, reconnait le droit de chacun a exprimer et a propager verbalement et par écrit ses pensées par les moyens de presse, de radio, de télévision. Elle établit la liberté de 1' art et de la science, ainsi que celle de la recherche et de l'éducation.

Ainsi la reconnaissance de la religion orthodoxe orientale du Christ comme religion dominante en Grece par rapport aux díspositions précitées de la

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Constitution concemant les droits individuels présente une certaine ambi­gui:té qui a fait 1' objet d 'un débat long et pénible.

2. Le cadre juridique

A. La Constitution hellénique de 2001

Ainsi.qu'il a été démontré, la place que la religion occupe dans la vie sous s.es d1vers ~sp:cts constitue l'objet d'un nombre important de disposi­ttons ~on.shtuti?nnelles réparties dans les deux premieres parties de la Constitutton. qm concement, en premier lieu les relations entre Eglise et Eta~ et ensmte, les droits individuels et sociaux. C'est pour cette raison qu'il me parait utile de citer les dispositions de la Constitution hellénique correspondantes.

1) Les díspositions constitutionnelles

Article 2: l. Le respect et la protection de la valeur humaine constituent 1 'obligation primordiale de l'Etat.

Relations entre Eglise et Etat. Article 3: 1. La religion dominante en Grece est celle de l'Eglise Orthodoxe Orientale du Christ. L'Eglise Ortho­?o~e de la Grece qui reconnait pour Chef notre Seigneur Jésus-Christ, est 1?d1ssolub:ement unie, quant au dogme, a la Grande Eglise de Constan­tmople et a toute autre Eglise homodoxe du Christ; elle observe immua­blement, ~omme e~l~s, les saints canons apostoliques et synodaux ainsi qu~ les samtes tradtttons. Elle est autocéphale, elle est administrée par le Sam~-Synode. composé d'Evéques et par le Saint-Synode Permanent qui pr~cede de lm et est composée selon les dispositions de la Charte Consti­tutionnelle de l'Eglise en tenant compte des dispositions du Tome Patriar­cal du 29 juin 1850 et de 1 'Acte Synodal du 4 septembre 1928.

2. Le régime ecclésiastique existant dans certaines régions de I'Etat n'est pas contraire aux dispositions du paragraphe précédent.

3. Le texte des Saintes Ecritures est tenu pour inaltérable. II est absolu­me?t inter?it d~ le restituer sous une autre forme de langage sans appro­bation de 1 Eghse Autocéphale de Grece et de la Grande Eglise du Christ a Constantinople.

Article .5: 1. ~hac~ a dr~it au libre développement de sa personnalité et de .~art1c1~er a la vte so~tale, économique et politique du pays, pourvu q~ 11 ne vwle pas les drmts des autres ni n 'enfreigne la Constitution et la lm morale.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS DANS L'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HELLÉNIQUE 111

Toutes les personnes qui se trouvent dans les limites de l'Etat hel­lénique jouissent d'une protection absolue de leur vie, de leur honneur et de leur liberté, sans distinction de nationalité, de race, de langue et de croyances religieuses ou politiques. Des exceptions sont autorisées dans les cas prévus par le Droit Intemational.

Article 9A: Chacun a droit a la protection contre la collection, l'élabora­tion et l'usage, surtout par des moyens électroniques, de ses données per­sonnelles, selon les dispositifs de la loi. La protection des données per­sonnelles est assurée par une autorité indépendante, qui est constituée et fonctionne selon les dispositifs de la loi.

Article 13: l. La liberté de conscience religieuse est inviolable. Lajouis­sance des droits individuels et politiques ne dépend pas des croyances religieuses de chaque personne.

2. Toute religion connue est libre et son culte est pratiqué sans entrave sous la protection de la loi. L'exercice ne doit pas porter atteinte a l'ordre public ni aux bonnes mreurs. Le prosélytisme est interdit.

3. Les ministres de toutes les religions connues sont soumis a la méme surveillance de 1 'Etat et aux memes obligations envers lui que celles de la religion dominante.

4. Nul ne peut, en raison de ses croyances religieuses, etre exempté de 1' accomplissement de ses devoirs envers l 'Etat o u refuser 1 'applicatíon des lois.

5. Nul serment n'est imposé sans loi en définissant la teneur.

Article 14: 1. Chacun peut exprimer et diffuser ses pensées verbalement, par écrit, et par voie de presse en observant les lois de 1 'Etat.

2. La presse est libre. La censure et toute autre mesure préventive sont interdites.

3. La saisie des joumaux et autres imprimés soit avant soit apres leur mise en circulation est interdite.

A titre exceptionnel, la saisie est autorisée sur ordre du Procureur apres la mise en circulation pour cause d'outrage a la Religion chrétienne et a toute autre religion connue.

Celui qui est offensé par un texte pub lié ou une émission inexacts a un droit de réponse et celui qui a porté l'atteinte est respectivement tenu d'effectuer une rectification totale et immédiate.

Une loi détermine tout ce qui conceme la responsabilité civile et pénale de la presse et des autres médias et l'accélération de la procédure des proces correspondants.

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Article 15: l. Les dispositions du présent article relatives a la protection de la presse ne sont pas applicables aux cinéma, phonographe, radiopho­nie, télévision ni autres moyens similaires de transmission de la parole ou de représentation.

2. La radiophonie et la télévision sont soumises au contrOle immédiat de l'Etat. Le controle ainsi que l'imposition des sanctions administratives appartiennent a la compétence exclusive du Conseil National de la Radio et de la Télévision, qui est une autorité indépendante, comme en dispose la loi. Le controle direct de l'Etat, qui prend la forme du régime de l'auto­risation préalable, a pour but d'assurer la transmission objective et dans des conditions égales d'informations et de nouvelles ainsi que de produits de parole et d'art, et meme d'assurer le niveau de qualité des programmes, qui est imposé par la mission sociale de la radio et télévision, par le déve­loppement culture! du pays, ainsi que le respect de la valeur humaine et la protection de 1 'enfance et de la jeunesse.

Article 16: l. L 'art et la science, la recherche et 1 'enseignement sont libres et 1 'Etat est obligé de veiller a leur développement et leur promotion. La liberté académique et la liberté de 1 'enseignement n 'exonerent pas du devoir de respecter la Constitution.

2. L'instruction constitue une mission fondamentale de l'Etat et a pour but l'éducation morale, spirituelle, professionnelle et naturelle des Rel­lenes, le développement de leur conscience nationale et religieuse et Ieur formation de citoyens libres et responsables.

Article 25: l. Les droits de l'homme en tant qu'individu et en sa qua­lité de membre de la société et le príncipe de 1 'Etat de droit social, se trou­vent sous la garantie de 1 'Etat. Tous les organes étatiques sont obligés de les faire assurer sans entraves et d'une maniere efficace. Les dits droits s 'étendent aussi aux relations privées dans le cadre desquelles peut etre conc;u l'exercice d'un tel droit. Toute sorte de limites qui selon la Consti­tution peuvent etre portées a ce droit, doivent etre prévues soit directe­ment par la Constitution soit par la loi, s'il existe une réserve en sa faveur, et en plus, doivent respecter le príncipe de proportionnalité.

2) La portée des dispositions constitutionnelles

Dans son es sen ce, la doctrine des droits individuels est 1' affrrmation que les individus ont certains droits qui leurs sont attachés et auxquels 1 'Etat ne peut porter atteinte. La garantie des droits est une série de dispositions inscrites dans le corps de la Constitution et interdisant au législateur d'édicter des regles contraires aux droits individuels reconnus. C'est ainsi que les droits

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS DANS L'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HELLÉNIQUE 113

individuels acquierent une valeur constitutionnelle qui les fait participer aux garanties qui assurent a la Constitution une valeur supérieure aux lois ordinaires. 11 en résulte que les droits individuels sont en premier lieu, des droits publics portant des limites a l'reuvre législative. Toutefois, l'ar­ticle 25 paragraphe 1 de la Constitution hellénique impose l'obligation a tous les organes étatiques sans exception, d'assurer l'exercice des droits de l'homme comme individu et comme membre de la société sans empe­chement et d'une maniere efficace. Ainsi, les droits individuels apportent des limites a l'activité du pouvoir exécutif ainsi que du pouvoir judiciaire.

La protection de l'individu est encore plus renforcée du fait que la Constitution comporte un controle de constitutionnalité des lois: les tri­bunaux sont obligés de s 'abstenir de 1' application de toute regle de droit qui n' est pas conforme a la Constitution. . . ,

Les atteintes a la personnalité humaine au niveau des relattons pnvees, en l'absence d'une réglementation complete par les dispositions du droit privé, ont amené la doctrine a rechercher un modele de protection dans le droit public. Ce sont les droits individuels qui apparaissent comme 1~ modele le plus adéquat. Comme les droits individuels, de meme «le drmt asa propre personnalité» est un droit attaché a la personne en sa seu.le q~a­lité d'existence humaine. 11 est un droit absolu qui permet a son titulaue de rejeter toute intervention provenant d'autrui. C'est surtout en Allema~ne que cette doctrine a connu une floraison importante. Selon cette doctnne di te: «Drittwirkungtheorie» les dispositions constitutionnelles concemant les droits individuels ne se boment pas a protéger le citoyen contre l'Etat, mais leur champ d' application comprend aussi les relations privées.

11 faut souligner ici que le Code Civil Hellénique en vigueur depuis 1946, a déja reconnu un droit «a la personnalité». L'article 57 du Code Civil Hellénique dispose que «Quiconque a subí une atteinte illicite a sa personnalité a le droit de demander qu 'il soit mis fin a cette atteinte et qu 'elle ne se répete pas. »

Enfin la Constitution de 2001 qui a réformé l'article 25 prévoit que les droits d~ l'homme comme individu et en sa qualité de membre de la société et quise trouvent sous la garantie de l'Etat, s'étendent aussi aux relations privées.

3) La religion «dominante» et la liberté de la conscience religieuse: réso-lution de 1' ambigu'ité par la jurisprudence

Comme il a déja précisé, la reconnaissance d'une religion «dominante» par 1' article 3 de la Constitution hellénique est justifiée par des raisons historiques. Cela ne signifie pas que la religion de 1 'Eglise Orthodoxe

114 PANAGIOTIS LADAS

Orientale du Christ soit imposée en Grece ou bien que cette Eglise exerce un certain pouvoir sur les autres Eglises. Il signifie que la religion ortho­doxe est suivie par la majorité absolue du peuple grec et que son rituel régit les cérémonies solennelles, les jours fériés etc.

Selon la formule de la décision 2281/2001 de l'Assemblée Pléniere du Conseil d 'Etat hellénique ( qui s 'est exprimée sur la non-constitutionna­lité de la loi qui oblige les citoyens grecs a faire inscrire la religion a laquelle ils appartiennent sur leur carte d'identité) l'article 3- inséré a la section B de la premiere partie de la Constitution qui concerne les rela­tions entre Eglise et Etat n'exerce aucune influence sur l'exercice du droit individue! de la liberté religieuse garantie par 1 'article 13 qui figure dans la deuxieme partie de la Constitution concemant les droíts individuels et sociaux et en plus, ne reconna1t aucun privilege pour les chrétiens grecs orthodoxes dans la jouissance de ce droit. Une telle conception d 'ailleurs, serait contraire a la disposition spécifique du paragraphe 1 de 1' article 13 qui impose une égale jouissance des droits individuels indépendamment des croyances religieuses».

Cependant, il y a lieu de noter ici que de la disposition de 1 'article 3 de la Constitution hellénique émane le príncipe de 1 'administration auto­nome de l 'Eglise de la Grece en ce sens que le Saint-Synode est constitué par !'ensemble des Archeveques selon les dispositions du Tome Patriar­cal du 29.6.1850 et de l'Acte synodal du 4.9.1928 (v. Conseil d'Etat 545-46/1978 Eu r. S tE 1978, p. 447-8) (Annuaire du Conseil d'Etat 1978 p. 447-8). '

La liberté de conscience est con~ue comme la faculté de l'individu d'avoir une opinion ou une croyance ou de s'abstenir, ou méme de se convertir a tout moment, les déclarer et les transmettre a autrui faisant usage pour ce· but de ses droits individuels et enfm les tenir secretes. n en résulte que les croyances relatives au «divin» forment la conscience reli­gieuse dont la liberté est garantí e par 1 'article 13 paragraphe 1 alinéa a de la Constitution.

Selon la formule de la décision du Conseil d'Etat susmentionnée (déci­sion 2281/2001 Assemblée Pléniere), l'article 13 de la Constitution recon­na1t le droit individue! a la liberté religieuse. Ce droit individue! qui est soumis seulement aux limites prévues par la Constitution elle-meme, contient d'une part, la liberté de la conscíence religieuse (paragraphe 1) et d'autre part, la liberté d'expression des convictions religieuses, étant donné que cet article se réfere explicitement a 1 'exercice sans entraves du culte de toute religion connue (paragraphe 2). Les dispositions du para­graphe 1 de cet article protegent la liberté de la conscience religieuse et

1

! ·1

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS DANS L'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HELLÉNIQUE 115

imposent, indépendamment des convictions religieuses, le traitement égal, dans la jouissance non seulement des droits individuels et politiques mais aussi de tous les droits reconnus par 1 'ordre juridique. Ces dispositions reconnaissent 1 'égalité religieuse et par leur nature elles sont des dispo­sitions fondamentales; en ce sens, elles ne sont pas soumises a la révi­sion de la Constitution hellénique; «La liberté de la conscience religieuse par laquelle est protégé par excellence le forum internum de l'individu envers le divin de toute intervention étatique renferme aussi, entre autres le droit de l'individu de ne pas révéler la religion a laquelle il appartient ou ses convictions religieuses en général». Enfin, la décision susmen­tionnée a jugé que l'individu de toute fa\)on n'est pas privé du droit de communiquer aux autorités de l'Etat, de sa propre initiative, la religion a Iaquelle il appartient pour ainsi faire valoir ses droits reconnus par une loi protectrice de sa liberté religieuse.

C'est ainsi que la loi ne peut pas imposer aux individus le devoir d'ap­partenir a une certaine religion ou de n'y pas appartenir, de révéler ses croyances religieuses ou de les tenir secretes. Cependant 1 'Etat est habilité a imposer a tous les citoyens de se conformer aux regles de portée géné­rale qui garantissent d'autres valeurs protégées meme par la Constitution, comme par exemple l'éducation, la défense nationale etc. ce qui peut comporter des restrictions a 1' exercice de son droit respectif.

B. La loi ordinaire

Il y a bien longtemps que le législateur ne se préoccupait point d'insérer dans ses textes les príncipes constitutionnels, s'entendant de soi que son ceuvre législative devrait se borner a régler en détails sa matiere, certai­nement en conformité avec les dispositions constitutionnelles. En effet le domaine du droit privé était strictement distinct de celui du droit public.

De nos jours, on peut constater que les «puissances privées>,, comme les joumaux, les médias, les sociétés financíeres forment un obstacle a l'omnipotence de l'Etat, mais elles peuvent etre également dangereuses pour les individus, qui risquent fort d'etre asservis par celles-ci. Il ne faut jamais oublier «que le joug d'un pouvoir est d'autant plus lourd que ce pouvoir est plus proche». Cette nécessité a conduit a un rapprochement de plus en plus étroit entre le droit privé et le droit public. C'est ainsi que pendant le dernier quart du 20eme siecle on a assisté a une pénétration profonde du droit public dans le domaine du droit privé.

L'étendue et la complexité du commerce quotidien, soumis traditionnel­lement aux réglementations du droit privé, mais aussi les risques inhérents

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pour les particuliers, ont imposé au législateur d'intervenir dans le but de protéger les particuliers par des moyens de droit public, par exemple par des mesures administratives dont l'application est souvent soumise a la compétence des autorités indépendantes, afín d'obtenir une protection préventive et plus large et ainsi plus efficace par rapport aux sanctions du droit privé qui par leur nature ont un caractere plus ou moins restitutif. D'autre part, le législateur de droit privé s'est vu obligé de prouver que son reuvre est respectueuse voire soumise aux dispositifs constitution­nels. Cela se manifeste particulierement dans le préambule des lois qui constituent le fondement des nouvelles institutions. Enfin, la doctrine a développé la théorie de l'interprétation du droit d'une maniere conforme a la Constitution.

C'est ainsi que la loi fondamentale sur la presse remontant a 1930, est caractérisée par une absence de références a la Constitution ne contenant pas des dispositions concemant les droits individuels. A u contraire, en ce qui conceme la télévision qui fut pour la premiere fois l'objet d'une réglementation complete et substantielle en 1989, alors que l 'Etat a reconnu la télévision privée, le législateur s'est préoccupé d'insérer dans le texte des lois la concemant des références spéciales aux libertés indi­viduelles et particulierement la liberté de la conscience religieuse.

C. La protection de la religion par les moyens du droit pénal

L'inobservation des dispositions constitutionnelles et particulierement les atteintes aux droits individuels sont sanctionnées d'une maniere plus ou moins efficace par le code pénal hellénique.

Il y a lieu de noter ici que les dispositions concemant les droits indi­viduels constituent des principes fondamentaux du régime. En particulier, l'article 13 de la Constitution reconnaissant la liberté religieuse, ne peut pas etre soumis a révision. Seule une révolution bouleverserait ces dispo­sitions. Tout effort pour abolir ou altérer ou rendre inopérantes les dispo­sitions susmentionnées, sous certaines conditions, constitue l'infraction de haute trahison.

Aux termes de l'article 134 du code pénal hellénique, on entend par «haute trahison» le fait qu'une personne essaie par violence ou par menace d'user de la force ou par usurpation de sa qualité d'organe éta­tique, d'abolir ou d'altérer ou de rendre inopérant, d'une maniere durable ou provisoire, le régime démocratique qui est fondé sur la souveraineté du peuple, ou bien ses principes fondamentaux ou les institutions de ce régime.

RELIGIONS E"f MÉDIAS DANS L'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HBLLÉNIQUE 117

D'ailleurs, selon l'article 134 A du code pénal hellénique doivent etre entendus comme principes fondamentaux et institutions du régime hellé­nique le principe général et la protection des droits individuels prévus

par la Constitution. La protection pénale de la liberté de la conscience religieuse est concen-

trée au septieme chapitre du code pénal hellénique sous le titre: «Atten­tat contre la paix religieuse» (articles 198-201 code pénal hellénique). Dans le code pénal on trouve aussi des dispositions qui sont dispersées dans d'autres chapitres du code (articles 175, 176 et 374 code pénal hellénique). Mais, qu'entend-on par le terme «paix religieuse»? La doctrine du droit pénal se voit embarrassée par la définition de l' objet de la protection visée par les dispositions susmentionnées. Comme il a déja été précisé, la pro­tection de la liberté religieuse paráit connaitre une certaine relativité a cause de la reconnaissance par la Constitution elle-meme d'une religion domi­nante, c'est-a-dire, la religion officielle de l'Etat. Ainsi, l'Eglise de Grece revendique un role décisif quant aux questions de la vie sociale organisée par 1 'Etat. Ce fait re flete aussi sa protection par les moyens du droit pén:U·

L'article 53-2 de la Charte Constitutionnelle de l'Eglise de la Grece dis­pose qu'en cas d'outrage ou d'injure des organes collectifs ou uniperson­nels de l'Eglise de Grece, existe la protection de l' article 181 du code pénal hellénique concemant l'outrage de l'autorité publique ou des symboles.

11. Partie spéciale

l. La presse

A. La presse séculiere

Comme il a été exposé plus haut, (v. 2B) la législation sur la presse est caractérisée par une absence de regles concemant les droits et les devoirs

de la presse, découlant de la Constitution. On ne trouve nulle part dans ces lois des «regles du droit» pas meme

des «déclarations» qui portent sur la mission de la presse, ses libertés et enfin sur les conflits éventuels qui peuvent se présenter a 1' égard d' autres droits individuels, comme par exemple la liberté de la conscience religieuse. Tous ces problemes doivent etre résolus au niveau de la Constitution.

En effet, les lois spécifiques sur la presse se boment a régler en détail les di verses questions de moindre importance qui concernent l' organisation des éditions au point de vue du droit administratif, la responsabilité des éditeurs et des journalistes au point de vue de la procédure. Pour les ques­tions de plus grande importance est réservée l'application des dispositions

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de nature générale du droit civil ou pénal (Protection du droit a sa propre personnalité, responsabilité civile ou pénale etc.).

Il faut toutefois mentionner que conformément a la disposition de l'ar­ticle 14 §7 de la Constitution une loi spéciale détermine les détails de la responsabilité civile et pénale de la presse et des autres médias. Et cela par l'élargissement des conditions de responsabilité et par l'aggravation des sanctions (Loi No 1178/1981). Les droits et devoirs de la presse comme il est dit a plusieurs reprises, sont en príncipe l 'objet du droit constitutionnel. Il s'ensuit qu'il n'existe pas de regles spéciales pour la presse religieuse, exception faite pour les éditions de l 'Eglise de la Grece dont on traitera plus loin.

En ce qui conceme la question de l'autorégulation des médias et des autres moyens d'information, il faut faire une remarque préliminaire en disant que l'autorégulation au sens propre du mot signifie l'adoption, d'une fa~on auto­nome, de regles de déontologie par le corps des personnes intéressées. Cela exclut la régulation publique, c'est-a-dire la régulation entreprise par le législateur: dans ce dernier cas, il s'agit d'une régulation hétéronome.

En effet, les codes de déontologie décrivent les devoirs d'un groupe social et surtout professionnel, qui portent atteinte a la morale. Par leur nature, ces devoirs échappent aux obligations imposées par la loi car ils sont des devoirs de plus haut rang. C'est pour cela que ces codes doivent etre faits par les personnes intéressées et les sanctions prévues en cas de leur inobservation doivent etre infligées par eux-memes. Au contraire un devoir imposé par la loi est proprement dit un devoir légal.

Les regles de déontologie de radiotélévision constituent en príncipe une régulation publique au sens précité comme on va le démontrer plus loin, tandis que la source des codes de déontologie des professionnels de la presse est leur propre autonomie. En effet, la conception fondamentale du corps des journalistes est basée sur l'idée classique libérale selon laquelle la liberté de la presse est par excellence une garantie contre le pouvoir public.

L'intervention du législateur pour déterminer les devoirs des entreprises de presse et surtout de la profession des journalistes paraít etre incompa­tible avec la lettre et 1 'esprit de 1' article 14-1 de la Constitution hellé­nique. Il y a lieu de noter ici que le corps des journalistes est contraire a la prescription des regles déontologiques non pas seulement par le légis­lateur lui-meme, mais aussi par les entreprises de presse auxquelles ils rendent leurs services. C'est pour cette raison qu'en Grece on constate une absence d 'autorégulations de la presse posées par les entreprises des journaux et des périodiques réservant aux organisations de journalistes la détermination de leurs propres devoirs d'une maniere autonome. C'est

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS DANS L'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HELLÉNIQUE 119

pour cela que le seul code de déontologie des journalistes qui existe en Grece concernant la presse est le code adopté par l'Union des Rédacteurs des Journaux Quotidiens d' Athenes en 1999. Ce codea une application parallele a celle du code de déontologie des joumalistes adopté par le Conseil National de Radiotélévision. C'est ainsi que les regles de déontologie ont une so urce autonome et qu 'elles sont appliquées par les personnes intéres­sées elles-memes.

Parmi les devoirs déontologiques qui sont prévus par le code de déon­tologie susmentionné, figure le devoir des journalistes de respecter la valeur humaine et les droits des citoyens. Parmi les droits respectifs des citoyens existe leur droit d'exiger un traitement par la presse sans discri­mination en raison de la race, du sexe ou de la religion. L'inobservation des regles déontologiques comporte pour les journalistes a coté de leur responsabilité civile et pénale, une «responsabilité professionnelle» qui est sanctionnée par des dispositions de nature disciplinaire.

L'importance de ce code de déontologie consiste en ce qu'il éloigne du risque d'une intervention du législateur dans les questions internes des journalistes. En vérité, la décision N°66/1982 de 1' Aréopage (Cour de cassation hellénique) qui apres 1' abrogation du code de déontologie de 1971 sans que celui-ci soit remplacé par un autre, a considéré «qu'a défaut d'un code des journalistes en vigueur, il appartenait au pouvoir discrétionnaire du législateur de déterminer les conditions d'acces a la profession de journaliste ou de laisser son exercice libre».

En ce concerne 1' attitude de la presse envers la religion, je voudrais bien exposer quelques-unes de mes pensées qui sont basées sur l'obser­vation quotidienne des journaux. En ce qui con cerne 1 'organisation interne des journaux, on peut constater qu'il y a des journalistes qui, dans le cadre de la répartition de la matiere du journal, sont chargés des matieres religieuses sans pouvoir parler d 'un service spécial pour la religion. Sous les matieres religieuses on peut en entendre d'autres: i) Le reportage religieux. En raison du role prépondérant de l'Eglise de

Grece ces reportages concernent les activités de l 'Eglise en géné­ral, ses relations avec le Patriarcat <Ecuménique, ses relations avec les Eglises orthodoxes hors de la Grece et surtout ses relations avec l'Etat. A part de l'Orthodoxie, il est tres rare que la presse s'occupe des autres religions ou meme des croyances chrétiennes.

ii) Le reportage sur les cérémonies religieuses a l'occasion des grandes fetes par exemple Noel, Paques, les fetes des grands Saints, des Saints protecteurs des villes etc.

iii) Des theses sur les affaires religieuses.

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Comme il a déja mentionné, 1 'Eglise de Grece est le pole central autour duquel se développent les affaires religieuses. En raison de 1' exis­tence d'une religion dominante en Grece, celle de l'Eglise Orthodoxe Orientale du Christ, les initiatives et les activités de l'Eglise de la Grece paraissent quelques fois s'opposer au pouvoir étatique. Au début des années 80 l'effort du législateur pour introduire le mariage civil a la place du mariage religieux qui était seul reconnu par la loi jusqu' en 1982, a une opposition entre l'Eglise et l'Etat. Les reportages sur ce sujet ont abordé ce probleme comme un probleme politique. Sous 1 'iufluence de l'Eglise le mariage civil fut introduit non pas comme la seule forme légale du maríage mais a coté du mariage religieux. En pratique, le mariage civil est resté au second rang paree que la grande majorité des citoyens grecs ont démontré leur préférence pour le mariage religieux.

En 2000, 1 'Autorité lndépendante pour la Protection des Données Per­sonnelles s'exprimait sur la non-conformité a la Constitution de fa loi qui prévoyait l'inscription de la religion a laquelle appartient le citoyen sur les cartes d'identité. La réaction de l'Eglise de Grece fut prompte et

potentielle. Le reportage des journaux s 'est occupé, plus ou moins, de l'aspect polítique de cette question. Le Conseil d'Etat hellénique par sa décision N° 2281/2001 a jugé que la loi qui ímpose aux citoyens de faire inscrire la relígion a laquelle ils appartiennent sur la carte d'identité, n'est pas conforme aux dispositions constitutionnelles. Toutefois une minorité de sept voix s 'est opposée a la majorité qui a adopté cette décision.

J'ai l'impression que l'Eglise de Grece et par suite l'Orthodoxie, se voient traitées par la presse contemporaine comme une puissance sociale qui apporte des limites a l'activité de l'Etat.

Dans les cas que j' ai déja mentionnés les articles des journaux écrits par des journalistes ou d'autres personnes, témoignent d'un esprit cri­tique envers 1 'Eglise ou envers 1 'Etat. Cela dépend de la fa\'on dont les rédacteurs de ces articles envisagent la question, suivant leurs propres convictions religieuses par rapport a leurs positions politiques.

n faut toutefois remarquer que la tendance de faire des critiques a l'encontre de l'Eglise paraít etre plus attirante du fait que la croyance religieuse soutc­nant l'Eglise est susceptible de rétablir des persévérances nationalistes reli­gieuses acceptables dans le passé mais qui s'opposent déja a !'esprit contem­porain qui est attaché a l'idée européenne et aux tendances mondialistes.

B. La presse religieuse

La presse est sournise au meme régime que la presse séculiere. L'absence d'une réglementation spécifique des droits et devoirs est un

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trait commun aux deux. On a déja expliqué les causes de ce phénomene. Quant a la presse religieuse íl parait que le législateur a une raison de plus de ne pas intervenir. Toute initiative législative visant a s'occuper des affaires religieuses courait le risque d'etre consídérée comme «une usur­pation du pouvoir» de 1 'Eglise de Grece, qui, comme il a déja été dit est «autocéphale», et est administrée par le Saint-Synode.

Effectivement, l'Eglise de Grece par une série des nbglements adoptés par elle-meme, a organisé sa communication avec les croyants, faisant usage d'un grand nombre de moyens appropriés.

En 1996 a été établi un Bureau de Presse et des Relations Pu.bliques du Saint-Synode Pennanent. La mission de ce bureau consiste a fournir l'information la plus complete possible au clergé et a l'opinion publique sur des sujets d'intéret ecclésiastique par la presse, des réseaux de radio et de télévision ainsi que des agences de presse.

L'information est effectuée aussi par la station de radio de l'Eglise, par le journal «V érité Ecclésíastique », le fascicule « Envers le Peuple » et par d'autres moyens appropriés.

En 1999 a été établi aupres de l 'Eglise de Grece un service spécial de la communication et de l'éducation qui a pour but de présenter «notre tradition ecclésiastique et notre identité nationale ainsi que d'exercer la poimantikhekklhsiastikh» moderne par tout moyen approprié de commu­nication, d'information et d'éducation (radio, télévision), toute sorte d'édi­tion comme par exemple les magazines de 1 'Eglise qui déja apparaissent.

A part les éditions de l'Eglise de la Grece, un nombre important d'im­primés, journaux ou périodiques religieux sont mis en circulation pour lesquels comme il a déja été précisé plus haut il n'existe pas de régle­mentation spécifique les concernant Ces imprimés sont édités par des organisations religieuses ayant le statut des personnes morales de droit privé. Pour ces imprimés la réglementation en vigueur est celle de la presse séculiere.

2. La radio et la télévision

Comme il est déja mentionné, l'article 15 de la Constitution hellénique díspose que la radio et la télévision sont soumises au contrOle immédiat de l'Etat, sous la forme du régime de l'autorisation préalable et que le contrOle et 1' application des sanctions administratives sont soumis a la compétence exclusive du Conseil National de Radiotélévision.

La loi 2328/1995 (Joumal Officiel159/3.8.1995) sous le titre: «Régime juridique de la télévision privée et de la radio locale, réglementation des sujets du marché radiotélévisé et autres dispositions» détermine par son

122 PANAGIOTIS LADAS

article 3 les príncipes des émissions et publicités et porte des regles concemant le droit de réponse, la protection de la personnalité, de la vie privée, la protection de l'enfance et enfin l'usage correct de la langue grecque.

Aux termes du paragraphe ¡er, alinéa 2 de cet article: «toute sorte d'émission (y compris la publicité transmise par la radio et la télévision) doit respecter la personnalité, l'honneur, la réputation, la vie privée et familiale, 1' activité professionnelle et sociale, scientifique et politique ou toute autre activité connexe de la personne, dont l'image se présente a l'écran, ou dont le nom, ou d'autres éléments suffisants pour son identi­fication sont transmis».

D'apres le cadre constitutionnel de protection de la liberté de la conscience religieuse qui remonte en sa qualité de liberté spécifique a la valeur humaine, il est hors de doute que sous le terme «activité connexe» doit etre entendue meme l'activité religieuse. Toutefois le paragraphe 2 alinéa g de ce meme article dispose que la publicité par télévision ne peut pas introduire de discriminations en raison de la race, du sexe, de la religion ou de la nationalité, ni porter atteinte aux croyances religieuses ou poli­tiques.

En ce qui conceme la durée et la maniere dont la publicité est trans­mise (particulierement la possibilité de faire intervenir la publicité entre deux émissions), le paragraphe 5 alinéa e du meme article dispose que «pendant l'émission de cérémonies religieuses il est interdit de faire inter­venir de la publicité». De meme, i1 est prévu que les émissions de nou­velles télévisées, les émissions de contenu religieux qui ont une durée inférieure a trente minutes ne peuvent pas etre interrompues par la publi­cité. Le paragraphe 12 du méme article réglemente le droit de réponse prévu par l'article 15 de la Constitution. Enfin le paragraphe 14 dispose que: ~<les programmes de la radio et télévision hellénique S.A. (les chaines nationales) et les chaines privées ne doivent pas inciter a la haine en raí­son de la race, du sexe, de la religion ou de la nationalité. »

La loi 2328/1995 prévoit la ratification par décret présidentiel des Codes de déontologie i) d'émissions de nouvelles et d'autres émissions joumalistiques et politiques ii) de programmes de divertissement et d'édu­cation et iii) de publicités, applicables a toutes les stations de radio et les chaínes de télévision. Jusqu'a ce que ce décret soit édité restent en vigueur les Codes de déontologie votés par le Conseil National de Radiotélévision en application de l'article 3 paragraphe 2 de la loi 1866/1989.

En effet, la loi antérieure n°1866 du 6/6.10.1989 sous le titre: «institu­tion d'un Conseil National de Radiotélévision etc.» disposait a son article 3

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS DANS L 'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HELLÉNIQUE 123

paragraphe 2 que le Conseil National de Radiotélévision édite dans un délai de 6 mois des codes de déontologie du joumalisme, des programmes et des publicités, qui seront publiés dans le Joumal Officiel. 11 édite aussi des directives et recommandations a l'intention des organismes et services publics et privés, pour que ces principes soient respectés.

Le Conseil National de Radiotélévision, ayant pris en considération l'article 15 paragraphe 2 de la Constitution, les articles 3 paragraphes 2 et 6 de la loi 1866/1989, les articles 3 paragraphes 7 a 10 de la loi 1730/ 1987 et la directive no 89/552/CEE du Conseil des Communautés Euro­péennes, a voté les trois Codes de Déontologie qui ont été publiés, comme prévu par la loi, au Joumal Officiel.

A titre indicatif, dans le Code déontologique des publicités radiotélé­visées sont intégrées des dispositions concernant les sujets traités par le présent rapport, dont celles de plus grande importance sont les suivantes: i) la chaíne de télévision ou la station de radio ne doit pas retransmettre de publicités qui introduisent des discriminations en raison de la race, du sexe, de la religion, de la nationalité ou qui portent atteinte a des convic­tions religieuses ou politiques (article 4), ii) les publicités religieuses a la radio et a la télévision sont interdites. Les émissions religieuses qui ne présentent pas de caractere publicitaire ne sont pas concemées par cette interdiction.

Enfin, il y a lieu de noter ici que la loi 2328/1995 reconnaít que les Codes de déontologie, les réglementations des programmes, l'émission des publicités ainsí que tout autre texte dérivant d'un engagement auto­nome ou de négociation collective ou de reglement statutaire d'entre­prises de radiotélévision ou de leurs unions, sont valables. En outre, chaque chalne de télévision qui demande l'autorisation ou l.e renouvelle­ment de son autorisation est obligée de présenter au Conseil National de Radiotélévision son propre Code de déontologie joumalistique ainsi que de déontologie des programmes et des publicités qui l'engagent. Les chaines de télévision peuvent se mettre d'accord sur un Code commun qui les engage et qui est valable pour la totalité des chaí:nes.L'article 8 de cette meme loi dispose que ces réglementations sont valables pour les stations des radios locales. Les détails de cette matiere sont réglés par l'article 8 de la loi 2863/2000.

Parmi les chaines a vocation nationale, les chaí:nes d'Etat (ERT) diffu­sent régulierement des émissions de nature religieuse: la messe tous les dimanches et pendant les fetes religieuses, des discussions sur des questions tbéologiques, sociales, etc., des reportages sur l'activité d'autres Eglises orthodoxes, des nouvelles sur les activités de l'Eglise de Grece.

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11 en est de meme pour les chaines de caractere régional ou local. 11 faut toutefois souligner que ces émissions concernent surtout 1 'Eglise Ortho­doxe. 11 est tres rare que sur l'écran soient présentées les activités d'autres dogmes ou religions.

3. Les arts et l'éducation face a la religion

A. Les arts

Comme il a déja été mentionné, 1 'article 16 de la Constitution établit la liberté de 1 'art et de la science. Par cette disposition qui est insérée pour la premiere fois dans la Constitution hellénique de 1975, se complete la protection constitutionnelle de la liberté d 'opinion et du mouvement spirituel. C'est pour cela que les limites apportées par le législateur a la création d'oeuvres d'art ou de science doivent etre moins étendues et intensives par rapport a d'autres genres d'expression. Comme exemple on peut citer la disposition de 1' article 30-1 de la loi 5060/31 qui dispose que les reuvres d'art ne peuvent etre l'objet d'une saisie réservée par la loi aux publications impudiques.

Mais au dela de 1 'obligation de 1 'Etat de s 'abstenir de porter atteinte audit droit individue} (status negativos), c'est de la disposition de l'article 16 de la Constitution que découle aussi l'obligation de I'Etat de prendre les mesures nécessaires dans le but de promouvoir l'art et la science (sta­tus positivos). L'art au sens de l'article 16 de la Constitution comprend d' abord, les beaux arts: la musique, la peinture, la danse, la sculpture, et ensuite d' autres créations artistiques, comme 1 'architecture, les arts déco­ratifs, la poésie, le théatre et le cinéma. Bien qu'il soit difficile de don­ner la définition de l'reuvre d'art, une définition qui serait trap restrictive courrait le risque de limiter d'une maniere indirecte la protection consti­tutionnelle de 1 'art.

Le probleme qui se pose est de savoir comment doit etre résolu un conflit éventuel entre plusieurs droits individuels de maniere a ce que la protection de tel droit ne se heurte pasa la satisfaction d'un autre. En ce sens, une reuvre d'art pourrait porter atteinte au sentiment religieux d'une personne ou d'un groupe de personnes. Une telle atteinte ne pourrait etre considérée comme une atteinte a la liberté de la conscience religieuse. C'est plutót une atteinte a la personnalité étant donné qu'elle provoque une lésion des valeurs morales inhérentes a l'existence humaine. En effet, toute personne a ses propres idées et croyances qui composent un des aspects distincts de sa personnalité et en ce sens doivent etre respectées par autrui.

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS DANS L'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HELLÉNIQUE 125

L 'Aréopage (la Cour de cassation hellénique) par sa décision No 13/ 1999, Assemblée Pléniere, a jugé que la liberté de l'art et de la science ainsi que la liberté d' expression et de divulgation des pensées ont pour but de sauvegarder des biens sociaux de tres grande importance. C'est ainsi que la protection des libertés susmentionnées justifie des atteintes aux droits a la personnalité. Ces atteintes, a condition qu 'elles ne tou­chent pas a la valeur humaine, noyau inviolable de la personnalité, ne sont pas illicites puisque la personnalité meme si elle est lésée, a dans le cas concret une importance inférieure par rapport a celle des dites libertés.

Comme on l'a déja fait remarquer, la majorité de la législation concer­nant les médias est caractérisée par une absence de regles concernant leurs droits et leurs devoirs qui découlent de la Constitution. 11 en est de meme pour les arts. A part son importance sociale, 1' art, par sa nature, est une «activité» personnelle, le créateur obéissant a ses propres idées, qui seules l'inspirent. L'art «organisé» par l'Etat renvoie a l'organisation d'une profession qui peut faire l'objet d'une réglementation détaillée, déléguée au législateur.

La loi intervient dans la réglementation de 1' art pour régir son coté économique et commercial. C'est surtout le cas quand l'art est exploité par des entreprises d'une certaine importance commerciale. Comme exemple on peut citer le cinéma. La loi 1597/1986 sous le titre: «Cinéma et Arts cinématographiques» comporte des regles détaillées de cette acti­vité au point de vue du droit administratif et professionnel. 11 ne faut pas oublier que cette nécessité résulte aussi du status positivos de l'art cinématographique, l'Etat étant obligé de le promouvoir. En ce sens, le législateur se voit obligé de se référer aux principes constitutionnels les concernant.

L'article 1 de la loi N°1597 de 1986 relative au cinéma et a l'art ciné­matographique, dans son premier alinéa dispose que la protection de 1' art cinématographique constitue une obligation de l'Etat qui veille a son développement. Au deuxieme alinéa dudit article, l'Etat doit prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires pour le renforcement moral et matériel de la distribution et de la promotion des films cinématographiques grecs et pour l'amélioration de la culture cinématographique du peuple. Le troi­sieme alinéa dit que le Ministre de la Culture a la compétence générale et l'inspection de toutes les questions se référant aux obligations de l'Etat, questions qui sont définies par cette loi.

L'article 2 de cette meme loi, au premier alinéa, dispose que l'art ciné­matographique est libre selon les dispositifs de la Constitution et que la cen­sure et toute autre mesure préventive sont interdites. Le deuxieme alinéa

126 PAl'\fAGIOTIS LADAS

du méme article se réfere au comité de jeunesse qui est constitué selon les dispositions de l'article 36 de la meme loi. L'établissement et la fonc­tion dudit comité ont comme but de contribuer au développement de la personnalité des jeunes en tant que citoyens libres et responsables sans porter atteinte a la liberté d 'expression et a la divulgation des amvres cinématographiques. Le troisieme alinéa du meme article dispose que la saisie des films cinématographiques, apres leur projection, est autorisée seulement dans les cas et sous les conditions prévues par la Constitution concernant la saisie des journaux et d'autres imprimés.

B. L'éducation

On a déja mentionné l'article 16 de la Constitution Hellénique quí dis­pose que l'instruction constitue une míssion fondamentale de l'Etat et qu' elle a pour but, entre autres, le développement de la conscience natio­nale et religieuse des hellenes. Du fait que la relígion dominante en Grece est celle de l'Eglise Orthodoxe Orientale du Christ, le Conseil d'Etat a décidé, par sa décision N°3533/86 que les cours de religion dans les écoles doivent etre conformes aux príncipes de ladite religion et occuper une partie satisfaisante du programme d'enseignement hebdomadaire.

On peut trouver cette formule a la décision W 3356/1995 (6eme Chambre) du Conseil d 'Etat. Cette décision va encore plus loín. Elle admet que le droit individue! de la liberté religieuse est protégé par l'article 13 de la Constitution ainsi que par l'article 9 de la Convention de Rome, qu'elle a été ratifiée par la loi 2329/1953 et le décret législatif N° 53n4. L'ar­ticle 2 du premier protocole de la Convention de Rome reconnaí:t aux parents le droit de fixer l'éducation religieuse de leurs enfants selon leur propre conviction. 11 en découle que les éleves sont obligés de suivre les cours de religion a l'école a moins de déclarer et prouver que, en raí­son de leur conviction religieuse, du fait qu'ils appartiennent a une autre conviction ou religion et pour cette seule raison, ils demandent a etre exemptés de l'enseignement de la le~on de religion. Cette exception est accordée par le Directeur de l'école apres qu'il ait vérifié que cette demande est justífiée.

Cette décision traite aussi une autre question, celle du refus des éleves chrétíens orthodoxes de faire en publíc la priere a l'école. Cette question n'a rien a voir avec les croyances religieuses ou la conscience religieuse des éleves. Selon cette décision, l'éleve peut refuser de faire en public la priere quand il peut invoquer des raisons personnelles qui pourraient jus­tifier ce refus selon les regles de la science pédagogique, par exemple,

RELIGIONS ET MÉDIAS DAJ\fS L'ORDRE JURIDIQUE HELLÉNIQUE 127

quand il a des problemes d'articulation ou le manque le courage ou des troubles psychologiques de telle nature qu'ils pourraient indter ses cama­rades a le désapprouver ou a se moquer de lui.

Il y a lieu de noter ici, que l'article 6 de la loi N°4862/1931 disposait déja: «qu'il est interdit aux écoles grecs publiques ou privées d'enseigner la lef,¡on de la religion orthodoxe aux éleves qui n'appartiennent pas a cette religion. Ceux-ci sont d'ailleurs dispensés d'assister a la messe». En conclusion, U est hors de contestation que la formation et le développe­ment de la conscience religieuse des éleves doivent, selon la Constitution,

suivre la religion chrétienne orthodoxe. 11 s'ensuit que seuls les orthodoxes ont acces aux écoles pour enseigner

la lec;:on de religion et cette exception n'est pas considérée pour les non­orthodoxes comme une discrimination en raison de convictions reli­gieuses. Au contraire, pour les enseignants des autres matieres ce serait une discrimination illégale de les exclure de ce service. Il est évident que ces dispositions sont en vigueur pour l'enseignement secondaire et que la recherche et l' enseignement réalisés dans les universités ne sont pas son­mis aux dites dispositions car l'enseignement universitaire n'a pas voca­tion a développer la conscience religieuse ou nationale.

Le probleme se pose des éleves qui n'appartiennent pasa cette religion ont le droit d'exiger de l'Etat d'imposer aux écoles l'enseignement de leurs propres convictions. Ce probleme a une signification inférieure, pas importante, du fait que le peuple grec dans sa majorité écrasante (estimée a un pourcentage de 95%) appartient a cette Eglise.

Il faut toutefois remarquer que dans les écoles privées ou i1 Y a un nombre assez important d'éleves qui appartiennent a un autre dogme ou religion, sont organisés des cours spéciaux de religion qui se déroulent parallelement a l'enseignement de la religion orthodoxe. C'est surtout le cas des écoles gréco-fran~aises dirigées par des ordres des moines qui sont fréquentées par des éleves catholiques. En plus, il y a en Grece trois écoles privées juives, dont une a Thessaloniki, ou la religion juive est

enseignée.

JOHN O'Dowo

University College Dublin

RELIGION IN ARTS AND MEDIA: IRELAND

SUMMARY: l. Religion andfreedom of expression in constitutionallaw- n. Crim­inal law provisions ITI. Legal regulation of films, publications and videos l. Broadcasting: the legislative framework 2. Broadcasting: self-regulation and interna! standards and practices - (1) Public broadcasting- (2) Independent broadcasting - IV. Joumalistic ethics - V. Advertising Standards Authoríty for Ireland- VI. The press l. The secular press- 2. The religious press- 3. Privacy and confidentiality 4. Cultural institutions - VIT. Conclusion.

l. Religion and freedom of expression in constitutionallaw

"The State acknowledges that the homage of public worship is due to Almighty God. It shall hold His Name in reverence, and shall respect and honour religion.

The S tate guarantees liberty for the exercise of the following rights, subject to public order and morality: -

i The right of the citizens to express freely their convictions and opinions.

The education of public opinion being, however, a matter of such grave import to the common good, the State shall endeavour to ensure that organs of public opinion, such as the radio, the press, the cinema, while preserving their rightfulliberty of expression, including criticism of Government policy, shall not be used to undermine publíc order or morality or the authority of the State.

The publication or utterance of blasphemous, seditious, or indecent matter is an offence which shall be punishable in accordance with law." 1

This seems to have been intended as a reference to the common law offence of blasphemy: scurrilous or abusive attacks on a religious doctrine of orthoQ.ox Christians.2 It is unclear whether only the doctrines of the (Anglican) Church of Ireland3 were protected, but an attack on doctrine

1 Constitution of Ireland, 1937 Arts 44.1 and 40.6.1 °. 2 P. O'HIGGINS, "Blasphemy in hish Law" (1960) 23 MLR 151, pp. 158-65; Law Refonn

Commission Consultatíon Paper on the Crime of Libe/ (Dublin LRC, 1991) paras 90-94. 3 Disestablished in 1870: hish Church Act, 1869 (32 & 33 Vict e 42).

130 JOHNO'DOWD

was necessary. Vulgar or abusive attacb on the clergy were not blasphe­mous.4

The Preamble to the Constitution expresses specifically Christian beliefs.s Unti11972, the Constitution also recognised the "special position'' of the Roman Catholic Church as "the guardian of the faith of the great majority of the citizens" and the existence of the main Protestant and the Jewish communities.6 Constitutionally "prohibiting" blasphemy may therefore have been intcnded less to protect believers against outrage or distress than to protect their beliefs from being undermined.

Irish and European courts have held that the State, as the guardian of public order and the common good, has a broad discretion to control expres­sion that might tend to cause tension between religious groups, social unrest or even violence.7 However, the State is "not placed in the position of an arbiter of religious truth" and cannot give special protection to those reli­gious beliefs manifesteil in the Constitution.8 Since "[i]ts onlv function is to protect publíc order and moralíty"9 it cannot díscriminate.on the basis of reJigious belief or affiliation. The common law offence of blasphemy was inconsistent with the Constitution because it was both discrimina­tory10 and too vague and uncertain a limitation on freedom of expression. ti

Though "(t]here is no doubt that the crime of blaspbemy exists as an offence in lrish law because the Constitution says so" 12, "[t]he task of defining the crime is one for the legíslature, not for the courts"; legisla­tion must be clear, precise and free from discrimination on grounds of religious profession, belief or status.B Ifthe State is no longer "an arbiter of religious truth", the nature of the offence has radically been changed;

4 Corway v. lndependent Newspapers (lreland) Ltd [1999] 4 IR 484, 502-3 (SC), approvmg Geoghegan J (ibid 489-90); J.P. CASEY, Constitutional Law in lreland, 3'd ed Sw~et & Maxwell, Dublin, 2000, pp. 57l(n83), 574. ·

, "In the Name ofti_Je Most Holy Trinity, from Whom is all authority and to Whom, our final end, all act:to~s both of men and States must be referred. We, the people of

Humbly acknowledgmg all our obligations to our Dí vine Lord, Jesus Christ ... " See Norris vA.G [19841 IR 36,64 (O'Higgins CJ) 77-78 (Henchy J).

6 Arts 44.1.2"and 44.1.3" (repealed by the Fifth Amendment ofthe Constituúon Act 1972.) '

7 Murphy v lndependent Radio & Television Commission [1999] 1 IR 12 (SC); Mur­ph{ v lreland (European Court of Human Rights 10 July 2003).

Corway v lndependent Newspapers (lreland) Ltd fl999] 4 IR 484 501 (SC) 9 Ibid. . ' .

!O lbid 502. 11 " ••• in the absence of any legislative definition of the constitutional offence of blas­

phemy, ít is ímpossible to say of what the offence of blasphemy consísts" ibid. Severa! statutory provisions are consequently inoperaúve: Defamation Act, 1961 (No 40) s 13.

12 !bid 501. 13 Ibíd.

RELIGION IN ARTS ANO MEDIA: IRELAND 131

it must now protect religíous believers against insult, consideration of the truth or falsity of their beliefs being prohibited.14 Perhaps "religion" also requires a wider interpretation, not just as "doctrine" but also as other

matters held sacred by each religion.

U. Criminallaw provisions

The Oireachtas (National Parliament) is not likely to enact new blasphemy legislation. The Law Refonh Commission15 recommended a constitu­tional amendment to permit abolition of the offence:

" ... there [ís] no place for an offence ofblasphemy in a society which respects freedom of speech .... that the publication of blasphemy causes injury to feelings appeared to us to be a tenuous basis on which to restrict freedom of speech. The argument that freedom to insult religion would threate? the stabílity of society by impairing harmony between groups seemed h1ghly

. . h b f t' ,, 16 questtonable m t e a sence o any prosecu 1ons .

If there were legislation, the Commission recommended the most restric­tive possible definition of "blasphemy" whilst eliminating discrimination between relígions. Blasphemous matter should be matter:

"the sole effect of which is likely to cause outrage to a substantial number of the adherents of any religion by virtue of its insulting content conceming

matters held sacred by that religion". 17

The mens rea required should be:

(a) that the defendant knew that the matter was likely to outrage the adher­

ents of any religion and (b) that its sole intent was to outrage the adherents of any religion.

18

It is an existing offence to publish or distribute written material, to use words, behave or display written material (except in a prívate residence) or to distribute, show or play a recording of visual images or sounds that are threatening, abusive or insulting and are intended or, having regard to all the circumstances, are likely to stir up hatred19 "against a group of

14 Corway 502 Barrington J (a positíon ''not dissimilar to that mentíoned as desirable

by Lord Scarman" inR v Lemon [1976] AC 617, 658.) 15 Law Reform Commission Report on the Crime of Libe/ (LRC 41-1991) paras 4-21.

See also Report ofthe Constitution Review Group (Pn 2632, 1996) 296-97. 16 Ibid para 17. Emphasis supplied. 11 Ibid para 21. "Matters held sacred" should not include illegal activil.ies carried on

by adherents of tlle religion in question. Emphasis supplíed: lB Ibid. Consultation Paper on the Crin1e of Libel (Dubhn LRC 1991) paras 223-244. t9 Prohibition oflncítement to Hatred Act, 1989 s 2(1).

132 JOHNO'DOWD

lll. Legal regulation of lilms, publications and videos

The Censorship of Publications Board ma hi . . books or periodicals23 th d . y pro btt mdecent or obscene miscarria e 24 or ose a vocatmg procurement of abortion or clergy ha! ~ad~::~ber of both ~he Roman Catholic and the Protestant Appeals Board.2'i ly been appomted to the Censorship of Publications

The Film Censor may prohib · t · d .. because it includes obscene or i~d:c:~te~~~~\: ;iewing it would tend, sons who might view it26 or would b lik 1 ' eprave or corrupt per­crimes orto stir up hatred (a ainst the e e y to cause pe.rsons to commit

::.:::~!!:~:::~ depic;:¡: :=,m::~:):;~,!~ .. No film shall be exhibited in public unless the Official C h

tlfied the whole of the film to be fit for public exht'bt't· 29 ensor ~s. cer­may b fu d · ton a certiflcate . . . e re se only tf the Censor is of opinion that the film

:: ~:~~~:~~~ri:b~c~ne or blasphemou~ or that its exhibition :o:l~a::: ctp es contrary to pubbc morality or would be otherwise

20 s J · Emphasis supplied

21 • • The charge ls sometimes made rhetori 11 " .

remarks on secularism", Irish limes 4 Ma 2~a Y eg. Huma~Js~s criticise Dr Daly over that drawing a parallel between Na . y d (th~ Irish Assocumon of Humanists claimed

22 ·:~chool bus-driver fmed fo:l::i: a~:~~l:s: was a f?;m ~f incitement to hatred). ~0~2; New incitement to hatred law sought" 1 . h ~ of 12 'lnsh limes 9 September lllCitement to hatred law aooounced" 1 . h Tt , ns zmes 14 March 2001; "Review of of inciting hatred towards Travellers ;, 7: h ;'es 6 2September 2000; "Councillor cleared decision not to charge joumalist und , I IS. zmes March 1999; "Travellers upset over ber 1996. See also· "Dt'sabilt'ty gro er ~c~t~me.nt to Hatred Act" Irish Times 3 Septem-

. ' ups cntlctse JOumali t" ¡ · h : Censorship of Publications Act, 1946 ss 7(l)(a), ; l, :¡s Times 23 October 2000.

ss 7(1)(b), 9(1)(b) as amended by the Health F .< )( ). . ss (3) (4}. See also Censorship of Publicati A ( lamil9 y Plannmg) Act, 1979 s 12 sub-

2~ M. ADAMs e. . . . ons ct, 46 s 9(l)(c). 26 . , ensorshtp. The lnsh Experíence Se t B k .

V1deo Recordings Act, 1989 8 ?(l)(a)("') ' ep er 00 s, Dublm, 1968. 27 s 7(1)(a) (i),(ii). ¡¡¡ · 28

S 7(l)(b).

29 Censorship of Films Act, 1923 s 5(1).

RELIGION lN ARTS AND MEDIA: Illli'LAND 133

subversive of public morality.30 A limited certificate may be granted, sub­ject to restrictions and conditions, to prevent its public exhibition being subversive ofpublic morality.31 The Film Censor may require also "cuts" before granting a certificate.32 The meaning of "blasphemous" here is not entirely clear; if it refers to the common law offence (which the Supreme Court assumed in Corway33) then the provision is now inoper­ative, but "blasphemous" in this context may well be a broader concept than at common law.

No film has been recently refused a certificate because of blasphemy. Abel Ferrara's The Bad Lieutenant was censored primarily because it depicted sexual violence and drug taking, although its depiction of a nun's rape in a church and its religious motifs generally seem to have had sorne influence.34 Martín Scorsese's The Last Temptation ofChrist, received an 18 certificate, but on condition that there be no exterior poster advertis­ing, that no one be admitted after the beginning of each showing and that the film be preceded by exhibition of an approved statement, clarifying that the film was not an account of the historical Jesus, but an adaptation of Kazantzakis's novel.

l. Broadcasting: the legislative framework

Broadcasters are subject to the general criminallaw. The Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act, 1989 specifically provides for liability for radio or television broadcasts; 35 it does not protect bonafide professionaljudg­ment about what to broadcast.36

Independent commercial or community broadcasters regulated by the Broadcasting Commission of Ireland (BCI)37 must report and present news and current affairs objectively and impartially (without expressing their own views), be fair to all interests concemed in their treatment of current affairs, not broadcast anything reasonably regarded as offending against good taste or decency, or as being likely to promote or incite crime or as undermining the authority of the State and not unreasonably

30 S 7(2). 31 S 7(3). 32 S 7(4). 33 Corway (n5) 501. 34 "An Irishman's Diary", Irish limes 5 August 1997. 35 Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act, 1989 s 3. 36 See Jersild v Denmark (1995) 19 EHRR l. 37 Radio and Television Act, 1988 s 14(4)(a). See Radio Limerick One Ltd v lndepen­

dent Radio and Television Commission [1997] 2 IR 291 (SC).

134 JOHNO'DOWD

encroach upon the privacy of any individual in programmes or the means employed to make them. 38

Radio Telefís Éireann (RTÉ) the national public broadcaster and fís na Gaeilge (Irish language television) have similar statutory duties, although not expressly the duty not to offend "against good taste or decency. "39 They must respond to the interests and concems of the whole community, be mindful of the need for understanding and peace within the whole island of Ireland and ensure that the programmes reflect the varied elements which make up the culture of the people of the whole island of Ireland.40 They must also provide public service broadcastíng which reflects the cultural diversity of the whole island of Ireland, including pro­grammes that entertain, inform and educate, providing covera.ge of sport­ing, religious and cultural activities and catering for the expectations the community generally as well as of special or minority interests and which, in case, respect human dignity.41 RTÉ and Telefís na Gaeilge regulate their own compliance with the standards laid down in legislation, subject only to the possibility of a complaint being made to the Broad­casting Complaints Commissíon42 the powers of which are limited.43

In awarding radío and television the BCI must have regard to the desirability of a diversity of catering for a wide range of tastes including those o:f minority interests and either recognis­ably local communities or communities of interest# and it must bear in mind the languages and traditions and the relígious, ethical and cultural diversity of the people of Ireland.45 No operational station licensed by the BCI has a specific religious ethos or is controlled by a religious organ­isation, though sorne local stations have a minor shareholding held by or on behalf of a local consortium of religious denominations.

Community radio must be "editorially independent of government, commercíal and religious institutions and political parties. "46 Religious

38 Radio and Television Act, 1988 ss 9(1). s 18(1). . • .

39 Broadcasting Authority Act, 1960 s 18(1)-(lB) (substituted by the Broadcasting Author­

tty (Amendment) Act, 1976 s 3) (applied to Teleffs na Gaeilge by the Broadcastin<> Act, 2001 S 50(1)). 0

40 Broadcasting Authority Act, 1960 s 17 (substítuted by the Broadcasting Authority

(Amendment) Act, 1976 s 13); Broadcasting Act, 2001 s 46(b){i). 41 SS 28, 45(4).

Broadcasting Act, 2001 s 24(2). S 24(11).

44 Radio and Televísion Act, 1988 s 6(2). 45 Broadcasting Act, 2001 s 11 (2). 46

IRTC Policy on Community Radio Broadcasting (1997), s 3 (adopting the AM.ARC (World Association of Community Orientated Broadcasters) Community Radio Charter for Europe).

RELIGION IN ARTS At'ID MEDIA: IRELAND 135

broadcasters can only be licensed as "special interest" stations.47 The BCI (then the IRTC- Independent Radio and Television Commission)48

advertised in 2000 for applications for a licence to operate an AM reli­gious radio station serving Dublin city and county - the largest radio mar­ket.49 The IRTC decided to award a licence to SOLAS FM50 to trans­mit music and discussion on an equal basis, providing a broad-based, multi-denominational Christian radio service. The unavailability of AM transmíssion facilities has prevented the station going on air.51 There are several unlicensed religious radio services, generally illegal and ephemeral relays of satellite FM radio.

The Minister may direct the BCI to prepare regulatory codes in relation to independent broadcasting.52 Codes have already been adopted in relation to advertising, sponsorship and other forros of commercial promotíon.53

Among these standards are:

"5.1 Advertising shaU not -...

(iii) be offensive ro religious or political beliefs, or

9.5 Advertisements shall not be inserted in any broadcast of a religious ser­vice. Religious programmes ... when their scheduled duration is less than thírty minutes shall not be interrupted by advertisements,

23.1 Sponsorship of ... religious programmes is prohibíted .... "

Commercial advertising on radio and television is also subject to the Advertising Standards Authority of Ireland below).

Untll recently paid religious advertisements on radio and television were completely prohibited:

41 Of nine applicants for the l 06.8FM frequency ( allocated in 200 1 awarded to a Coun­try and Irish music service) one was religious. See "Miracle needed by relígious group seeking licence to broadcast here", lrish Times 14 February 2002.

48 Broadcasting Act, 2001 s 1 0(1 ). 49 Four applícants (Solas AM, UCB, Radio Maria and 'People into God') reflected a

wide range of Christian denominations, broadcasting philosophies and levels of broad­casting experience.

5ü fRTC Press Release: "Two IRTC decisions to give Cork and Dublín listeners greater choice." (26 February 2001); IRTC Press Release: "Programming needs of non-Christían listeners stressed", lrish Tunes 27 March 2001; "IRTC awards two new special interest licences in Dublin" (30 April2001). "IRTC awards licertce to new religious radio statíon", lrish Times 1 May 2001 "solas" is the Irish word for light.

5 ·1 "Christian radio station in transmission row with RTÉ", lrish Times 5 April 2002. 52 Broadcasting Act, 2001 s 19(1), replacing Broadcastíng Act, 1990 s 4. 53 Codes of starulards, practice cmd prohíbitions in advertising, sponsorship, and other

fomts of commerdal promotion broadcasting services. ( 11 May 1995).

136 JOHNO'DOWD

"(4) [~TÉ] shall not accept any advertisement which is directed towards any rehgious or political end or has any relation to any industrial dispute. "54

ln.Murphy.v IRT05 a pastor toa Bible Christian ministry sought to have th1s advertlsement broadcast on independent local radio:

"What ~h~nk ye of Christ? Would you, like Peter, only say that he is the son of the hvmg God? Have you ever exposed yourself to the historical facts about ~hrist? The Irish Faith Centre are presenting for Easter week an hour long. ~Ideo by Dr Jean Scott PhD on the evidence of the resurrection [at spectfled dates and times] ... "56

Co.n~idering this to be an "advertisement which is directed towards [a] rehg10us ... end" the IRTC prohibited 98FM from broadcasting it. Pastor Murphy claimed that either the IRTC had misinterpreted the statute or that th~ s~bsection unconstitutionally restricted free practice and profession of rehg10n, ~reedom from religious discrimination, freedom of expression and the nght to communicate. He was unsuccessful in the High Court ~Geoghegan J). The Supreme Court rejected an appeal - limited to the Issue of th~ sub-section's validity. The Court treated the prohibition on the three kinds of advertising as serving a single underlying purpose:

"All three kinds of banned advertisement relate to matters which ha ve pro_ved extremely divisive in lrish society in the past. The Oireachtas were entitled to t~e the view tha! the citizens would resent having advertise­ments. touchmg .on these toptcs broadcast into their homes and that such advertisements, tf permitted, might lead to unrest. Moreover the Oireachtas may well have thought that in relation to matters of such sensitivity, rich men sho~ld not be able to huy access to the airwaves to the detriment of their poorer nvals. "57

Freedom of expression and communication and religious freedom are not unlimited or absolute; the Supreme Court held that this limitation was p~oportionate to a legitimate purpose. The limitation was minimal or 'very shght'; the only restriction was that one could not advance religious views

. 54

Broadcasting Authorit~ Act, 1960 s 20(4); applied to Teilifís na Gaeilge: Broadcas-tmg Act, 2001 s 50(2); Radto and Television Act, 1988 s 10(3).

55 [1999] 1 IR 12 (SC). 56 Ibid 14. 57

_[ 1999] 1 IR 12, 22. Poli tic al advertising has been subject to the same controversy both ~~. and out of court: '_Vith broadly ~he same result: Colgan v IRTC [2000] 2 IR 490 (HC), Ban prevents acttvtsts from placmg radio ads", Irish Times 2 June 2001 How Vgt Ve · Ti' rfi b 'k . ever,

re m gegen 1e ~. n en v. S~~tzerland <.2002) 34 EHRR 4 may eventtta!ly require ~e bl~et han on pohttcal adverttsmg on radto and television, to be reconsidered espe­Cially macas~ s.uch ~s Colgan v IRTC. .The Strasbourg Court's decision in Murph; v Jre­land clearly dtstmgmshes between restrtcttons on religious and politica! advertising. ibid para 67. ·

RELIGION IN ARTS AND MEDIA: IRELAND 137

by way of a paid advertisement on radio or television. 58 Any altemative - under which 'inoffensive' religious advertisements would be permitted­could be reasonably deemed to involve agents of the State in making inappropriate judgments about religious offensiveness.59 The European Court of Human Rights rejected Pastor Murphy' s complaint that Article 1 O of the European Convention on Human Rights had been violated.60

In 1999 The Irish Catholic newspaper sought to advertise itself on independent radio, through a discussion of the newspaper's merits in comparison with the secular press.61 The IRTC considered this also to be an advertisement "directed towards [a] ... religious end".62 In response to pressure for amending legislation to permit advertising of religious pub­lications and events associated63 the Govemment eventually agreed to partial relaxation: 64

"65. - Nothing in section 20(4) of the Act of 1960 or section 10(3) of the Act of 1988 (including either of those sections as applied by this Act) shall be construed as preventing the broadcasting of a notice of the fact -

(a) that a particular religious newspaper, magazine or periodical is available for sale or supply, or

(b) that any event or ceremony associated with any particular religion will take place,

if the contents of the notice do not address the issue of the merits or other­wise of adhering to any religious faith or belief or of becoming a member of any religion or religious organisation. "65

"Power to Change" was a major advertising campaign in September­October 2002, in both parts of Ireland, promoting the value of Christian faith in individual people's lives.66 lt used television advertising as well as outdoor, cinema and print advertising. The campaign, funded by Chris­tian business people, was supported by the four main Irish churches. Each advertisement invited people to contact a freephone number or website

58 Ibid 374. 59 Ibid. 60 Murphy v Ireland (European Court of Human Rights 10 July 2003). 61 RTE had previously broadcast an advertisement for The Irish Catholic: "IRTC bans

'Irish Catholic' ad from two radio stations", Irish Times 19 February 1999. 62 Ibid 63 "Mitchell says IRTC ban on newspaper ad unacceptable", lrish Times 20 February

1999. 64 "De V aJera to consider more selective han on religious-related advertising", 21 April

1999. 65 Broadcasting Act, 2001 s 65. 66 "Christianity gets €1m multimedia ad campaign", lrish Times 19 September 2002.

138 JOHNO'DOWD

through which a free pack could be obtained, containing a booklet and CD-ROM relating to the themes of the campaígn, a full-length film enti­tled Jesus and a 25% voucher towards purchasing a Bible. Associated events included public meetings for those seeking further information, Bible study groups, and music events.67 It was claimed the advertisements infonned people that the free booklet and CD infonnation pack were available.

68 RTÉ appears to have initially agreed to broadcast these adver­

tisements- provided explicit references to "God" and "Jesus Christ" were omitted. After externallegal advice, RTÉ concluded that the advertisements were outside the scope of section 65 and withdrew the offer to broad­cast thern without further significant changes. TV3 received similar legal advice.

69 The campaign organisers failed to get an injunction requiring

broadcast of the advertisements in the fonn originally agreed. 70 The advertisements were nevertheless seen by Irish viewers- on UTV, Chan­nel 4 and Sky Television- in a version mentioning "God" and "Jesus Christ" .71

2. Broadcasting: seif-regulation and infernal standards and practices

(1) Public broadcasting

The RTÉ Programme Makers' Guide72 provides:

"As religious beliefs are so central in Irish society, RTÉ news and pro­grammes will deal with religious topics on a regular basis. RTÉ in aH its broadcasting that relates to religious issues should respect the values and Ioyalties of citizens and promote tolerance. As religious beliefs are so strongly held by many people it is easy to give unintentional offence in this area. Programmes should reflect in a non-judgmental sense the diversity of beliefs that exist in Ireland (including non-belief). Particular sensitivity needs to ~ gi.ven to ~air representation of those who do not wish to argue their behefs m pubhc. For many people religion is a prívate matter. This can sometimes lead to an imbalance in public debate as often strongly held views are not articulated. Programme-mak:ers must be aware of their responsibility to be balanced and ensure that religious beliefs are respected. "73

67 "Banned religious ads find other TY outlets", Irish Times 21 September 2002. 68 "RTE refuses to show adverts for religious group", Irish Times 20 September 2002 69 Ibid; "Broadcasters advised not to aír adverts", Irish Times 20 September 2002. 70 "RTE not compelled to ron trust ads"; "Religious campaign refused order on TV

adverts", Irish Times 24 September 2002. 71

"Bapned religious ads find other TY outlets", lrish Times 21 September 2002. 72 RTE Dublin 2002. 73 Ibid 35.

RELIGION IN ARTS AND MEDIA: IRELAND 139

Other relevant guidelines relate to swearing and offensive language in prograrnmes,74 care in the use of language (particular! y avoidance of the tenn "non-Catholic" in an Irish context) 75 and respect for diversity.76

The Head of Public Affairs, Peter Feeney and the Editor of Religious Programmes, Fr Dennod McCarthy provided detailed explanations of RTÉ's policy and practice.77 , •

There are no specific guidelines on religious programmes. RTE pen­odically consults a standing committee of representatives of dif~erent religious denominations concerning religious broadcasting. According to Mr Feeney, 'in a society where one religious tradition is numerically so dominant [the Broadcasting Authority Act, 1960 s 1778] is a useful counter to those who would argue that RTÉ ought to be more "Roman Catholic" in its outlook.'

RTÉ regularly broadcasts religious services on radio and television79

on radio, both a Mass anda Protestant service every Sunday; on tele­vision Masses and Services on altemate Sundays and on the high days of th; Christian calendar. The three main Protestant denominations (Church of Ireland, Presbyterian Church and Methodist Church) are reg­ularly included. There are also special broadcasts of wors~ip cerem?nies, eg the reburial of the executed Volunteers, the ecumemcal servlCe of national mourning following September 11th, major funerals, etc.80 The station also has an occasional Baptist or an ecumenical or multi-denom­inational service, such as 'Guns into Ploughshares'- which marked the formal end ofviolence in Northem Ireland, producedjointly with UTV.81

RTÉ marks two major points in the Jewish calendar: Passover and Rosh Hashanah. There have been discussions between the Muslim community and the Editor of Religious Prograrnmes and contributions written by Muslims have been included in several series of "An Evening Prayer." Other faiths periodically receive coverage in the RTÉ documentary series "Would You Believe", eg Buddhists, Hare Krishna, Baha'is, Greek Ortho­dox Christians and various Evangelical Christian groups.

74 Ibid 31-32. 15 Ibid 33. M~~ •

77 Letter dated 1 May 2002 from Peter Feeney to author; e-mail dated 29 Apnl 2002 from Dermod McCarthy to Peter Feeney, forwarded to author.

78 n40 above. 79 Information on RTÉ's religious broadcasts was supplied by Fr Dermod McCarthy. so "Dr Daly says unity still noble ideal" Irish Times 15 October 2001; "President leads

service in Pro-Cathedral", /rish Times 15 September 2001 si "Ecumenical service from Derry for RTE, UTV". Irish Times 23 December 2000.

140 JOILJ\¡ O'DOWD

No recognised relígious group ís denied the opportunity to express its views, provided they do not use their access to radio and television either to criticise or belittle the teaching of another faith or denomination, to seek financial contributions or to proselytise. These principies apply to the broad~ast of religious services as well as to other types of programme.

RTE's Religious Affairs Correspondent in the News Department­is subject to the normal constraints on an RTÉ news correspondent in relation to fair and unbiased reporting. The separate Religious Program­mes Department oversees the production of programmes exploring and analysing events, developments or personal experiences from a religious point of view or presenting a variety of styles of worship and prayer.

"RTÉ believes that the current arrangements, with a good deal of local autonomy for our Editor Religious Programming works well and that he handles most issues competently and with wisdom. "82

RTÉ staff regularly contact the media offices of various religious organi­sations, usually for research. The relationship is generally good, but sorne­times tinged with mutual suspicion when inforrnation on a delicate or potentially embarrassing issue is sought.

RTÉ considers that it can lawfully carry "notice of meeting" type advertisements, but nothing promoting individual religious groups. Section 65 has been used on very few occasions. RTÉ is concemed about religious cults buying airtime to advertise the holding of meetings or events, but this question has not yet arisen. No feedback, adverse or pos­itive, had been recorded in relation to religious advertising broadcasts.

(2) lndependent broadcasting

Two commerciallocal radio stations replíed to the questionnaire: South East Radio (Wexford) and Shannonside FM/Northem Sound Radio (Long­ford, Roscommon and South Leitrim/Cavan and Monaghan).

South East Radio83

South East Radio does not have any intemal regulations, guidelínes, advice, standards or practices specifically relating to coverage of religious affairs. However, the Christian Media Trust (an interdenominational group) are

82 Letter dated l May 2002 from Peter Feeney to author.

83 Infonnation provided by Mr Clive Roylance (Head of Programmes): e-mail to the

author dated 17 July 2002.

1

1

RELIGION IN ARTS AND MEDIA: IRELAND 141

shareholders in the company; the station is perhaps perceived to be mo~e "pro-church" as a result. The Trust represents all the ~hristi~ denomt­nations and is "inclusive" in outlook. South East Radto also gtves s~m­pathetic coverage to other religions in other programmes. The stat10n broadcasts a weekly Sunday service or Mass - once a month a Mass from a church in the diocese, otherwise one conducted in studio.

The station does not have a Religious Affairs Correspondent, but the Head of Programmes consults the Christian Media Tru~t and its Head ~f Programmes. The News Department contacts the medta an~ con:mu~t­cations offices of religious organisations and has a good relationship wtth

them. d b h All advertising including . religious advertising perrnitte . Y t e

Broadcasting Act, 2001 - is accepted, subject to co~~any pohcy: '_fhe station does not consider itself obliged to accept rehgto~s advert1~1?g. However the station would be prepared to consider acceptmg adverttsmg from an; religious group and would not have any ~pedal requirem~nts of its own in relation to its content. As yet the stat10n had not _rec~tved any requests for religious advertisements nor any feedback from tts hsten­ers on this topic.

Shannonside FM/Northern Sound Radio84

The total religious output of the station is under the c~n~ol of the Shan­nonside Northem Sound Federation of Churches, conststmg of represen­tatives of all the churches within the franchise area. The Programme ~on­troller meets with this group annually and listens to its recommendattons, which are subsequently reflected in changes to the schedule. In exc~p­tional circumstances, the group may be convened specially_ t~ offer ad;tce to the Programme Controller. The station broadcasts rehg10us _serv1Ces from all denominations, provided they first apply to the Federatton.

The station does not have a Religious Affairs Correspondent; staff are nevertheless in weekly contact with the religious denominations in the franchise area, with whom the station has excellent relations.

The station accepts religious advertising complying with section 65 and considers itself bound to do so. If any question arose of whether or ~ot it was appropriate to accept particular religious adve~isin~, t~e stauon would consult the Federation. Mr Finnegan felt that hts stat10n s current system was a model for other stations.

84 Information was provide by Mr Joe Finnegan (Head of Programmes): e-mail to the author dated 27 June 2002.

142 JOHNO'DOWD

IV. Joumalistic ethics

The Code of Conduct of the National Union of Joumalists (covering the UK and Ireland) provides:

"1 O. A joumalist shall mention a person' s age, sex, race, colour, creed, ille­gitimacy, disability, marital status, or sexual orientation only if this infor­mation is strictly relevant. A joumalist shall neither originate nor process material which encourages discrimination, ridicule, prejudice or hatred on any of the above-mentioned grounds. " 85

NUJ members or branches may complain of breaches of the Code of Con­duct by NUJ members to the union's Ethics Council. Por a breach of the Code, the Council may reprimand or recommend to the National Execu­tive Council a fine ( of up to € 1 ,635), suspension from the union for a period not exceeding 12 months, censure orexpulsion.86

Many are sceptical of the effectiveness of the Code, particularly since only joumalists can bring a complaint.87 The Law Reform Commission considered the Code an inadequate substitute for legislation on infringe­ments of privacy through surveillance and interception of communica­tions, whatever value it might have as a form of self-regulation. 88

V. Advertising standards authority for Ireland

This is an independent self-regulatory body set up and financed by the advertising industry. It depends on the voluntary co-operation of adver­tisers, advertising agencies, the media and others. Non-commercial adver­tisements, expressing a position on political, religious, industrial rela­tions, social or aesthetic matters or issues of public concem, are not subject to the Code of Advertising Standards.89

ASAI members must abide by the Code and are not to publish an advertisement or conduct a promotion which contravenes its rules; the immediate sanction is the publication of a case report, including the names of the advertiser and agency. An advertisement determined to breach the Code must be withdrawn or amended.90 The media will not

85 NUJ Code of Conduct, para 10. 86 Consultation Paper on Privacy: Surveillance and the lnterception of Communications

(Law Reform Commíssíon Dublin 1996) para 8.13. 87 "The decline in medía standards cannot be exaggerated" Irish Times 1 June 1999;

"Defamed must have right of redress" Irish Times 16 April 2001. 88 Law Reform Commíssion Report on Privacy: Surveillance and the Interception of

Communications (LRC 57-1998) 89 Ibid para 1.4(f). · 90 Ibid Ch 4 para 14.

RELIGION IN ARTS AND MEDIA: IRELAND 143

publish any advertisement that fails to conform to the requirements of the Code.9' An ASAI Complaints Committee decísion can only prevent an advertising campaign from continuing or from being repeated.

Any person or body may complain to the ASAI.92 The Complaints Committee consists of five persons professionally involved in the adver­tising business and eight independent members, inc_ludi~g fo~r ~m~ine~s of the Director of Consumer Affairs.93 The Comm1ttee s adjudtcatton 1s

set out in a Case Report which is issued to the parties involved and released for publication; these are widely and prominently reported.

94

AH commercial advertisements should be 'legal, decent, honest and truth­ful' and comply with the Code of Advertising Standards, drawn up by ASAI following consultation with all relevant interests.95 In particular:

"Decency and Propriety

2.13 An advertisement should contain nothing that is likely to cause grave or widespread offence.

2.14 Advertisements should respect the dignity of all persons W:d should avoid causing offence on grounds of gender, marital statu.s, fannly status, sexual orientation, religíon, age, disability, race or membershtp of the traveller

community ....

2.16 To avoid causing offence, advertisements should be responsive to the díversity in Irish society and advertisements which portray or refer to people within the groups mentioned in 2.14 should:

respect the principie of equality in any depiction of these groups;

fully respect their dignity and not subject them to ridicule or offensive humour;

avoid stereotyping and negative or hurtful images;

not exploit them for umelated commercial purposes;

not ridicule or exploit religious beliefs, symbols, rites or practices ...

2.19 Compliance with the Code is assessed on th~ basis of the ~tandards of taste, decency and propriety generally accepted 1~ Ireland, takmg_ acco~nt of the product involved, the media used, the l_oc.atmn and con~ext m wh1ch the advertisement is placed and the charactenst1cs of the aud1ence addres­sed."96

9! Ibid para 16. 92 Manual Ch 4 para l. 93 !bid Ch 5 para 4. ~~~~ . 95 Code of Advertising Standards for lreland ("Code") (51

h ed ASAI Dublm 2001). 96 Ibid, paras 2.13, 2.14, 2.16, 2.19. Emphasís supplied.

144 JOHNO'DOWD

Furthennore:

"ASAI does not act as an arbitrator between conflicting ideologies. 97

The ASAI has no mandate to act as a censor or as arbiter of public morals. In assessing complaints involving considerations of decency and propriety, it is guided by the standards that are observed generally throughout Irish society. "98

VI. The press

l. The secular press

There is no Press Council or similar body. The Commission on the News­paper Industry recommended the establishment of a non-statutory press ombudsman, funded by the newspaper industry itself, but to operate inde­pendently of the editors or proprietors concemed.99 The recent report of the Legal Advisory Group on Defamation recommended the establish­ment of a Press Council on a statutory basis, in a manner linked to refonn of the libe! laws.100 A proposed Press Code of Conduct would include "(vi) standards in dealing with matters such as gender, marital status, family status, sexual orientation, religion, age disability, race, colour, nationality, ethnic or national origin or membership of the traveller com­munity. " 101

The trade organisation of the national newspapers in Ireland, National Newspapers of Ireland (NNI), has a Code of Practice on Privacy. 102

It has also persuaded its members to introduce interna! readers' repre­sentatives- members of a newspaper's staff who receive and adjudicate on complaints from members of the public of breaches of the Code of Practice on Privacy, joumalistic ethics generally or the newspaper's own standards and policies. Newspapers publish unfavourable adjudica­tions.103

97 Ibid para 1.5(e). 98

ASA/ Advertising Self-Regulation Manual ("Manual") (ASAI Dublin 2001) Ch 1 para 8.

99 Repon ofthe Commission on the Newspaper Industry (Stationery Office Dublin 1996)

Ch 7. See "Those who write the news should have a say in self-regulation", Irish Times 26 June 2001.

100 Report of the Legal Advisory Group on Defamation, Dublin, 2003.

101 Ibid 109. 102

National Newspapers of Ireland Code of Practice on Privacy (NNI Dublin 1997). Repon on Privacy: Surveillance and the Interception of Communications (n88), para 3.1 08.

103 K. BüYLE and M. McGONAGLE, Media accountability: the readers' representative

in Irish newspapers, NNI, Dublin, 1995.

RELIGION IN ARTS AND MEDIA: IRELAND 145

The Irish Times (daily) and The Sunday Business Post (weekly) responded to the questionnaire.

The Irish Times104

In reporting religion, joumalists are expected to apply the same standards of faimess and accuracy as when reporting on any other subject. The newspaper's general ethos is detennined by Articles of Trust, specifying that it must be alert to the position of minorities. Therefore it makes a special effort to cover the affairs of smaller denominations and faiths.

The annual synods, general assemblies or conferences of the Refonned Churches are open to the media, and are extensively reported. In the Roman Catholic Church there are no such conferences, but only occasional press conferences by selected bishops.

The news value of the stories involved dictates, for example, that sorne institutions get more coverage in relation to newsworthy stories, eg the clerical sexual abuse issue in the Roman Catholic Church.

The Irish Times has an accommodating policy towards giving differ­ent religious groups an opportunity to express their own views directly. The paper gives space every Saturday to the times of Sunday religious services and carries "Notes" from the smaller denominations, also on Saturdays.105 The "Thinking Anew" column on a Saturday is rotated on a proportionate basis among regular contributors from the majar denomi­nations. The regular "Rite and Reason" column is similarly distributed among different faiths, subject to considerations of topicality.

The Irish Times has a religious affairs correspondent, who reports on newsworthy events in the field of religion generally. Joumalists have very regular contact with the media and communications offices of religious organisations and the newspaper enjoys a generally cordial, though occa­sionally strained relationship with them.

The Irish Times charges nominal 'charity' rates for all religious adver­tising. There are no restrictions on the religious groups from legal adver­tising. However, the newspaper would be unlikely to accept advertising or contributions that attacked or made adverse comments about other religions, beliefs or religious practices.

The Irish Times has no specific policy on "cults." The religious affairs correspondent adopts a fairly wide view where these are concemed,

104 The following account is taken from two emails from Patsy McGarry - Religious Affairs Corresponden! of the Irish 1ímes- to the author, dated 21 June 2002 and 24 June 2002.

10s The newspaper is not published on Sundays.

146 JOHNO'DOWD

believing that people have a right to believe and worship what they will, as long as they do no injury to others. It is not the newspaper's function to censor such organisations, according to a journalist's own views, but to report accurately and fairly on their activities.

The Sunday Business Post106

The Sunday Business Post does not have a religious affairs correspon­dent; most religious stories are covered by its assistant editor. The news­paper does not have any formal standards in this area, but relies on staff to behave in a manner consistent with their professional and personal ethics.

The newspaper has no special arrangements for giving different reli­gious groups an opportunity to express their own views directly. The Assistant Editor is however in touch with the media and communications offices of the majar religious groups on a more or less daily basis, Monda y to Friday. The relationship is generally a good one. The newspaper has never been asked to accept paid religious advertising.

2. The religious press

Responses to the questionnaire were obtained from The Irish Catholic and The Presbyterian Herald; it was not feasible to interview the editor of The Church of Ireland Gazette. 107

The Irish Catholic108

The Irish Catholic seeks broadly to represent the views of the Roman Catholic Church. It is lay-run and is not owned by the Church. In its news and editorial coverage, it distinguishes sharply between the Church 's teachings (which it seeks to explain and defend) and the manner in which the Church is govemed (which is criticised when the paper judges nec­essary.) However, from time to time- in the interests of debate- articles

106 The following account is based on an e-mail from Kieron Wood, the Assistant Edi­

tor of the Sunday Business Post to the author, dated 25 April 2002. 107

A brief response was also received in relation to the newsletter of the Islamic Cul­tural Centre, which indicated that this was an information publication only, distributed mainly to community members and to sorne librarles and govemment agencies. E-mail of S. Kenna to author, dated 20 May 2002.

108 The following account is based on an e-mail, dated 12 September received by the

author from David Quinn, Editor of the Irish Catholic.

RELIGION IN ARTS AND MEDIA: IRELAND 147

highly critica! of Church teachings are published. Though the newspaper's primary interest is the Catholic community, by influencing Roman Catholics about Irish society, it hopes to influence that society too.

The Irish Catholic is non-party political; while political affairs will be reported, it would never, for example, recommend how people should vote in a general election. It does not generally carry political advertis­ing, except sorne relating to referenda.

The newspaper is not blindly committed to egalitarian values, but it would never engage in unfair discrimination between political parties, racial or ethnic groups, men and women. However, The Irish Catholic is firmly anti-racist and in favour of the evolution of a racially tolerant society. The newspaper does not have a blanket policy of avoiding any "negative" reference to a person' s sexual orientation. It upholds the Roman Catholic Church's teaching on human sexuality, but it never seeks to insult any gro u p.

The paper does not treat all religions as though they were equally valid. However, it does try to cover them fairly and objectively. It favours ecu­menism and inter-religious dialogue, but does not have any formal contacts or consultations with other religions, nor does it report on their interna! affairs.

Asto reporting affairs of the Roman Catholic Church:

"We don't draw a drastic distinction between the views of the hierarchy on the one hand and those of the laity on the other. The laity are not a monolith, nor indeed is the hierarchy and certainly not the clergy. But if anything, The Irish Catholic favours the laity."

The newspaper seeks to facilitate debate, discussion and accountability within the Church, often through stories in which the secular press has little or no interest. The newspaper welcomed section 65 of the Broad­casting Act, 2001 and intended to commence advertising on local radio in October 2002. The newspaper has sometimes allowed non-Roman Catholic Christian groups to advertise, provided the content does not con­flict with Roman Catholic teaching .. The newspaper would also not accept advertising which attacked another religion or its beliefs.

The Presbyterian Herald 109

The Presbyterian Herald is the official magazine of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, intended for members of the Church. It reports on the

109 The following is based on a letter, dated 7 October 2002 from Arthur Clarke of the Presbyterian Herald.

148 JOHNO'DOWD

affairs of Christendom, but mainly on issues relating to the Presbyterian Church. It se1dom reports matters outside the mainstream denominations in Ireland. It reports political affairs within the guidelines agreed by the Presbyterian General Assembly. No political advertising is accepted.

On moral issues, the magazine reports decisions of the General Assembly or has its reporting of such issues directed by such decisions. It also reports "exactly what was said and to whom" in relation to contacts between the Presbyterian Church and the State or other religious denominations.

As to a distinction between leaders and Iaity: "Presbyterians are agonisingly democratic. We report what our Ieaders say, and also the responses of our people ... " The Herald facilitates debate and dialogue within the Church, rather than stifling or ignoring dissent.

The magazine accepts advertising within the spiritual and moral para­meters laid down by the General Assembly. The Herald usually accepts advertising from various "evangelistic groups" which use ita Iot for this purpose, but all advertising has to be in line with the Church' s doctrinal standards.

3. Privacy and confidentiality

None of the newspapers or magazines - secular or religious - responding to the questionnaire stated that they had any different approach to issues of confidentiality or privacy in the context of inforroation held by a religious organisation than they would in dealing with sorne other type of body.

4. Cultural institutions

The questionnaire was distributed to a number of cultural institutions but their replies indicated that the issues posed by it had little real relevance to their activities, at least as the institutions understood them. u o

VII. Conclusion

The Constitution of 1937 reflected a society in which the majority religious tradition was a dominant and pervasive social, cultural and political force.

110 See letters received from Marie Bourke, Keeper and Head of Education, National

Gal~ery of Irel~d (30 May 2002); Beatrice Kelly, Education/Inland Waterways Officer, Hentage Councll ~30 May 2002); Brendan O'Donoghue, Director of the National Library (7 May 2002); Philomena Byme, Acting Director, Irish Museum of Modem Art (29 April 2002).

RELIGION IN ARTS AND MEDIA: IRELAND 149

Even today Irish society is more influenced by religion than is the case in the rest of westem Europe. However, contemporary Ireland is under­going a rapid process of secularisation. Por example, controversies over the Roman Catholic Church's handling of clerical child sexual abuse have exposed it to searching and sometimes highly critica! media scrutiny. The media are also contributing in an unprecedented manner to debates about clerical celibacy, the role of women in the church and inter-communion between Roman Catholics and Protestants.

Where does this Ieave the relationship between the media and organ­ised religion? It is too soon to assess whether traditional attitudes towards public representation and communication of religion will be radically altered by a new, more secular and more diverse religious environment. We have noted severa! examples of a noticeable reticence about the pub­He expression of religious difference, rooted in longstanding anxieties about proselytising, religious bigotry and potential civil conflict. Contin­uing sectarian conflict in Northem Ireland has undoubtedly contributed to this reticence. As a result of Corway, the crime of blasphemy, even in a modemised forro, is unlikely to play any role. Instead the offence of incitement to religious hatred will be the "longstop" in setting the bound­aries to the public expression of religious difference.

Religious broadcasting is still dominated by a highly consensual approach, removing the prospect of inter-denominational polemics or proselytising in the terrestrial broadcast media. It is only through the news and current affairs that the sharper end of religious differences comes to the fore. This status qua may be destabilised by new developments - such as the Iicensing of religious broadcasters or the expansion of the scope for paid religious advertising. What is clear is that the increasing ethnic and religious diversity of Irish society creates new challenges for concepts of religious tolerance and inclusion in this consensus about religious broad­casting. The main challenge is to adapt the existing model of religious broadcasting to this greater diversity of forros of religious expression.

ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

Université de Macerata

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN ITALIE

RESUMÉ: l. Liberté d'expression et liberté religieuse la Les príncipes constitu­tionnels et la ~~protection pénale du sentiment relígieux» - lb La législation pénale et civile contre la discrimination raciale, ethnique et religieuse - 2. L' auto discipline publicitaire et la religion - 3. La presse - 3a Le joumalisme et les codes d'auto réglementation- 3b Le respect de la vie privée comme limite a l'activité joumalistique- 4. La télévision et la radio 4a Les obligations posées pour garantir la sensibilité religieuse des usagers et le pluralisme religieux - 4b Les obligations de 'monitorage' (monitoring) dans la radiotélévision 4c Le droit d'acces au service public radiotélévisé des groupes sociaux et des confessions religíeuses 4d La programmation religíeuse de la part de la télévision et de la radio publiques- 5. Le cinéma- 6. L'Internet.

l. Liberté d'expression et liberté religieuse

1 a Les príncipes constitutionnels et la <~rotection pénale du sentiment religieux»

La Constitution italienne reconnait soit la liberté de pensée (art. 21), soit la liberté de religion (art. 19), soit la liberté de l'art et de la science (art. 33). A la différence de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme, ces dispositions constitutionnelles ne sont pas accompagnées par des limites expresses, exception faite pour le «buon costume» (bonnes mceurs) (articles 21 et 19, en référence aux seuls rites religieux). 1 Mais il ne s'agit évidemment pas d'une garantie dépourvue de limites impli­cites, pourvu qu'elles soient aussi fondées sur des valeurs et des prín­cipes de niveau constitutionnel. Parmi les différentes manifestations de la pensée, les manifestations dans les champs politique, religieux, artistique et scientifique ont été considérées comme 'privilégiées', c'est a dire sous­traites a toute restriction, sauf celles dites «logiques», ou «Íntrinseques» (toute manifestation de la pensée au sens strict est légitime, étant exclues les manifestations qui visent directement a susciter une action ou un état émotionnel, qui peuvent subir des restrictions). Malgré l'ambigu1té d'un

1 Doctrine et jurisprudence ont reconnu que la limite constitutionnelle de ~<bonnes mreurs>> doit etre entendue et appliquée d'une fayon stricte, c'est a dire avec référence a la seule morale sexuelle, pour empecher tout ce quí vise a la perversion des mreurs sexuelles.

152 ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

pareil critere, celui-ci a été utilisé par la jurisprudence constitutionnelle.z La Cour constitutionnelle, en réalité, a souvent 'sauvé' des normes pénales antérieures a la Constitution, qui prohibent certains manifestations de la pensée ('délits d'opinions'), en renvoyant aux juges (pénaux) le controle 'in concreto' du degré de danger des manifestations incriminées, ainsi que le controle de manifestations de 'vraie pensée' (comme en cas de blaspheme).3

En ce qui concerne les mesures limitatrices des manifestations de sa propre pensée, la Constitution, dans son article 21, interdit la censure sur la presse, en admettant seulement la saisie «par un acte motivé de l'au­torité judiciaire en cas de délits, pour lesquels la loi sur la presse l'auto­rise expressément, ou en cas de violation des regles que cette loi prescrit pour la désignation des responsables». Par rapport aux spectacles et toute manifestation autre que la presse, qui sont contraires aux bonnes mceurs, le dernier alinéa admet des mesures tant répressives que préventives. Comme on le verra, s'est sur ce fondement littéral qu'on admet la consti­tutionnalité de la censure sur les films (v. ci-dessous, §5).

Dans le cas des manifestations artistiques, le fait que 1 'art et la science soient reconnus par la Constitution sans mentionner aucune restriction (celle de «bonnes meurs» non plus, prévue pour la liberté de pensée en général), a fait dire a une partie de la doctrine que l'ceuvre artistique ne peut jamais etre illégitime.4 Mais, selon la Cour Constitutionnelle, l'art. 33 de la Constitution vise plutot a garantir que 1 'art et la science puissent se manifester sans conditionnements et orientations de la part du pouvoir politique; leurs manifestations ne peuvent pas etre considérées comme protégées jusqu'au point de porter atteinte. a d'autres intérets, qui sont aussi garantís par la Constitution.5 Il faut considérer, a ce propos, que le code pénal italien exclut seulement la possibilité qu 'une ceuvre artistique ou scientifique puisse constituer un acte «obscene» (art. 529 c.p.), c'est a dire contraire a la pudeur sexuelle.6 Mais dans la matiere des «délits de religion» également, les juridictions ont normalement considéré que l'ceuvre artistique, en raison du sérieux de l'intention de son auteur, ne vise pas a tourner en dérision une religion, voire a susciter le mépris de la société contre des fideles (v. ci-dessous, §5).

2 V., P. BARILE, Diritti dell'uomo e libertafondamentali, Bologna, 1984, p. 267. 3 V., R. BIN, Diritti e argomenti. ll bilanciamento degli interessi nella giurisprudenza

costituzionale, Milano 1992, p. 122 ss. 4

V., A. CERRI, Arte e scienza (liberta di), in Enciclopedia giuridica, Roma, 1988, p. 4 ss. 5 Arret n° 57/1976.

. 6

L 'obscénité est, pour la jurisprudence, la représentation ostentatoire et vu1gaire de la v¡e sexuelle (v. A. CERRI, op. cit., p. 3).

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN ITALIE 153

Pour en venir a la matiere religieuse, il faut rappeler que le code pénal, qui fut introduit en 1930 pendant le régime fasciste, visait a protéger l'Eglise catholique de fa~on «privilégiée» par rapport aux autres religions. Ce privilege se manifestait par une plus grande gravité des sanctions, si les délits étaient commis contre la religion catholique, et il se manifestait surtout par une garantie directe en faveur de la religion catholique, e' est a dire une garantie qui fait abstraction de quelconque empechement ou trouble direct contre les fideles, les objets ou les lieux de culte.7 La Cour constitutionnelle, apres S' etre pendant longtemps limitée a inviter le législateur a modifier la discipline des délits en matiere de religion,8 a affirmé que ces délits étaient prévus pour la protection du bien-etre de la «conscience de chaque personne qui se reconna1t dans une foi», en excluant ainsi la possibilité de perpétuer des discriminations fondées sur la seule donnée sociologique de la plus grande diffusion de la religion catholique.9 Par conséquent, elle a étendu la protection pénale contre le blaspheme a toutes les confessions religieuses a traves une manipulation du texte normatif qui éliminait toute référence a la seule religion catho­lique. w Le meme législateur est intervenu ultérieurement en transformant le dé lit de blaspheme en simple infraction administrative. 11 En deuxieme lieu, concernant les délits d'offense a la religion a travers l'outrage aux choses (art. 404 CP) et de perturbation des cérémonies religieuses (art. 405 CP), la Cour a revu a la baisse la mesure de la sanction, de telle fa~on qu'aujourd'hui elle ne differe plus selon qu'il s'agisse de l'Eglise catholique o u des autres confessions. 12 Enfin, elle a annulé purement et simplement le délit d'outrage a la religion (art. 402 CP cit.), objet de tant de discussions, en suivant pourtant un raisonnement tres prudent. 13 La Cour a en effet pris soin de préciser que l'élimination pure et simple du délit découle de l'impossibilité d'étendre la protection pénale a d'autres confessions religieuses, d'apres l'interdiction de créer de nouveaux cas d 'es pece par voie jurisprudentielle. 14 Cette élimination ne découle pas a u contraire, du príncipe de la'icité qui «n'implique pas l'indifférence et

7 Voir les art. 402 (outrage lila religion de l'Etat) et 724 (Blaspheme contre la divinité, les symboles et les personnes vénérées dans la religion de l'Etat) du Code _Pé~al. Le pre­mier n'est plus en vigueur depuis 2000, suite ll un arret de la Cour constitutionnelle, le second a été transformé en 1999 en simple infraction administrative (v. ci-dessous).

8 Arrets no 14/1973 et 925/1988. 9 Arret n° 440/1995. 10 Arret n° 440/1995, cit. 11 Décret législative no 507/1999, art. 57. 12 Arrets n° 329/1997 et 327/2002. 13 Arret n° 508/2000. 14 Une limite que toutefois la Cour n'avait pas observé dans l'arret no 440/1995, cit.

154 ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

l'abstention de l'Etat vis a vis des religions, mais qui légitime des inter­ventions législatives pour protéger la liberté de religion».

II faut aussi mentionner deux décisions récentes du juge d'appel et de la Cour de Cassation qui ont jugé responsables du délit «commun» de dif­famation l'auteur d'un article «anti-Témoins de Jéhovah» et le curé qui avait publié cet article dans son joumal de paroisse. 15 Ce sont des déci­sions importantes, premierement paree qu 'elles n 'offrent aucun privilege a des représentants de la religion majoritaire, mais protegent au contraire une minorité religieuse encore assez contestée, et deuxiemement paree qu 'elles posent des limites séveres a la communication religieuse meme si celle-ci se manifeste a travers des réseaux de diffusion «internes» (le joumal de la paroisse ). Ces décisions cependant sont critiquables la ou elles continuent a faire la distinction entre la critique religieuse licite et i!licite, selon un critere ambigu de l'argumentation doctrinale approfon­die qui dans le passé avait déja été utilisée en faveur de l'Eglise catho­lique qui fmit par réserver aux seuls théologiens et académiciens, la liberté de critique en la matiere. 16

lb La législatíon pénale et civile contre la discrimination raciale, ethni-que et religíeuse.

Depuis quelques temps s'est ajoutée a coté des garanties que l'on a vues, la législation pénale spéciale sur la discrimination raciale, ethnique et religieuse, qui résulte du changement apporté en 1993 a la loi italienne par la ratification de la Convention de New York de 1996, sur l'élimi­nation de toute forme de discrimination raciale. 17 La réglementation, dont les lignes générales sont communes a presque tous les pays de 1 'Union Européenne, rend punissable de la peine de la réclusion, la diffusion de quelconque maniere d'idées fondées sur la supériorité ou sur la haine raciale ou ethnique, l'incitation a commettre ou la commission d'actes de discrimination pour des motifs de race, d'ethnie, d'origine nationale ou de religion, et meme l'incitation a commettre ou l'acte de violence ou des actes de provocation a la violence pour des motifs de race, d'ethnie, d'origine nationale ou de religion; enoutre sont interdits les groupes qui

15 Cour d'Appel de Venise, 17 juillet 1997, in Quademi di Diritto e Política Ecclesias-

1998/3, p. 1015; Cass. Pén., Sect. V, 7 octobre 1998, ibid, 2000/3, p. 823. . V., F. Üi'<IDA, Vilipendio de !la religione e liberta di manifestazione del pensiero, in

G1ur. cost., 1975, p. 3160 s.; F. FINOCCHIARo, Diritto ecclesiastico, VIII éd., Bologna, 2000, p. 209.

17 Loi du 25 juin 1993 n. 205.

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN ITALIE 155

ont pour but l'incitation a la discrimination ou a la violence pour des motifs de race, d'ethnie, d'origine nationale ou de religion (art. 1).

La jurisprudence qui a fait jusqu'a maintenant application de cette réglementation vise de maniere presque exclusive les phénomenes de matrice raciste, c'est a dire de manifestations liées a des idéologies de supériorité de race, sans référence a d'autres formes de discrimination.18

Cecine signifie pas que l'Italie ne connaisse pas des manifestations d'in­tolérance religieuse. Bien au contraire. 19 Mais il s 'agit encore de phéno­menes sur lesquels le juge pénal ne s 'est pas encore prononcé.

Une breve allusion doit etre faite a la récente réglementation italienne sur le traitement juridique des étrangers, qui a une portée bien plus grande que son intitulé formel, eut égard a la garantie contre les actes discrimi­natoires.20 D'un coté, en effet, la réglementation interdit une série de com­portements inspirés par la discrimination ( ou bien ayant pour effet la dis­crimination) pour des motifs non seulement ethnico-raciaux, et d'origine nationale, mais aussi religieux. D'un autre coté, elle assimile les citoyens italiens et communautaires aux étrangers, dans le seul cadre du droit a la non discriminationY La discipline en question, qui est con~ue en partie sur le modele du Race Relation Act anglais, attribue a qui se prétend victime d'un acte de discrimination, le droit a une action particuliere par voie d'urgence, devant le juge civil qui peut meme «ordonner la cessa­tion du comportement préjudiciel, et adopter toute mesure apte, selon les circonstances, a refouler les effets de la discrimination», ainsi que «condam­ner le défendeur a indemniser le dommage, meme moral».22

2. IJ Auto discipline publicitaire et la religion

Bien qu'il n'existe pas de réglementation étatique qui régisse de fa~on unitaire le phénomene publicitaire, l'analyse du rapport entre religion et

18 Voirdemierement Cassation Section. I pénale, 7 juin 2001-28 février 2002, sur http:// www.giurisprudenza.unimi.it/-olir/:

19 Un épisode connu est celui de la messe «anti-islamique» célébrée en 1999 ll Turin par des prétres de la «Fratemité sacerdotale de Saint Pie X» (l'église traditionaliste ~on­dée par Mons. Lefebvre), comme adhésion lll'initiative lancée par un député du partt de la «Lega Nord» (v. Corriere delta Sera, lundi 15 février 1999, p. 13). Un autre cas éclatant a été celui-ci d'un maire du parti «Lega Nord», qui a fait une ordonnance oit i1 interdisait les 'infideles' de s'approcher des églises catholiques, ordonnance absurde qui a été annulée par le Préfet (v., A. ALGOSTINO, L'ordinanza del sindaco di Rovato e il perico/o di «conta­minazione» dei valori cristiani. .. , in Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza, 2001/2, p. 8).

20 Décret législatif du 25 juillet 1998 ll0 286. 21 Art. 43. al. 3. 22 Art. 44. al. 1 et 6, D. n° 286/1998.

156 ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

publicité sera fait conjointement pour tous les médias. Ceci est justifié en particulier par le systeme italien de l'autodiscípline, auquel adherent volontairement non seulement la plupart des entreprises de communication (presse, radiotélévision, Internet), mais aussi celles de rassemblement publicitaire.

En ce qui conceme la réglementation étatique sur la pub licité, ni celle sur les affichages publícs, ni celle sur la presse ne contiennent de limita­tions expresses qui protégent le sentiment religieu:x, a la différence de ce qui est établi par la réglementation sur la radiotélévision (v. ci-dessous, §4.a). Ceci ne signifie pas que les violations des croyances religieuses, perpétrées par les deux premiers médias, ne puissent pas trouver de pro­tection dans le droit commun, surtout dans le droit pénal. (v. ci-dessus, §1). Aucune disposition ne expressément l'utilisation de paroles ou de figures a valeur symbolique et sacrale, ou bien l 'utilisation par a fins commerciales des symboles religieux.23

Le systeme d'autodiscipline publicitaire, qui est comnmn a tous les médias, est gouvemé par l'lnstitut de l'autodiscipline puhlicitaire ( «<AP» ), constitué comme association «non reconnue», par l'initiative surtout des organismes majoritairement représentatifs des catégorles d 'opérateurs publicitaires. Le IAP a fait paraítre le Code d'autodiscipline publicitaire a partir de 1966, qui, bien qu'il ait pour but de protéger l'image de la publícité de «tout ce qui puisse la décrédibilísen> ( art.l ), a toutefois les caractéristiques d'un systeme organique et complet de nonnes, attentif également au respect du consommateur en tant que tel.24 De telles normes, dont la doctrine et la jurisprudence reconnaissent la valeur juridique et pas Seulement déontologique, finissent par S' étendre a tOUS les entrepreneurs qui ont produit la publicité, indépendamment du qu'ils appartíennent ou uon a l'Institution.25 Le systeme auto disciplinaire est appliqué par des organes de controle qui agissent sur une demande présentée par toute personne qui estime subir un préjudice d'une activité publicitaire contraire au Code d 'autodiscipline. Dans le Code, on trouve des nonnes qui pro­tegent le consommateur, dont certaines sont importantes pour la recherche

23 P. LoJACONo. La rilevanza dei simboli religiosi nel campo economico e commerciale:

il marchio e la pubblicita, in Dir. eccl., 1997, p. 198 s. 24

V., A. P ARIGI, Limiti qualitativi alla pubblicita commerciale, in R. ZACCARIA, Radio­televisione, Vol. XV du Trattato di diritto amministrativo (dir. G. SAl''TANIELLO), Padova, 1996, p. 586.

25 V., P. LoJACONO, op. cit., p. 203 et G. SAVORANI, La disciplina della pubblicita e

delle vendite sul mezzo televisivo e su Internet, in R. ZAccARIA, /nformazione e telecomu:ni­cazione, voL XXVIII du Trattato di diritto amministrativo (dir. G. Padova, 1999. p. 898 SS.

.1

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉD1AS EN ITALIE 157

actuelle, c'est a dire celles sur l'interdiction «d'exploitation de la super­stition, de la crédulité et de la peur, sauf pour des raisons justifiées» (art. 8), les normes sur l'interdiction «d'offenser les convictions morales, civiles·et religíeuses des citoyens», et l'obligation de «respecter la dignité de la personne humaine dans toutes ses formes et ses expressions» (art. lO).

Avant d'analyser la jurisprudence du Giurl relative a la publicité qui offense la sensibilité religieuse, il faut souligner que le Giurl est arrivé a affirmer une sorte d'importance autonome du facteur religieux, par rapport aux buts sectoriaux du systeme d'autodiscipline publicitaire, en emp8chant l'émission de messages publicitaires qui offensent la sensibi­lité religieuse, sans faire aucune référence a leur capacité de décrédibiliser le phénomene publicítaire.26 En revanche, en ce qui concerne l'équilibre entre le respect des convictions plus intimes des destinataires du message et la liberté de l'reuvre d'art (art. 33 Constit.), bien que dans sajurispru­dence le Giurl n'ait pas expressément accueilli la these doctrinale selon laquelle les messages qui ont une valeur artistique élevée ne pourraient jamais appara1tre comme illégitimes,27 il y a des cas ou justement en matiere religieuse, les modalités d'expression et de réalisation stylistique et formelle de la communication publicitaire ont été détern1inantes pour l'absolution de l'reuvre.28

Dans la jurisprudence du Giurl on trouve beaucoup de décisions, ou ont été bloqués des messages publicitaires qui exploitaient des phénomenes, des figures et des objets qui se référaient au patrimoine doctrinal et dog­matique d'un credo religieux.29 Encore plus nombreuses sont les décisions qui sanctionnent l'emploi abusif de paroles et d'images sacrées, c'est a dire sans aucune connexion entre le produit publicisé et les références au facteur religieux.30 Une telle orientation se rapporte au principe jurispru­dentiel plus général du Giurl selon lequel, les formes de publicité fondées uniquement et de fa<;on gratuite sur le choc et sur l 'aspect trauma tique de la sensibilité du consommateur, violeraient le Code d'autodiscipline.31

26 Giur!, 29 juin 1989, n. 73, in Rivista dell'industria, 1990, II, p. 261; Gíurl, 5 février 1991, n. 21, in Quademi di Diritto e Política Ecclesiastica, 1991-92, 1, p. 595.

21 V., P. LoJACONO, op. cit., p. 210. 28 lbir la décision n° 27/1995, reportée par S. MONDINI, Commentaire a la déc. du

Giurl, 11 aprile 1997, n. 99, in ll diritto industriale, n. 81/1997, p. 685. 79 V., P. LoJACONo, op. cir., p. 205, quí rapporte les cas de messages qui veulent pro­

mouvoir la vente d'amulettes qui ont la forme d'une croix, ou qui contiennent de l'eau «bénite».

30 «11 n 'y a pas de nonne qui interdise la pub licité qui se rétere a des valeurs non líées aux produits; maís il existe des limites a la publicité suggestive qui s'introduit dans la sphere des valeurs plus sacrées» (Giurl, 5 février 1991, cit.).

3! V., S. MoNDINJ, op. cit., p. 684.

158 ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

Pour terminer, il convient d'attirer l'attention sur la décision du IAP de modifier en 1995, le Code d'autodiscipline publicitaire en étendant son applicabilité également a la «publicité sociale» (art. 46), alors que jusque-la les seuls messages réglementés étaient ceux voués a promou­voir la vente des biens et des servicesY Le changement est dú également aux sollicitations de la jurisprudence du Giurl, toujours plus occupée par la prolifération d'activités promotionnelles liées a des organismes no profit. Le cas le plus important pour notre recherche, est celui ou il a été ques­tion de la licité d'un message de «propagande religieuse», ou l'Église de scientologie a promu sa propre image et les publications de Ron Hub­bard.33 Le Comité de controle qui avait sollicité l'intervention du Giurl, contestait au sens du Code d'autodiscipline, l'ambigu'ité des expressions qui invitaient a se procurer les publications de l'Église de scientologie (elles semblaient etre des copies gratuites, alors qu' en réalité elles ne l'étaient pas), tout comme l'utilisation de témoignages (a propos de la bonté des services des centres «Narconon», sur la récupération des toxicoma­nes) non conformes a l'art. 4 du Code (obligation de témoignages authen­tiques, responsables et controlables). Pour le Giurl, toutefois, l'annonce faite pour diffuser les idées d'un groupe religieux ne constituaient pas une publicité au sens du Code meme. C'est la raison pour laquelle avec la modification dont nous avons parlé, meme les cas (<ambigus» comme celui-ci pourront etre évalués par les organes d'autodiscipline publicitaire.

3. La presse

3a Le journalisme et les codes d' auto réglementation

La réglementation italienne confíe la profession journalistique a l' auto réglementation de la catégorie professionnelle meme, qui est organisée en corporation professionnelle avec des pouvoirs de type administratif en ce qui concerne l'acces et l'exclusion de la profession, ainsi que pour l'exer­cice de pouvoirs disciplinaires. Une partie de la doctrine, confortée par des résultats de l'expérience concrete, a critiqué ce systeme, a cause de la limitation objective de l'exercice de la libre manifestation de la pen­sée a travers la presse.34 Suite notamlT!ent aux observations de juristes et

32 V., R. RossOTTo, Commentaires aux arréts du Giurl, no 121 et n° 122 de 1994, in Il diritto industriale, n. 9/1995, p. 885.

33 Giurl, 4 octobre 1994, n. 121, in Il diritto industriale, n. 9/1995, p. 877 ss. 34 V., P. BARILE, op. cit., p. 244; P. CARETTI, Diritto dell'informazione e del/a comuni­

cazione, Bologna, 2001, p. 45.

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN ITALIE 159

de nombreux journalistes eux-memes, les modalités selon lesquelles jus­qu'a présent l'Ordre des journalistes a exercé les fonctions d'autodisci­pline sont telles qu'elles minent la crédibilité et l'honorabilité de la pro­fession, au lieu de la renforcer.35 Par rapport a cette derniere observation, les données, relatives a la présence de nombreuses sources d'auto régle­mentation ( codes déontologiques avec une portée générale, et classés par matiere; code du Conseil national et codes des Conseils régionaux; 'chartes' adoptées par certains joumaux; etc.) doívent etre lues dans le sens contraire, c'est a dire comme une prolifération de 'chartes', d'autant plus nombreuses qu'elles sont plus régulierement ignorées et violées, comme témoignages de l'impuissance des Conseils professionnels a faire

11 l. . 36

respecter les regles forme ement e arres et ngoureuses. La loi n° 69 de 1963 qui institue l'Ordre des journalistes, contient une

disposition tres générale en ce qui concerne les droits et devoirs des jour­nalistes, et la protection de la personnalité d'autrui.37 Une telle prévision a été ensuite précisée, en particulier par rapport a la protection des mineurs («Carta di Treviso», 1990, modifiée en 1995), par rapport aux devoirs du journaliste («Carta dei Doveri: etica e deontología»- Charte des devoirs: éthique et déontologie - 1993) et enfin par rapport a la vie privée privacy (Code déontologique, 1998). Dans les deux derniers actes en particulier, on trouve les prescriptions sur la protection de la dignité per­sonnelle, sur la confidentíalité et sur les interdictions de discrimination (de race, de religion, de sexe, de conditions physiques ou mentales, d'opi­nions politiques). Le rappel a de telles caractéristiques personnelles est admis seulement s'il est d'intérét public important et de toutes les fa~ons qu'il ne soit pas effectué de maniere discriminatoire, injurieuse ou déni­grante.38 Enfin, voici une donnée tres significative pour le theme de l'auto réglementation de l'activité journalistique: en 1994 fut institué de facton expérimentale, par le Conseil de l'Ordre meme et par le syndicat des jour­nalistes, un <<Giurl» (Comité national pour la correction et la loyauté de l'information) qui était composé de deux journalístes, d'un magistrat, d'un membre du Conseil des Usagers et d'un représentant du Comité de déJense des mineurs et des sujets faibles, a qui était confiée la tache de se prononcer sur des protestations des citoyens. L'institution d'un tel

35 V., L. BoNESCHl, Costruzione (e distruzione) del codice, in ID., La deontología del

giornalista, Milano, 1997, 61 ss. 36 V .• L. BONESCHI, op. cit., p. 68 et S. 37 Art. 2, ou entre autre est affinné le devoir de rectification et de réparation des erreurs. 38 Conseil National des joumalistes, décision du 6 décembre 1990, in Diritta dell'in-

formazione e dell'informatica, 1992, p. 853.

160 ANDREAGUAZZAROTTI

?rgan~, dont la composition mixte aurait dú rendre son activité plus tm~artiale et,plus crédible que celle des conseils professionnels, n'a pro­dult aucun resultat concret, et I'organe- qui aujourd'hui est dissout _a fi?i par etre, selon le joumalistes et les membres eux-memes, sans aucune efficacité. Les propositions de lois avancées par les parlementaires pen­dant la demiere législature, qui tendaient a institutionnaliser le «Giurl» au niveau législatif, ont également échoué, tout comme les propositions de I'Union catholique de la presse italienne ( «UCSI», c'est a dire l'associa­tion des joumalistes catholiques) qui voulaient instituer un Comité Natio­na7 de ~édia~:hique (par analogie avec le Comité National de Bioéthique, qm extste deJa) et approuver un Pacte Ethique de la Communication Sociale.

3b Le respect de la vie privée comme limite a l'activité journalistique

La discipline qui découle de la combinaison de la loi sur la privacy (L. no ?75/19?6) et du code de déontologie des joumalistes,39 garantit aux SU]ets qm exercent l'activité d'information la possibilité de traiter des données personnelles, meme «sensibles» comme la religion, sans étre sow:ms .aux. ob~ig~tions gén,éral~s ~ui s'appliquent aux autres sujets. En parhcuher, tl n extste pas d obligatton de consensos de la personne inté­ressée,40 chaque fois qu'il s'agit de «nouvelles d'important intérét public o~ social», et si «l'information, méme détaillée» est indispensable «en ratson de 1' originalité du fait ou la description des manieres particulieres dont il s'est produit, ainsi que de la qualification des protagonistes». Par rap~rt aux :<personnes connues ou qui exercent des fonctions publiques», les informatwns sur leur sphere privée peuvent etre divulguées si elles sont saillantes par rapport a leur role ou a leur vie publique.4t II est en outre prévu en faveur du joumaliste: l) la faculté de conserver les don­nées ( «pour tous les temps nécessaire a la poursuite des fins propres a sa profession»

42); 2) des formes tres simplifiées de la déclaration infor­

mative destinée aux sujets aupres desquels s'obtiennent les données.43 Le

39 _Code de déon~ologi~ sur le traitement des données personnelles, du 29 juillet 1998,

adopte par le Conse¡l Nat10nal de l'ordre des joumalistes en collaboration avec le Garant pour l~ p~otection des donn.ées personnelles. V., U. DE SIERVO, Nuove forme di tutela della d1gmtií delle persone nspetto ai processi infonnativi, in Diritto delle radiodijfusioni e delle telecomunícazioni, 2001, p. 27.

40 Art. 12, e), Ioi n° 675/1996. 41

Art. 20, d), Ioi no 675/1996; art. 6, du Code de déontologie. 42

Art. 2, al. 4, du Code de déontologie. 43 Art. 2, al. 1 et al. 2, du Code.

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉDlAS EN ITALIE 161

code de déontologie offre une plus grande garantie de confidentialité a trois catégories de données, e' est-a-dire les données sur les mineurs et celles «aptes a relever l'état de santé et la vie sexuelle».44 Cependant, bien que dans la discipline générale sur la privacy les données relatives a la religion soient considérées comme «sensibles)) et done dignes d'une protection particuliere, dans le domaine de l'activité joumalistique, ces données ne semblent recevoir aucun traitement spécifique. Toutefois, le code de déontologie consacre un article au «droit a la non discrimination» qui exclut aussi la discrimination religieuse.45

Si, dans les rapports annuels qui sont présentés par le Garant sur la privacy, a propos de sa propre activité, une part importante est consacrée a l'activité joumalistique, aucune mention n'a été faite jusqu'ici de la thématique du traitement de la part des médias, des données sur la reli­gion. de chaque individu. Pour les données sur la san té et sur la vi e sexuelle de chacun, il en va différemment, ainsi que pour les informations relatives aux procédés judiciaires, sur lesquels le Garant a donné beaucoup de détails.

4. La télévision et la radio

4a Les obligations posées pour garantir la sensibilité religieuse des usa-gers et le pluralisme religieux

Nous pouvons dire tres synthétiquement que le contrOle du moyen radio­télévisé public se déroule au niveau parlementaire46, gouvememental47, de 1' Autorité indépendante.48 Sur le moyen radiotélévisé privé, au contraire,

44 Art. 7, 10 et ll du Code, 45 Art. 9. 46 Le controle parlementaire s'exerce d'une part, par la nomination du Conseil d'admi­

nistration de la RAI de la part des Présidents des chambres, et de 1' autre, gnlce a 1' exercice des pouvoirs d' orientation sur ce Conseil d' administration de la part de la Commission par­lementaire de vigilance sur la RAI. Les pouvoirs exercés par cette demiere, toutefois, sont assez faibles (v., S. GRASSI, La Commissione parlamentare per l'indirizzo e la vigilanza sulla RAJ: prospettive di riforma, in R. ZAcCARlA, Infonnazione e telecomunicazione, cit., p. 155 ss.}.

47 Le Ministre de communications a le pouvoir de veiller sur le respect des obligations contenues dans le Contrat de service entre la RAI et le Ministere, selon la concession des fréquences. Les pouvoirs de sanction peuvent arriver jusqu'a la suspension et a la révo­cation de la concession.

48 L'Autorité pour les garanties dans les communications (instituée par la L. n° 249/ 1997), substitue le Garant pour la radiodiffusion et l 'édition (L. n° 223/1990). Les membres a sa téte sont nommés pas le Parlement, de fa¡;¡on a en assurer l'indépendance. Ses com­pétences, qui ne sont pas limitées a la radiotélévision publique, mais s' étendent aussi a la radiotélévision privée, sont des compétences de vigilance des obligations établies dans la

162 ANDREA GUAZZAROTII

sont valables seulement les deux dernieres formes de controle. A coté de ces sujets institutionnels, il existe aussi un sujet représentatif des intérets des citoyens, le Conseil National des usagers, qui est composé d'experts désignés par les associations représentatives des usagers des services radiotélévisés.49 Ce Conseil, toutefois, est pourvu de simples pouvoirs de consultation et de proposition, et il est bien loín de jouer un role effectif par rapport aux choix opérés par le concessionnaire public.

Les émetteurs radíotélévisés publics, autant que les privés, sont tenus au respect des obligations législatives communes a toute forme de mani­festation de la pensée (v. ci-dessus, § 1). Pour l'activité journalistique qui s'exprime a travers ces moyens de diffusion, s'appliquent normes spécifiquement dictées par le législateur et par les codes d'auto régle­mentation joumalistique (v. ci-dessus, §3). Si aucune forme de controle préventif des programmations radiotélévisées n'est en vigueur, il faut considérer que les reuvres cinématographiques qui peuvent etre retrans­mises par la télévision sont seulement celles qui ont franchi, lors de 1' auto­risation a la projection dans les salles de cinéma, la «censure» des Com­missions ministérielles compétentes (v. ci-dessous, §5). Enfin, il faut rappeler que le systeme d'auto gouvernement de la publicité est commun a tous médias, et que tous les émetteurs pub líes et privés majeurs ont depuis longtemps adhéré a l 'autodiscipline publícitaire et a son systeme de «justice interne» (v. ci-dessus, §2).

Pour en venir spécifiquement a la discipline consacrée aux moyens radiotélévisés, la loi n° 223/1990, en plus des príncipes généraux sur le pluralisme et l'impartialité de l'information (art. 1), établit d'autres normes plus détaillées par rapport a la protection de la sensibilité reli­gieuse et de la non discriminatíon, dont le respect est assuré par la nou­velle Autorité garante (loi n° 249/1997). Il existe deux dispositions qui nous intéressent a propos de la publicité. La premiere est consacrée au respect des convictions religieuses et des idéaux personnels, et a l'inter­diction de discrimination,50 la seconde se rapporte a l'interdiction d'im­poser des interruptions publicitaires au cours d'émissions religieuses.51 L'autre disposition importante se trouve dans un article dédíé a l'interdiction de

convention entre la RAI et le Ministre, et des obligations de la !oí (en particuliers en la des limites de l'anti-trust, de tutelle des mineurs, de rectifícatif des infor-mations, d'e:x:actitude des et sur le respect des nonnes sur la justesse et la parité de traitement en matiere d'infonnation et de propagande politique et électorale).

L'organe est la meme loi qui institue la nouvelle Autorité garante (art. 1 alinéa 28, L no •

50 Art 8, al. l. 51 /bid., al. 4.

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN fT ALIE 163

position dominante et aux obligations des concessionnaires. Cette dispo­sition interdit la diffusion d'ém:issions qui peuvent nuire au développement psychique ou moral de mineurs, qui contiennent des scenes de violence gratuite ou pomographique, «qui incitent a des attitudes d'intolérance fondées sur des diff'érences de race, de sexe, de religion ou de nationa­lité».52 Ces obligations, comme on l'examinera plus en détail, peuvent etre sanctionnées par 1' Autorité garante, saisie soit d'office, soit gráce a des indications de personnes privées. Les sanctions peuvent etre de nature pécuniaire, ou bien, dans des cas plus graves, peuvent conduire a la sus­pension de la concession.

Les obligations qui pesent sur la radiotélévísion publique et privée, qui sont aussi un instrument de protection pour chaque usager, ne semblent pas faire naitre autant de droits a une action juridictionnelle a titre indi­vidue! ou collectif.53 Les usagers ne disposent que du «droit» de dénon­ciation al' Autorité et d'intervention dans les procédés de sanction devant celle-ci. En outre, comme on a pu le constater, 1' organe fondamentalement représentatíf des intéréts des usagers (le Conseil National des usagers) n'a aucun pouvoir de controle. La protection des intérets des usagers est done réservée aux compétences de 1' organe de garantie du secteur, et, dans les cas plus graves, a r action du juge pénal. 54

4b Les obligations de 'monitorage' (monitoring) dans la radiotélévision

Malgré les nombreuses sources normatives qui, a différents niveaux s 'oc­cupent du monitorage (monitoring) des émissions radiotélévisées, ríen de spécifique n'est établi par rapport a l'exigence de 'mesurage' du plura­lisme religieux présent dans les émetteurs, aussi bien publics que privés. Pour donner une idée du phénomene, il faut citer des maintenant le cas de la díffusion, sur la chaine télévisée publique «Raiuno», de la célébration de la messe catholique, le dimanche matin. A la différence, par exemple, du systeme fran~ais,55 aucune source (normative ou contractuelle) ne régit

52 Art. 15, al. lO. 53 Exception faite du droit de rectification (art. 10.2, L. n" 223/1990) et le droit de recou­

rir contre la publicité trompeuse (art. 7 D.leg. n" 74/1992). V., A. PARIGI, Tutela degli utenti o utentí sotto tutela?, in R. ZACCARIA, Informazione e telecomunicazione, cit., p. 611 ss.

54 A. PAR!Gl, op.cit., p.619 s. Pourlajurisprudence, voirTrib. de Rome, ord. 25.11.1995, in Diritto dell'informazione, 1996, p. 568: Pretura de Rome, I Sect. civ., ord. 4.4.1992, cité par A. BES!, Il Consiglio nazionale degli utemi, in R. ZACCARIA, lnformazione e rele­comunícazione, cit., p. 192, note 43.

ss V., B. BASDEVANT-GAUDEMET, Le régime de l'informntion religieuse en droit fran­rais, in L'année canonique, 41, 1999, p. 116.

164 ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

explicitement un engagement tel que celui que la RAI assume vis-a-vis de 1 'Eglise catholique. Ceci fait partie toutefois du probleme plus géné­ral d'une insuffisante précision des oblígations du concessionnaire public; des obligations qui, malgré la séquence des sources 'loi-convention-contrat de service' restent encore tres vagues.56

Le sujet du monitorage des émissions est prévu, en premier lieu, dans la loi qui institue l 'Autorité sur les télécommunications, qui parle en termes vagues des devoirs de monitorage, sans précisions ultérieures.57 La mise au point est sortie de 1 'Autorité meme, qui a organisé le monitorage en quatre groupes: «garanties de l'usager» (avec un regard particulier sur la protection des mineurs); «la publicité» (avec aussi un controle sur les contenus); «obligations de progranunation»; «pluralisme» (politique, culturel, social).58 Par rapport a ce dernier, toutefois, seule serait opéra­tionnelle la section du «pluralisme politique», alors que le «pluralisme socioculturel» serait en phase d'expérimentation.59 Le monitorage par 1' Autorité s 'applique non seulement a la progranunation radiotélévisée publique, mais aussi a celle privée. Par rapport a l'émetteur public, il existe toutefois d'autres prévisions. Dans le Contrat du service sus-cité, la RAI s'engage d'un coté, a effectuer le monitorage des «üpinions» spontanées du public60

; d'un autre coté, la RAI s'engage a instituer des bureaux pour les relations avec le public, avec également un Garant pour l'abonné qui veille au respect de la Charte des devoirs des obligations des opérateurs du service public61

, mais qui n 'a jamais été institué. A u niveau de l'auto réglementation, la RAI a adopté des «Chartes» en 1995 et apres en 1999, dans lesquelles sont établis certains príncipes et obligations du service public, qui sont tirés des législations en la matiere, et un organe interne de vérification (Consulte de qualite) est également institué, qui a des devoirs de monitorage et a qui les usagers memes peuvent adresser des indications d'inexécutions du cahier.62

5~ E. DEL PlANTA, ll contratto di servizio nel rapporto Stato-RAI, in R. ZAccARIA, Infor­maz¡one e telecomunicazíone, cit., p.777.

57 L. n. 249/1997, Art. 6, lett. b), n. 13. ~8• Voir 1~ Rela~o_n annuelle présentée par I'Autorité au Parlement, année 2001 (au site

offtc1el del Autonte http://www.agcom.it/). 59

Relation de l' an 200 l de 1' Autorité sur les garanties dans les télécommunications p. 163. ,

60 Art. 2.1, du Contrat de service de 2000, cit. 61 Art. 36.3 et art. 35.4 du Contrat. 62

Malgré la haute compétence de ses participants, la Consulte de qualité est un office sans pouvoirs juridiques extérieurs, pourvue du seul pouvoir de formuler des avis consulta­tifs vis? vis du Conseil.d'adminis~a?on RAI, qui d'apres les observations, et les critiques formulees sur la «qualtté des émtsslons>>, pourrait éventuellement ouvrir une procédure

LA RELIGION ET LES l'v1ÉDIAS EN ITALTE 165

Par rapport aux émetteurs radiotélévisés privés, ni la loi, ni le regle­ment exécutif adopté par l 'Autorité, ni enfin le « discipliner>> ( qui accom­pagne la concession administrative qui permet a l 'émetteur de mener son activité) ne contiennent des obligations particulieres en matiere de moni­torage des émissions. 63 Ceci peut etre mis en relation avec la faible nature des obligations des progranunations sur les sujets privés.64

Si on analyse les résultats de la surveillance effectuée jusqu'a ce jour par l'Autorité de contróle, c'est a dire les procédures de vérification des obli­gations normatives (et «contractuelles») des émetteurs publics et privés (qui peuvent se conclure par des sanctions), on a s'apen;oit de ce que le plu­ralisme religieux est un aspect qui ne revét aucune importance autonome.65

4c Le droit d'acces au service public radiotélévisé des groupes sociaux et des confessions religieuses

Le concessionnaire public est obligé de réserver au moins 5% de sa pro­granunation télévisée, et 3% de celle radiophonique, aux groupes sociaux et aux confessions religieuses qui vont accéder au moyen radiotélévisé public dans le but de faire retransmettre des émissions inventées et/ou réalisées par eux-memes.66 L'acces par des groupes sociaux au moyen radiotélévisé public est confié par la loi a la Commission parlementaire de vigilance sur la RAI, autant en ce qui concerne sa réglementation de détail, que pour l'évaluation de l'admissibilité des demandes avancées.67

Par rapport a la pratique en matiere d' ~<émissions de l'acces», ce qui est ressortit pour les groupes religieux est un cadre en apparence sans contrastes. Tout d'abord, le pourcentage de contentieux qui se recense

interne pour censurer les responsabilités. Ceci ne se produit jamais, car dans la majorité des cas, les émissions critiquées par la Consulte sont aussi celles, qui ont la plus forte audience.

63 Les concessionnaires doivent simplement annoter chaque semaine, sur un registre interne, des données relatives aux programmes retransmis, en indiquant la provenance ou en spécifiant si les programmes sont auto-produits. L'enregistrement des programmes, en outre, doít etre conservée durant les 3 mois apres leur diffusion. (art. Art. 10.7 du Regle­ment pour l'adjudication des concessions pour la radiodiffusion télévisée privée sur les fréquences terrestres, adopté par 1' Autorité sur les télécommunications par la délibération n". 78, 1" déc. 1998).

64 Art. 1.1, lettre. d, f, et an. 10.2, lettre a, du reglement de 1' Autorité, su cité. 65 Voir les Relations sur 1' activité des années 2000 et 2001 présentées par 1' Autorité a u

Parlement. 66 Art. 6, l. n. 103/1975. 67 Les décisions de la Commission parlementaire ne peuvent pas etre assujetties au controle

juridictionnel: Cass. civ., Sect. Unies, arret n. 7072/1983, in Giur. cost., 1984, 175; Trib. Rome, Sect. I civ., ord. 9.6.1997, in Giur. cost., 1997, 2765.

166 ANDREA GUAZZAROTII

annuellement entre les groupes sociaux exclus et la Commission parle­mentaire est tres has et i1 n'y a pas de cas d'exclusion de groupes reli­gieux. En particulier, le choix de la RAI de dédier a de telles émissions un espace largement inférieur a celui qui est prévu par la loi68 n'a été contesté ni par les intéressés, ni par la Sous-commission parlementaire pour 1' acces. 11 résulte cependant que la Sous-commission parlementaire, depuis quelques années, a prétendu et obtenu de la part de la RAI une meilleure gestion de telles émissions qui aujourd'hui sont retransmises de fa~on réguliere et a un horaire fixe de bonne écoute.

Comme il s' agit d 'espaces de transmission radiotélévisée qui sont assignés a chaque fois a différents demandeurs, et a propos des themes les plus disparates, leur utilisation ne se prete pas a des programmations des groupes religieux qui ont un caractere de continuité. Mais ces espaces servent éventuellement a faire connaitre a la société des identités mino­ritaires qui sont encore ignorées ou pire encore entravées au nom d'un atypique «droit de réplique» avec lequelle groupe pourrait vouloir faire tomber des préjudices. Entre les confessions religieuses qui profitent plus souvent de tels espaces de programmation, on trouve les Témoins de Jéhovah, et récemment les Mormons, avec des émissions réalisées a pro­pos d'arguments souvent mono thématiques, de contenu social et pas seu­lement religieux. Ni les associations catholiques ni les protestantes ou les hébra1ques ne semblent profiter de ce moyen médiatique. Ces religions, en effet, jouissent déja, comme on le verra plus dans le détail, de program­mations spéciales qui ont un caractere constant et qui sont mises en places par la RAI, de sa propre initiative, en dehors de la programmation de l'acces (qui au contraire, est gérée par la Sous-commission parlementaire, avec la simple collaboration «technique» de la part de la RAI). L'absence de requetes d'acces de la part d'associations islamiques est moins com­préhensible car 1 'Islam en tant que tel ne constitue pas une religion sur laquelle la RAI dédie de véritables programmations.

4d La programmation religieuse de la part de la télévision et de la radio publiques

La RAI assure des émissions religieuses (ou d'inspiration religieuse) de maniere autonome, indépendamment d'obligations nonnatives ou «contrac­tuelles» (qu'elle assume vis a vis de l'Etat en relation avec la concession

68 Dix minutes environ chaque jour pour la télévisíon, encore moins pour la radio, contre

1' obligation respective de 5% et de 3% sur la programmation joumaliere.

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN ITALIE 167

publique). Laissons de coté la <<jiction relígieuse»,les films d'inspiration biblique ou dédiés aux narrations d'Evangiles, et enfin les enquetes ou les documentaires sur des themes religieux, meme s'ils occupent une place toujours plus importante dans la programmation, pour nous limiter et ana­lyser les espaces réservés par la RAI aux émissions dont le contenu est décidé non pas par l'émetteur public (ou non seulement), mais (aussi) par les confessions religieuses qui sont intéressées.

En ce qui concerne le catholicisme la premiere chaine télévisée de la RAI (Raiuno) retransmet, sur la base d'une convention avec la Conférence épiscopale italienne une rubrique qui est diffusée le samedi apres midi (15 min.), et le dimanche matin, avant et apres la retransmission de la messe (durée environ de 90 min. incluant la messe). La deuxieme cha1ne télévisée publique (Raidue) dispose également d'une rubrique «d'appro­fondissement religieux)> (qui est retransmise le samedi matin pendant environ 45 min.), dont l'auteur et le conducteur est un pretre externe a la RAI, et qui est lié par un contrat professionnel avec l'émetteur public.

En ce qui concerne l'hébraisme, ce n'est qu'a partir de 1973 que la deuxieme chaine télévisée publique ( «Raidue») retransmet, sur la base d'une convention avec l'Union des communautés juives, une émission qui dure 30 min., et qui est diffusée une semaine sur deux les dimanches tard dans la soirée, et rediffusée (toujours une semaine sur deux), le lundi matin et aussi le lundi tard dans la soirée.

Quant au monde protestant en Italie, «Raidue», toujours, retransmet une rubrique qui s'intitule «Protestantisme>), qui est traitée par la Fédé­ration Italienne des Eglises Evangéliques. Il s'agit d'une émission qui ressemble a l'érnission juive.69 A la différence, toutefois, de la convention avec les Communautés juives, la RAI s'engage dans la convention avec les Eglises Evangélique a acquérir seulement le «produit fini», qui est réalísé presque entierement par la rédaction confessionnelle de l'émis­sion (ex terne a la RAI).

La radio publique consacre plusieurs programmations a la religion, et surtout évidemment a la religion catholique. Tout d'abord, la premiere chaine publique ( <<Radiouno» ), outre la retransmission de la messe du dimanche matin, s'est dotée d'une rédaction religieuse qui réalise de fac;on permanente une rubrique a l'intérieur de laquelle prennent place une série d'émissions d'empreinte christiano-catholique, qui sont diffusées le samedi et le dimanche (au total environ 1 h. et 45 min.). Chaque jour, 1' apres-midi i1 y a une rubrique qui consiste en une tres breve présentation

69 Elle est diffusée aux meme horaires, la semaine ou celle juive n'est pas retransmise.

168 ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

du Saim selon le calendrier catholique et plus tard, une rubrique qui consiste en une breve prédication d'experts qui sont désignés par la rédac­tion, avec 1' «agrément» des confessions religieuses d'appartenance (de fayon a avoir cinq jours sur sept un prétre catholique, un jour un pasteur protestant, et un autre un rabbin juif). La troisieme chaíne publique ( «Radiotre») a une émission qui est retransmise le samedi et la dimanche (12h15-12h55). Sa tendance n'est pas axée sur le catholicisme. ll s'agit des approfondissements sur des sujets de spiritualité, théologie, éthique et interprétation biblique qui sont traités avec l'aide de divers experts.

En ce qui conceme le protestantisme, il existe depuis tres longtemps une émission qui est retransmise par la rédaction religieuse de la premiere chaíne ( «Radiouno») le dimanche matin (7h30-7h50), sur la base d'une convention avec la Fédération italienne des Eglises Evangéliques.

En ce qui conceme l'hébra'isme, íl n'y a qu'un accord entre la RA1 et l'Union des Communautés juives pour la diffusion par «Radiouno» de breves émissions du matin a la veille des dix fétes juives majeures.

Il faut aussi tres brievement mentionner le fait que deux chaínes télévi­sées privées du groupe «Mediaset» (dont le propriétaire est Silvio Ber­lusconi), qui ont des audiences élevées, ont aussi des émissions reli­gieuses: sans prendre en compte les émissions de <<jiction religieuse» (comme la vie de Pere Pie, en plusieurs épisodes), plus de 62 heures pen­dant 1' an 2000 et 200 l ont été dédiées chaque année a la retransmission dominicale de la messe catholique (diffusée le dimanche sur «Rete 4» a 10h00-10h40) et environ 48 heures paran, a une rubrique religieuse qui est dirigée par un théologien catholique renommé, Mons. Ravasi (diffu­sée sur «Canale 5» le dimanche de 8h46 a 9h25). Le choix des personnes et des sujets est fait en collaboration avec l'Office national pour les com­munications sociales de la Conférence épiscopale italienne.

S. Le cinéma

La réglementation italienne a maintenu l'institution de la censure cinéma­tographique, e' est a dire du controle préventif des reuvres cinématogra­phiques de la part d'un organe gouvememental, avec les pouvoirs d'inter­dire entíerement certaines reuvres, mais aussi de les interdire aux mineurs et de les autoriser a condítion de couper certaines scenes. L'institution, qui est tres contestée par la doctrine70 et les opérateurs du secteur, a des origines qui précedent le régime fasciste qui, bien évidemment en fit un

70 P. BARILE, op. cit., p. 261.

LA REUGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN ITALIE 169

instrument de controle pénétrant et efficace aupres de l'opinion publique. Sa justification, par rapport a la Constitution de 1948, s'appuie sur la donnée littérale de la meme norme constitutionnelle sur la liberté de mani­fester sa propre pensée (art 21 Const.). Cet article, qui interdit expressé­ment la censure pour la presse, semble admettre un tel controle pour le cinéma et les spectacles de théatre, dans la partie ou il parle de mesures législatives adéquates pour prévenir les violations des bonnes m~urs. TI s'agit non d'une obligation, mais d'une simple faculté du législateur, et la preuve en est que la censure des spectacles de théatre a été récem~ ment abrogée.71

La réforme de 1962 (L. n°161/1962), a part limiter la possibilité de censurer un film au seul motif des bonnes mreurs, e' est a dire du respect de la pudeur sexuelle, améliora la composition des commissions de cen­sure, dont les membres nommés par le ministere étaient: un magistrat, un professeur universitaire de droit, un professeur de pédagogie; trois membres désignés par des associations de réalisateurs, des producteurs et des joumalistes cinématographiques. Une telle composition a été récem­ment modifiée par le Décret législatíf N° 3/1998, qui vise a renforcer la protection des mineurs: la présence du magistrat est supprimée, on ajoute un professeur en psychologie de l'age évolutif et deux représentants des parents, désignés par les associations majoritairement représentatives, et on réduit a deux les experts de la culture cinématographique.

Avec l'introduction de la nouvelle discipline et des nouvelles com­missions de censure, si d'un coté la limitation préventive des reuvres ciné­matographiques est diminuée, celle a posteriori a augmenté e' est a dire que l'activité répressive du juge pénal s'est intensifiée. Par rapport a la religion, il est significatif d'observer comment en Italie, jusqu'en 2000, la cause de poursuite la plus fréquente pour un film, apres le délit d' obs­cénité, était celle d'outrage a la religion catholique (art. 402 CP), qui représentait une protection pénale en faveur de la seule religion catholique (et pour cette raison, elle a été récemment annulée par la Cour constitu­tionnelle).72 Toutefois, les diverses poursuites ont donné lieu a peu ou tres peu de condamnations.73 On peut rappeler la condamnation en premier

71 Décret législatif n" 3 du 1998. 72 Arret n" 508 de 2000, v. ci-dessus, §La. 73 On peut rappeler quelques films des plus connus qui ont été poursuivis: «La ricotta»,

de Pier Paolo Pasolini (qui a été condamné en premier ressort); «Viridiana», de Luis Bunuel; «1 Diavoli>>, de Ken Russell; «Salome>>, de Carmelo Bene; de vous salue Marie», de Luc Godard et «L'ultima tentazione di Cristo», de Martín Scorsese. Indications de juris­prudence dans F. FlNOCCHIARO, Dirítto ecclesiastico, cit., p. 208, note JO.

170 ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

ressort de Pasolini pour le film «La ricotta»,74 qui a été acquitté en appel, en raison «du sérieux et de l'reuvre ... qui exclut tout sens vulgaire de dérision» .75

Bien que les cas de restriction de la part de la censure et de la magis­trature aux dépends de films, soient souvent moins fréquents, la censure a découvert un espace de manreuvre dans les normes pour la protection des mineurs, en fonction desquelles un film peut etre interdit aux moins de 14 ans ou de 18 ans. Le parametre d'évaluation, dans cecas, n'est pas seulement celui du respect des bonnes mreurs, mais aussi celui de la protection de la morale (des mineurs).76 A ce propos, il faut observer comment le controle s'inspire de logiques de fonds, qui convergent avec une logique catholique. L'interdiction aux mineurs, en effet, a été souvent justifiée lorsque, dans un contexte de scenes, de dialogues et de person­nages fortement négatifs, il manque «un quelconque message d'espoir»,77

et de fa9on spectaculaire l'interdiction a été révoquée lorsqu'il ne manque pas les idées pour cueillir une sorte de rédemption finale des protago­nistes.78

Ici on peut aborder le tbeme du rapport entre reuvre artistique ( et scien­tifique) et répression pénale, bien que son ampleur aille bien au dela de la réglementation du cinéma, étant donné que la plus part de cas juris­prudentiels concerne des reuvres cinématographiques. En ce qui conceme la réglementation de 1 'reuvre d' art, le droit pénal de l' époque fasciste s'occupe de l'art seulement par rapport au délit d'obscénité (art. 528 et 529 CP, v. ci-dessus, §l.a). Ce demier article du code pénal exclut l'incrimination de l'reuvre d'art et de science (pourvu qu'elle ne soit pas vendue ou procurée aux mineurs, sauf pour des raisons d'étude). ll en résulte que la nature artistique d 'une reuvre ne consiste pas théorique­ment a exclure son illégalité, en cas des délits d'outrage a la religion catholique (art. 402 CP, non plus en vigueur de 2000), ou des délits «communs» contre l'honneur et la réputation d'un groupe de fideles (art. 595 CP). Toutefois, dans la pratique jurisprudentielle les juges ont prononcé l'absolution de l'auteur et du régisseur du film, apres des appré­ciations étroitement liées a la valeur artistique de l 'reuvre, en donnant

74 Trib. Rome, 7 mars 1963, in Rass. Dir. cinem., 1963, p. 131. Cour d'Appel de Rome, 6 maí 1964, in Dir. eccl., 1964, II, p. 302.

76 Art. 5, loi 161/1962 et art. 9 du d.P.R. no 2029/1963. I1 s'agit d'une limitation a la liberté d'expressíon, qui trouve son fondement ímplicite dans l'art. 31, al. 2, Const., sur la protection de l'enfance et de la jeunesse (R. ZACCARIA, Cinematografi e cínematogra­fia. ll) Censura cinematografica, in Enciclopedia del diritto, VI, Roma, 1988, p. 3).

77 Consiglio dí Stato, IV sect., 24 février 2000, in ll Consiglio di Stato, 2000, I, p. 386. 78 Consiglio di Stato, N sect., 8 février 1996, n. 139, in Il Foro Italiano, 1996, ill, p. 196.

LA RELIGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN IT ALIE 171

application a des criteres tres proches de ceux qu'ils appliquent en cas de dé lit d 'obscénité: harmonie entre moyens d 'expression et con ten u abstrait de l'reuvre; nature indissociable de l'reuvre artistique, qui détermine l'im­possibilité d'isoler les parties incriminées du contexte et de l'reuvre dans son ensemble.79

6. L'Internet

La discipline législative de !'Internet est, en Italie comme dans d'autres Etats, encore tres limitée. La doctrine constitutionnelle est d'avis qu'une réglementation stricte et ponctuelle de l'utilisation de !'Internet est en contradictioh avec la nature 'ouverte' de celui-ci; il semble par ailleurs contraire au principe d'égalité d'adopter une discipline plus restrictive que celle qui est applicable a d'autres moyens de communication.80 On pourrait résumer dans les termes suivants: a) l'article 21 de la Constitution sur la liberté de manifestation de la pensée s' applique sans doute aussi a !'Internet; b) le statut juridique des joumalistes sur l'lntemet n'est pas encore clair, bien que le code de déontologie qui a été réalisé par l'Ordre national des joumalistes avec la coopération de 1' Autorité sur la privacy, ait été rendu applicable aussi pour les opérateurs sur l 'Internet les normes dérogatoires sur la privacy (v. ci-dessus, §3.b); e) les 'providers' et les 'gestionnaires' du réseau ne sont pas pleinement assimilables aux direc­teurs et aux éditeurs des joumaux imprimés81 ; d) la communication publi­citaire sur l'Internet, comme on 1' a déja vu, est aussi controlée par le systeme italien d'autodiscipline (v. ci-dessus, §2).

Un effort pour soumettre l'activité d'information sur le réseau aux controles qui sont déja prévus pour la presse a été fait par le législateur. La loi N. 62 du 2001 vise a appliquer aussi aux joumaux «électroniques» les obligations générales sur les joumaux, qui sont prévues sur la loi sur la presse (Loi N. 47/1948). Plus que de vraies obligations, on a parlé de conditions imposées aux intéressés qui veulent bénéficier des aides publiques sur la presse et l'édition.82 De toute fa9on, l'obligation d'enregistrement

79 Cour d'appel de Rome, 6 mai 1964, cité, p. 306 s.; G.I. Trib. Milan, 24 septembre 1971, in Rassegna di diritto cinematografico, 1971, p. 123 ss.; Proc. Rep. Trib. Venise, 19septembre 1972, in Rassegna di diritto cinematografico, 1973, p. 42.

80 P. CosTANZO, Le nuove forme di comunicazione in rete; Internet, in R. ZAccARlA,

lnformazione e telecomunicazione, cit., p. 323 et s. 81 !bid .. 82 V. ZENO-ZENCOVICH, 1 'prodotti editoriali' elettronici nella l. 7 marzo 2001 n. 52 e

il preteso obbligo di regístrazione, in Diritto dell'informazione e dell'ínformatica, 2001, p. 153.

172 ANDREA GUAZZAROTTI

pres du tribunal ( qui vaut pour tout journal) ne vaut pas pour les journaux sur !'Internet, qui doívent s'enregistrer aupres de 1' Autorité pour les garanties dans les communications.83

En ce qui concerne l'autodiscipline des opérateurs sur l'Internet, il faut observer que l'association italienne des 'providers' la plus importante, a rédigé un code d' autodiscipline qui, toutefois, n 'est pas encore en vigueur. 84 Le code fait référence entre autres a la protection de la dignité des personnes, des mineurs et de l'ordre public, ainsi qu'au respect des libertés publiques et de la vie privée, tous d'une maniere assez générale (art. 4). Il y est établi le «refus de chaque forme de discrimination, par rapport a 1, origine, ou a l' appartenance vraie ou supposée, ethnique, sociale, religieuse, sexuelle, a l'état de santé ou bien a une forme de han­dicap ou a cause des idées professées» (art. 4, lettre e). La surveillance sur le code d'autodiscipline devrait etre confiée a un 'Giurl' avec la com­pétence de vérifier les infractions et de les juger, et enfin d'appliquer les sanctions contre les responsables des violations (art. 12). Les pouvoírs du 'Giurl' semblent toutefois assez faibles.

En ce qui concerne l'autodiscipline des confessions religieuses dans l'utilisation de !'Internet, on ne trouve pas d'initiative a mentionner. Meme l'Eglise catholique, en Italie comme ailleurs, s'est limitée a for­muler des recommandations aux responsables ecclésiaux. Dans le docu­ment du Conseil pontifical pour les Communications Sociales «L'Eglise et l'Internet» (du 22 février 2002), sont signalés les problemes spéci­fiques liés a la présence de sites attachés a diffamer et a attaquer des groupes religieux et 1 'Eglise meme, ainsi que les problemes des si tes qui se proclament catholiques. Si par rapport au premier probleme le docu­ment se limite a invoquer l'intervention des autorités publiques, afin de faire observer les limites de la critique légitime, par rapport au second probleme il affirme 1 'exigence minimale de distinguer entre les positions authentiques de l'Eglise, et des autre manifestations 'excentriques' affi­chant un label «catholique». Une solution 'souple' qui y est envisa­gée, est celle d'un «systeme de certification volontaire au niveau local et national, sous le controle de représentants du Magistere, ( ... )en ce qui concerne le matériel de nature spécifiquement doctrinale ou catéché­tique». Cela est assoupli par l'observation qu'il ne s'agit pas «d'imposer

83 !bid., p. 161 et s. 84 Codice di Autoregolamentazione per i servizi Internet (a la page web: http://www.

aiip.it/autoreg.html). Le code a été rédigé par 1 'Association Italienne Internet Províders (A.l.I.P.), sous l'impulsion du Ministere des Postes et Télécommunications, apres la réso­lution du Conseil des Télécommunications de l'Union Européenne du 28 novembre 1997.

LA REUGION ET LES MÉDIAS EN ITALIE 173

une censure, mais d'offrir aux usagers d'Internet des orientations fiables sur la position authentíque de l'Eglise». A ce propos, il ne semble pas que la Conférence épiscopale italienne ait pris des mesures officielles dans

cette direction.85

ss Sur la prolifération des sites italiens quise proclament 'catholiques', voir G. RoMANO, Analisi qualitativa dei siti di carattere .religioso (pr~sen!é au.colloque ~<Internet: un nuovo forum per proclamare il Vangelo>>, qu: a eu ~1e.u a 1 Umvers1t~ Cath~h~ue du S~cre. Cre~ de Milan le 9-11 mai 2002 (voir le s1te off¡c¡el de la Conference ep1scopale 1tal1enne. http :/fwww2.chiesacattolica.it/ceidocs/dati/2002-05/l 0-26/ ~nali.siquali:ativ.a. rtí), o? .1' ~u­teur remarque la difficulté d'établir des censures ou des ceruficat10ns qm pmssent dehm1ter le droit de se professer catholique dans !'Internet.

MATHIAS SCHILTZ

RELIGION ET MÉDIAS EN LUXEMBOURG

RESUMÉ: l. La religion et la presse- 2. La radio et la télévision- 3. Le cinéma-4. La religion et la vie culturelle- 5. L'écho de la religion sur internet.

l. La religion et la presse

Au Grand-Duché de Luxembourg, les rapports de l'Etat et des cultes, dont la liberté est limitée par les nécessités de 1' ordre public, reposent sur le principe de l'indépendance réciproque qui se distingue de celui de la séparation complete par le fait que l'Etat accorde une certaine protection aux cultes (d'aucuns experts avancent le terme de partenariat).

L' article 19 de la Constitution du 17 octobre 1868 protege d' un point de vue positif l'exercice public du culte: «La liberté des cultes, celle de leur exercice public ainsi que la liberté de manifester ses opinions reli­gieuses sont garanties, sauf la répression des délits commis a l'occasion de 1 'usage de ces libertés. »

Le Code pénal (art. 142 a 146) accorde une protection spéciale aux cultes en punissant ceux qui par des troubles ou des désordres empeche­raient les exercices d'un culte, ainsi que ceux qui par des faits, paroles, gestes, menaces, écrits ou dessins outrageraient les objets d'un culte (art. 144). L'art. 145 du Code pénal ajoute que sera puni celui qui par faits, paroles, gestes, menaces, écrits ou dessins, aura outragé le ministre d'un culte, dans l'exercice de son ministere.

En ce qui concerne 1 'usage de la paro le écrite par des responsables d'un culte pour y propager des opinions d'inspiration religieuse, l'art. 268 du Code pénal interdit, sous peine de punition, aux ministres des cultes de prononcer ou de publier, dans l'exercice de leur ministere, des instruc­tions pastorales qui, sous quelque forme que ce soit, attaqueraient direc­tement le Gouvernement, une loi, un arreté grand-ducal ou tout autre acte de l'autorité publique ou qui contiendrait une incitation directe a la déso­béissance aux lois ou aux actes de 1' autorité publique.

La loi du 20 juillet 1869 sur la presse stipule dans son art. 12 que seront passibles de peines «ceux qui, par des attaques directes et méchantes, insé­rées dans les journaux ou dans des placards exposés ou distribués, auront outragé ou tourné en dérision un culte établi dans le Grand-Duché.»

Quant aux délits d'injure, de calomnie ou de diffamation dont fait état 1' art. 10 de la meme loi, ils visent évidemment la presse confessionnelle et religieuse de la meme maniere que la presse profane.

176 MATHIAS SCHILTZ

La loi du 27 juillet 1991 sur les médias électroniques a entre autres pour objet d'assurer «le respect de la personne humaine et de sa dignité et la mise en évidence de notre patrimoine culture!» (art. 1). Elle interdit, dans son art. 6 alinéa d), toute «incitation a la haine pour des raisons de race, de sexe, d'opinion, de religion ou de nationalité.» Les divers cha­pitres de la meme loi traitant des différents genres de médias électroniques et des programmes et cahiers des charges comprennent expressément la revendication du respect du pluralisme dans la présentation de l'actualité aussi bien que du respect des idées et de la liberté d'information. Dans l'art. 14 ayant trait aux programmes de la radio socioculturelle, qui est un établissement public, il est relevé spécialement que sera foumi un large acces a l'antenne «aux organisations sociales et culturelles luxembour­geoises», done en príncipe, mais sans le spécifier, également aux cultes.

L'art. 268 de la meme loi, dans son chapitre sur la publicité télé­visuelle, l'alinéa 9 retient que «la publicité ne peut étre insérée dans les diffusions de services religieux ... » et que «les émissions religieuses et les émissions pour enfants, dont la durée programmée est inférieure a 30 minutes, ne peuvent pas etre interrompues par la publicité.» L'alinéa 10 ajoute que «la publicité télévisée ne doit pas ( ... ) attenter a des convic­tions religieuses ou politiques».

La méme loi a instauré un Consei1 national des programmes (art. 31) qui surveille le respect des dispositions légales et réglementaires et des dispositions des cahiers des charges, pour autant qu'elles concement le contenu des programmes mentionnés a l'alinéa (1), lettre a). Ce Conseil national se compose de vingt-cinq membres au maximum délégués pour cinq ans «par les organisations les plus représentatives de la vie sociale et culturelle du pays, y compris les cultes reconnus ... ».

La loi de 1991 sur les médias électroniques est largement inspirée, sou­vent reprise mot par mot, de différentes Conventions intemationales, telle la «Convention du 4 novembre 1950 de sauvegarde des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales»: (art. 9) «Toute personne a droit a la liberté de pensée, de conscience et de religion; ce droit implique la liberté ... de manifester sa religion ou sa conviction ... La liberté de manifester sa reli­gion ou ses convictions ne peut faire l'objet d'autres restrictions que celles ... prévues par la loi.»

La «Directive du Conseil européen du 3 octobre 1989», dans ses articles 11 et 12, a formulé les passages sur les contraintes de la publi­cité vis-a-vis des cultes dans des termes qui ont été repris mot par mot par le législateur luxembourgeois dans sa loi sur les médias électroniques du 27 juillet 1991.

RÉLIGION ET MÉDIAS EN LUXEMBOURG 177

L'interdiction de discrimination telle que formulée dans les articles 454 a 457 de la loi du 19 juillet 1997 complétant le Code pénal modifiant l'incrimination du racisme vaut évidemment aussi dans le domaine des médias, de l'opinion et de l'expression artistique dont les libertés abusives aux dépens de personnes physiques a raison entre autres de leur religion se trouvent ainsi limitées: «Constitue une discrimination toute distinction opérée entre les personnes physiques a raison de leur origine, de leur cou­leur de peau ... , une race ou une religion~> (art. 454).

La loi du 31 mars 1979 réglementant l'utilisation des données nomi­natives dans les traitements informatiques protege, tel que le stipule son art. ¡er, «les personnes physiques ou morales ... contre l'utilisation abusive de données nominatives» en précisant dans son art. 15 qu'il «est interdit de collecter et d'enregistrer dans les banques de données» tout ce qui a trait aux opinions ou activités politiques, syndicales, philosophiques ou

religieuses des personnes. Enfin, dans un nouveau projet de loi sur la liberté d'expression dans

la communication de masse, qui doit remplacer l'andenne loi sur la presse de 1869, le gouvemement prévoit de s'appuyer davantage sur le Code pénal et d'y compléter par exemple l'art. 144 par un alinéa 2 qui stipule que «Sera punÍ des memes peines toute personne qui, par des attaques directes et méchantes» (diffusées en public) «aura outragé ou topmé en dérision un culte établi dans le Grand-Duché».

Quant a la jurisprudence en matiere des cultes en général et des sujets qui nous intéressent ici plus particulierement, elle est tres rare et souvent ancienne (vieille). Les dérapages surtout dans les médias imprimés et, a un moindre degré, dans les médias électroniques, sont assez fréquents et souvent d'une virulence qui justifierait parfaitement d'ester en justice. Les attaques se concentrent uniquement sur le culte catholique qui est largement prépondérant au Grand-Duché. Or, l'Eglise préfere ne pas sai­sir les tribunaux, forte des mauvaises expériences de l'unique groupe de presse catholique du pays en matiere de diffamation, d'injure et de calom­nie. Le petit Etat souverain étant tres polarisé entre les différentes ten­dances politiques et idéologiques, les débats sont souvent tres virulents et pretent facilement a des débordements. Pour la meme raison, les organes de presse non confessionnels ne s'intéressent guere au fait religieux si ce n'est que pour combattre le budget des cultes, l'enseignement religieux dans l' enseignement public et la position de l'Eglise relative a certaines grandes questions éthiques.

Quoi qu'il en soit, le grand quotidien catholique «Luxemburger Wort» est le seul joumal dont la rédaction soit dotée d'une rédaction pour les

178 MA THIAS SCHILTZ

questions religieuses. Les autres journaux, en général, ne maitrisent meme pas la tenninologie la plus élémentaire concernant les religions et les cultes. La plus grande entreprise de radio et de télévision (CLT/RTL) fait tradi­tionnellement appel a un membre du clergé pour assurer les quelques grands reportages religieux qui reviennent chaque année et qu'ils ne sau­raient ignorer.

L'archeveché du Luxembourg a longtemps entretenu un Office des communications sociales et un service de presse. Consciente de l'impor­tance d'une communication ouverte et cohérente et du role des médias comme support de cette communication, l'Eglise catholique a Luxem­bourg vient de se doter d'un nouveau service «Communication et Presse» pourvu d'un responsable et d'un permanent. Ce service a comme objectifs de promouvoir et d'entretenir des rapports entre l'Eglise et les profes­sionnels des médias et d'etre un acteur dans la communication avec les médias, d'organiser et de préparer la participation aux débats publics qui traitent des valeurs chrétiennes, de promouvoir et de coordonner la communícation interne entre les acteurs de l'Eglise, pretres et la'ics, y com­pris les bénévoles, et de gérer le site web de l'Eglise, dont l'importance va croitre considérablement dans les années a venir.

Enfin le Conseil de Presse, organe institué en exécution de la loi du 20 octobre 1979, s'est donné un code de déontologie appelant a la res­ponsabilité du journaliste et de l 'éditeur notamment en ce qui conceme l'interdiction de l'offense, de l'injure de la diffamation, de la calomnie et de la discrimination raciale, ethnique, religieuse et idéologique.

2. La radio et la television

Au Luxembourg, comme mentionné auparavant, la radio et la télévision sont actuellement réglementées par la doi sur les médias électroniques», connue sous le nom de «loi des médias», établie le 27 juillet 1991. Cette loi ne regle pas spécifiquement la maniere dont les radios et stations de télévision séculieres traitent la religion, mais leur impose le respect des «sensibílités intellectuelles et morales du public», des «vocations cultu­relles» et interdit toute «incitation a la haine pour des raisons (entre autres) religieuses». C'est la «Commission de surveillance des programmes» qui veille au contenu des programmes des principales stations de radio.

La couverture d'événements relígieux et l'acces de groupes religieux ne sont pas imposés par la loi. Ainsi la radio et la télévision sont libres de couvrir les affaires religieuses en fonction de leur propre politique de pro­gramme. Aucune station de radio au Luxembourg ne donne une priorité

RÉUGION ET 1\IIÉDIAS EN LUXEMBOURG 179

a des contenus religieux, mais de 1 'autre cóté, a u cune des stations majeures n'exclut ouvertement les sujets religieux:

'RTL Radio', station commerciale qui couvre tout le territoire natio­nal, traite les événements religieux s'ils sont d'un intéret général; les journalistes prérerent une approche critique, parfois meme ils adoptent une attitude cynique aussi bien envers les faits et événements religieux en soi qu'a l'égard des croyants. Néanmoins, des membres du clergé sont parfois invités afín de commenter des nouvelles a chaud ou des événements historiques. Depuis plusieurs décennies, la diffusion de la messe du dimanche avait fait partie du programme hebdomadaire de 'RTL Radio'; plus récemment, la retransmission avait été program­mée a 8.05 heures du matin pour etre abandonnée finalement des le début de l'année 2003. C'est a partir de ce moment-la que la station DNR (voir plus loin) prit la releve en diffusant la messe (préenregis­trée le samedi soir) le dimanche matin peu apres 9 heures. Réalisant tres vite sa bévue commise envers des milliers d'auditeurs, RTL demanda aupres de DNR la permission de faire usage, contre payement, de l 'en­registrement de la messe reprise par DNR pour la diffuser par voie de TV sur arriere-fond d'une image fixe.

- 'Radio 100,7', station publique appelée aussi 'radio socio-culturelle', organise des forums de discussions souvent controversées qui, de temps en temps, traitent de sujets religieux. Contrairement a RTL et aux autres stations de radio commerciales, on donne la priorité a la parole et aux longues discussions. Tous les samedis, le «Glawensforum» (forum ayant trait a la foi) consacre dix minutes a diverses commu­nautés religieuses (a 7.50 heures).

'Radio DNR', une radio commerciale avec une couverture nationale quasiment complete, préfere des flashs d'actualité courts a de longs exposés et discussions. Cette station a été fondée sous les auspices de 'l'Imprimerie Saint-Paul' (aujourd'hui 'saint-paul Luxembourg') qui est étroitement liée a l'archeveché de Luxembourg. Les sujets religieux sont généralement traités avec respect. Comme mentionné plus haut (voir le chapitre sur la station RTL), la radio DNR organise depuis le début de 1 'année 2003 1' enregistrement et la diffusion en différé de la messe traditionnelle du dimanche, mais en abandonnant la transmission de la messe pour les malades ( «Krankemass») diffusée depuis dix ans chaque jeudi matin. Reste a noter l'émission 'Podium' émise le dimanche matin de 8 a 9 heures, entierement consacrée aux événements et sujets religíeux. La messe du dimanche est en ligne avec acces par les trois

180 MATHIAS SCHIL TZ

sites intemet www.cathol.lu (site de l'Eglise catholique au Luxembourg), www.wort.lu ainsi que www.dnr.lu Enfin, les messes du dimanche sont enregistrées sur CD afin de pouvoir les mettre a la disposition des paroissiens intéressés.

A u Luxembourg, il n 'existe pas de cha!ne de télévision opérée par des organisations religieuses, et la seule station de TV nationale (langue et sujets luxembourgeois), a savoir RTL, produit seulement un programme par jour. Cette émission d'une durée de 60 minutes est répartie pour moi­tié entre divertissement et actualité.

Des événements religieux comme !"Octave' et la 'Sprangpressioun', manifestations particulierement enracinées dans le peuple luxembourgeois et connues au-dela des frontieres du Grand-Duché, auxquelles assistent chaque des milliers de fideles, sont évidemment couvertes régulierement. Des membres du clergé sont invités a donner des interviews, a prendre part a des discussions et a preter main forte pour les reportages. Mais a part les grandes manifestations de portée nationale, le fait religieux reste le parent pauvre des émissions de RTL. Ainsi des services religieux exceptionnels, comme celui en mémoire du défunt Premier ministre hono­raire Pierre Wemer diffusé par RTL le 28 juin 2002, sont émis en direct et en entier.

En général, la politique de programme de 'RTL Radio' et 'RTL TV' est presque identique, puisqu 'on trouve en partie les memes responsables dans les deux médias.

Se Ion la loi, 'RTL TV', de meme que chaque station de radio nationale, est obligée de diffuser des informations et des programmes d'importance nationale si le gouvemement en décide ainsi.

3. Le cinéma

Depuis 1989, le gouvemement luxembourgeois offre des attraits finan­ciers pour des productions audiovisuelles réalisées au niveau national par le 'Audiovisual Investment Certificate Program'. Selon le 'Luxembourg Film Fund', ce programme est actuellement destiné a encourager la créativité et a compléter les efforts pour attirer du capital a risque pour des reuvres audiovisuelles. Le montant de l'assistance financiere peut s'élever jusqu'au quart du budget de production encouru et dépensé au Luxembourg.

Le 'Audiovisual Investment Certificate Program' couvre des reuvres de fiction, des documentaires et des productions de multimédia - jugés par

RÉLIGION ET MÉDIAS EN LUXEMBOURG 181

deux comités différents selon le contenu des éléments créatifs originaux -qui profitent ainsi d'une valeur solide et durable. Les reuvres qui man­quent d'une composante sociale sont inéligibles.

Cependant, nombre de films produits au Luxembourg ne font preuve ni d'une valeur artistique exceptionnelle, ni n'excellent par une origina­lité et des qualités artistiques hors pair: Ou est l'originalité dans le fait de produire une version cinéma d'un jeu d'ordinateur violent comme 'Wing Commander'? Est-il intéressant de filmer d' Artagnan, Partos, Athos et Aramis, les héros d 'Alexandre Dumas, dans les ruelles étroites de la ville de Luxembourg?

Beaucoup de films ont été produits simplement a cause du tres attrayant 'Investment Certificate Program', done attirés par les avantages financiers sur Iesquels les producteurs peuvent compter au Luxembourg.

Heureusement, bon nombre de films réalisés au Luxembourg trans­mettent vraiment des valeurs authentiques. La plupart de ces longs métrages ont profité du soutien direct a la production, un autre instrument gouver­nemental réservé aux toumages qui poursuivent un certain but social, culture! et artistique. Mais jusqu'a présent, des sujets religieux n'ont pas encare fait l'objet d'un long métrage produit au niveau national.

4. La religion et la vie culturelle

La liberté des cultes est enracinée dans la Constitution luxembourgeoise. En principe, on peut done affirmer que l'Etat n'intervient pas pour régle­menter le traitement artistique de la religion. La religion n'est ni parti­culierement encouragée a cet égard, ni genée par 1 'Etat dans ses modes d'expression. L'Etat a pour principe de ne pas se prononcer sur la reli­gion thématisée dans les beaux-arts, tout comme il maintient une position neutre en ce qui conceme la culture et les arts en général, fidele au prin­cipe de la liberté artistique, et évite d'intervenir de maniere appréciative (p.ex. dans !'affaire de la 'Gelle Fra 11' ou du crucifix blasphématoire exposé au Cercle municipal il y a quelques années). A part le financement des institutions culturelles étatiques (MNHA, Bibliotheque nationale ... ), son 'intervention' se limite aux subventions qui sont calculées selon l'im­portance des projets et de leurs initiateurs ou responsables.

Des allocations sont aussi allouées par le Fonds culture! national dont on peut supposer que lui aussi apprécie 1 'art sacré de maniere impartiale. Mais comme toutes ces décisions sont prises par des personnes qui ont Ieur propre conception du monde et ont done une relation toute person­nelle par rapport au religieux, il y a toujours le risque que, de temps a

182 MATHIAS SCHIL TZ

autre, au Luxembourg comme ailleurs, ce soient des criteres idéologiques qui sont déterrninants lors de la considération des demandes de subven­tions (exemple: le long métrage 'Pfarrerblock').

· La vie culturelle luxembourgeoise est supportée en majeure partie par des associations non-gouvernementales qui, elles non plus, ne se conforrnent a un mécanisme de régulation. Elles ne procedent pas selon un systeme pro­portionnel donné qui accorderait un certain quota a la religion. Dans le domaine de la musique par exemple, on trouve une coexistence renforcée des cultures et religions plutót qu'un pour ou contre, comrne le montre l'ex­périence des 'World Music Days'. Sur la scene culturelle luxembourgeoise, il y a en fait une place pour tout un chacun, et la question de savoir ce qui est montré, ou et dans quelle étendue, dépend du dynamisme des divers organisateurs privés. Si jamais l'impression prédominante était que le reli­gieux est désavantagé dans la vie culturelle, cela tiendrait surtout au fait que les associations et organisations confessionnelles, trop retenues, ne se mettent pas assez en valeur. Un exemple pour la présence réussie du reli­gieux en art est le concours artistique 'Prix d'art sacré', organisé par «saint-paulluxembourg». Ainsi on peut retenir le príncipe que l'Etat est d'autant plus demandé que l'apostolat culture! d'associations religieuses est grand et le nombre de demandes de subventions élevé.

Reste a relever qu'en général les sponsors privés (banques, instituts financiers) ne débloquent leurs fonds que si des bénéfices commerciaux sont a espérer. Par conséquent, ces aides seront fonction de la place qu'oc­cupe le facteur religieux dans la société moderne luxembourgeoise.

Peut-etre devrait-on aussi évoquer le probleme de la protection des monuments classés par l'Etat, responsable également de l 'entretien des églises considérées comme monuments historiques. L'administration du patrimoine au Luxembourg dispose d'une section responsable unique­ment pour les édifices religieux. Ce département ne s 'est cependant pas constitué devant un fond idéologique, mais suivant des réflexions pure­ment pragmatiques. Beaucoup d'églises au Luxembourg sont précieuses du point de vue de l'histoire de l'art. La conservation et la restauration des maisons de Dieu nécessite un encadrement scientifique fondé. L'élément de liturgie chrétienne est garantí toutefois par le fait que le poste de chef du département est occupé par un pretre.

5. L'Echo de la religion sur internet

Les moteurs de recherche et les annuaires Internet luxembourgeois réferent a 15 a 25 pages web en rapport avec la religion.

RÉUGION ET MÉDIAS EN LUXEMBOURG 183

L'Eglise catholique romaine est représentée sur le net par son propre site Internet1, mais aussi par des pages personnelles indépendantes réalisées par des paroisses (p.ex. la paroisse de Differdange2), des groupes reli­gieux (p.ex. la 'Jugendpastoral zu Letzebuerg'3) et d'autres institutions associées comme Caritas4 (page web créée par 'Eleven', un organisme appartenant au 'groupe saint-paul Luxembourg'). Le quotidien catholique 'Luxemburger Wort' produit son propre site Internet5 avec une équipe

éditoriale professionnelle ad hoc. Les sectes et les organisations athées sont sur-représentées sur Internet,

comparées a leur importance effective dans la vie publique (p.ex. Scien­tology6, Atheistenseite7, First Satanic Church of Luxembourg

8).

Comrne il n'existe pas de reglements spécifiques concernant la com­munication religieuse dans les médias online, c'est la loi générale

9 qui est

applicable aux publications sur Internet, spécialement en ce qui concerne la liberté d'expression, la protection de la vie privée et des données per-

sonnelles.

l http://www.cathol.lu 2 http://homepage.intemet.lu/fkridel 3 http ://www .jugendpastoral.org/ 4 http://caritas.lu 5 http://wort.lu 6 http://dianetics.lu 7 http://webplaza.pt.lu/lucianid 8 http://mitglied.lycos.de/Apollyon666_666/NOX.htm 9 http :/ fwww .gouvemementJu/gouv /fr/sip/media/encadrem/legmedia.html et http: 11

www .etat.lu/SMA/text-sma/french/legxl.htm

HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science

THE PORTRAYAL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS: THE MEDIA AND THE ARTS

SUMMARY: Introduction- Pillarisation and secularisation -l. The press and reli­gion - l. Press policy in the Netherlands - 2. Ethics in the media: self-regulation by the press- 3. Self-regulation by the religious press- 4. Discussion- 11. Broad­casting - l. Religious broadcasting in public service broadcasting - 2. Religious organisations within the broadcasting system: the case of the '39f broadcasters' -3. Self-regulation by religious broadcasters - 4. Religious advertising in public service broadcasting- 5. Discussion.

Introduction

In the Netherlands, in 2001 a lively discussion started about the interface between freedom of expression and freedom of and respect for religion. One of the key issues at the last two elections for the new parliament and government (May 2002, January 2003), was the integration of immigrants from Islamic countries in Dutch society. The attacks on America (New York, September 11, 2001) coloured the Dutch discussion about fundamental­ist Islamic religion and the influence on Dutch, traditionally Christian, values. The public discussion about freedom of expression and freedom of religion was first focussed, in the main, on religious institutions them­selves (especially about the lectures of a fundamentalist nature by Imams in Masques). After the murder of the politician Pim Fortuijn in May 2002 however, the debate focussed on freedom of speech by politicians, espe­cially on the acceptance by the public of certain opinions of politicians. As a result, there was a lively public debate about this in the media and about the role of the media in portraying politicians.

For this paper, research has been undertaken into regulation by the State and media companies themselves of portraying religion in the media. The current media landscape in the Netherlands, and the regulation of religion in the media, can be explained by the history and background of Dutch society.

Pillarisation and secularisation

Dutch society in the twentieth century was, until the sixties, vertically organ­ised. Sociallife and activities were organised in sectors, or pillars, grounded

186 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

in religious and poli ti cal-social principies. At the end of the 19th century there were four pillars: Protestant, Catholic, Liberal and Socialist. Since then all kinds of organisations in Dutch society were to be found within those pillars: sports clubs, trade unions, schools, women's organisations, politica1 parties, health care, charities, as well as the press (newspapers and periodicals) and broadcasting (radio and television). Por example, Catholics organised themselves in the Catholic píllar where all social activities took place. The wish and need to defend certain values of the pillar and to associate only with people with the same religious or polit­ical background, led to a more or less isolated situation, including the provision of their own media.

After W orld W ar II the pillars started to break down as a result of diminished cohesion within these groups and less well-defined lines between the pillars. Smaller households, increased welfare and level of education and the influence of the media strengthened this process. From the sixties and seventies of the 20th century, the role of religion in social and individual life diminished. The process of secularisation had begun. From communities of birth, more and more communities of interest were formed in society (Frissen en Van Bockxmeer, 2001). This development had not only important consequences for different communities and asso­ciations in society but also for the media-landscape in the Netherlands, especially the press. Newspapers no longer had traditional connections with certain groups in society. This is especially the case with the religious press. Since the sixties there has been strong concentration, or contrac­tion, in the press. The amount of newspapers and publishers diminished dueto economic developments and increased competition. National news­papers merged or changed their identity. Regional religious newspapers discovered that it was more fruitful to focus on the region rather than on the religious identity of the newspaper. This may be illustrated by the fact that in 1930 more than 30 Catholic newspapers existed. In 2002 there is only, on a nationallevel, the Katholiek Nieuwsblad, a weekly periodical.

Societal developments and secularisation not only affected the exis­tence of religious newspapers but also other media- or media-related organisations. In 1968 the organisation of Catholic Journalists (KNKJ) merged with the National Union of Joumalists (NVJ) and in 1973 the Catholic Press Agency became part of the Religious department of the General Press Agency (ANP). In the following decades attention to reli­gion in the printed media declined. Hemels (1999) detects that at the same time religion and spirituality never disappeared from television and radio. The broadcasting associations which emerged in the 1920s, within the

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 187

different religious and social-political pillars, still exist. Religious organi­sations have, since 1957, direct access to the public service broadcasting system by means of their own airtime, also financed out of the media-bud­get1. These broadcasters are to sorne extent protected by law and publicly financed. The press, on the other hand, functions within a commercial setting and has no substantial, structural state support in law or fmance. They function in a situation fundamentan y different from the (public) broadcasting system. The regulation of the communícation of religion in the media differs accordingly, as will be explained in this paper. Not only is there a difference in the amount of regulation but also in the govem­ment support for religious organisations to be present in the media and in the relation of religious organisations with the media. As there is much more to be explained about the position of religion in (public) broad­casting, this will be the main focal point of this paper. First, the regulation of the press in respect to religion.

l. The press and religion

The Dutch government's policy towards the press can best be characterised by two notions: distance and diversity. The press functions traditionally in a market economy where the govemment is non-active (Nieuwen­huis, 1991). According to the Constitution (section 7) no one needs prior permission to publish his or her ideas and feelings, though they may be responsible for them in law. This rule is in accordance with section 19 BUPO and 10 EVRM. Also of relevance in the case of communicating religion are sections 1 and 6 of the Constitution. Section 1 is the non-dis­criminatory rule (section 2, 3, 4, 20, 26 and 27 BUPO and 14 EVRM). Section 6 states that everyone has the right to profess his religion or convictions of life, individually or collectively, subject to their responsi­bility under the law (section 18 BUPO and 9 EVRM). There is currently a public debate about the scope of this rule in relation to the fundamen­talist lectores by Imams mentioned above.

l. Press Policy in the Netherlands

After World War II there was a growing consciousness and concem that a non-active govemment alone is not sufficient to achieve a real freedom of the press. Diversity is essential for a well-functioning democracy. This

1 In 2000 the licence fee was abolíshed; since then public broadcasting is financed out of the media budget based on tax incorne and advertising.

188 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

opinion was broadly shared, considering the 'Declaration on freedom of expression and information' of the Council of Europe in 1982:

'Convinced that states have the duty to guard against infringements of the freedom of expression and information and should adopt policies designed to foster as much as possible a variety of media and a plurality of informa­tion sources, thereby allowing a plurality of ideas and opinions' (Council of Europe in Meij, 1990)

In the interest of the functioning of democracy in society, and to create conditions for freedom of the press, the Dutch govemment has concen­trated since the 1950s on upholding and enhancing diversity and inde­pendence of the press. The general (financia! and tax) measures taken were, however, not enough to realise these goals. As explained in the introduction, in the last decades, a strong contraction of especially the daily press took place. Not only the number of titles diminished, but also the number of publishers. In 2001 there were just eight publishers of national and regional newspapers of which three (PCM, De Telegraaf and Wegener) publish more than 90% of the total circulation. On a regional leve! most regions can be seen as 'one-paper-cities' (CvdM, 2002). As a result of recent contraction there has been a discussion about current govemment policy towards the press. The Netherlands Association of Joumalists (NVJ), the organisation of Editors-in-Chief and the Association of Newspaper Publishers, raised the question whether the govemment should do more to support the press-sector.

In 1974 a Press Fund was established in arder to advise the govemment about fmancial support for individual newspapers and magazines. In 1988 the Press Fund became an independent authority 'to uphold and promote the diversity of the press where information and opinions are concemed, this being in the public interest' (www.bedrijfsfondspers.nl). The gov­emment policy to adopt an active and favourable media policy has recently been confirmed in a letter to Parliament. Here again the two sides of freedom of the press (distance and diversity) are mentioned: 'citizens are able to freely express their opinions and they have the availability of a diversity of information' (Ministerie van OC&W, 2001).

There is no specific State regulation of the freedom of the press to cover religious affairs other than the abovementioned sections of the Con­stitution. The Media Act (1987) does not regulate freedom of the press nor are there other specific regulations to ensure that the press respects religion, that religions are treated equally, or that the press does not offend religion. The reason is that any regulation conceming the content of media, would lead to discussions about freedom of expression and possible inter-

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 189

Table l. National newspapers in the Netherlands (2001)

Circulation Market Newspaper Publisher Share*

De Telegraaf De Telegraaf NV 779.200 18,3

De Volkskrant PCM Uitgevers NV 332.660 7,8

Algemeen Dagblad PCM Uitgevers NV 329.596 7,7

NRC Handelsblad PCM Uitgevers NV 263.935 6,2

Trouw PCM Uitgevers NV 127.837 3,0

Reformatorisch Dagblad Reformatorisch Dagblad BV 57.950 1,4

Nederlands Dagblad Nederlands Dagblad BV 32.770 0,8

Regional newspapers Wegener NV, Noordelijke (20 titles) Dagblad Combinatie, Friesch

Dagblad Holding BV 2.330.622 54,8

Total 4.254.570 100

* Market share of total arnount of newspapers (including regional newspapers) Source: Cebuco in CvdM (2002)

ference by the govemment or other institutions. Rulings on freedo~ of expression have been made recently. In an interview in a w~ekl~ ~agazme, a parliamentarian of a reformed political party express~d hts op~mon about homosexual practice (Bijsterveld, 2000). Here, the parhamentanan and not the magazine was the subject of the ruling.

The main instrument of the govemment to realize diversity in the press is the abovementioned Press Fund. The Media Act establishes the Press Fund (Bedrijfsfonds voor de Pers) and the criteria to be s~tisfi~d to qual­ify for financia! support (Chapter IX, section 123-132~. F~nanc~al support is given for the reorganisation or restructuring of per_to_d~cals m or~er to make them profitable. One criterion excludes the posstb~ht~ of a clatm on the fund if there is a connection with a religious orgamsatton:

'Their publication or distribution may not ~e _connec_te_d with I?embership or sponsorship of or participation in an assoc1atwn, rehgwus soc1ety or other organisation'. (section 129-2h MA)

There is no further provision by the State in other instruments to regulate the establishment, ownership and management of religious newspapers. According to section 7 of the Constitution anyone may publish newspa-pers ( www. bedrijfsfondspers .ni). . . . .

When asked, the Press Fund stated that religion is not a cntenon m tts support policy. Relevant is whether the content of a periodical meets the

190 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

general criteria2

(section 129, 2b) and whether there is an independent editing team, functioning on the basis of a statute expressing the editor­.ial identity of the press product (section 129, 2c). Apart from financia! support for reorganisation the Press Fund may support research projects in the press industry. Research questions concerning ethics in the media and the quality of the press sometimes can be related to the question of religion and press policy. The secretary of the Press Fund states however that it is firstly up to the press itself to answer the question of communi­cating religion. For a government or Press Fund it is dangerous to for­mulate media policy concerning the communication of religion in the press. He argues that possible interference with the content of media is an immediate risk. If, however, society believes that the press ora specific publication is prejudiced about certain religions, this is a case-by-case question for the Press Council ora matter for civil procedure. Secondly, associations of journalists, like the National Union of Journalists (NVJ), can formulate codes of conduct or directives about ethics in the media. Regarding the communication of religion, there is curren ti y no such code of conduct. And thirdly, the government and society can try to improve the education of journalists on ethical issues and communicating religion.

The Press Council (NPC), established in 1948, is charged with the examination of complaints of violations of good journalistic practice. Since 1961, the Press Council has received about a dozen complaints concerning the portrayal of religion and related issues. In the main, the complaints concerned biased or offensive reporting of religious organi­sations and/or their ideas and rituals (www.rvdj.nl). In a case of complaint, the NPC hears both parties. Hereby, they give the opportunity to explain to the complainant the standards of journalistic ethics and the circum­stances in which these standards must be realised. The paper, magazine or broadcasting programme concerned is requested to publish the judg­ment. The maintenance of standards of good taste or general complaints against the press cannot be treated by the NPC.

2. Ethics in the media: self-regulation by the press

Self-regulation concerning the communication of religion by the press is related to the question of ethics in the media and the quality of journalism.

2 '[T]hey must toa significant extent contain news, analyses, commentaries and back­

ground information covering the diverse aspects ofpresent-day society, with a view to, inter afia, political opinion-forming'.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 191

The ethical quality of journalism and of a newspaper, as an ~ditorial product, may be treated by self-regulation. Evers (1996) mentwns the following as relevant:

• The Statute of the .editors; . . • The journalistic code (all written and unwritten rules wlthm a profes-

sional group); • The Press Council (a forum for complaints anda developer of.values); • The Ombudsman as mediator between the public and journaltsm.

Evers (1996) states that journalists are quite ~mbivale~t towards these forms of self-regulation and the ethics of thelf professwn. On the one hand they embrace ethics when they meet their goals but on. the. other hand they do not themselves want to be the subj~ct of a~ exammatwn on the grounds of quality and ethics. Furthermore, JOUrnahsts fear an attack on freedom of the press. Since the 1980s, every newspaper has a ~ull editorial statute which seeks to guarantee that the journalist can functwn without direct influence, either from inside or outside the ~ewspa?er. This is prescribed by the collective agreement for newspaper ~ournahsts. On the basis of this statute, journalists work independently, takmg account of the identity of the newspaper concerned (CvdM, 2001).

The question of quality has recently been thoroughly di~cusse~ by the Catholic Institute for Mass Media (KIM), a platform for Jo~rnahsts an.d scientists, which stimulates research in the field of medta and reh­gion. The KIM working group has concluded that most research on t~e quality of journalism tries to define wh~ther new.spapers meet certa~n journalistic codes and values. The (changmg) functwn of a newspaper m society has hardly ever been looked into (KIM, 2001).

3. Self-regulation by the religious press

As mentioned before, there are currently two reorganised daily newspa­pers: the Nederlands Dagblad (ND) and the Reformatorisch Dagblad (RD). The ND started in World War II and developed as a church-rela~ed news magazine within the liberated Reformed chur~h~s. T?e magazme became a daily newspaper in 1959. The ND pos1t10ns Itself. as the Reformed morning paper for Christians in the Netherlands. Untll 1992 editors had to be a member of a (liberated) Reformed Ch~rch. No~ad3ays journalists have to agree with the three reformed confesswns of fa1th as

3 The Belgic Confession, the Heidelberg Catechism and the Canons of Dordt.

192 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

the ideology of the newspaper. The ND focusses politically on the Chris­tenunie, a recent co-operation of two Christian parties (Gereformeerd Politiek Verbond and Reformatorische Politieke Federatie) (www.nd.nl). In 2001 the ND has about 32.770 subscribers (0,8% market share).

The Reformed protestant community established in 1971 the Refor­matorische Dagblad as a reaction to the way they were treated by the press at that time. They thought that the reporting of church and religion from the perspective of a Reformed protestant conviction would be bet­ter than by the secular press or other Christian press publications. The Reformed Daily is doctrinally based on the three prevailing Dutch reformed confessions of faith, 'Deploring the schisms among the reformed confes­sors, the Reformed Daily tries - wherever possible - to tie together those who subscribe and love the reformed doctrine' (www.refdag.nl). Over recent decades, the RD became a constant factor in the Dutch press land­scape and is seen as a quality newspaper. The amount of subscribers of the RD increased from 16.000 in 1971 to 58.000 in 2001 (1,4% market share). Especially in its editorial comments on the news, the RD gives expression to the Christian identity of the newspaper. The newspaper pays no attention to sports, radio or television. RD claims to have the largest editing team on religious affairs. All editors of the RD are Reformed protestant. There is no statute for the editors but there is a corporate ide­ology: to convey news from a Reformed protestant conviction. The appli­cation of this basic ideology is periodically discussed leading to a docu­ment that can be seen as an editorial statute. The editors of RD operate independently of the churches. There are no formal connections with the Reformed Protestant Church. In reporting about religious affairs within the (Reformed) Church, the RD tries to calm conflicts down rather than stir them up and be sensational. On the other hand, RD does not want to neglect certain affairs. Therefore they proceed with caution. As a result, RD experiences a (natural) tension between making a quality newspaper based on general joumalistic values and bringing news about and inspired by a particular religion. In relations with Christian political parties, there is a similar tension. For the Reformed Churches, Reformed political par­ties and the RD all try to reach and attract the same public.

Apart from reporting about their own religion, RD shows a broad interest in other religions as well as news and current affairs related to religion. Conceming the multicultural society and Islam in the Netherlands, RD has a critical approach. RD also has a broad interest in different political par­ties, broader than the related parties and the mainstream in politics. About every two years, the RD meets representatives of the churches and of

THE PORTRAY AL OF REUGION lN THE NETHERLANDS 193

related política! parties (particularly the Staatkundig Gerejormeerde Par­tij, SGP and secondly the Christenunie). The purpose of these meetings is to talk about mutual interests and to create mutual understanding. There is no formal relation between the newspaper and churches or political parties. The website of the RD presents severa! dossiers on religious sub­jects (the position of the Reformed Protestant Political Party SGP, free­doro of religion, marriage of homosexuals, the Synod of the Reformed Churches, Muslim extremism etc.) Most of the advertisements in RD come from Reformed organisations or related businesses, including religious organisations and political parties. RD accepts general advertisements when they are not offensive to the religious values of the newspaper and the Reformed Protestant Church (eg. nudity in pictures, advertisements for activities on Sunday, sports activities, radio and television, film).

4. Discussion

There is no specific State regulation of communicating religion by the press. This can be explained by the way the press functions in the Nether­lands: on a commercial basis in a democratic society where freedom of speech and of the press is broadly accepted. Concentration of the press has led toa decrease in the number of (independent) newspapers. As a result, over recent decades, the religious press has become almost non­existent. Only the Reformed Protestant religious community have their own newspapers and there is a weekly Catholic magazine. On the editorial level, there is a tension between reporting religion from a specific religious ideology and working according to general joumalistic values. Contrary to the religious press, the secular press experiences no such tension. There is therefore no real need for interna! regulation of the communication of religion.

Diversity in the press is stimulated by the Press Fund, but religion is not a criterion for funding. The question can be raised whether this should be the case. This is especially so insofar as the (dominant) secular press has shown a lack of interest in religion for sorne decades ( 1970s - 1990s ). This is a question of stimulating access of the religious press to the press landscape, on the one hand, and of the content of (secular) newspapers on the other. Should a govemment regulate this or, with respect to the Constitution, remain inactive in this field? Currently the latter is the case and there are no signals that this will change over the coming years. On the contrary, in the discussion about the distance between the State and the Church, recent social-liberal governments in the Netherlands

194 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

(1994-2002) have increasingly tried to widen the distance and declare religion a prívate matter. The emergence of Islam and its influence in society, however, indicate that religion cannot be seen simply as a prívate matter. The question of regulating access and content, to stimulate the communication of religion in society, is answered differently in the field of broadcasting. This leads to a different situation for religious organisa­tions in terms of their presence in the media.

11. Broadcasting

The communication of religion in broadcasting differs fundamentally from the press. In respect of S tate regulation, as well as the relevant provisions of the Constitution, the Media Act is the most important regulatory instru­ment. Asto broadcasting, section 7.2 of the Constitution provides: 'The law prescribes rules concerning radio and television. There is no fore­going supervision of the content of a radio or television programme.' On a European level, the protocol to the Treaty of Amsterdam of 1997 is important. According to this, the system of public broadcasting in the Member States is directly related to the democratic, social and cultural needs of each society and to the need to preserve media pluralism. Mem­ber States are competent to provide for the funding of public service broadcasting. The protocol is an important agreement for the Dutch broad­casting system, because the Dutch system has a specific character and is paid for by mixed public financing (state support and advertising).

The current Media Act (Concessiewet) has been operative since March 2000. Within its scope come the public and commercial broadcasters (radio and television) and cable operators, advertising and sponsoring by t~e broa~c.asting organisations, and internet activities and subscrip­tiOn televts1on by these organisations (www.cvdm.nl). The department of Culture in the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science (OCandW) is responsible for media policy.

The media committee of the Council of Culture (Raad voor Cultuur) advises the Minister of Culture about media policy and especially about proposed Media Acts. The Dutch Media Authority ( Commissariaat voor de Media) upholds the rules contained in the Media Act. The Authority was founded in 1988, coinciding with the commencement of the Dutch Media Act. It is an independent administrative body focus­sing on both public service and commercial broadcasters and on cable o~erators. The three tasks of the Authority are supervision of compliance wtth the rules and regulations of the Media Act and Media Decree by

THE PORTRA YAL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 195

broadcasters and cable operators, allocation of broadcasting time, and financia! control.

Citizens with complaints about programmes may address these directly to the broadcaster concerned. They are firstly responsible for the form and content of the programmes. The Media Act has hardly any regulation concerning the content of programmes, because of the possible intrusion of freedom of speech. The rules mainly concem diversity in the programmes of the public service broadcasting system stating that they shall provide a complete programme service including programmes of a cultural, educational and entertainment nature (section 50.1). However, religious programming is not mentioned in this section as a specific kind of pro-

gramme. " Viewers and listeners with complaints about the harmful content ot

programmes, and especially about the scheduling of certain programmes and films, may approach the Complaints Committee of the Institute for Classification of Audio-Visual Media (NICA.M). This is a new watchdog for audio-visual media, established in 1999 by the audio-visual sector (public and commercial broadcasters, film distributors, cinema operators, distributors of videos, DVDs and games). This initiative of self-regulation was a reaction toa government policy document called •Not for all ages', and followed discussions within the EU about the protection of minors. NICAM was set up in close co-operation with the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science (OCandW), the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports (VWS) and the Ministry of Justice. NICAM developed a uniform classification system for television, video, film and games. The results are quite positive so far, and have gained the interest of other European gov­ernments and media ínstitutions (www.kijkwijzer.nl).

The regulation of broadcasting in general, and of the communication of religion by radio and television broadcasters specifically, differs con­siderably as between the public service and the commercial broadcasters. Cornmercial broadcasters must obtain permission form the Media Author­ity (Section ?la). The Media Act contains sorne rules on the ownership of a commercial broadcaster but these do not apply to religious organisa­tions. However, until now, no religious organisation has asked permission for commercial broadcasting on a national level. There have been appli­cations local Church radio, although public (radío) stations also broad­cast religious services or other religious programmes. The Media Act does not regulate the content of the programmes other than that each com­mercial br;adcaster must determine, and is responsible for, the form and content of its programme service (section 71t). There is no state regulation

196 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

of ~e communica~ion of religion by commercial broadcasting. The main na~t~nal comm~rctal broadcasters in the Netherlands do not broadcast rehgi?U~ wo~?lp or other specific religious programmes. Religion how­ever ts tmphcttly present in different programmes, from talkshows and current affairs programmes to films and drama.

l. Religious broadcasting in public service broadcasting

Th.e or~anisation of the Dutch public service broadcasting system is umque m Europe. From the beginning of radio in the 1920s it has been char~cterised b~ ~articipation of associations, in those days established by the ~1fferent rehgwus and social-political groups as described in the intro­d~ctwn. 'fh_us, a broadcasting system was developed which fitted the ptllared soctety of those days. In spite of the societal changes of the last 75-years and secularisation, the broadcasting system is still based on these founda~ons. This means that the different associations not only produce a certam amount of programmes but are also independent organisations bas~d on membership by citizens who formulate their own programm~ poh~y. ~very broadcaster has available a prescribed amount of broad­castmg time on t~e national chamtels as well as a budget to make pro­grammes. !?e natwnal public broadcasting system has the availability of thre~ televtsiOn chamtels and five radio stations. There are thirteen regional ~ubhc broadcasters ( one in every region) and about a hundred local pub­he broadcasters4

• The radio and television programmes on the national chamtels are produced by sorne 20 organisations:

• Corporations established by law (NOS and NPS) • Broadcasting associations (AVRO, KRO, NCRV, EO, BNN TROS

V ARA, VPRO) ' '

• Religious and other spiritual organisations (RKK, IKON¡ZVK, HUMAN OHM, NMO, NIK, BOS) '

• Educational broadcasters (TELEAC/NOT and RVU).

Po~itical parties with one or more seats in the House of Representatives or m ~e.Se~ate also have national broadcasting time (section 39g MA). Adverttsmg 1s centrally provided by the Radio and Television Advertis­ing Fou?dation (S_TER). Every broadcasting organisation (including the STER) IS responstble for their own broadcasting time and content. The

4 In ~s paper however no further attention is paid to the communication of religion

on a regiOnal or locallevel.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 197

NOS is the co-ordinating organisation responsible for the management of the three television channels and five radio channels and the co-operation of the different broadcasting organisations within the system. After the emergence of commercial broadcasting in 1989 and intemet in the mid 90s, a policy (subsequently actualised in the Media Acts) was imple­mented to increase the competitiveness of the public service broadcasting system.

The task of the eight broadcasting organisations is, under section 14 of the Media Act:

"to provide a programme service for general broadcasting purposes at nationai level, and to carry out all the activities relating to programme ser­vice provision and transmission required for that purpose. The aím of the association, as laid down in its constitution, is to reflect in its programme service a particular social, cultural, religious or spiritual movement within society, as indicated in its constitution, and, through its programme, to address the task of satisfying social, cultural, religious or spiritual needs existing amongst the public."

Three of the abovementioned associations (KRO, NCRV and EO) have a religious background. The Catholíc radio and television organisation (KRO, 1925) and the Protestant radio and television organisation (NCRV, 1924) both provide in their mission statements that they are inspired by the respective Catholic and Protestant traditions. The Evangelical Organ­isation (EO, 1970) puts it stronger, stating they want to reach people about the Gospel of Jesus Christ using radio, television, intemet and print. Religious organisations do not manage these broadcasting organisations -they are in fact initiatives of religious citizens. The associations have, however, strong connections with religious organisations, eg by means of religious advisers on their boards. As the mission statements and section 14 show, the associations try to produce programmes from a particular ide­ological perspective. At the same time these associations are professional media organisations, competing with colleagues of other channels and commercial broadcasters to attract viewers and listeners, trying to make award-winning programmes and meeting joumalistic standards. There is an inherent tension between the task of the broadcasting system as a whole (in terms of quantity of viewers and quality of the product} and the missions of the different associations.

In addition to the programmes by the associations, the Programme Ser­vice Foundation (NPS) has by law the task:

"to pro vide a programme service consisting of programmes which meet the social, cultural, religious or spiritual needs of the public in such a way that

198 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

this programme service, ... provides a balanced reflection of the social, cul­tural, religious and spiritual diversity in the Netherlands" (section S lb MA).

In its programming, the NPS pays special attention to the issue of multi­culturality in Dutch society and the social, cultural, religious and spiritual aspects.

The amount of airtime granted depends upon the number of members these associations have, with a mínimum of 300,000. All eight associa­tions have more than 300,000 members and, accordingly, have each at their disposal at least 650 hours of television broadcasting time and 3000 hours of radio broadcasting time. The NPS (cultural programming) has the same amount of hours and the NOS (news and sport) has 1,300 hours of tele­vision and 1,500 hours of radio broadcasting time (Section 39a and 39al).

In 2000, 300 hours of religious programmes were broadcast on televi­sion, 2% of the total broadcasting time by all broadcasting organisations. In the same year, 106 hours of sacred music were broadcast, 1% of total broadcasting time and 16% of total music broadcasting (NOS, 2001). There are no quotas in the Media Act conceming the amount of religious programming, except for section 50.6 and 50.7 which state that the religious organisations and spiritual organisations shall use all their broad­casting time for a religious or spiritual programme. These statistics however give limited insight in the type of programming and the total attention for religion on television and radio. Implicitly all types of pro­grammes can pay attention to religion (news, current affairs, talk shows etc).

2. Religious organisations within the broadcasting system: the case of the '39f broadcasters'

Next to the abovementioned associations, religious organisations them­selves have since 1957 direct access to the Dutch broadcasting system. This can be seen as an acknowledgement of the position of the church and religion in society. According to section 39f of the Media Act, the Media Authority may allocate national broadcasting time to religious and other spiritual organisations once every five years. In recent years, the number of religious organisations obtaining access to the public service broad­casting system has increased. This is striking compared to the situation in the press where the religious press has diminished considerably in the

. last decades. The Media Authority grants broadcasting time to the organ­isations which represent the main religious groups in Dutch society (Catholic, Protestant, Muslim, Jewish, Hindu, Humanist, Buddhist). Just

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 199

one organisation can apply on behalf of a religious group in order to pre­vent fragmentation.

Currently there are seven religious and spiritual organisations with broadcasting time within the public service broadcasting system (table 1). IKON and RKK are the oldest organisations, both started in the 1950s, followed by the Humanistic Organisation (1973), the Hindu Broadcasting Network (OHM), Muslim Broadcasting Organisation (NMO) (both in 1993), Zendtijd voor Kerken (1994, part of IKON) and Buddhist Union Netherlands (2000). The amount of airtime depends upon the number of members of the religious organisation. The Christian organisations (RKK, IKON/ZVK, NIK) still account for the majority of the granted broad­casting time. There was however a discussion in 1999 and 2000 about the mutual division of broadcasting time amongst religious organisations for the period 2000-2005. In particular, the NMO wanted more time because of the strong increase of Muslims in the Netherlands and the attention to Islam in the westem world. The time granted in the period 1995-2000 to the NMO has been doubled for television and is one-and-a-half times more for radio related to the previous period (1995-2000)5. The, until now unanswered, question is whether the broadcasting time for the 39f broadcasters together will at a certain point be maximised. This would mean that, eventually, with the growth of the Muslim community and broadcasting time, the broadcasting time of Christian organisations will decline. Compared to 1995, the religious broadcasters have from 2000-2005 together 46.5 hours of television and 114 hours of radio more. The increase is mainly the consequence of the emergence of the BOS and the increase of the airtime of the NMO.

Since 1995, public broadcasters, including religious broadcasters, have been active on the intemet. The religious broadcasters together formed a religious intemet site, mainly focussing on stimulating the dialogue between the religions (www.nederland8.nl). Here and on the central broad­casting portal (www.omroep.nl), there are links to the individual websites of the religious broadcasters.

Another discussion within the broadcasting system is about the time­slots appointed in the programme schedule. Christian religious services are - obviously - scheduled and broadcast on Sunday moming, but the religious organisations bring a more diverse programme. With the increas­ing success of commercial broadcasting in the mid 1990s, gaining a fixed

5 The NMO applied for three times the amount of broadcasting time of the previous period for both radio and television.

200 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

Broadcasting Religious or spiritual Airtime per year in organisation organisation hours (2000-2005)

Television* Radio BOS Buddhist Union Netherlands 13 52 HUMAN Humanist Broadcasting Foundation 40 160 IKON +ZVK Foundation for inter-church 130 338

broadcasting (protestant) Broadcasting time for Protestant Churches

OHM Organisation for Hindu Media 20 104 NMO Netherlands Muslim Organisation 52 156 RKK Roman Catholic Church 86 234 NIK Media Netherlands lsraeli Organisation 10 13 Total 351 1057

* Excluding reruns

Source: (CvdM, www.nederland8.nl)

market share and reaching the viewers and listeners became more and more ir.nportant for public service broadcasting. More emphasis and space were giVen to popular programmes in prime time. Religious programmes focus however not primarily on mass audiences. As a result, these types of programme are given inconvenient time slots on television (Sunday aftemoons, around midnight) and can be listened to on the least listened to public radio station AM 747. The only exception is the Catholic cur­rent affairs programme Kruispunt (RKK) on television (Sunday evenings at 1 O) and radio (Radio 1, Saturday evening at 7). These programmes, therefore, attract quite a lot of viewers and listeners. At the same time, the television programme Kruispunt is obliged to reach a mínimum of 12% market share in arder to keep its time-slot.

According to the Media Act, religious organisations must use their broadcasting time to provide a 'religious programme service' (section 50.6 MA). Spiritual organisations must use all their broadcasting time to provide a 'programme service dealing with spiritual matters' (section 50.7 MA). Unlike the associations, religious and other spiritual organisations ~e not o~li~ed to devote at least 50% of their television broadcasting time to ongmal Dutch language programmes. Neither the law nor other forms of regulation explain further the meaning of the concepts of 'reli­gious programme service' or 'programme dealing with spiritual matters '. As said above, each broadcaster is responsible for the form and content

THE PORTRAYAL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 201

of programmes (section 48 MA). In the following section, RKK, IKON and BOS are chosen to illustrate how these religious and spiritual broad­casters define the legal concept 'religious programme service' in a diver­sity of television and radio programmes.

3. Self-regulation by religious broadcasters

The religious broadcasters operate in a situation where there is a natural tension between the interest of the Church and the reality and demands of a professional media organisation. Previously the same tension was signalled irt the religious press. The religious broadcasters have their own respon­sibility to communicate religion, besides the interests of their 'mother' religious organisations. To be credible, to fulfil general joumalistic stan­dards and to make attractive programmes, religious broadcasters make choices in their programming which do not always find sympathy with the churches. The importance of access of religious organisations to broad­casting increased after the decline of the religious press. Broadcasting time for religious organisations, therefore, is of great importance to churches.

The religious programme service RKK consists of three programme categories: Information (current affairs in the field of religion and the church), Confirmation and Liturgy. From the moment the Roman Catholic Church was granted broadcasting time in 1957, the existing Catholic broadcasting association KRO was asked to produce the radio and tele­vision programmes. The current agreement between RKK (Bishops Con­ference) and KRO, regulating their co-operation, originates from 1993. This agreement ( Convenant) was recen ti y evaluated by both parties (KRO, 2002). The responsibility for the media policy of RKK lies with the media bishop within the Dutch Episcopal Council.

The Roman Catholic Church has direct access to broadcasting time with the RKK programmes and chose the professional media organisa­tion KRO to produce the programmes within a prescribed generally for­mulated programme policy. This leads to a situation where editorial responsibility lies within the editorial boards of the different programmes and the management of the KRO. The Church community, by means of the Episcopate and the media bishop, is responsible for the strategic decisions conceming the broadcasting time (type of programming, formulation of focus groups etc). The central point of discussion in the evaluation process of the RKK/KRO agreement was the tension between the regularity of the media and joumalistic values on the one hand and the wish of the Episco­pate to be present in the media in a particular manner.

202 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

RKK and KRO have no specific internal regulation or policy con­cerning the broadcasting of religious affairs and debates, ensuring equal treatment of political viewpoints and other religions and consultation of religious groups. Editors of RKK and KRO work according to general joumalistic values, on the basis of the RKK!KRO agreement, KRO mission statement, a frequently updated policy document and interna! discussions about journalism and religion. Religious advertising is no issue for the RKK and KRO since the STER is responsible for all advertising on national public radio and television.

The protestant IKON (Foundation for Inter-church Broadcasting) is the ecumenical broadcasting organisation for the Netherlands. IKON defines religious programmes as those made on behalf of nine protestant churches and based on their ecumenical roots. Inspired by the gospel and the ecumenical movement, IKON programmes are driven by three main factors:

• new developments in church, theology, spirituality and visions of human life

• in-depth interpretation of the daily flow of news • dilemmas which people face in their personallife.

IKON has chosen to produce five types of programme: church services, documentaries, drama, discussion and current affairs. Traditionally IKON pays considerable attention to developments in (foreign) politics, especially in third world countries and countries in which viewers and listeners have no direct interest. Central in the IKON programme policy is an ecumenical approach with emphasis on multicultural and multi­religious aspects. For example, they made an award-winning programme about a young homosexual Muslim and the clashes of different cultures in the Netherlands. About a quarter of IKON's television time is spent on youth programming. In their radio programmes IKON pays attention to religion, politics and culture, and broadcasts live discussions about these themes.

The board of IKON consists of representatives of the nine protestant churches. On the level of programme making within IKON, there is no formal system of consultation with these churches or other religious groups. Editors take different religious groups seriously by taking account of the differences in religious traditions. Editors work autonomously

. within the set of principies formulated by IKON, which characterises itself as a 'journalism organisation' which means that- if necessary- they are critica! about their mother-churches. This leads to a certain tension

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 203

between the journalists and the churches, but according to IKON this is healthy. There is no special charter for the editors. The board only can comment after programmes are produced.

The Buddhist Broadcasting Union (BOS) is the newest entrant in the Dutch public broadcasting system, established in 1999 by the Buddhist Union in the Netherlands (www.boeddhisme.nl). BOS started broadcast­ing in September 2000. The goal of BOS is to present Buddhist traditions to Dutch society by television, radio and internet. BOS states that it tries to present their programmes in the spirit of its spirituality; 'with wisdom and compassion'. With their programmes, BOS aims to give insight to different traditions within Buddhism 'in order to accomplish a society in which Buddhist ideas are more integrated and people are invited to take responsibility.' Programmes made are based on Buddhist tradition.

The programme policy of three religious organisations that are active within the public broadcasting system has been presented. The access to the system is provided by law and financed out of the general media bud­get. For the related religious organisations, this is a unique position to be present in the mass media. Access is guaranteed as well as the freedom to communicate religion since this is not further defined by law or the Media Authority. The religious broadcasters produce their programmes mainly for their own religious people and secondly for other religiously interested viewers and listeners and the public in general. On the editorial level there is a tension between working according to journalistic stan­dards and making programmes on behalf of religious organisations. This is the same tension as can be seen in the press (see f.e. Reformatorisch

Dagblad). The (religious) broadcasting associatíons have no direct, formal bonds

with religious organisations and have by 1aw a more general task (see section 14 Media Act); this tension is less present, but not absent. Every broadcasting association focusses more or less on a public within certain religious or social groups or with certain mutual interests. The different associations try to take different positions as a broadcaster and focus on different themes and approaches in making their programmes. Dating from the past there are contacts between the boards of associations and certain política! parties (VARA and PvdA, AVRO and VVD, KRO/ NCRV and CDA, EO and SGP/Christenunie). Currently they have mutual interest in respect of certain issues (eg. the attention for religious organi­sations or ethical issues in society). Editors however try to be independent and unprejudiced. This could lead to discussions within broadcasting associations about the coverage of political affairs.

204 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

4. Religious advertising in public service broadcasting

As mentioned before, the Radio and Television Advertising Foundation (STER) is responsible for advertising on the public channels. The Media Act includes within the term 'advertising' no calls to support messages of a scientific, cultural, religious, spiritual, political or charitable nature, provided that any such calls do not relate to buying a specific product or using a specific service which is commercially avaílable. Furthermore on Sundays, the programmes of the Radio and Television Advertising Foundation may not immediately precede or follow programmes of a reli­gious or spiritual nature, unless the establishment which has obtained broadcasting time and which is responsible for that programme has lodged no objections against such practice. These rules are also applicable for the local and regional broadcasters and for the Dutch World Service (sec­tion 41a le).

The STER is subject to the supervision by the Advertising Foundation Code (Stichting Reclame Code) (Section 61a MA). The Code, established in 1964, seeks to provide a rapid, effective and practica! response to com­plaints received in relation to advertisements. The Dutch Advertising Code contains a body of rules and regulations applicable to all forms of advertising. There are no specific rules concerning religious advertising, except for superstítion. Religious advertisements are subject to the gen­eral rules and regulations. The STER can reject advertisements if incom­patible with the Advertising Code. According to the Media Act, the STER is responsible for the content of their advertising programme.

5. Discussion

In the Netherlands, attention in the media to religion is mainly guaran­teed by the direct access of religious organisations in the public broad­casting system. They have not only the availability of broadcasting time (sorne 350 hours of television and 1000 hours of radio per year) but also the finances out of the media budget to produce programmes and be active on the internet. Since the Media Act does not define the expression, the interpretation of 'religious programming' is a matter for the religious broadcasting organisations themselves. This gives them considerable freedom to be present on their own terms in the media. In addition, there is one broadcasting foundation by law obliged to give attention to reli-

, gion and three broadcasting associations with a religious, Christian iden­tity (KRO, NCRV and EO). These three produce a general programme inspired by the Gospel (650 hours of television and 3000 hours of radio

THE PORTRA YAL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 205

per association). Apart from those Christian associations, there are no other associations with a religious identity (Muslim, Hindu, Jewish) but this could in theory be the case. The Media Act provides that new asso­ciations can enter the system. Por example, in 1998 a new broadcasting association, focussing on the youth (BNN), entered the public broadcast­ing system. The question is whether the guaranteed access of religious organisations influences the coverage by other broadcasters of religious affairs. Whether this is the case is unknown, partly because implicitly religion can be present on radio and televísíon in many ways (talkshows, news and current affairs, drama etc). The 300 hours of religious program­mes on Dutch television in 2000 relate to explicitly religious programmes and not to other programmes where religious affairs are the subject. The State does not regulate the attention paid to religion on radio and televi­sion by secular broadcasters nor is there any indication that these broad­casters have interna} regulation oh religious broadcasting.

The character of the Dutch public broadcasting system is that the broadcasters together represent interests and groups in society. This means that each broadcaster merely concentrates on making programmes for their own supporters. However, the public broadcasting system as a whole is obliged to be attractive to all citizens and competes with the commercial broadcasters. So, the broadcasters not only focus on their own support­ers but are increasingly obliged to make attractive programming for all citizens. This could lead to a generalisation of the programmes and less attention paid to religious affairs. Whether this is so is not known. A content analysis of the programmes could give more insight in this hypothesis.

Incidents like the attacks on 11 September and the increase of Muslims in the Netherlands lead to a call for knowledge and understanding of Islam and the role of religion in the Turkish and Moroccan culture. The question arises: what is the role of the media in their coverage of religious affairs, their selection of spokesmen, and their portrayal of religion? and: what knowledge do the media themselves have about these cultures and religions? This is not just a question of regulation but also of the educa­tion of journalists and of stimulating diversity in the background of jour­nalists.

The general approach of the Dutch government to the portrayal of reli­gion can be characterised by distance and diversity. There is no regula­tion of the content of the press or broadcasting, nor in terms of coverage of religious affairs, nor of stimulating the equal treatment of religions in reporting religious affairs. Section 7 of the Constitution prevents such

206 HERMINEKE VAN BOCKXMEER

regulation. In the democratic society diversity is seen as essential to inform the citizens. Because of the strong concentration of the press and changes in demands of society, the religious press in the Netherlands has almost disappeared. Attention to religion paíd by the secular press to sorne extent depends on actuality. After a period of almost no attention to religion (1970-1990), today special attention is paid to new religions in our traditional Christian society. In broadcasting, religion is more of a structural issue due to the guaranteed access of religious organisations and associations in the public broadcasting system.

Both in press and broadcasting there is a tension between the religious organisation or support from a particular religious group and the jour­nalistic values of a professional media organisation. In the cases of the Reformed Daily and the KRO and IKON, this tension is active. Self-reg­ulation is a way to cope with this tension in order to make it fruitful for the attainment of quality in the communication of religion.

LITERATURE:

BocKXMEER, H.M. VAN ( 1993 ). Bijeen, restant van e en zuil. Onderzoek naar e en nieuwe doelgroep voor Bijeen. KUN, Nijmegen, afstudeerscriptie.

BUSTERVELD, S. VAN (1998). Godsdienstvrijheid in Europees perspectíef. Deven­ter. Tjeenk Willink.

BIJSTERVELD, S. VAN (2000). Church and state in the Netherlands in 1999. Euro­pean Journal for Church and State Research, 7, 2000.

Commissariaat voor de Media (2002). Mediaconcentratie in Beeld. Concentratie en pluriformiteit van de Nederlandse media 2001. Hilversum, Commissariaat voor de Medía.

EVERS, H. (1996). Twee maal op zoek naar het goede: ethische reflecties over journalistieke kwaliteit. In A. van Hoof. Krant en Kwaliteit. Verkenningen rond de onderzoekbaarheid van journalistiek. Houten/Diegem, Bohn Stafleu van Loghum.

FrusSEN, V. en H.M. VAN BocKXMEER (2001). The paradox ofthe individual com­mitment. The implications of internet for social involvement. In: Communi­cations & Strategies, 42, 2nd quarter 2001, p. 225-258.

HEMELS, J. (1999). Joumalistiek en religie in de actuele cultuurbeleving. Amster­dam, Otto Cramwinckel Uitgever.

KIM (2001). Verslag derde bijeenkomst werkgroep Krant en Kwaliteit. Nijmegen. ME:!J, J.M. DE (1990). Uitingsvrijheid en mediabeleid. In Inleiding tot het staats­

recht en het bestuursrecht. Groningen, 1990. Ministerie van OC&W (2001). Persbeleid, brief van Staatssecretaris Van der

Ploeg aan de Tweede Kamer. Zoetermeer, 10 december 2001 NIEUWENHUIS, A.J. (1991). Persvrijheid en persbeleid. Amsterdam, Otto Cram­

winckel Uitgever. NOS (2001). Meerjarenbegroting Publieke Omroep 2002-2006. Hilversum, NOS.

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN THE NETHERLANDS 207

KRO (2002). Zelfevaluatie Convenant RKK-KRO, 1998-2001. KRO, Hilversum. RKK/KRO (1993). Bijlage bij regeling voor de verzorging van de RKK-Zendtijd.

Utrecht/Hilversum, 1993.

lntemet-sources

MediaAct: Constitution: NICAM: Press Fund: Press Council:

Appendix

www.cvdm.nl www.minaz.nl www.kijkwijzer.nl www.bedrijfsfondspers.nl www.rvdj.nl

Art. 39f, Media Act

l. Once every five years, the Media Authority may allocate national broadcasting time to religious and other spíritual organísatíons or to legal persons in which two or more such organisations collaborate. This allocation of broadcasting time shall remain effective for a period of fíve years, after which the right to broadcasting time shall have lapsed.

2. The religious and other spiritual organisations which have obtained broadcast­íng time shall be entitled to place the provision of their programme services in the hands of the Foundation, a broadcasting association which has obtained broadcasting time or a body established by the aforesaid establishments them-selves.

JÓNATAS E.M. MACHAD01

University of Coimbra

MEDIA AND RELIGION IN PORTUGAL

SUMMARY: l. Speech and religion in the constitution oj 1976- 1.1. Freedom of expression and information- 1.2. Joumalism and the mass media- 1.3. Freedom of religion 11. Religion and speech- 2.1. Freedom of religious speech- 2.2. Free­doro of speech about religion - 2.3. Media coverage of religious affairs - m. Reli­gion and the media 3.1. Religion and the press 3.2. Relígion and the electronic media - 3 .2.1. Ownership of terrestrial broadcasting operators - 3 .2.1.1. Radio 3.2.1.2. Television 3.2.2. Access to the public service- 3.2.3. Access tocable and satellíte - 3.3. Advertisements with a religious content - IV. Concluding remarks.

l. Speech and religion in the constitution of 1976

Por much of the last two centuries Portugal was a contested terrain where liberal and anti-liberallines of thought confronted each other in the realms of constitutional law and politics. As might be expected, freedom of speech, freedom of religion and freedom of religious speech were always at the centre of these struggles. The Portuguese "Carnations Revolution" of April25 1974 introduced a paradigm shift in the matter of fundamen­tal rights in general and in freedom of religion and freedom of speech in particular, although not without sorne fluctuation. Immediately in 1975 a new Law on Freedom of the Press was adopted.2 The Constitution of 1976, still in effect, resulted in a significant improvement in the realms of freedom of speech, religion and religious speech. These and other fun­damental rights were granted in classical liberal terms. The principie of separation of Church and State was secured in the 1976 Constitution as a fundamental principie of a free and democratic constitutional order.

1.1. Freedom of expression and information

Portuguese constitutionallaw devotes great attention to the protection of freedom of communication in general. lt covers general freedom of expression, as well as regulation of the press and mass media. In light of

1 I would like to thank Joe Busby for his help in revising the text. 2 Decreto-Leí n° 85 C/ 75, of 26-2-1975.

210 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

Portuguese constitutional provisions, freedom of expression in a general sense sh~~ld be bette~ understood as a cluster right3 from which many legal positions are denved. This right sould be understood as serving dif­ferent substantive goals, such as the protection of individual expressive ~utonomy, the search for truth, knowledge and understanding, the crea­han of a free marketplace of ideas, the promotion of deliberative democ­racy and self-government, the control of government action and of the action of other relevant public and private social actors, the peaceful trans­fo_rmation of society and the consolidation of an "unhibited, robust and Wide open" (New York Times v. Sullivan) sphere of public discourse.

The truth or falsity of speech, as well as its potentially offensive char­acter, are irrelevant from the standpoint of legal protection. What is more, any special privilege for political speech, based on any high value/low value dichotomy, would be arbitrary, because, on the one hand it would privilege the "political animals" and on the otherhand, it would be based on a very narrow view of the political and social relevance of the various kinds of speech. Protection must be broad for freedom of speech to advance its substantive ends and perfonn its social functions.4

Article 37°/1 of the Portuguese Constitution states that "[e)veryone has ~he right to express and publicise his or her thoughts freely, by words, Images or other means, and the right to impart, obtain and receive infor­mation without hindrance or discrimination". 5 One should notice that the ~asi~ law s~ctures freedom of speech ata high level of generality, ~ruc1~l m e~sunng. a broad protection of fundamental rights.6 The right IS defmed With subject, content and view-point neutrality, and connected with. a. general principie of the free flow of infonnation. Nothing in this ~rovtsion prevents thoughts, words, images or infonnation to be religious m nature.

On the contrary, religious discourse is fully protected by this right. No 2 of the same article prescribes that " [ t ]he exercise of these rights shall n~t b~ prevented or restricted by any kind or form of censorship ". The Con­stituti?n expressly a~t~orizes e:ceptional restrictions of freedom of speech, allowmg for the cnmmal pun1shment and administrative sanctioning of

3 I borrow this expression from J.J. THOMSON, The Realm of Rights, Cambridge, Mass.,

1990, pp. 55 ff. 4

In the w~rd~ of G. GooDPASTER, "Equality and Free Speech, The Case Against Sub­stm;tJve Equahty ', 82, lowa Law Review, 1997, p. 685.

J.J. GoMEs CANOTILHO and V. MoREIRA, Constituiriio da República Portuguesa Ano-tada, 3• ed., Coimbra, 1993, pp. 223 ff. '

6• L. TRIB~ and M. DoRF, "Le veis of Generality in the Definition of Rights ", 57, Uní­

verstty of Ch1cago Law Review, 1990, pp. 1057 ff.

MEDIA AND RELIGION IN PORTUGAL 211

any offences committed in the exercise of these rights.7 Equally derived from general constitutional principies is civilliability for damages caused by violations to fundamental rights, such as reputation and privacy.

1.2. Joumalism and the mass media

Article 38° of the Portuguese Constitution guarantees freedom of the press, which includes "[t]he right to found newspapers and other publications, without prior administrative authorisation, deposit or qualifications". 8

This provision goes on to protect the rights of journalists. Particularly important is the provision according to which freedom of the press com­prises "[t]he freedom of expression and creativity for journalists and col­laborators and, as a function of the joumalist, the giving of editorial direc­tion to the relevant mass media, except where the latter are doctrinal or denominational in character". This last segment of the provision allows for more editorial freedom when it comes to newspapers that aim at pro­moting a given religious message.

The Portuguese Constitution devotes sorne attention to the regulation of electronic mass media, with a strong emphasis on pluralism of expres­sion, transparency of ownership, political and economic independence and policentric structure.9 Particularly important, for our purposes, is the constitutional guarantee of public service in radio and television. 10 As we shall see, public service television has always been, and still is, consid· ered an important vehicle for religious communication, although this has recently been the subject of sharp controversy.

One must also take into account the provision that establishes that "[r)adio andtelevísion stations shall operate only under a licence granted for the purpose after a public competition, in accordance with the law". 11

The clause that allows for the operation of private television broadcasters,

7 Art. 37°/3 of the Constitution. s Art. 38° /2/c) of the Constitution. 9 Art. 38°/3/4/6 of the Constitution. CANOTILHO, MoREIRA, Constitui~·iio da República

Portuguesa ... , cit., pp. 232 ff. to Art. 38°/5 of the Constitution. 11 Art. 38°/7 of the Constitution. The Portuguese Constitution did not allow for private

television up until its 1989 revision, through Constitutional Act nol/198~. Thi~ was. d~e to the weight of traditional arguments on media regu1ation. Por a general dJscusston of th:s topic, H. GELLER, "Turner Broadcasting, The First Amendment and the Ne;v Electromc Delivery Systems", Michigan Telecommunications and Teclmology Law Revzew, 1, 1995, pp. 1 ff.; THOMAS, GIBBONS, Regulating the Media, London, 2" edn, _!998, pp. 126 ff.; R. RlcKER, P. ScHIWY, Rundfunkverfassungsrecht, München, 1997, 9:> ff.; F. FECHNER,

Medienrecht, 1übingen, 2000, pp. 182 ff.

212 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

was introduced in the constitutional revision of 1989. 12 Until then, the public monopoly on television was constitutionally mandatory. The requirement of a public contest applies only to terrestrial hertzian broad­casters, and has been interpreted as to allow for religious organizations to take part in this public competition. The Constitution determines, in art. 39°, the existence of a High Authority for the Mass Media13, that, among other things, shall guarantee the right to information, the freedom of the press, the independence of the mass media from political and eco­nomic powers, opportunities for expression of (and challenges to) differ­ent lines of opinion and the exercise of the right to broadcasting time.

1.3. Freedom of religion

The protection of an equal right of freedom of religion requires that con­stitutionallaw uses broad concepts of religion and religious community that do not force a particular religious conception upon society at large.14

Religion is generally related to the ultimate concems of human life, from a perspective that is neither entirely naturalist nor materialist. In many cases it assumes the existence of a supreme being or a spiritual reality, but this is not always the case. Its distinction from ideology is in many cases more a matter of degree than of substance. It is particularly impor­tant to understand that "religious beliefs need not be acceptable, logical, consistent or comprehensible to others in arder to merit (constitutional) protection" .15 The "truth" of a religious doctrine is also irrelevant, from a constitutionallaw perspective.16 From a constitutionallaw perspective religion must be defined in a way that affords protection to minoritarian, unfamiliar and unconventional beliefsP

To be worthy of constitutional protection a religious group need not have a set of dogmas or rites, an elaborated systematic theology, an insti­tutional hierarchy, or any particular extemal attribute. lt its enough that

12 Lei Constitucional n.0 1/89, of 8 -7. 13 Lei 43°/98, of 6-8. 14 J. MACHADO, "Pré-Compreensües na Disciplina Jurídica do Fenómeno Religioso",

Boletim da Faculdade de Direito, LXVill, 1992, pp. 165 ff. 15 Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye 113, S. Ct. 2217 (1993). 16 ln United States v. Ballard, 322 U.S.78 (1944), the United States Supreme Court

has said that "courts may inquire into the sincerity of putatively religious beliefs, but not their accuracy or truthfulness".

17 H. ABRAHAM, Freedom and the Court, New York, 1977, 251 ff.; D. DAVIES, "The Courts and the Constitutíonal Meaning of 'Religion': A History and Critique", The Role ofGovemment in Regulating Religion in Public Lije (eds. J. Wooo Jr., D. DAVIES), Waco, TX, 1993, pp. 89 ff.

MEDIA AND REl.JGION IN PORTUGAL 213

it has a sense of community based on a religious self-understanding. 18

Encompassing these broad concepts of religion and religious community, religious freedom, suported by the legal system and by the state's coer­cive power, is in itself an important defence against the misuse of religious dogma to infringe upon the equal rights of both religious and non-religious individuals and groups. This is nothing more than the nec­essary corollary to the protection of individual freedom of conscience, equal rights and govemment neutrality in religious matters.19 Article 41°/1 of the Portuguese Constitution establishes that "[f]reedom of conscience, religion and worship is inviolable".20 This provision recognizes freedom of conscience as the background of freedom of religion and worship, as well as freedom of speech.21 Any restrictions to those inviolable rights must be narrowly tailored to serve the protection of compelling constitu­tional rights and interests, and be subject to a strict scrutiny by the courts.

11. Religion and speech

2.1. Freedom of religious speech

The Portuguese Constitution explicitly protects the "freedom within a denomination to teach its religion and to use its own media for providing public information about its activities".22 This provision acknowledges the importance of religious speech in the teaching of religion and in the pro­viding of information to the public. It is also significant that it recognizes the right of religious communities to own media outlets.

Religion deals with the so-called "ultimate concems" of human life, man' s place in this world. It deals with the search for existential and ethical meaning and purpose. It can also deal with matters conceming spiritual

lB L. TRIBE, American Constitutional Law, New York, 1988, 1179 ff.; A. MoTILLA, "Aproximación a la Categoria de Confession Religiosa", ll Diritto Ecclesiastico, 1988, pp. 175 ff.; J. WIELAND, "Die Angelegenheiten der Religioses Gesellschafft", Der Staat, 10, 1986, pp. 321 ff.

19 D. R.!cHARDS, Toleration and the Constitution, New York, 1986, pp. 142 ff.; J. LIS1L,

"Glaubens-, Bekentnnis- und Kirchensfreiheit", Handbuch des Staatskirchensrechts der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1, (eds, Listl, Pirson), Berlin, 1994, pp. 449.

2° CANOTILHO, MoREIRA, Constituifiio da República Portuguesa ... , cit., pp. 241 ss. 21 According to J. RAWLS, A Theory of Justice, Oxford, 1971 (1991), pp. 210 ff. Refer­

ring to the First Amendment free exercise and establishment clauses, RlcHARDS, Toleration and the Constitution ... , cít., p. 140, states that "[tlhe clauses protect, I believe, a common background right of the inalienable right to conscience at different points of its political peril. Thus unifying concern gives each clause its proper weight and significance, and sug­gests ways in which implicit conflict shall be resolved".

22 Art. 41°/5.

214 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

salvation and life after death. Empirical evidence shows that religion is cherished by individuals and communities. Religion can also be an impor­tant source of a sense of dignity and purpose in life. In this light, religion is a natural subject of human communication, sin ce it deals with sorne of the deepest human feelings and experiences.

Religious experience is very often communal and as such inherently communicative. Worship is usually a collective experience, even if indi­vidual religious worship is also valued. Religious discourse is an essen­tial component to the community creating function of religion. One of the implications of this notion is the constitutional protection of the freedom of speech of religious communities. This is important not just because they consist of free and equal individuals, but also because they often become social actors in their own right, with messages and voices that transcend those of each of their individual members.

Another important kind of religious discourse involves the communi­cation of religious belief in order to facilitate the spread of the relígious message. In sorne traditíons, persuading people to faith is a crucial part of relígious practice. Christianity is a paramount example. Speaking about faith in Christ, the Apostle Paul asks " ... how can they believe in Him if they have never heard about Him? And how can they hear about him unless someone tells them? ". 23 Por Paul, the relationship between religious conviction and religious speech was crystal clear: "l believe, therefore I speak" .24 Religious freedom requires the freedom of communication of religious convictions.25 This kind of religious discourse is inherently per­suasive, a quality it shares with many other types of discourse, including political and economic.26 But this in no way diminishes its legitimate claim to legal protection, even when the persuasive efforts of religious convictions lead to sorne excesses.27

23 Romans 10:14. 24 11 Corinthians 4: 13. 25 U. H-W. HALLER, Schweizerisches Bundesstaatsrecht, 2" ed. Zürich, 1988, 369,

speaking about a "recht auf Áusserung religioser Üben:eugung". The European Court of Human Rights has affirmed this right in the famous case Minos Kokkinakis v. Greece, 5, Revue Universelle des Droits de L'Homme, 1993, pp. 251 ff. In the United States this right has been upheld in Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 105 {1943); Murdock v. Pennsylva­nia 319 U.S. 105 (1943).

26 GOODPASTER, Equality and Free Speech ... , cit. p. 682. See also, D.A. STRAUSS, "Per­suasion, Autonomy and Freedom of Express ion", 91, Columbia Law Review, 1991, pp. 334 ff.; B. ScHMIDT-BLEIBTREU, F. KLEIN, Kommentar zum Grundgesetz, 8" ed., Berlin, 1995, p. 223.

27 This importan! doctrine was upheld by U.S Supreme Court in the case Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296 (1940): "In the realm of religious faith, and in that ofpolitical

MEDIA AND RELIGION IN PORTUGAL 215

It must be said that religious experience is indissociable from various forms of religious discourse. It is as dangerous to interpret religious free­doro from a belief 1 action dichotomy28, as it is to interpret it on the basis of a belief 1 speech dichotomy. This being the case, a right of freedom of expression that disregards religious expression ignores a kind of speech that is mostly treasured by individuals and that attempts to speak to their inner needs and fears. Freedom of religious speech is indispensable for religion to play its social function.

Religion itself can be a source if insights that have an impact outside the religious social sphere. Por instance, in the name of its doctrines, sorne religion may want to disagree with the notion that "evidence of evolution reveals a universe without design" (Richard Dawkins) and give epistemic support (William Dembski) to those scientists that sustain the presence of "intelligent design" in nature.29 As religion is constantly challenged by different kinds of social discourse, so it wants to challenge reciprocally. As such it should be afforded the equivalent constitutional and legal protection.30 The legal implications that sorne tried to draw from the idea that religion is irrational and subjective should be reassessed in the light of the fact that emotions are considered a legitimate part of human identity, reason and speech.31 Emotive expression should be fully protected by freedom of speech. In fact, " [ w ]hen deliberative reason is going on, it hardly ever needs the Constitution's protection" .32 Politics and even science have their own significant amounts of interpretation, subjectivity and emotional pre-commitment.

belief, sharp differences arise. In both fields the tenets of one man may seem the rankest error to his neighbour. To persuade others to his own point of view, the pleader, as we know, at times, resorts to exaggeration, to vilification of men who ha ve been orare promi­nent in church or state, and even to false statement. But the people of this nation have ordained in the light of history. that in spite of the probability of excesses and abuses, these liberties are, in the long view, essential to enlightened opinion and right conduct on the part of citizens of a democracy".

28 G. MoENS, "The Action-Belief Díchotomy and Freedom of Religion", 12, Sydney Law Review, 1989, p. 215.

29 This point is made by W. DEMBSKI, lntelligent Design: The Bridge Between Science & Theology, NP, 1999.

30 One can recall James Madison, quoted in Larson v. Va/ente, 456 U.S. 228, 245 (1982), when he said that "[s]ecurity for civil rights must be the same as that for religious rights. One consists in the one case in the multiplicity of interests and in the other in the multi­plicity of sects".

31 P. GEWIRTZ, "On 'I Know it when I see it", The Yale Law Joumal, 1993, pp. 1023 ff., 1028 ff.

32 K. KARsT, "Boundaries and Reasons: Freedom ofExpression and the Subordination of Groups", 95, University of Illinois Law Review, 1990, p. 97.

216 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

2.2. Freedom of speech about religion

Different religious doctrines and institutional structures lead to opposing views on many important political and social questions. There are many religious traditions, sorne much more liberal than others.33 Religion influ­ences the way society deals with issues lik:e authority, democracy, money, prosperity, poverty, women's rights, gay rights, science, etc. Religious views can influence the political, economic, social and cultural status of entire populations and groups. Por many, religion is seen asan important tool of political subordination and the perpetuation of patriarchal and homophobic structures and prejudices.34 Controversia! as this and other assessments of religion may be, they should be granted a right to fully and freely express themselves.

An open society must have the right to engage in a uninhibited, robust and wide open discussion and cross-examination of religious dogmas, doc­trines, assumptions and forms of organization in the public sphere. Toler­ance and mutual respect cannot mean the absence of discussion and criti­cism. Religious debate between free and equal citizens is an adequate and necessary means to prevent religious absolutism and normative stagnation. 35

One of the important advantages of a strong protection of speech among religions and about religion is the promotion of self-critical thought, fal­libility and normative progress, goals impossible to attain when domi­nant religious views go unchallenged. Religious dogmas and doctrines cannot be placed above and beyond the ceaseless critica[ engagement36

and the meaningful conversation37 that are the building blocks of a free and democratic society.

Discourse about religion is also warranted, because religious commu­nities, lik:e many other public and private entities, can be involved in anti­social and even criminal behaviour. 38 Religion can be associated with financia! scandals, sexual abuse or terrorism, and therefore should be

33 We paraphrase here B. AcKERMAN, The Future of Liberal Revolution, Y ale, 1992, p. 67, when he states "There are many Christianities ... sorne much more liberal than others".

34 M.E. BECKER, "The Politics ofWomen's Wrongs and the Bill of "Rights": A Bicen­tennial Perspective", The Bill of Rights and the Modem State (G. Stone, R. Epstein, C. Sun­stein), Chicago, 1992, pp. 453 ff., 479 ff.; S.M. ÜLYAN, M.C. NussBAUM, Sexual Orienta­tion and Human Rights in American Religious Discourse, New York, 1998, pp. 5 ff.

35 N.A. ADAMs IV, "A Human Rights Imperative: Extending Religious Liberty Beyond the Border", Cornelllntemational Law Joumal, 33, 2000, pp. 34 ff.

36 K. BARTELETI, "Feminist Legal Methods", 103, Harvard Law Review, 1990, pp. 880 ff. 37 R. W. BENNETI, "Democracy as Meaningful Conversation", 14, Constitutional Com­

mentary, 1997, pp. 481 ff. 38 J. GoBERT, M. PuNCH, "Whistleblowers, the Public Interest, and the Public Interest

Disclosure Act 1998", 63, The Modern Law Review, 2000, pp. 25 ff.

MEDIA AND RELIGION IN PORTUGAL 217

openly debated. The Portuguese law on freedom of the press used to contain a specific provision allowing for the free discussion and criticism of religious doctrines.39 This provision has been removed by the new 1999 law on freedom of the press40, not because this freedom was abol­ished, but because it is now considered an obvious dimension of freedom of speech in general, thus rendering the provision redundant and unnec­essary.

There are sorne important rules that speech about religion has to comply with. Since 1998 Portuguese law has made it a crime, among other things, organized propaganda inciting to discrimination, hatred and racial or religious violence. The same applies to insults or defamation of individuals and groups on grounds of race, colour, ethnic or national ori­gin and religion.41 This is a result of the hate speech debate that has been taking place in several countries, under the name of "the new freedom of speech" .42

2.3. Media coverage of religious affairs

Civic joumalism requires a substantial amount of media coverage of reli­gious life and the active promotion of public debate, including public reli­gious debate.43 This can be particularly useful because it forces religious communities to engage in justification and reason-giving, thus rendering them more intelligible and accountable in the face of public reason.44

39 Art. 4°/3, ofDecreto-Lei n° 85-Cn5, 26-2-1975, as modified by Decretos-Leí 181n6, of 9-3, 377/88, 24-10-1988 and Leí no 15°/95, 25-5.

40 Lei no 2/99, 13-1. 41 Article 240° of the Criminal Code, in the consolidated version introduced by Lei

ll0 65/98, de 2-9

42 R. C. PosT, "Racist Speech, Democracy and the First Amendment", William and Mary Law Review, 32, 1991, pp. 267 ff.; M. BLAIN, "Group Defamation and the Holocaust", Group Defamation and Freedom of Speech, The Relationship Between Language and Vio­lence, (ed., Monroe H. Freedman, Eric M. Freedman), Westport, Conn, 1995, pp. 45 ff.; J.B. JACOBS, K. POTTER, Hate Crimes, Criminal Law & lndentity Politics, New York, 1998, pp. 111 ff.

43 P.W. JAMIESON, "Lost in Translation: Civic Joumalism's Applicability to News­paper Coverage of the U.S. Supreme Courf", Communications and the Law, 1998, pp. 1 ff. esp. 3 ff.

44 J. RAWLS, "The Idea of Public Reason Revisited", 64, University of Chicago Law Review, 1997, p. 7 65 ff. The concept of pub1ic reason embodies the requirements of jus­tification and reason giving that rationally competen!, morally autonomous and legally free and equal individuals owe to each other in that capacity. T.M. ScANLON, What We Owe to Each Other, Cambridge, Mass., 1998, pp. 147 ff. See, in general, K. ÜREENAWALT, "The Role ofReligion in a Liberal Democracy: Dilemmas and Possible Resolutions", 35, Jour­nal ofChurch and State, 1993, pp. 516 ff.

218 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

In this realm, it seems that different newspapers and broadcasting sta­tions try to cover religious issues that they find interesting from the per­spective of their own assessment of joumalistic relevance.45 Expresso, the leading weekly newspaper in Portugal, considers it inevitable that most of religious coverage will concem the interna! affairs of the Catholic Church ( eg. nomination of bishops, celibacy, the ceremonies of Fatima' s sanctuary), since it is by far the largest and the most active denomination in Portuguese social life. Expresso makes it clear that the special atten­tion it naturally pays to Catholic affairs does not preclude it to report freely and independently on other religious communities, as was the case when the Evangelical Alliance made public statements about the new law on religious freedom. It also notices that the lack of news about minority religious groups is largely due to the fact that most of them do not have an effective communications service, which makes access to religious information very difficult.46

111. Religion and the media

3.1. Religion and the press

Freedom of the press encompasses the right to found newspapers and other publications, without prior administrative authorisation, deposit or qualification. This means that there can be no legal barrier against own­ership of a newspaper by a religious community. At the same time, every religious community is entitled to have its own doctrinal publications and to use its own media for providing public information regarding its activ­ities. In fact, however, no religious community owns a general commer­cial newspaper in Portugal, probably due to the very high finantial costs involved in doing so. Different religious groups do have their doctrinal publications, used both to minister to their own members and to engage in outreach activities. These are generally very small, and do not even appear in official statistics regarding the press. The only exception, to our knowledge, is the Catholic review "Christian Family" .47

45 This information was given to us in June 2002 by the RDP externa! relations office, through Mr. Manuel Lage, and by Mr. Mario Robalo, journalist for religious affairs of the leading weekly newspaper Expresso.

46 This example was given to us in June 2002 by Mr. Mario Robalo, from Expresso. 47 Boletim Informativo da Associariio Portuguesa para o Controlo de Tiragem e Circu­

lariio, Mar~o, 2002, with an average of 17,471, copies so1d for each edition in 2001, which is relatively low, even by Portuguese standards.

MEDIA ANO RELIGION IN PORTUGAL 219

3.2. Religion and the electronic media

In the following pages we will consider sorne of the most important issues regarding the use of electronic media outlets by religious communities in Portugal. In today's media reality, largely defined by the secularization of prime time, religious communities want to be given a fair hearing in the due process of lije. It is no surprise that they struggle for access to the media. There are two important aspects that deserve consideration in this respect.

The first one is that the overall situation is characterized by a strong presence of the Catholic Church in the media, something that started long before the 1976 Constitution. We will notice that while traditionally the power that this religious community enjoys in Portuguese society was very often abused to subordinate, discriminate against and silence other religious groups, today, as we will see, this power can be used in a way that enhances the rights not only of the Catholic Church but of the other minority religious groups as well. From a constitutional point of view, this is certainly the correct course of action if one considers, in the words of John Rawls, that "the requirement that basic liberties are to be the same for everyone implies that we can obtain a greater liberty for ourselves only if the same liberty is granted to others".48

The second aspect involves the rapid increase in opportunities of com­munication due to the recent technological developments. Along with the development of cable and satellite media we ha ve been observing the emer­gence of a new multimedia communications paradigm, ~ased in the c?n­vergence of technologies and digitalization and market onented regulatl.on that will create new avenues of access to media outlets on the part of wtll-

. f. d d' 49 ing speakers and to media content on the part o mtereste au tences. In our view, the new communications and regulatory paradigm, more

suportive of the free marketplace of ideas, can go a long way to ?romote freedom of expression, even for minority groups, thus creatmg new spheres of public discussion and new publics.50 It is important, from a

48 RAWLS Political Liberalism .. . , cit., p. 341. 49 M. Bu~LINGER Kommunikationsfreiheit im Strukturwandel der TeleKommunikation,

Baden-Baden, 1980, ~p. 13 ff.; Wolfgang HoFFMANN-RIEM, Regulating Media, The Licensing and Supervision of Broadcasting in Six Countries, New Y_ork, 1996, pp. 324,~.; M.O. C~LO":fBO, P. GARRONE, "The Multimedia Paradigm: an Evoluttonary Approach , Commumcatwns and Strategies, 28, 1997, pp. 217 ff.; R. KRESSING, Neue Medien zwischen Rundfunk und Individual Kommunikation., Frankfurt-am-Main, 1998, pp. 9 ff., 19 ff. and 41 ff.; RICKER, ScHIWY Rundfunkverfassungsrecht ... , cit. pp. 67 ff. and 70.

so Ji. CoHEN, "The Public Sphere, The Media and Civil Society", Rights of Access to The Media, (eds., András Sajó; Monroe Price), The Hague, 1996, pp. 41 ff.

220 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

freedom of speech perspective, that different religious communities along with the public can fully exercise their equal rights in this respect, tak­ing full advantage of the different means of communication available. The religious communities in Portugal are already taking full advantage of the Internet with hundreds if not thousands of websites with all kinds of religious content. The playing field has been largely levelled. It is clear that "[t]he Internet and the World Wide Web have recreated that time when anyone could become a pamphleteer and freely publish bis views".51

On the web, freedom and equality are the rule. That is not the case in the realm of radio and television, where the most delicate regulatory problems remain.

3 .2.1. Ownership of terrestrial broadcasting operators

3.2.1.1. Radio

Freedom of broadcasting is a direct corollary of freedom of expression in general. Programme autonomy is a corollary of freedom of broadcast­ing.

52 This does not mean that there should not be limitations on content,

related to the protection of fundamental rights and human dignity, and to the prevention of crime.53 The present law on radio broadcasting does not preclude religious communities from owning and operating radio stations, as long as they create a speciallegal entity for that purpose and comply with the relevant regulations.54 Along with generic content, the law also allows for programme services of specific content, such as music, information or others. The programme services can be national, regional or local in scope.55 This seems to suggest that the existence of a radio sta­tion dedicated specifically to religious content is not excluded.

1t must be noticed, however, that access to the radio-electric spectrum is always dependent on a public contest which may discourage a religious

51 D.L. TEETER Jr., G.R. LE Duc, B. LOVING, Law of Mass Communications, Freedom

and Control of Print and Broadcasting Media, 9• ed., 1998, pp. 381 ss 52

Art. 34° of Lei n.o 4/2001of 23-2. G. HERRMANN, Rundfunkrecht, 4• ed., München, 1994, pp. 446 ff.; F. GROB,. Die Programmautonomie von Radio und Fernsehen in der Schweiz, Zürich, 1994, pp. 95 ff.; Fechner, Medienrecht ... ,cit., pp. 198 ff.

53 Cfr., art. 21°/1 ofLei n° 31-N98m 14-7; art. 35°/1 ofLei n° 4/2001, de 23-2 F.L. SMITII,

M. MEESKE, J.W. WRIGHT, 11, Electronic Media and Government, The Regulation ofWire­less and Wired Mass Communication in the United States, White Plains, New York, 1995, pp. 271 ff.

54 Arts. 3° and 6° of Lei n.0 4/2001, 23-2. 55

Art. 4° of Lei n. 0 4/200Iof 23-2. Grob, Die Programmautonomie von Radio und Fernsehen in der Schweiz . .. , cit. pp. 63 ff.

MEDIA AND RELIGION IN PORTUGAL 221

minority group, specially if unfamiliar or unconventional, to overtly com­pete for a licence.56 Once a licence is granted toan operator, it is very dif­ficult for a religious group to huy it, since there are strong regulatory restrictions to the functioning of a secondary market on radio licences.57

The change in the type of programme service required is only possible one year after obtaining the broadcasting licence, and needs a special authorization of the High Authority of the Mass Media. This makes it more difficult for a radio station to change from a music or information programme service to a religious programme service. In our view there should be a more flexible and market oriented regulatory framework for radio broadcasting.

The Catholic Church is a powerful player in the field of electronic com­munications in Portugal. In radio, its station Rádio Renascen~a- Emissora Católica Portuguesa, broadcasts over two national channels, CRR, and RFM, the latter operating since 1987. In 1998 the Catholic operator cre­ated another channel, Mega FM, in metropolitan Lisbon, with a youth oriented content. Nothing similar has happened with any other religious community in Portugal. The Catholic Church is the only religious com­munity that owns a radio station. The Catholic broadcaster was considered to ha ve vested rights, which put it more or less outside the scope of pre­sent legislation. Besides Rádio Renascen~a, the Catholic Church is very influential in local radio stations. In May 1991 it created in Fatima the Association of Radio Stations of Christian Inspiration (ARIC), that includes more than sixty local radio stations, according to the organizations's web­site.58

The situation of non-Catholic religious groups is far more precarious. Sorne religious groups try to lease broadcasting time from local radio operators. In fact, local broadcasters have been playing an important function in promoting freedom of speech for non-Catholic religious com­munities. The Hindu community has a programme in local radio in Porto and Lisbon. The evangelicals and the Seventh Day Adventists have a significant number of radio programmes in local radio stations around the country.59 The problem is, however, that the right of free­dom of expression of religious minorities is still too dependent on the goodwill of local radio operators and government authorities, not always

56 Arts. 14° ff. of Lei n.0 4/2001of 23-2. 57 Arts. 14°/3 and 18° of Lei n.0 4/2001of 23-2. 58 http://www.aric.pt/associadas.htm, last consulted in 20-6-20?2. . 59 For instance, the Evangelical Alliance has records of 30 daily or weekly evangeh-

cal programs, most of them in local radio stations.

222 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

sensitive to their rights, interests and aspirations of social development and growth.

3.2.1.2. Television

The Portuguese constitutional revision in 1989 legalized private television in Portugal, for the first time. After that revision a new law was enacted to regulate private television in 1990.60 In 1992, and 1993, after an admin­istrative public contest61 , two new operators began broadcasting: SIC (Sociedade Independente de Comunica¡¡;ao) and TVI (Televisao Indepen­dente). Particularly interesting, from the standpoint of our subject, is the case of TVI, since it started as a Catholic channel. The original idea was to present not only religious content, but to use Christian moral and ethi­cal standards in the selection of the general programmes. Sorne specific Catholic content would be provided, but not a very significant amount.

However, this approach proved unsuccessful. For severa! years, between 1993 and 1998, TVI hada very low audience share. Progress was possible only when new investors took charge of the majority of the cap­ital and altered the programming format. A major change was thus made in the original product. 62 From a constitutional perspective, the relevant point here is that it was assumed, from the beginning, that religious com­munities and organizations were entitled to compete for broadcasting Iicences, as long as they complied with the relevant public regulations.

As a general principie, this seems to be the necessary corollary to free­dom of expression. 63 The current legislation on television broadcasting does not preclude religious communities from operating or financing a prívate television service.64 In fact, it speaks explicitly about the possi­bility of non-profit television channels of scientific and cultural content.65

Considering the fact that religion is at the heart of culturé6, religious

channels should be included in the category of cultural channels. As we will see, this is particularly relevant when it comes to religious channels in cable television.

60 Lei n.0 58/90, of 7-9. 61 Resolw;ao 6/92 (2". série) of 22-2. 62 The High Authority for the Mass Media deliberated on this change on the 26'h of May

1999. 63 SMITH, MEESKE, WRIGHT II, Electronic Media and Government ... , cit., pp. 162 ss.;

TEETER, Jr., LE Duc, LOVING, Law of Mass Communications ... , cit., pp. 208 ss. 64 Art. 3°/1 of Lei no 31°-A/98 of 14-7 65 Art. 11°/3, Lei n° 31°-A/98 of 14-7. 66 R.J. NEUHAUS, The Naked Public Square, Grand Rapids, Mich., 1988, p. 27.

MEDIA AND RELIGION IN PORTUGAL 223

3.2.2. Access to the public service

Public service radio and television is an important part of the broadcast­ing structure in Portugal.67 Its main aim is to grant every citizen access to a basic provision of informational, educational and entertainment programming, preferably free from strictly commercial constraints.68

It should also serve the important function of granting access to the media , to those that cannot get access through the market. 69 The public service should be instrumental in correcting market failures. However, if one takes seriously the notion that "[t]he flip side of granting access is controlling it"70, one must also argue that religious communities should be free to take full advantage of communication opportunities available in the market.

The law that regulates terrestrial television, both prívate and public, states that public service television must guarantee the right of access to religious communities for the pursuit of their own objectives, according to criteria of social representation.71 This guarantee had already been established in the previous television law72 and in the public service con­tract between the State and RTP, the state-owned broadcaster.73

Article 25° of the new law on religious freedom 74 deals with the rights of access to the public service by religious communities. It grants

67 J. GASPAR, "O Estado e o Servi~o Público de Televisao, Análise Crítica", Polis, 3, 1995, p. 84. J.C. VIEIRA DE ANDRADE, "O Servi~o Público de Televisíio na Ordem Jurídica Portuguesa", Comunicafiio e Defesa do Consumidor (ed. Instituto Jurídico da Comuni­ca~;ao ), Coimbra, 1996, pp. 119 ff.; J. A. DE MELO ALEXANDRINO, Estatuto Constitucional da Televisiio, Coimbra, 1998, pp. 198 ff.

68 P. NIEPALLA, Die Grundversorgung durch die offentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunkanstal­ten, München, 1990, pp. 32 ff. and 46 ff. H. ScHULZE-FIELITZ, "Art. so (1)", Grundgesetz Kommentar, (ed. Horst Dreier), I, Tübingen, 1996, pp. 418 ff. U.K. PREUSS, "The Consti­tutiona1 Concept of the Public Sphere According to German Basic Law With Special Con­sideration of the Boundaries of Free Speech", Rights of Access to the Media (eds. András Sajó, Monroe Price), The Hague, 1996, pp. 121 ff., and 123 ff. RICKER, SCHIWY, Rund­funkveifassungsrecht ... , cit., pp. 318 ff.; A. HESSE, Rundfunkrecht, 2" ed., München, 1999, pp. 116 ff. .

69 This point is made by J.A. BARRON, "Access to the Press- A New Flrst Amend­ment Right", Harvard Law Review, 80, 1967, pp. 1641 ff.

7o M. PRicE, "An Access Taxonomy", Rights of Access to the Media, (eds. András Sajó, Monroe Price), The Hague, 1996, p. 3.

71 Lei no 31 o -A/99-14-7; g. HERRMANN, Rundfunkrecht, 4• ed., München, 1994, pp. 261 ff. 72 Lei n.o 58/90, art. 25" 73 Clause 7° of Contrato de Concessao do Servi~o Público de Televisao entre o Estado

e a RTP, of 31-12-1996; C. BLANCO DE MoRAis, "O Direito de Antena das Confissoes Religiosas e o Servi~o Público de Te1evisao", Perspectivas Constitutionais nos 20 Anos da ConstituifiiO Portuguesa, (Org. Jorge Miranda), Coimbra, 1997, pp. 239 ff.

74 Lei n.0 16/2001 de 22-1.

224 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

churches and relígious communities, individually or collectively, rights of access to the public service of televisíon and radio to pursue their own religious goals. The access time should be fairly shared by all religious groups, complying with principies of social representation and tolerance. According to these principies, the Catholic Church has a right to a larger share, although other religious minorities still get a significant share, taking into account the fact that for many centuries the legal regime of religion was one of privilege and discrimination.

Tolerance, in the new law, does not mean affmnative action in favour of minority groups. But it means to prevent the transformation of the minority religions into permanent and total losers in a system that only recently started granting them "a little bit more equal rights". This should be understood in light of the broader notion according to which, in the words of Monroe Price, "[p ]roviding access can mean creating gateways to sources of information for those who have been deprived of such sources in the pastor conversely, providing an audience from which they have been precluded" .75 The distribution of broadcasting time is made by means of agreements between a special commission, created by this Iaw, with representatives of the various religious groups, and the public service operators.

In May 1995, even befare this new law, sorne aspects of which are not yet in effect, there was an agreement between the public service televi­sion operator, RTP SA., anda special commission for religious content, with representatives of 12 religious communities, both Christian and non-Christian. On this basis, there were two Sunday moming religious programmes, "Ways", and "Seventy Times Seven", the first being for non-Catholic religious communitíes, and the second being for the Catholic community. There is also room for the broadcasting of a Catholic mass ceremony, under the name of "Eucaristy". There was also a daily religious programme, called "The Faith of M en", that included Catholic and non­Catholic religious groups.76 The production costs, according to the above­mentioned agreement, were supported by the public service.77

75 Price, An Access Taxonomy .. . , cit. p. 2 ff. 76

Infonnation about RTP was given to us in June 2002 by Helena Gil of the Gabinete de Programas e Publicidade Institucional.

77 In al! truth, from a constitutional perspective, it can be questioned if the S tate should

be expected to pay for the production costs of programmes that have a specific sectarian content, especially if it is not demonstrated that the different religious communities are :mable to pay fo~ those costs. This is probably the case of sorne, but not all religious groups m Portugal. Justlces Douglas and Marshall notice, in their dissenting opinion to the case Tilton v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 672,696 (1971), that "[t]he mounting wealth ofthe churches

MEDIA AND RELIGION IN PORTUGAL 225

It must be said that these programmes allowed religious groups as dif­ferent as Jewish, Islamic, Buhdist, Ba'hai, Protestants, Evangelicals, Jehova Witness, Adventist, Mormon, etc., to gain access to the public service. This agreement, which effectively harmonized the principies of social representation and tolerance, was in place until December 2001, when it carne under severe attack by the programming director of of RTP chosen by the former socialist govemment, due to the costs imposed upon the publíc service.78

Cutting costs became the first priority, and the programme "The Faith of Men" was one of the first victims. It must be said that many other kinds of independent programmes were targeted, not just religious ones. The new minister of the present social democratic govemment, respond­ing to the pressures of the Catholic Church, demanded the continuity of this programme until a new solution is found. However, that may be only a temporary victory for religious speech, since the current govemment wants to privatise one of the two national public service television channels and attempt to accomplish all the various public service missions with only one channel.

As far as radio is concemed, Radio Difusao Portuguesa (RDP), the public service operator, reserves sorne time to religious programming.79

It broadcasts Sunday Catholic mass every week, along with the weekly Catholic programme "Everybody is a Person". The Sunday Catholic mass is broadcasted to the Portuguese emigrants abroad, through the intema­tional public serví ce of RDP Intemational. Every year, on the 131h of May, the special Catholic ceremonies in the Sanctuary of Fatima are broad­casted live. Christmas Catholic services are also broadcasted. The only non-Catholic broadcasting programmes in public service radio take place in the Azores, where Seventh Day Adventists, Presbyterians and the

makes ironic their incessant demands on the publíc treasury". Sometimes the argument is put forward that the nature of the welfare state and the positive dimensions of fundamen­tal rights require a more interventionist approach on the part of the State. But even then, J. Wooo Jr, The Separation ofCurch and State Defended, Selected Writings of James Wood Jr., Waco, Tx., 1995, p. 39, remarks that "[I]t is significant that, unlike the pleas for wel­fare aid to individuals, the most vigorous pleas for public subsidies to church institutions come generally from the major denominations rather than smaller religious groups". Con­troversia! as the question is, at least it can be said that the Portuguese government has been making a serious attempt to accommodate the communicative needs of minority religions.

78 This discussion can be seen, in Public Declaration of the Cornmission for the Broad­casting Time of the Religious Communities, (Comissao do Tempo de Emissao das Con­fissoes Religiosas). Lisboa, Mar\<O 1st. of 2002; Public Declaration of the Administrative Council of RTP (Comunicado do Conselho de Administra9iio da RTP), March 19th 2002.

79 The information presented in the text corresponds to the information given to us by the RDP externa! relations office in the ll'h of June 2002.

226 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

Assemblies of God also have access to the public service. One has to wonder why this same ríght is not extended to other religious gruops and to the Portuguese continental territory or to the Madeira island.

3.2.3. Access tocable and satellite

In Portugal, as elsewhere, cable and satellite television have been an important factor in the broadening of the media content available. Tirrough cable and direct satellite broadcasting Portuguese audiences now have access to many intemational channels, such as CNN, Sky News, BBC, the History Channel, the Discovery Channel, Disney as well as to new national ones. Considering the public and prívate, hertzian, cable and satellite, free-TV and pay-TV, not to mention on-line television and radio, and despite all the structural and programming shortcomings, we can fairly agree with Cass Sunstein when he notes that today we have access to an unprecedented varíety of content. 80 This is quite true for the Portuguese.

In view of freedom of speech, these technologies have forced regulators and legal theorísts to reconsider traditional arguments like the "scarcity rationale" or the "pervasiveness, vividness and power" of broadcasting and to defend a more market oríented approach on regulatory issues, that allows more room for communicative freedom and willingness to pay. Cable and satellite demonstrate that, to a significant degree, the market­place of goods and services can enhance the marketplace of ideas. 81 These new communications technologies have expanded the possibilities of access to the media by religious communities, and of access to religious content by the public. It is clear that they can and should serve as impor­tant means of broadcasting religious content.

The commercial operation of a cable television network is subjected to the principie of free accessibility by all entities that comply with legal requirements. This includes national and local public corporations and prívate corporations. The possibility of cable network operation by non­profit associations is legally established, as long as distribution is limíted to the members of the association.82 However, a special 15-year licence

8° C.R. SUNSTEIN, "Television and the Public Interest", Callfomia Law Review, 88, 2000, pp. 529 ff.

" 81

In the ~ords of ~· SEN, Development as Freedom, New York, 1999, pp. 6 ff., 25 ff., [t]o be g~nencally agamst the markets would be almost as odd as being generically against

conversat10ns between people". 82

Art. 2o/f) and so of Decreto-Leí no 241/97, of 18-9, as modified by Decreto-Lei no 192/ 2000, 18-9.

MEDIA AND REUGION IN PORTUGAL 227

is necessary, to make sure that technical requirements are observed by the cable operators.83

Due to the fact that cable tends to develop to the status of a natural monopoly and that most cable customers tend to rely only on cable as a source of media content, cable network operators are to comply with several must carry rules in their basic service tier.84 They must carry the public servíce television and radio channels, and must set aside three channels for regional and local television broadcasting as well as, among other things, for non-profit televísion broadcasting of cul­tural and educational content. In our view, this should include religious content.85

As far as cable television is concerned, sorne of the operators in Por­tugal, like Cable TV, the main operator, and Bragatel, provide their subscríbers a Catholic channel, called "TV New Song", with a strong Brazilian charismatic content, which remains controversia! among many members of the Portuguese Catholic hierarchy. The evangelicals have been trying to reach an agreement with TV Cabo, the largest cable net­work operator in Portugal, in order to have the evangelical ínternational channel TBN (Trinity Broadcasting Network) retransmited in Portugal. So far they have not been successful, although a prívate cable channel TV Medicina has recently been authorízed to include 2 hours of evangelical programming on a daily basis.86

83 This licence is given by ICP-ANACOM, the Portuguese communications regulatory independent authority. Art. 4" of Decreto-Leí no 241/97, of 18-9.

84 The constitutional status of must carry rules was assessed by the U.S. Supreme Court in Tumer Broadcasting System Inc. v. FCC, 114 S. Ct., 2445 (1994), 116 S. Ct. 907 (1996). See, in general, D.M. GILLMOR, J.A. BARRON, T.F. SIMON, H.A. TERRY, Mass Communi­cation Law, Cases and Comment, 5. ed., St. Paul, Minn., 1990, p. 881; K.R. M!DDLETON, B.F. CHAMBERLIN, M.D. BUNKER, The Law of Public Communications, 4• ed., New York, 1997, pp. 598 ff.; R. C. SMITH, Broadcasting Law and Fundamental Rights, Oxford, 1997, pp. 213 ff.; H.L. ZUCKMAN, R.L. CoRN-REVERE, R.M. FRIEDEN, C.H. KENNEDY, Modern Communications Law, lll, St. Paul, Minn., 1999 (2001), pp. 40 ss.; RICKER, SCHIWY, Rund­funkverfassungsrecht ... , cit. pp. 464 ff. and 469. The compatibility of must carry rules with free expression rights has been denied by sorne, as we can see in A.A. BERNSTE!l'\, "Access toCable, Natural Monopoly and the First Amendment", Columbia Law Review, 86, 1986, pp. 1666 ff.

ss This same view is adopted, in the United States, by the bilis introduced in the U.S House of Representatives, Religious Broadcasting Freedom Act (HR 3525) and Noncom­mercial Broadcasting Freedom of Expression Act of 2000 (HR 4201), as a reaction to restrictive FCC guidelines. The last Bill was passed in the House on 20 June 2000. It should be noted that fairness between religious and non-religious speakers should always be guar­anteed.

86 AACS Deliberation of 16 January 2003.

228 JÓNATAS E.M. MACHADO

3.3. Advertisements with a religious content

The Portuguese Constitution guarantees the right to express and publicise thoughts freely, through words, images or other means, without any hin­drance or discrimination. There is no reason why the use of advertisement outlets should be limited to commercial speech, as there is no reason to suggest that commercial speech should not be granted full constitutional protection. 87

Advertisement outlets, both media and non-media, should not be neglected as an important means of communicating different kinds of speech, including religious speech. 88 Cass Sunstein makes this point when he invites us to "[s]uppose, for example, that a group objecting to war or to the practice of abortion seeks to buy advertising time to set out its view. Suppose too that the networks refuse the deal because they object to the message. It is fully plausible that the refusal, backed up by the Iaw, violates the First Amendment, at least if other outlets are unavailable or far less effective". 89

Portuguese law is not yet in compliance with this doctrine. On the one hand, it starts from a broad concept of advertisement that does not reduce it to a means of commercial speech. On the other hand, it flatly denies the use of advertisement outlets for labour union speech, political speech and religious speech. By doing this, Portugal pays only lip-service to a broad protection of freedom of expression and to the notion that adver­tisement outlets can offer an important means of expression to minority groups that are willing to pay for advertisement time but are unable to own and operate broadcasting stations. For the time being, religious advertisement remains precluded, and subject to the same legal treatment a~ false and misleading advertisement. This policy, based Iess upon prin­Cipie than on prejudice, gravely impairs the expressive rights of both majority and minority religious groups.

87 A broad conce~tion of freedom of speech that fully protects religious speech should also

encompass commercral speech. After all, they are all speech. In the words of R.D. ROTUNDA J.~. NoWAK, Treatise on Constitutional Law, Substance and Procedure, 3" ed., IV, St. Paul: JY.Imn., 199~, p. 162; T. MERRILL, "Comment, First Amendment Protection for Commer­cral Adv~rhsement: The New York Constitutional Doctrine", University of Chicago Law Re~tew, 1976, pp. 205 ff.;. T.H. JACKSON, J.C. JEFFRIEs Jr., "Commercial Speech: Econonnc Due Process and the Frrst Amendment", Virginia Law Review 1979 pp 1 ff and ~ff ' • . .

88 R. T. KAPLAR, Advertising Rights, The Neglevted Freedom, Toward a New Doctrine

ofCommercial Speech, Washington D.C., 1991, pp. 1 ff. 89

SUNS1EIN, The Partial Constitution .. . , cit., p. 224.

MEDIA AND RELIGION IN PORTUGAL 229

IV. Concluding remarks

Religious discourse and discourse about religion should remain a legiti­mate part of the public sphere. The rights of freedom of religion and free­dom of speech should support a strong right of freedom of religious speech. Religious speekers are entitled to use the different communica­tions technologies as free and equal social actors. Freedom of religious speech is the best antidote against religious dogmatism and intolerance. Portugal is an interesting case study in this field. The Constitution of 1976 introduced important rights, freedoms and guarantees in the areas of freedom of speech and freedom of religion. One of the main missions of Portuguese constitutional scholarship should be to make the relevant constitutional provisions fully applicable to the present context of nor­mative, structural and technological innovation, in a way that enhances the expressive opportunities of all social speakers, both religious and non­religious.

JAIME RüSSELL

University of Extremadura

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN

SUMMARY: l. lntroduction- II. The freedom of creation of the media- l. Television and radio- A) Television- B) Radio - 2. Press and intemet- A) Press - B) Inter­net - III. The right to access and control of the media as a means to guarantee plu­ralism - l. The right to access the media - A) The right to access private media -B) The right to access public media - C) Religious programming in the public media- 2. Control of the media- A) Control of the public media- B) Control of the private media: press and the intemet- IV. Religious advertising in the media­V. Due respect for religious feelings and the media- VI. Religion and the arts.

l. lntroduction

Almost all the existing religions in the world have an expansive vocation that is basically achieved through proselytism. Moreover, as a social group, they try to create public opinion favourable to their interests and doctrines. For centuries in Spain, education proved to be an effective way of disseminating religious values, but nowadays such dissemination is to a great extent achieved by the mass media. The Catholic Church provides the principal example in Spanish history.

For many centuries, the Catholic Church, through the Holy Inquisi­tion, monopolized, at least formally, the attitudes and mentality of Span­ish society. This uniformity of thought broke with the eruption onto the political scene of French revolutionary theories. The proclamation of the rights of men and, among them, the freedoms of thought and expression, were sorne of the causes of confrontation between civil and religious power in Spain in the 19th century and a good part of the 20th century.

The Catholic Church, understanding that it did not possess the monopoly of official doctrine, encouraged the appearance of the first Catholic press.1

Its purpose was to offset the progressive loss of public opinion caused by the appearance in the middle of the nineteenth century of a great number of anticlerical publications. From that moment on, and uninterruptedly, the Catholic Church, in a direct or indirect way - through catholic associations -has maintained a system of publications as a way to influence public

1 Between 1840 and 1844 the "Revista Católica" ofBarcelona, "El Católico" ofMadrid and "La Cruz" of Sevilla, among others, were fmmded.

232 JAIME ROSSELL

opinion. These publications, excluding the period of the Second Repub­lic (1931-1936), were always favoured by the State.

The following is an example from our most recent history. During the dictatorship of General Franco, the State- self-defined as catholic gave the Catholic Church substantial facilities to participate in the mass media, as a way of helping and strengthening Catholicism in society. Sorne of the measures adopted were the following: priests appointed by the hier­archy were allowed access to public radio and television in order to explain catholic doctrine on the agreed times and programmes; 2 several state rules imposed the Catholic inspiration ofthe state publications; 3 the Catholic Church was facilitated in its ownership of written media such as the newspaper "Ya" - and radio stations - this was the origin of the network of stations "COPE"; the publications and the radio stations were exempt from previous controls and the penalties established by the Law of Press and Printing of March 18, 1966;4 the religious orders and congregations enjoyed prioritised subsidising for the dissemination of the Catholic message; 5 and the State even enforced the prohibition, with­drawal or previous censorship of publications or other cultural or artistic manifestations against the Catholic doctrine.6

As for the rest of the religious denominations, it was only from the enactment of the Law of Religious Freedom, 44/1967, of June 28, that these were allowed to express extemally their beliefs. However, the law established such restrictive limits to the exercise of this freedom that in practice there was hardly any chance for these denominations to spread their doctrines through the media.

The arrival of democracy changed the situation substantially, because the regulation of the mass media had to be modified. The reason was the recognition in article 20.17 of the Constitution of the freedoms of expres­sion and information.8

2 See Art. 29 of the 1953 Concordat between Spain and the Holy See. 3 As an example, see Regulation on children's and youth publications, approved by

Order of June 24, 1955. 4 See Decree of July 23, 1966, of the Ministry of Information and Tourism. 5 See arts. 19.3 and 30.1 of the 1953 Concordat. 6 See art. 26.3 ofthe 1953 Concordat. Furthermore, the Order ofFebruary 9, 1963, con­

cerning film censorship, banned in art. 17.1 everything attacking the Catholic Church, its dogma, morals, and worship.

7 "The following rights are recognized and protected: a) The right to freely express and disseminate thoughts, ideas and opinions by word, in writing or by any other means of com­munication ... d) The right to freely communicate or receive accurate information by any means of dissemination whatsoever ....

8 Although they are dífferent freedoms, due to their object - the first, opinions, and the second, news these two rights are closely linked. Today it seerus very difficult to dis-

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAL'\1 233

The right to disseminate thoughts and ideas, the freedom of expres­sion, includes, among others, a right to create the media. However, this right cannot be understood in absolute terms. A society in which the media are subjected to a monopolistic situation or whose ownership is in the hands of a few persons, is not a society in which pluralism of infor­mation is guaranteed. One cannot uphold a freedom of creation of the media that prevents free exercise of the right to disseminate ideas and opinions to the rest of the citizens who do not have the means to establish a newspaper, a radio station or a television channel.

It is in this way that our Constitutional Court understood, in the judg­ment 12/1982 of March 31, that "article 20.1... is above all a liberty right, which basically means absence of interference or intromission of the state authorities in the communication process. However at another level, it means the recognition and the guarantee of a fundamental political institution, which is free public opinion, indissolubly tied to the political pluralism that is a fundamental value and a requisite of the functioning of the democratic S tate ... Article 20 defends the liberty in the formation and in the development of public opinion" .9

The S tate, as the guarantor of the rights recognized in art. 20.1, not only shall make possible the existence of a plurality of the media (extemal pluralism), but also shall endeavour to establish pluralism within them (intemal pluralism), through positive means. This explains why in our coun­try there exists not only a regulation of the freedom of expression, but also a regulation of the right to create the media and its functioning.

Within this normative context, which the State has created to make the provisions of article 20.1 of the Constitution effective, we find the role that religious denominations play nowadays in relation to the mass media.

The right to religious liberty, recognized in article 16 of our Constitu­tion, includes the freedom of expression and information. 10 This recog­nition is not confined to a simple exercise of the powers mentioned in the text, but also to the right to dispose the necessary means for that exercise. This entails recognition for the religious denomination of the power to create mass media or to use existing media for their work, of dissemi-

tinguish the dissemination of news and spreading an idea or opinion; therefore, when we talk of freedom of expression we include freedom of information and vice versa.

9 N. 3. This doctrine has been maintained by the Constitutional Court on different occa­sions. In this sense, see judgments 74/1982 of December 7; 104/1986 of July 17; 159/1986 of December 12; 206/1990 of December 17, and 127/1994, of May 5.

to Art. 16.1: "Freedom of ideology, religion and worship of individuals and commu­nities is guaranteed, with no other restriction on their expression than may be necessary to maintain publíc order as protected by law".

234 JAIME ROSSELL

nating information or proselytism, even though both fields are not well distinguished. This mission can be fulfilled through three channels: the mass media managed by the State; the media belonging to private com­panies that include religious broadcasters; and the media owned by eccle­siastical institutions.

Below we will explain the solution that our legal system gives to issues such as the free ownership or the management by the religious denomi­nations of the private media; the religious groups' right to access the pub­lic media; the contents and control of the religious programming; the limits of ideological and religious advertising; and the protection of reli­gious feelings in the media.

11. The freedom of creation of the media

The press, publishing houses or the theatre were the basic platforms for the formation and information of public opinion during the 191h century. Radio and television, together with the cinema, have acquired throughout the 201

h century an increasingly outstanding role. Nowadays the Internet, since the 1990s, is progressively becoming the leader. As a social group with an influential vocation in society, religious denominations have not been unaware of the aforementioned evolution in the media. One exam­ple of the concern for the media is provided by the Catholic Church - and may be extended to the rest of the religious denominations. 11

Nevertheless, in spite of the importance that this issue has acquired for all the denominations, the truth is that in the applicable legislation for religious affairs in our country there is not a single direct reference to it. The Organic Law of Religious Freedom, 7/1980, of July 5; 12 the

11 The Catholic Church has constantly made declarations about the media. The docu­ment that, in a direct way, referred to this matter was the Decree "Inter Mirifica", elabo­rated as a result of the Second Vatican Council. In the development of an ecclesiastical consciousness of the media phenomenon, the Pontifical Council for Social Communica­tions was created. Following the same path and in Spain, the Episcopal Conference, as a result of art. 29 (see above n. 2) and under its Statutes, has created an Episcopal Committee on the Media, with a similar body in each Diocese.

As for the other denominations in Spain, the Federation of Evangelical Religious Enti­ties of Spain (FEREDE), the Federation of lsraelite Communities of Spain (FCI) and the Islamic Commission of Spain (CIE) ha ve among their organisations a Media Department through which they manage al! matters related to this phenomenon.

12 Art. 2.1 e) just refers to the right of the individual to "receive and give religious teaching and information of any kind, orally, in writing or by any other means"; and in art. 2.2 it recognizes the right of Churches, Faiths and Religious Communities to "promul­gate and propaga te their own beliefs".

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 235

Agreements between the Spanish State and the Holy See of 197913, and the Agreements signed in 1992 between the Spanish State and the Feder­ation of Evangelical Religious Entities of Spain (FEREDE)14, the Feder­ation of Israelite Communities (FCI)15 and the Islamic Commission of Spain (CIE) 16, do not refer to that possibility. This means that on this issue the existing legislation for individuals or private entities shall be applied.

In this study, we will analyze the Spanish legislation that refers to the establishment of the media. On the one hand, we will deal with radio and television while later on we will refer to the written press and the Internet. The reason lies in the qualification of the first two as essential public services, which places the creation of radio stations or television channels under certain restrictions.

l. Television and radio

Television and radio are, up to now and excluding the internet, the media with the greatest capacity for penetration of and influence on society. The legislator has been aware of this and, fulfilling the constitutional order in art. 149.1.2717, has decided to qualify both as essential public services in art. 1.218 ofLaw 4/1980, of January 10, on the Statute ofRadio and Tele­vision, the basic regulation of the system. The scarcity of radioelectric public domains and the high financia! costs that were then necessary to establish broadcasting and guarantee its functioning, justified in the first instance the existence of this special re gime. lndividuals, in the beginning, did not have a right against the State to own radioelectric frequencies that would allow them freely to establish radio stations or television channels.

A) Television

Since its creation and until 1988 the public service of television was run as a state monopoly. The ownership and the direct management of the

13 On January 3, 1979, the Spanish State and the Holy See signed four Agreements that were ratified on December 4, 1979. The Preamble of the Agreement concerning Educa­tion and Cultural Affairs establishes that, in the legal regulation of the media, "the same principies of religious freedom and equality without special privilege that the Church and S tate profess in educational affairs shall be applied".

14 Law 24/1992, of November 10. 15 Law 25/1992, of November 10. 16 Law 26/1992, of November 10. 17 "The S tate holds exclusive jurisdiction o ver the following matters: ... 27°) Basic rules on the press, radio and television and, generally, of all the media, without

prejudice to the powers of development and management by the Autonomous Communities".

236 JAIME ROSSELL

television channels were to reside in the central Governmentl9 and, since 1983 in sorne Autonomous Communities20

, as art. 2.2 of the Law 4/1980 provided. 21

In 1987 the Law 31/1987, ofDecember 18 on Ordination ofTelecom­munications, modified (in article 25.1)22 the regime of state monopoly, allowing the indirect management of television by prívate companies. The Govemment granted by means of an administrative concession the indirect management of three nationwide television channels to three pri­vate entities. 23

From that moment on, subsequent laws enacted to regulate local tele­vision24, cable television25

, and digital television26, have applied the same management system. However, it seems that despite the changes in the telecommunications field over the last few years, the legislator does not intend to stop considering television as a public service. In fact, the Law ll/1998, of April 24 (General Law on Telecommunications) enunciates in art. 1.2 that "it is excluded from the scope of this law the basic re gime of radio and television, which will be ruled by the applicable dispositions on the matter, issued under the provisions of art. 149.1.27 of the Constitu­tion". This regime is contained in the Law 4/1980, which gives the owner­ship of the media to the S tate.

All this means that for the legislator, and even for the Constitutional Court, the exercise of freedom of expression does not involve a right to

18 "Radio broadcasting and television are essential public services whose ownership

belongs to the S tate". 19

There are two public television channels (1VE1 and TVE2), managed by the pub.. lic entity Spanish Radio-Television (RTVE).

20 The Law 46/1983, of December 23, regulating the Third Television Channel allowed

in Spain the appearance of the autonomous television channels. As art. 1 of this ~w enun­ciates, management is gi~en to the Autonomous Communities, by means of a Royal Decree, through a concess10n from the public administration ("concesión administrativa") and within the limíts of their territory. Today there are autonomous television channels in País Vasco, Cataluña, Madrid, Ga!icia, Andalucía, Valencia, Canarias, and Castilla-La Mancha. In sorne cases the Autonomous Community runs two channels, but in al! of them management is by a public entity similar to that in the State.

21 '_'Th~ Govem~ent may grant the Autonomous Communities, subject to a previous

authonzatton of parliamentary law, the direct management of a state television channel specifically created for the territorial area of every Autonomous Community".

22 "The broadcasting services are telecommunication services in which the communi­

cation is carried out one way to severa! reception spots simultaneously. Involvement in an indirect management re gime of these services requires an administrative concession". 23

Canal Plus, Antena 3 and Telecinco. 24

See Law 41/1995, ofDecember 22 on Terrestrial Waves' Local Television. 25 See Law 42/1995, of December 22 on Cable Te!ecommuuications.

26 See additional disposition 44th of the Law 66/1997, of December 30 on "Medidas

' fiscales, administrativas y del orden social", and the Royal Decree 2169/1998 ofOctober 9 which approves the National Technical Plan of Terrestrial Digital Televisi~n. '

REUGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 237

create the mediaP The right to create a broadcast station only appears when the publíc authorities give the individual, through an administrative concession, the indirect management of the service. Furthermo~, the reg­ulation of this indirect management ís not imposed on the leg1slator by the Constitution, as the legislator decides how many channels will broad­cast within the limits of the territory.

Within this legal framework, none of the laws regulating the audiovi­sual market prohibits the creation of a television channel by a religious denomination. This means that the · right of religious groups to create a television channel is not different from the right awarded to all other indi­viduals or private entities operating in our legal system. They. ~ill o~ly need to get from the public authorities - by means of an. ad~mstrative concession - the indirect management of a channel nat1onw1de, auto­nomic or local.

Nowadays, only the Catholic Church and sorne Protestant Ch~rch~s integrated in FEREDE (see above) manage television channels, bemg m every case local channels. The delay of the legislator in t?e regulat~on of the phenomenon of local television, and the low costs mvolved m the creation of such a channel, has led in Spain to a great number of local television channels.28 Although the enactment of the Law 41/1995 had as its main purpose the regulation of this market, the legislator of the Autonomous Communities, responsible for the management of the system through the issue of the broadcast frequency, has not as yet regulated the matter.

This has meant that different religious denominations ha ve established local televisíon broadcasting stations without the compulsory licence. 29

Although there are local television channels that have been forced to stop broadcasting because of a judicial decision, the truth is t?a~ the legal vacuum, the permissiveness of the Administration, and the delay m.Ju?gmen~ compelling the suspension of the broadcast, have allled the ex1stmg reh­gious denominations in our country to follow this path:

In the case of the Catholic Church, only the Archdwcese of Toledo, through the "Canal Diocesano Television", and the Diocese of Cal~orra and La Calzada-Logroño, have a licence, the second one a concesswn of

21 See judgments 12/1982, n. 6, and 74/1982, n. 3. zs The local tv census has grown a 21% in the last three years. There are 897 tv channels

and most of them are integrated in networks supported by major communication groups. 29 None of the Iaws regulating tv and radio establish the Administration's ~uty to grant

these religious denominations management of one or more channels. The d1fferent laws only establish the main content of the broadcast. Thus, protestant groups have asked for a concession to manage a cultural cannel; this has not been granted yet.

238 JAIME ROSSELL

a terrestrial digital television licence. The "TMT", belonging to the Diocese of Madrid, broadcasts without a licence. A further sixteen local television channels are undergoing a trial period to start broadcasting throughout the Spanish territory.

In the case of non-Catholic denominations, only the Protestant Churches own local television channels, and in every case they broadcast without a licence. Considering the unlawfulness of the situation, it is not possible to control how many of them exist or which Church or Community they belong to. We have as examples the following: the "Iglesia Universal del Reino de Dios" owns "Canal33", broadcasting in Madrid; the "Igle­sia Mensaje y Salvación" (a split of the Church of Philadelphia) owns "Radio Television Amistad"; and the "Iglesia Cuerpo de Cristo" (evan­gelical) owns "TVerbo", broadcasting in Madrid, Zaragoza, Malaga, Barcelona, Vitoria and Sevilla, and plans to get to all the Spanish provin­cial capitals through this system.

B) Radio

As well as television, radio has also been categorised as an essential pub­He service. The legal framework30 developing this media has established a mixed management system. The State, the Autonomous Communities and the city Councils own the direct management of the media, being able in addition to grant individuals their indirect management by means of a concession.

The Catholic Church was already owner of a Network of radio sta­tions- Cadena de Ondas Populares (COPE).31 The networkcovers the whole Spanish territory, and its goal is general information, but from a religious point of view (catholic). Directed by the Spanish Episcopal Committee of Social Media, it includes a Department of Information and Religious Programming32 that not only develops a series of religious programmes, but is also responsible for carrying out the decisions of the Network's Doctrinal Board.

30 In this case the basic norm is Law 4/1980, and the three national laws that have

developed the radiobroadcasting service have been Law 31/1987 on Ordination of the Telecommunications; Law 66/1997 on "Medidas fiscales, administrativas y del orden soci~l": th~t regulates in its Additional Disposition 44'h the system of terrestrial digital RadiOdifusiOn; and Law 11/1998 General of Telecommunications. 31

Based on the 1953 Concordat, the Cadena de Ondas Populares was created by Decree of November 19, 1959. Its situation, with the new legislation, was regularized by the Royal Decree 3302/1981, of December 18, goveming the broadcast and issue of radio channels managed by prívate entities.

32 For detailed information on content, see http://www.cope.es/religioso_idx.asp

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 239

In recent years, both the Catholic Church33 and other religious groups, Protestants mostly, have been establishing local radio stations. However, as has occurred with television, a great number of them are broadcasting without the compulsory licence. 34

2. Press and Internet

A) Press

With the enactment of the Law 11!1982, of April 13, the Autonomous Organism called "Medios de Comunicación Social del Estado" was sup­pressed, and all the state press was privatized. This fact, together with the non-qualification of the written press as an essential public service, implies that there is an absolute right to establish this medium. The legislator understood that, if someone wants to exercise the constitutional right recognized in article 20 through the press, the State must not prevent them from doing so. 35 In fact the only permissible limitation or intervention of the public authorities in these media is to ensure that they are not opposed to the constitutional principies or to the legal system in general.

Although for a long time it was cheaper to establish a newspaper than a radio station or a television channel, nowadays no religious denomina­tion owns a newspaper. Nevertheless, that does not mean a lack of reli­gious information in the national, regional or local press. Moreover, the religious denominations have not renounced the creation of publishing houses for magazines or religious books, nor even the creation of news agencies to broadcast news, nor elaborate press communications to gather information from the rest of the media. Their obvious religious character does not prevent them from being govemed by the same legislation as the rest of the press.

33 Radio Santa Maria, owned by the Archdiocese of Toledo, broadcasts 24 hours a da y solely religious programmes. Radio Este!, owned by the Archbishopric of Barcelona, connects every day with Radio Vatican and gives religious ihformation every half-ho~r. Radio Luz, owned by a Parish in the Diocese of Valencia, uses the same formula as Rad1o Este!.

34 We have an example in the following Protestant Churches: the Iglesia Evangelica Mensaje y Salvacion (a split of the Church of Philadelphia) manages fifteen radio stations in the whole country. The Iglesia Cuerpo de Cristo (evangelic) has a radio station network (RKM) that broadcasts in Madrid, Zaragoza, Malaga, Barcelona, Vitoria and Sevilla. Last, the Evangelic Council of Madrid has created a radio station (Radio Encuentro) through which it has started to broadcast without a licence.

35 The Constitutional Court so understood in judgment 12/1982, n. 4: the configura­tion of a media as a public service was not a constitutional requirement, but was a matter of discretion for the legislator.

240 JAIME ROSSELL

B) Internet

The great revolution which the appearance of the internet has meant in our society may be summarised in one idea: any person, through the net, can become not only a news receiver but also a transmitter. It is enough to have a computer and the necessary knowledge. This has meant that this medium is assuming the leading role of the classic media such as the press.

Methods of communication on the Internet can be grouped into four categories: e-mail, news bulletins, discussion forums and the current information on the net. The religious denominations tend to be more inter­ested in two categories: news bulletins and web information. Through t~em, and.due to ~eir l?w costs, they can exercise their freedom of expres­swn and mformatwn m an effective way, reaching an audience which they would not otherwise be able to reach.

In this case, there is no sense in talking of public or prívate media, and therefore scholars as well as the legislator tend to apply the existing model for the press to this phenomenon. Therefore, in Spain there is a freedom to create web pages and to transmit bulletins. A religious denomination only has to register an internet domain36 in the correspondent Register in order to own a web page which any person can access and from which any information can be transmitted. In fact, the Law 34/2002, of July 11 on the Information Society and E-commerce, and the Proposed Law on the Domains Plan, establish respect for constitutional principies and Iegis­lation as the only limit.

Today a great number of denominations and religious groups, as a result of the difficulties in owning or using sorne of the traditional media, have chosen to create their own web pages. Suffice to say that most of the religious denominations established in Spain use this media. The Catholic Church37

, the FEREDE38, the CIE39, and the FCI40 have their

36 The "~ed Técnica Española de Televisión" is in charge of registering the domains.

See Resoluhon of February 10, 2000 of the Secretary General of Communications. 37

_The <?atholic Church in Spain owns a great number of web pages, the most repre­sentatlve bemg the one pertaining to the Episcopal Conference (http://www.conferenciaepisc o pal.es).

38 Although the large number of protestan! web pages, the FEREDE has an institutional

one, whose URL is http://www.ferede.org. 39

As for the Muslims, two are the most representative pages (http://www.webislam. con: and.http://www.islamhispania.com), owned respectively by each of the Muslim fed­eratJOns mto which our territory is divided.

~o There is no official page of the FCI, but severa! Israelite communities in Spain bave therr own _w~b pag~. For exarr:ple in the Autonomous Community of Madrid (http:// www.comJUdlamadnd.org) and m Barcelona (http://www.atid.freeservers.com).

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 241

own web pages through which it is also possible - only if the user accepts -to receive a bulletin with detailed information about the activities of the denomination.

Likewise, within the business project "Periodistadigital.com", there is a web page (http://www.religiondigital.com) that contains religious infor­mation conceming all the religious denominations established in Spain, elaborated with strictly professional criteria by members of the Journal­ists' Association of Religious lnformation.41

lll. The right of access and control of the media as a means to guar-antee pluralism

As has been pointed out, pluralism as to information has to be shown both externally and intemally. Interna! pluralism within the media consists in the expression of different opinions - or different from the editorial line - despite the existence of an ideological or religious line defended in it. Nowadays it is quite difficult to see externa! pluralism, because the information companies, dueto high costs, are in the hands of very few, which means that interna! pluralism is the one that really guarantees the freedom of expression and information as recognized in our Constitution. This pluralism has to be guaranteed in two ways: through the recognition of the right to access the media and through the organization and control of those media.

l. The right to access the media

The right to access is enunciated in art. 20.3 of the Constitution, and in the opinion of many Spanish scholars, "it is the mechanism that allows the exercise of freedom of expression by social and political groups through the media. The rationale lies in the consideration of pluralism as a supreme value of the legal order and in the promotional function of the rights and liberties in a Social State of Law" .42

41 Created in Madrid on March 5, 1999, this association has a non-denominational character and joins together joumalists who regularly deal with religious information in the secular media as well as in the religious media.

42 See M. MoRENO ANTÓN, "Tutela y promoción de la libertad religiosa", in l. MARTlN SÁ."'CHEZ (ed.), Curso de Derecho Eclesiástico del Estado, Valencia, 1997, p. 150. Simi­larly, C. SoRIA, "Los acuerdos Iglesia-Estado en materia de información", in lus Canoni­cum, XVII (1979), p. 292 et seq.; A. CASTRo JoVER, "Contribución al estudio del derecho de acceso a los medios de comunicación", en Documentación Jurídica, 76, XIX (1992), p. 644 et seq.; and J.A. RoDRÍGUEZ GARcíA, El control de los medios de comunicación, Madrid, 1998, p. 4 et seq.

242 JAIME ROSSELL

If we understand the right to access in a strict way, we should define it as the recognized right of individuals outside the media to enjoy space in the media in order to exercise their freedom of expression. The key question is how to ensure that the media guarantees this right in order to make pluralism possible.

A) The right to access private media

I believe that the right to access, understood in a strict way, is only pos­sible in the public media. lt is evident that the creation of the media by a private entity follows, among other things, its interest in the mainte­nance of a particular ideologicalline. If externa! pluralism is guaranteed by recognizing the possibility of the existence of public or prívate media, it is sufficient for the public media to guarantee an interna! pluralism to allow social groups to exercise their freedom of expression. That is why, in this case, the State cannot force the media to be the broadcaster of other groups' opinions. If the media fulfils the requirements imposed by law, asto organization and functioning, the State must allow such broad­casts as may be deemed appropriate.

In fact, neither our Constitution nor the laws foresee, in the case of the prívate media, the establishment of organizational measures to guarantee access for social groups. The only requirements imposed · on owners of communication companies are those implied by the right to information: it being balanced, objective and truthful, as well as the existence of plu­ralism and impartiality in this information.

However, the lack of a right to access private media does not imply the absence in it of sorne information regarding the activities of a particular religious denomination. Such news is not broadcast for its religious nature but for its newsworthiness (informational, cultural, etc.). This happens in the case of private television channels and radio stations.43

As for the press, the situation is different. All the national newspapers44 have a section dedicated to Culture and Society in which they usually introduce religious information.45 Moreover, three of these newspapers

43 Usually the Catholic Church has a greater number of minutes on these media. The

broadcast of processions or reports in Holy Week and at Christmas is a constan t. Although we cannot talk of discrimination, the truth is that these media hardly pay attention to the rest of the religious denominations.

44 We are referring to El País, ABC, El Mundo, La Vanguardia, and La Razón.

45 Sorne time ago, several of these newspapers had a section exclusively on religious

information, and there were even journalists exclusively devoted to this. This section, in the case of the newspaper ABC, even engaged the services of a catholic priest.

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 243

(La Razón, ABC, and La Vanguardia) have a weekly supplement exclu­sively devoted to religious information. This supplement not only contains news and topical reports, but also opinion articles. We cannot disguise the fact that there is an enormous deficit of non-Catholic religious information. Perhaps the reason for this is that the Catholic Church is still sociologically the mostimportant Church in Spain, with a bigger number offaithful (read­ers), but the truth is that the presence of other denominations in the press is practically nil. However, lately, and dueto migration, there has been an increase in attention paid to protestant churches and Muslim communities.

With the internet, as well as in the press, the right to access has not been recognized for religious groups. The owner of a web page or the webmaster decides on what to introduce. In the case of religious denom­inations owning a page, the contents they usually include refer only to their own denomination. If they introduce information on another denom­ination it is usually as a result of a newsworthy fact or as an example of the unequal treatment awarded by the State compared with the other. That is the case of the news bulletin made by the FEREDE, which usually includes news related to the Catholic Church.

I can only think of one formula to effect a right to access for the Internet: the inclusion in the web page of links to other religious groups' web pages. We can find an example in the web page http://www.religiondigital.com, which has amongst its links severa! pages pertaining to other denomina­tions in Spain. However, we cannot forget that this page does not belong to a denomination: it is a product of a non-denominational journalistic project.

B) The right to access public media

The legal antecedent of this right is to be found in the Law of the Broad­casting Service of 26 June 1934, which gave access to religious denom­inations and political parties, though the law had its onerous aspects. In our Constitution article 20.3 now provides: "the law ... shall guarantee access to such media to the main social and political groups, respecting the pluralism of society and of the various languages of Spain".

In contrast to the right to create the media, where the legislator decides if the right can or cannot be exercised by individuals, in this case the leg­islator is compelled to act. The right is demanded by social groups to which the Constitution refers and the legislator is obliged to regulate it.46

"" Thus declares the Constitutional Court in its judgment 6/1981, of March 16, n. 5, which, referring to art. 20.3 of the Constitution, points out that this article "lays upon the

244 JAIME ROSSELL

There is no specífic rule in the legal system regulating this right in a unitary fonn. The basic rule is Law 4/1980, which establishes in art. 24 that: "the arrangement ofprogrammes in ... RNE and TVE will be settled so that the main social and política! groups shall access those media. In order to do so, the Board of Administration, together with the General Director, in the exercise of their respective powers, will tak:e into account objective criteria, such as parliamentary representation, trade-uníon intro­duction, territorial sphere of action and other similar items ". But the article does not set out a procedure to implement this. Sorne autonomic television laws41 are articulated in the same tenns, whereas in other Autonomous Communíties, such as País Vasco and Madrid4s, the Iaws allow the exercise of this right of access even to insignificant groups or minorities. Moreover, no subsequent Iegislation refers, either for radio or television, to this issue.

As for the religious groups' right of access to public media, neither the Organic Law of Religious Freedom, nor the agreements signed with the Catholic Church and the other religious denominations, deal with the mat­ter. As such, the applicable legislation is the abovementioned Law 4/1980. According to art. 24 of this Statute, at first, the only denominations entitled to the right would be those entered in the Regístry of Religious Entities, which satisfy the requirement of being "significant". This recognition is left in the hands of RTVE's Board of Administration.

The Catholic Church, which had already enjoyed a series of religious programmes in public radio and television before the enactment of the Statute, had no difficulties with the new law, and continued with the broadcast of religious programmes. The rest of the registered religious groups created the problem, as the established criteria were more Iikely to be applied to political parties rather than to religious groups. That is why the Board of Administration of RTVE had to request from the Advi­sory Committee on Freedom of Religion a list of the registered religious organizations with a weH-established tradition and social representation.

The Committee responded and issued a report on February 10, 1984; it stated: "there should not be any confusion between the idea of the most

legislator a command,granting these groups at least the right to require that nothing should ?e done to ~ve~t that a~ces~"· This opiníon was ratified injudgment 63/1987, ofMay 20, m n. 6, estabhshing that 'arttcle 20.3 ... únposes the law-based guarantee of the access to such media to the main socíal and política! groups, respecting the pluralism of and of the various languages in Spain".

47 See J. RoSSELL, Confesiones religiosas y medios de comunicación Caceres 2001

p. 76. , , • 48 See supra.

REUGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 245

signíficant religious groups and the concept of 'notorious influence' pro­claimed in the Law of Religious Liberty, in its article 7 .1 ... so that it is possible also to consider as guiding criteria, amongst others, the tempo­ral or historical scope relating to their establishment in Spain legally or in secrecy for a significant time, the importance of the social, welfare or cultural entities of the denomination, its organization, etc., without prejudice of the broadcasting autonomy of TVE, and by way of illustra­tive and open enumeratíon ... those which possess this character are: [the] Evangelical, Israelite and Islamic [denominations]".

The Committee provided as an example in the report a series of denom­inations which have since been classified as of "notorious influence" and have signed agreements with the State. It would not be too much to affinn that this was the criterion used by the Board of Adminístration of RTVE to award these religious groups a right of access. However, it is submit­ted that this is not in line with the spirit of article 24. lt is true that all the d.enominatíons with notorious influence are "significant", but there can be reHgious denominations that, not being of "notorious intluence", could be significant for society. That is why the possibility of satisfaction of other criteria was included in the report. With it, and tak:ing into account the interests of citizens, the receivers of communication, access to the media by the new religious groups was made possible.

Moreover, when article 24 of the Statute speak:s of territorial scope as a criterion, it does not contemplate exclusively a national scope. TVE has territorial centres created to broadcast exclusively within their limits and likewíse there are public television or radío channels broadcasting within the territoriallimits of an Autonomous Community or even a City Coun­cil. We see no reason to deny access of religíous groups to this regional or local programming if they fulfil the requirement of being significant within that territory. In this sense, sorne Autonomous Communities have granted the Catholic Church and the Protestants access to their television channels.49 I will now refer to the exercise of this right.

C) Religious programming in the public media

There are here two matters of concem to religious denominations: the timi.ng and length of programming, and its content. The solution of the Administration has not only failed to satisfy any denominatíon but has

49 The autonomic televisions of Galicia, País Vasco, Cataluña, Valencia, Andalucía, and Canarias.

246 JAIME ROSSELL

also provoked a situation of unjustified inequality between the Catholic Church and the other denominations having this right.

In the case of state radio and television, the Law of 4/4980 provides that the Board of Administration of RTVE50 is to determine the percent­age of hours to be enjoyed by the various religious groups, in accordance with the recommendatory report of the Advising Committee in each of the media. 5

1 Autonomic radio and television reproduce the scheme under

the Statute of Radio and Television. 52 Spanish regulation therefore does not allow for the participation of religious groups in decision-making on programming hours or the length of programmes. But in the determina­tion of programme content the denominations become prominent.

Before the enactment of the Law 4/1980, state television used to broad­cast Catholic religious programmes, with the Catholic Church taking part in the elaboration of content. This situation was maintained once the Statute was enacted, when on July 28, 1981 the Board of Administration of RTVE ratified the "Basic Principies of Broadcasting"; 3.6.2 declares: "as far as the presence of religious worship is concemed, and particularly the Sunday broadcast of the Holy Mass, the religious issue has to be con­nected with the cultural question, so it seems advisable that the broad­casts be made from places of worship with monumental artistic value or which are picturesque or traditional. Likewise, there shall be established programmes analyzing the phenomenon of religion from a pluralistic per­spective. On the other hand, the opening of media progranuning to religious freedom involves the presence of religious de,mominations other than the Catholic [Church], in different programmes, and assigning broadcast time on the basis of the social weight (number of the faithful) of each denomi­nation".

The truth is that Catholic programming in the public media did not even reach 50% of the average for EU countries. Therefore, the Spanish Episcopal Conference, through its Permanent Committee, made a pro­posa! on religious programming on January 18 1982.53 On September 7,

50 The Board of Administration consists of twelve members elected from persons with

the relevant professional qualifications, for each Term, half by the Congress, half by the Senate. See art. 7.1 of Law 4/1980.

51 See art. 9.2 of Law 4/1980. 52

This is so except in the case of the Autonomous Communities of Madrid Valencia Navarra, and Andalucia, which establish different majorities for the composition of the Board of Administration.

53 In this pr?~os~, one suggestion was to revise and improve the treatment of the phe­

nomenon of rel~g~on m all programmes and of the catholic programmes in RTVE. A greater presence of rehgwn and respect for Christian values in RTVE was required. To áchieve

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND TilE :MEDIA IN SPAIN 247

1982, the Board of Administration of RTVE adopted an agreement to approve a new religious programming scheme. This agreement consisted in the admission, as afait accompli, of four Catholic programmes on wor­ship54, the current state of religion55, debate56, and testimony57, with an institutional character and under the responsibility of the Episcopal Conference.58 The Catholic Church is present in state television for 120 minutes, the contents of the programmes being decided by the denomina­tion and the production costs paid by TVE. As for state radio, the Catholic Church has various programmes exceeding 90 minutes weekly.59

In the case of non-Catholic denominations, the agreement adopted by the Board of Administration postponed the issue for a few years to allow it to take shape. As paragraph 6 ofthe agreement states: "the Gen­eral Director of the Spanish State Television may establish, after the appropriate conversations with the representatives of the Denominations or Churches, the methods for the presence in the RTVE's religious pro­grammes of those Churches that ha ve not signed Cooperation Agreements with the Spanish S tate, giving account of it to the Board of Administra­tion". This was justified in the Preamble of the Agreement: "it does not seem convenient on the part of this Public Entity to anticípate parlia­mentary decisions as to which denominations are going to sign Coopera­tion Agreements with the State, without even knowing the kind of colla­boration determined by the possible Agreements ... Until that happens, this General Directorship intends to maintain permanent contact with rep­resentatives of denominations, and members of the Advising Committee of Religious Freedom of the Ministry of Justice, so that their presence in the public media can be put into effect".

In 1983, on the suggestion of the General Director to the Board of Administration, and after a Report of the Advisory Committee of Religious

this, they suggested the presence in the General Director's Cabinet of a professor enjoy­ing the confidence of the Church; the inclusion o(an editor specialízing in religious infor­mation in the three media; a file on religiously, morally or pastorally "suitable persons" in order to take part in the programmes; and the constitution of a religious programmes' department totally dependen! on the Catholic Church.

54 El Dia del Señor: broadcast of the Holy Mass Sundays at 10:30 h. 55 Pueblo de Dios: broadcast every Monday at 17:15 with a repeat on Sundays at 09:30 h. 56 Ultimas Preguntas: broadcast Sundays at 10:00 h. 57 Testimonio: broadcast Sundays at 10:25 h. ss For this reason, the Spanish Episcopal Conference issued a Decree on December 1,

1984 (put into effect on January 1, 1987) establishing that the directors of the catholic programmes, in radio or television, had to have the missio canoníca.

59 RNE assigned a daily 5 minute programme (Buenos días nos dé Dios), the Sunday broadcast of the Holy Mass and the programmes Horizonte (Sundays at 01:25 h.) and Frontera (Sundays at 11:05 and 21 :05 h.).

248 JAIME ROSSELL

Freedom60, it was decided that the Protestant, Jewish and Muslim denom­

inations were to enjoy, from January 1, 1984, a slot on TVE. The progranune is called "Tiempo de Creer", and has been broadcasted since 1985 on Sundays from 08:45 to 09:00. The three denominations take turns in the broadcast, and each is responsible for the contents of its programme, being able to choose the programme's director, with TVE taking care of the production costs. As for state radio, these groups do not have a single programrne.

In the case of autonomic television, País Vasco, Galicia, Andalucía, Cataluña, and Valencia have given a slot to religious denominations in their programming. As occurs in state television, the Catholic Church has more time as it broadcasts the Holy Mass, a slot on the current state of religion and a debate programme on Sundays. In addition to the Catholic Church, only the Protestants enjoy this right, but their programme is Iess than twenty minutes long in every case.

The situation of religious denominations as to this recognized right is, therefore, in comparison to the Catholic Church, of clear inequality. This situation has already been averted to by these denominations on distinct occasions before the competent authority, the General Director of RTVE. However, in the absence of an independent controlling body, the Board of Administration of RTVE is the only body capable of modifying this situation. And although the possibility of increasing the broadcast time of these denominations has been assessed61 , to date this has not happened.

In addition, in the case of the non-Catholic denominations, the amount of religious programming is still very different from that in other Euro­pean countries. Moreover, not all the religious groups recognized by the State as such have the possibility to access the media and broadcast their own religious programmes. As has been said, the competence to do so is still in the hands of the Board of Administration of RTVE, which appar­ently does not want to give this opportunity to groups other than those which ha ve signed agreements with the State. If we add the fact that the private media are not compelled to broadcast religious programmes, we have to agree that we face a situation of clear inequality among those denominations with agreements and those without. As stated already, both public television and public radio should try to offer interna} pluralism

60 Report of February 10, 1984, already mentioned. 61

In conversations with the General Director of RTVE, he, representing the Board of Admínistration, expressed the desire to raise the presence of every denomínation to ten minutes, although not raising the production costs of the religious programme. Up to now, there has been no change in the non-Catholic programmes.

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS Ai'ID THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 249

unavailable in the private media. And this pluralism not only consists in allowing media access to the main religious denominations, but also to those eager to spread their message to the greatest number of people.

2. Control of the media

Perhaps flowing from the past, the principal guarantee of pluralism was the legislator's role in media regulation, both intemal and extemal. How­ever, it is not enough simply to guarantee freedom to create journalistic companies and rights of access. It is also necessary that the State guaran­tees the effective exercise of those rights. It may be that the free market leads to a concentration of the media in the hands of a few, causing an information monopoly. Or that such media do not achieve respect for con­stitutional principies or legislation. The existence of a body to control the management and functioning of the media seems necessary to guarantee freedom of expression and information. In several European countries, the solution lies in the creation of autonomous and independent bodies to super­vise the media according to law and constitutional principie. The absence of such a body in Spain is an exception in comparative law. I deal below with the formula used by the legislator in Spain to rectify this deficiency.

A) Control of public media

Article 20.3 of the Constitution states: "the law shall regulate the orga­nization and parliamentary supervision of the mass communication media under the control of the S tate". This means that the S tate only recognizes as possible the control of its media through executive or legislative power. The reason is the system of mixed management of the radioelectric space created by our legislator.

State radio and television are subject only to the direct control of Par­liament through a Committee whose function is to guarantee the fulfil­ment of Law 4/1980,62 although there is also indirect control through the Board of Administration of each media. This Board has among its duties: determining the percentage of prógramming hours of the main social groups in this case the religious denominations; fixing the distribution criteria; and setting the basic principies and general direction of broad­casting.63 This Board does not involve the participation of significant

62 See art. 26 of Law 4/1980. 63 See art. 8 of Law 4/1980.

250 JAIME ROSSELL

social groups- including religious denominations; rather, its composition reflects the criterion of political representation.

The Law 4/1980 contemplares also the possibility that Advisory Boards exist in both media64, assisting the Boards of Administration. The foun­dation of the law is the principie of social participation in the media, but religious denominations are not included in the composition of such advi­sory bodies. Besides, these Advisory Boards have not yet been established. There does not exist therefore in the state media a direct and explicit participation of the religious denominations in its controlling bodies.

In spite of this, an Advisory Committee on Religious Catholic Pro­gramming has existed since November 25, 1982.65 It was created at the request of the Spanish Episcopal Conference, and consists of six mem­bers nominated by the General Director. Its functions are: to propose the director of religious programmes; to elaborate the contents of religious programmes; to guarantee the denominational identity ofthese broadcasts; and to issue reports on the religious programmes, and in general, on the those a.<:pects of RTVE programming which refer to religious freedom. Today, the main concem of the committee is the debate over the broad­casting schedules of religious programmes; its reports are not binding or compulsory. There is no advisory body for the rest of the religious denominationshaving the right to access these media.

Autonomic govemments have also established systems of control, with respect to those media for which they are responsible, reproducing the scheme established in the law 4/1980 for national radio and television. The only difference is that here the number of social representatives is greater, but in any case the representation of religious denominations is foreseen.

Moreover, in the autonomic Galician66 and Andalusian67 television, there is a mixed follow-up Committee for catholic programming, with the same functions as the national body. However, as with state television, the other religious denominations have no advisory body.

As for local media, under the management of city councils, both in radio and television, the plenary session of the Municipal Corporation assumes control, including the principies which guide its programming.

64 See art. 9 of Law 4/1980. 65 This Comnússion is the result of the Agreement of November 7. 1982, of the Board

of Administration of RTVE, by which the religious programming was approved. 66 Agreement between Radio-Television of Galicia and the Bishops of the Dioceses of

Galicia of March 25, 1991. 67 Agreement between Andalusian Radiotelevision and the Bishops of the Dioceses of

Andalucía of October 26, 1986.

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 251

Religious groups have no presence in these bodies, but, as in the rest of public media, control is political in form.

Private radio and television companies, despite their prívate status, manage a public media by means of administrative concession. Therefore, the public authorities determine how control is to be exercised. In this case, granting the govemment- national or autonomic - the administrative concession by which the media is allowed to broadcast, the executive power controls performance and enforcement. That they perform a pub­líe service .means that the licensing administration must not ignore the management of this media, in both its functioning and in the programming provided. This is established by the various laws which regulate prívate television and radio while granting the Ministry of Science and Technology or its autonomic counterpart the power of control. This implies that the private communication groups, religious68 or not, will have to regulate themselves69 in order to fulfil those broadcasting requirements which the law compels, and which deal with "respect to the political, religious, social, cultural and linguistic pluralism70

".

However, this does not explain the absence of a controlling body, for those media independent of the executive, in which the most representa­tive social and political groups are represented. These companies effec­tively manage, among other things, the exercise of the right to freedom of expression, and are required to satisfy minimal pluralism and due respect for constitutional rights and fundamental duties. The most suitable thing would have been the creation of an ad hoc body, neutral, indepen­dent and not govemmental, to fulfil this task.

Only the Autonomous Communities of Cataluña and Galicia have created such controlling bodies. They are, respectively, the "Consell Audiovisual de Catalunya"71 and the "Consejo Asesor de las Telecomu­nicaciones y del Audiovisual de Galicia" .72 However, it seems they do not meet the concems outlined above. The composition, in both cases, has

68 The clearest example is that of the network of radio stations COPE, belonging to the Spanish Episcopal Conference. Though in its ideology it is decla~d as con:essio~a~y catholic and its goals are those of the Church, that does not prevent 1t from actmg wtthm the democratic framework of the Constitution, guaranteeing among others informati ve plu-

ralism. 69 The television channel Antena 3 TV has, for instance, a defender of the viewer. 70 See art. 4 e) of Law 4/1980. 71 Created by Catalan Law 8/1996, of July 5. lt is a consultative body with functions

of advice and control so that programming violates neither the law nor viewer rights. n Created by the Galician Law 6/1999, of September 1. Its maín goal is the regulation

of cinematographic and audio-visual activity. Though it contemplates the guarantee of plu· ralism. it delegates control in the autonomic govemment.

252 JAIME ROSSELL

a governmental predominance and though the different sectors of society are represented, in no instance are religious groups mentioned.

The creation of a controlling body independent of the political power is necessary. That body should have representatives of the religious denomi­nations, and its decisions should be taken into account by the public author­ities to regulate the audiovisual market. On November 15, 1995, the plenary session of the Senate approved a proposal for the creation of a Supreme Board of Audio-visual Media. It was a matter of creating an autonomous body able: to guarantee (internal and external) pluralism and quality in programming; and to safeguard the rights and freedoms that might enter into conflict. Its consultative function was criticised, since the executive and enforcement authority continued to belong to the Administration. The dis­solution of parliament in 1996 meant the abandonment of this legislative initiative, and up to now, none of the political parties has proposed revival.

The Advisory Board of Telecommunications and Information Society was created by means of the Royal Decree 1029/2002, of October 4th. Unfortunately it adds nothing new. It has representatives of political par­ties, users, trade unions, professional associations and so on, but not reli­gious denominations. Besides, neither the control of broadcasts nor the fulfilment of the licence manager's goals are amongst its functions.

B) Control of private media: press and the internet

Although the Press Law of 1966, parts of which are still in force, estab­lished sorne watchdogs (eg the Jurar of Professional Ethics73), today this mandate has not yet been fulfilled, and unlike other European countries there is no Press Council in Spain.

Since the press is not treated as a public service74, control of the press is based on self-regulation. Each press entity will have to determine in its own Statutes the way to fulfil self-control in arder to guarantee inter­na! pluralism. Two national newspapers, "El País", and "El Mundo" pro­vide in their Statutes for the creation of an Editorial Board75, and sorne

73 This bod~ was developed wi~h the Statute of the Journalistic Profession, created by

the La~ ~f Apnl 13, 1967. Follo_wmg reform, by Royal Decree of 1976, the organization, composttion and procedure of thts body was entrusted to the National Federation of Press Associations of Spain.

. 74

There is a State Agency of News (EFE), but with no parliamentary control accord­mg to article 20.3 of the Constitution, and no law adapting this agency to the constitutional principies has been elaborated yet.

75 These Boards ha ve as a main function mediation in disagreements between the ,com­

pany and journalists.

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS ANO THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 253

newspapers have created an interna! body (the "Defender ofthe Reader") to receive complaints from readers, to propase recommendations and to offer solutions to problems. None of these two bodies seems to be a suit­able guarantor of the interna} pluralism in these companies.

Moreover, the Organic Law 2/1997, of June 19, with its Conscience Clause for Information Professionals, guarantees the independence of pro­fessionals in journalism. This enables press companies to assume their own ideological stance which may create tensions for the professional freedom of journalists. Even the Constitutional Court in its judgments 191/1990 and 176/1995 has recognized the right of the mediato have their professionals abide by their ideology.

With the internet the absence of specific state regulation is even more evident. The only laws applicable to internet users are article 20 of the Constitution, the Organic Law 1/1982, of May 5 (Civil Protection of the Right to Honour, Privacy and Personal Reputation), and the Penal Code.

Of necessity, therefore, self-regulation by suppliers and users of the net is the only guarantee of a proper exercise of the right to freedom of expression and information. The European Commission's Working Party on Illegal and Harmful Content on the Internet is noteworthy in this regard; its recommendations 76 include: the creation of a Code of Conduct for internet service providers; a hot-line for complaints from the public; and an independent self-regulatory body, with representatives from the industry and users, to advise on whether or not a breach of the Code of Conduct has occurred (without prejudice to the due process of law). Such a body is now necessary, as with radio and television.

IV. Religious advertising in the media

The Law 4/1980, art. 8, empowers RTVE's Board of Administration: "to dictate regulatory procedures with regard to advertising broadcast in RTVE ... " This did not occur until the appearance of the first private tele­vision channels. Indeed, sorne Autonomous Communities went further than the state legislator, forbidding advertising of a religious character as well as the insertion of advertising during the broadcast of religious ceremonies when such advertisements altered their continuity .77

The regulation of advertising in the mass media took place with the Law 34/1988 of November 11 (General Law on Advertising). The law

76 The report may be seen in http://europa.eu.int/ISPO/legal/en/internet/wpen.html 77 See J. RossELL, Confesiones religiosas y medios de comunicación, cit., p. 92.

254 JAIME ROSSELL

makes no explicit reference to advertising of a religious character.78 This means there is no prohibition for the prívate media to accept this type of advertising, or even to reject it. The public mass media is a different matter.

Immediately after the Law 34/1988, the General Directorship of the Mass Media, passed a Resolution79 making public the advertising rules approved by RTVE's Board of Administration. Number 5 provides: "advertising essentially or basically of a philosophical, political or reli­gious content, or aimed at the attainment of aims of such a nature, will not be admitted ... ". Advertising of a religious character was prohibited in all media owned by public authorities. 80 This situation was, to our judgment, at least contradictory. Considering the right to access public media is designed to let religious groups convey their messages, it seems there is no reason to prohibit religious advertising. If the concem is for the audience addressed by such advertising, it seems sufficient to regu­late at the point of broadcasting. Provided the advertising fulfils the requirements established in the Law 34/1988 there should be no limitations to it.

It seems as though RTVE's General Directorship has accepted such an argument, in a Resolution of January 22, 2001. The reason was the pro­mulgation of the Law 22/1999 of June 7, modifying the Law 25/1994 of July 12 by which the European Union Directive 89/552/CEE81 was incor­porated into Spanish law. The Board of Administration of RTVE approved a regu1ation on advertising modifying the existing regime. Number 6 pro­vides: "it will be considered as illicit advertising: a) ... to attack respect dueto human dignity, religious and political convictions or discriminate against them on the grounds of birth, race, sex, religion, nationality, opin­ion or any another personal or social circumstance ... ". The absence of an explicit prohibition suggests that today re1igious advertising is possible but subject to certain restrictions.82 The autonomic television channels ,

78. T~e law only establishes in art. 3 a) that "advertising that commits an outrage against

the dtgmty of the person or damages the values or rights recognized in the Constitution specially regarding infants, youth and woman, is illicit". '

79 Resolution of April 17, 1980. 80

To my knowledge this norm has only been applied once: when a television adver­tising campaign of the Catholic Church to obtain economic aid was forbidden.

8

~ That is, t~e ~irec~ive on the ~oordination of certain provisions laid down by law, reg­ulatwn or admmtstratlve actwn m Member states conceming the pursuit of television broadcasting activities.

82 The Law 22/1999 establishes in art. 8.1 that TVE should ensure to exclude adver­

tising the content or mode of expression of which is inadequate for that media, or which wtll provoke an unfavourable reaction of sorne sector of the audience, or which will harm

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 255

taking into account Law 22/1999, and adopting as a model the Resolu­tion of January 22, 2001, should also modify their prohibitions of religious advertising.

This Resolution (Number 25(d)) also provides (unlike in state televi­sion) that: "religious programmes should not be interrupted by the adver­tising, except when its programmed duration is over thirty minutes, in which case advertising may be inserted between its autonomous parts, if they exist, or in the cases set up in paragraphs a) and b) of this regulation"; and paragraph e) establishes that "advertising shall not be inserted in the

f l . . . " 83 broadcast o re 1g10us servtces .

V. Due respect for religious feelings and the media

Freedom of expression, as with any fundamental right, is not absolute; it has limits. The State has to guarantee not only that a fundamental right can be effective, but also that its exercise does not clash with other rights and freedoms recognized in the Constitution. It is necessary, there­fore, that the State guarantees the proper exercise of this right. Up until recently, this control was fulfiled in two ways: judicially and adminis­tratively. Today the Constitution prohibits previous censorship84 and the administrative confiscation85 of publications; these historically represented grave restrictions to the exercise of freedom. Only judicial confiscation86

is admitted, but notas a limit to the exercise of these rights; it is allowed simply to prevent harm to the exercise of other values protected by Span­ish law. Depriving citizens of the democratic enjoyment of the mass media can only be exercised by a competent judicial body.

a third party. It may al so do so when the concret~ characte~is_t~cs of the g~ods. or se~vices to be advertised, reasonably indicate that prevent!Ve or defmltlve suspens10n ts advtsable on grounds of public interest. . . . .

83 It seems that there has been an attempt to avotd frequent advertiSing, m order to conserve the value of the programme. Broadcasting a religious programme with constan! advertising cuts, leading viewers to change channel or to lose the plot of the programme, makes no sense at all.

84 The Constitutional Court has recognized it emphatically in its judgment 52/1983, of June 17. . . .

85 We make this assertion since our Constitution allows administrative conflscat10n tf a state of emergency or siege is proclaimed. See art. 55.1 of the ~onstitutio~ and art. 21 of the Law 4/1981 of June 1 on states of alert, emergency and stege by whtch the Gov­emmental Authority may suspend all kinds of publication, radio broadcast and tel~visi?n, cinematographic projection and theatrical representation; and arrange for the conftscatlon of publications. . .

86 Art. 20.5: "The confiscation of publications and recordings and other mformatton media may only be carried out by means of a court order".

256 JAIME ROSSELL

I~ is evident that religious feeling constitutes a value capable of pro­tectton by the Constitution. Under Article 16. 3: "the public authorities shall tak:e religious beliefs of Spanish society into account". This suggests that religious freedom is a limit to the right to freedom of expression. Which prevails in the case of a conflict? The Constitution, Art. 20.4, establishes as limits to freedom of expression and information: "the respect for the rights recognized in this Title, by the legal provisions implementing them, and especially the right to honour, to privacy, to per­sonal reputation and to the protection of youth and childhood". This is not an exhaustive list of limits. Though not appearing in this list, religious freedom is treated by the Penal Code and indirectly by the Organic Law of the Right to Honour, Privacy and Personal Reputation 1982.87

Historically, the various Penal Codes have always dealt with protection of the religious feelings of an inidvidual. Though protection was afforded only to the Catholic Church up to 1971, with the arrival of democracy protection was extended to the other religious denominations. Once the crime of blasphemy was abolished in 198888, religious feelings carne to be protected by the crime of jibe.89 Prior to the Penal Code of 1995, jibe was a crime under Art. 209 of the 1983 Code, differing from the crime of outrage

90, whereas the new Code contains a unified offence with adver­

tising as a constitutive element.

• 87

Art. 7.7 of the Law forbids "the imputation of facts or the manifestation of value JUdgment~ t?r?u~h actions or e.xpressions which in any way harm the digníty of another ~erson, dummshing his reputat10n or comrnitting an outrage against his own self-estima­tton:·. 11rrough the. ~otection of human dignity, and consequenlty, the right to honour, the feelmgs of the rehg10us groups are protected in the area of civil jurisdiction. Thus has understood the Constitutional Court in the judgments 214/1991, of November 11; 176/1995, ofDecember 11; and 106/1996, of June 12.

88 Althou~h it remai?ed in the penal Code until a few years ago, this crime, punished very. harsh1y m former times, was 1osing relevance with social secularization. In fact, the last Judgment on the matter was on March 31, 1979.

89 Art. 525 of the 1995 Penal Code establishes that "l.Those who, to offend the reli­

gious feelings of the members of a religious denomination, by word, in writing or by means of ~y type of document, publicly jibe at their dogmas, beliefs, rites or ceremonies, or vex publ!cly those who profess or practise, will incur the penalty of an eight-month to tw~1.ve-month fine. 2. The s~e penalties apply to those who do publicly jíbe, orally or in wntmg, at those not professmg or practising any religion or belief ". ..

90 This crime was introduced by the reform of 1971 and is different from the crime of

Jibe. Whereas the object of jibe was religion in itself, outrage consisted in an attack on the dogmas ?f a religion with an animus injuriandi, advertising being a constitutive element of the cnme. The Supreme Court so understood in the judgment of November 26, 1990: a. theatre group was punished for a piece in which there was a "widespread taunt of the ntes of the C~istian .litliTgy in general, and especially the Catholic". Similarly, the Su~re~e Co~rt m the judgment of February 12, 1982 punished the author of a magazine arttcle m which two of the Persons of the Holy Trinity were ridíeu1ed.

RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS AND THE MEDIA IN SPAIN 257

Freedom of expression will prevail over the protection the Code offers to religious feelings when there is no animus injuriandi, but an animus criticandi; that is, if the matter is part of "a serious, scientific and deep theological study in which sorne of the truths tak:en as fundamental to the Catholic faith are denied, and are not merely anti-relígious outbursts, full of taunt, scoff and ridicule of fundamental dogmas ... " .91

Despite this protection which I understand to be enough - the dif~ ferent denominations in Spain have expressed their dissatisfaction. None of them agrees with the treatment they receive in the mass media they do not own. Criticism of the content of sorne television programmes, films and even advertising is common.

Only the Catholic Church, in its Agreement with the State, enjoys spe­cial measures to guarantee the protection of religious feelings. Article XIV of the Agreement on Education and Cultural Affairs provides: "safe­guarding the principies of religious freedom and freedom of expression, the State shall ensure that its social media shall respect the feelings of Catholics and shall establish the corresponding agreements concerning these matters with the Spanish Episcopal Conference".

Up to now, no agreement has been signed between the Spanish Gov­ernment and the Episcopal Conference, and an agreement is unlikely to be signed in a future.92 The article XIV arrangement seems to us at least excessive. The establishment of agreements with the Episcopal Confer­ence could only make sense in a system in which freedom of expression was not subject to any limit. And this is not what happens in our coun­try. The legislation applicable to the mass media already affords sufficient protection. The special treatment enjoyed by the Catholíc Church is redo­lent of a previous era and a different political system.

VI. Religion and the arts

Art. 20.1 b) of the Constitution recognizes and protects the right "to lit­erary, artistic, scientific and technical production and creation". Although cinema, video and theatre are artistic manifestations, most scholars and also the legislator recognize them as social media. As such, they are sub­ject to the existing regulation applicable to private media. The production of movies or plays is not subject to limits, but they must respect what the legal system pro vides for the protection of religious feelings.

91 Judgment of the Supreme Court of February 19, 1982. 92 Only two agreements exist on the autonomic leve1, to which we referred previously, con­

ceming follow-up of the religious catholic progranuning in the respective autunomic televisions.

258 JAIME ROSSELL

M?vies must be submitted to the Committee on Cinematographic M_ovtes Qualification.93 This body, under the Law 15/2001, of July 9 (on Cmematography and Audio-visual Media), will have to issue certificates of qualification and notify in advance the television operators about the necessary qualification.94 These certificates of qualification will also have to be displayed publicly.95 In the event of violation, the Administration shall determine the appropriate sanction_96

The Spanish Episcopal Conference in its Episcopal Committee on the Media also has a Cinema and Television Department which classifies films. Needless to say, the classification does not bind the Administration· it is addressed simply to the faithful and is recommendatory in characte; . In relation to cinema and theatre, advertisements carrying 'obscene ~m~ges or expressions against morality and good customs' may be displayed mstde t~e place of showing, but not outside (such as on advertising bill­boards, m newspapers or in other social media).97 In this case, it seems that the Administration is the judge.

93 This Committee was created by the Law l/1982, of February 24, and regulated by

the Royal D~cree 81/1997, of January 24. It is a collegiate body dependent on the "Insti­tuto d~ la Cmematografía y de las Artes Audiovisuales" (ICAA), issuing reports with an ~xc_:lus1ve cha~~cter. Ne1ther viewers' associations nor relígious denominations are foreseer\ m 1ts composition. See art. 17.2 of the Royal Decree 81/1997.

94 See article 10.1 of the Law 15/200 l. 95 Dis;pos~tion 10m of the Order of July 7, 1997 of the Ministry of Education and Cul-

ture, puttmg mto effect the Royal Decree 8l/1997. .

. 96

"The Ge?eral Director of the ICAA shall punish the lesser misdemeanours, the Min­tster of EducatiOn and Culture the grave ones and the Council of Ministers the very grave ones". Art. 21.3 of the Royal Decree 81/1997.

• 97 ~- 1.1 of the Royal Decree 1189/1982, of June 4, which regulates certain activi­

tles agamst morality and good customs.

LARS FRIEDNER

Legal Adviser, Church of Sweden

THE PORTRAYAL OF RELIGION IN SWEDEN: THE MEDIA AND THE ARTS

SUMMARY: I. The press and religion -l. The secular press- (1) State regulation of the secular press- (2) Self-regulation by the secular press- 2. The religious press n. Radio, television and religíon- l. Secular radio and religion: state reg­ulation and self-regulation- 2. Religious radio stations 3. Secular and religious television 4. The intemet ni. The arts and religion.

l. The press and religion

l. The secular press

(1) State Regulation of the Secular Press

The Freedom of the Press Act has formed part of the Swedish constitu­tion since the 18th century, although the content of the Act has changed over the years. Today, the Act gives anyone who wants to edita printed matter, a book, a booklet or a newspaper, the absolute right to do so. The editor or writer is free to publish whatever he or she wants, unless sorne special subjects, which are enumerated in the Act, are offended. If so, such offence is regarded as a crime. A person or company wishing to edita newspaper has to register ata specially-designated authority. The registration is subject to a formal examination. No regard is given to the kind of newspaper that will be editéd.

According to the Act, every newspaper has to have a responsible edi­tor, and it is normally only the editor who may be punished for what is published in the newspaper. The joumalist, and any person who might function as a source, are normally absolved from criminal responsibility. Furthermore, there is usually no obligation for the editor to give any infor­mation about their sources, either to the police or even in court. It is also normally forbidden for the authorities to try to trace the person who has been the joumalist 's source.

The relevant editor has the ultimate right to decide what should or should not be published in the newspaper. This right has significant

260 LARS FRIEDI\TER

importance regarding the issue of advertising. The editor thus has the right to deny any special advertisement in the newspaper. The Act also ensures everybody the right, generally, to see all documents available to the authorities, local as well as central; this is the principie of public access to official records. Accordingly, the Swedish press is free to cover religious affairs. None of the above-mentioned special subjects, which are forbidden under the Act, directly refer to a religious matter. Forbid­den subjects are, for example, spying, instigation of rebellion, depiction of sexual violence and insult. However, one of the forbidden subjects, racial agitation, includes agitation against people of a specific belief. In this respect, the state regulation ensures that the press respects religion.

There is no Swedish regulation, neither state nor self-imposed, that ensures in the press the equal treatment of different religions. Nor are there any regulations on the matter of religious advertising or the access of reli­gious groups to the press. As long as an advertisement does not promote any of the forbidden subjects, the responsible editor is free to publish it.

In principie, religious organisations themselves decide on the matter of media access to information held by those organisations. On the other hand, there is no possibility for the leaders of a religious organisation to obtain knowledge as to who might be spreading inconvenient information about the organisation. However, for the largest religious organisation in Sweden, the Lutheran Church of Sweden (the former State Church), the principie of public access to official records still applies. As to funerals and the care of the common cultural heritage, the Church fulfils state tasks. In these matters the Church is formally subject to the basic princi­pie. In other matters, one aspect of the new relations between the State and the Church of Sweden is that the latter has an obligation to uphold a corresponding regulation. The prohibition against tracing a joumalist's sources also remains. However, this is no longer a consequence of legal regulation but of collective agreements between the Church's employers' organisation and the trade unions.

(2) Self-regulation by the secular press

The Swedish Press Council, which is an organisation created by the Newspaper Publishers' Organisation, has issued Press Ethical Guidelines. The Council also has a Public Press Ombudsman, who has the role of being the prosecutor of the Council. Anyone who feels that a newspaper arti­cle offends the ethical guidelines, is free to make a report to the Ombuds­man or to the Council. If the Council finds that an article constitutes such

THE PORTRAY AL OF RELIGION IN SWEDEN 261

an offence, the Council makes an announcement, which the newspaper is under a duty to publísh. The Swedish newspapers normally comply with the decisions of the Council.

The Press Ethical Guidelines only contain one paragraph relating to religious matters. This prescribes that the religious belief of a person who is dealt with in a newspaper article should not be disclosed, provided that the religious belief in question is of no importance in the context of the article or the treatment of that belief is disrespectful. The guidelines also contain paragraphs conceming violation of the sanctity of private lite and respect for víctims. Normally, the newspapers do not consult any reli­gious groups. Sorne bigger newspapers have special "religion desks", but they are normally a part of the overall editorial staff. No special regu­lations apply to these desks.

2. The religious press

The State has no special rules for the religious press. Newspapers owned by religious organisations must observe the same regulations of editing as have been described for the secular newspapers. There is no regulation conceming their coverage of political affairs, nor to ensure they will not be offensive to other religions. There are two leading religious newspapers in Sweden, Nya Dagen (daily) and Svenska kyrkans tidning (weekly). The main owners of Nya Dagen are the Pentecostal congregations in Sweden. Svenska kyrkans tidning is owned by the Church of Sweden (Svenska kyrkan). There are no special regulations on these newspapers imposed upon them by the newspapers themselves. Rather, they observe the regula­tions of the Swedish Press Council, as do the secular newspapers.

n. Radio, television and religion

l. Secular radio and religion: state regulation and self-regulation

The only licence to broadcast nation-wide radio in Sweden is held by the Swedish Broadcasting Company. It is a national company, owned by a foundation, established by different organisations in Swedish society. Regional radio stations are often operated by private companies. Different non-profit organisations, among them religious organisations, operate local radio stations. The radio is regulated by the State through law, the Radio and TV Act. Advertising is forbidden for the national and local chan­nels but not for the regional.

262 LARSFRlEDNER

As there is a Freedom of the Press Act for the newspapers and other printed matters, there is a Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression, which applies among other things to the field of radio. The rules applic­able for the press and those for the radio are in many respects the same. The owner of a radio channel has to appoint an editor for every pro­gramme. It is the editor who decides what is to be broadcast. And it is normally only the editor who is responsible. The Fundamental Law, as does the Freedom of the Press Act, enumerates certain subjects that are forbidden for the radio, mainly the same subjects as for the newspapers. And if such a subject is violated, it is regarded as a crime.

There are no special regulations conceming coverage of religious affairs, broadcasting of religious serví ces, access of religious groups to radio, religious advertising, nor arrangements to ensure equal treat­ment of different religions. However, the permission applicable to the Swedish Broadcasting Company prescribes that the company shall to a reasonable extent satisfy different interests conceming, for example, religion. The Swedish Broadcasting Commission supervises the differ­ent radio channels. There is no special self-regulation within the radio sector.

2. Religious radio stations

The only religious radio stations in Sweden are local ones. No special rules apply to them, other than those applicable to secular local radio sta­tions. There is no self-regulation for the religious radio stations.

3. Secular and religious television

To be able to broadcast television from Sweden, a State licence is required. Only three national channels have been granted such a licence. The Swedish Television Company, a national company of the same kind as the Swedish Broadcasting Company, operates two national channels. A third national channel is operated by a prívate company. The two tele­vision companies are, according to their licence, obliged to cover reli­gious matters in the same way as is the Swedish Broadcasting Company. The Fundamental Law on Freedom of Expression applies also to broad­casting of television. Advertising is permitted only on a private channel. The licence prescribes that no advertising concerning religious matters is allowed. There is no self-regulation in the television sector. In Sweden there are no television channels run by religious organisations.

1

!

THE PORTRA Y AL OF RELIGION IN SWEDEN 263

4. The Internet

In Sweden there are numerous religious web-sites. For the Internet, the same rules apply as for society as a whole. This means, among other ~ings, that racial agitation (including agitation against religious groups) 1s for-

bidden.

111. The arts and religion

There is no state regulation concerning the treatment of religious ~hem~s in the arts. Blasphemy is no longer a crime in Sweden, though rae tal agt­tation is forbidden. Similarly, there is no self-regulation in the arts, as is also the case with respect to regulation of the arts by retigious law.

JAMES YOUNG

The Law School, Cardiff University

REGULATION OF THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN THE MEDIA IN THE UNITED KINGDOM

SUMMARY: l. Introduction - 11. Background- l. Status of religious organisations in the UK - 2. Constitutional framework - III. Fundamental rights and free­doms - l. Constitutional protection of human rights - 2. Restraints on freedom of expression in defence of religion- (a) Criminallaw- (b) Civillaw- IV. The Press and religion- l. The secular press- 2. The religious press- V. Broad­casting and religion - l. The broadcasting landscape - 2. Regulating religious broadcasting on secular services - (a) The British Broadcasting Corporation -(b) Independent secular television- (e) Independent secular radio- 3. Regulating religious broadcasters - (a) Restrictions on religious organisations as radio and television licensees- (b) Religious television channels- (e) Radio- VI. Religion and the arts - VII. The internet and telecommunications - VIII. Advertising -IX. Conclusion.

l. Introduction

The presentation of religion in the United Kingdom media has been trans­formed over the last fifty years. This is not only due to the decline in religious belief (or at least in formal religious observance), but also, as a result of immigration, to the establishment of communities sharing a faith other than Christianity. Whereas for the first half of the twentieth century, socio-religious issues concemed the position of different Christian denom­inations and of Judaism and British Jewry, the position since then has become increasingly complex. In the most recent national census in the United Kingdom, for the first time people were invited to indicate their religion. In a total population of nearly 60 million, 71.6% identified them­selves as Christian, 2.7% as Muslim, 1% as Hindu, 0.6% as Sikh, 0.5% as Jewish, 0.3% as Buddhist. 23.2% of respondents either did not declare a religion or specified that had no religion. 1 Although an overwhelming majority of the population regards itself as Christian, over one and a half million people identify themselves as Muslims and over half a million as Hindus. This is reflected in the regulation of the media in the presenta­tion of religion. From a self-assured Christian dominance, an important

1 In the 2001 census the question on religion was optional.

266 JAMES YOUNG

concern in much of the media today is the accommodation of pluralism and multiculturalism, the avoidance of offence to minority religious sen­sibilities and ensuring an adequate representation of faiths other than Christianity.

11. Background

l. Status of religious organisations in the UK 2

The historie connection between Church and State has not been com­pletely severed in the United Kingdom. The constitutionallink between church and state in Northern Ireland and Wales has been cut, but the Church of England and the Church of Scotland preserve their historie constitutional relationship with the State. In Scotland the formal link between Church and State is not strong. The Queen is not the head of the Church and has no formal powers, although she is pledged to main­tain Presbyterianism, is a member of the Church and is represented by a Lord High Commissioner.3 In England the Queen is the Head of the Church, she appoints the bishops, a number of whom are members the House of Lords.4 The continued representation of religion in the media is clearly affected by the special status of the Churches of Eng­land and Scotland, and particular! y that of England. The appointment of the Archbishop of Canterbury as the first bishop in England, the involve­ment in the procedure of the Prime Minister and the Queen, the Arch­bishop's role as spiritual adviser to the monarch as the Head of the Church of England certainly raises the profile of the Church in England in the media. The position of bishops in the House of Lords also gives them a privileged and prominent platform in commenting on public affairs.

Religious organisations, including the established churches have no speciallegal status. Generally, they are unincorporated associations- that is they have no separate legal personality; they are the members of the church or other faith community, bound together by agreement.

2 For a useful overview see D. McCLEAN, 'State and Church in the United Kingdom',

in G. ROBBERS (ed.), State and Church in the European Union, Nomon Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden, 1996.

3 In the 2001 census 42.5% of Scotland's respondents declared their religion to be Church of Scotland.

4 See N. DoE, The Legal Framework of the Church of England, Oxford University

Press, Oxford, 1996.

THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN THE MEDIA IN THE UK 267

2. Constitutional framework

Despite the establishment of regional government in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, media regulation remains with the United Kingdom Parliament and Government, and there are few matters relevant to reli­gion and the media that are controlled by the regional governments.5

Among the organs of devolved government, only the Scottish Parliament has the competence to change the general criminal law and the law of obligations. It alone then might exercise its power to affect freedom of expression and freedom of religion and so have an impact on the repre­sentation of religion in the media.

111. Fundamental rights and freedoms

l. Constitutional protection of human rights

As the United Kingdom has no written constitution, freedom of religion and freedom of expression - the liberal political principies most relevant to this essay- have not been protected by entrenched constitutionallaw. The constitutional doctrine that Parliament is sovereign and is legally completely unfettered has for long dominated constitutional legal theory and has meant that in constitutional theory the protection of civil liber­ties is due to the self-restraint of the legislature. In practice, they have been protected by legislative responses to particular issues or by judicial development of the common law. Thus legislative exemptions from the general law have from time to time been made in the name of freedom of religion (e.g. the slaughter of animals in accordance with Jewish and Islamic law). The courts moderated the common law of blasphemy by, for example, allowing the expression of atheistic beliefs.

The U.K. is bound by the European Convention on Human Rights, but it has only been enforceable in the courts of the United Kingdom since 2000.6 Before this, the judges could make limited use of the European Convention to resolve ambiguities in the language of parliamentary leg­islation in favour of individual rights and freedoms ( on the assumption that Parliament would not have intended to enact legislation which had the effect of putting the UK in breach of its international obligations), or

s In the Northem Ireland sorne matters of media regulation are 'reserved matters' i.e. matters that may be transferred in the future. . .

6 On 2nd October 2000. It applied to the newly created Scottlsh Parhament and Exec­utive from 1999.

268 JAMESYOUNG

in developing the common law, since the Convention rights were held to be underlying common law principies. The Human Rights Act 1998 incorporated the ECHR into the law of the UK. A public authority acts unlawfully under the law of the United Kingdom, if it acts in a way that is incompatible with Convention Ríghts.7 Any person claiming to be the victim of such an act may take proceedings in the courts of the UK and rely on the Convention.

The issue of parliamentary sovereignty remains a politically sensitive one. Members of Parliament are reluctant to diminísh parliamentary sov­ereignty. The solution adopted by the Human Ríghts Act ís one which does not technically affect the theory of parliamentary sovereignty, but it does provide legal mechanísms which affect it in practice. First, a court must 'read and give effect to' parliamentary legislation (and subordinate legislation) in a way compatible wíth Convention rights, 'so far as it is possible todo so' .8 This allows a court a more creative interpretation of the words of legislatíon, adopting a meaning which is not the obvious one, in order to ensure compliance with the ECHR. If, however, it is not possible to give an interpretation consistent wíth Convention rights, then the courts are limited to making a 'declaration of incompatibilíty'. This declaration imposes no legal obligation on Parliament or the Executive to take remedial action. Thus, the ultimate constitutional authority of Par­liament to override Convention rights preserves the constitutional doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty.

Two Convention rights are given particular emphasis by the Human Rights Act. Section 12 provides that the courts must have 'particular regard to the importance of the Convention right to freedom of expres­sion ... ' This provision was a response to strong lobbying from represen­tatives of the press, afraid that the incorporation of the Convention might encourage the judges to develop legal regulation in place of the exis­ting system of self-regulation, especially in the protection of individual privacy. The importance of freedom of expression is to be given partic­ular consideration when the claimant is seeking to restrain publication, as opposed to seeking a remedy after publication. The practica! effect of this provision is contentious, but it does not affect the courts' duty to

7 Section 6. Convention Rights include all the rights and freedoms protected by Arti­cles 2 to 18 of the Convention (with the exception of Article 13), Protocoll & Protocol6 (Schedule 1 ).

8 'So far as it is possible todo so, ... legislation must be read and given effect in a way which is compatible with Convention rights' HRA, s. 3(1). This is a conscious borrowing from the principie of EC law that national legislation should be interpreted '.so far as is possible' to give effect to Community law.

THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN TITE MEDIA IN THE UK 269

enforce Convention rights and to balance freedom of expression against other rights and interests.9

On freedom of religion section 13 provides:

"If a court's determination of any question arising under this Act might affect the exercise by a religious organisation (itself or its members collec­tively) ofthe Convention right to freedom ofthought, conscience and religion, it must ha ve particular regard to the importan ce of that right."

This provision was added as a reassurance to representatives of sorne churches that the Convention might be used to require them to act contrary to the tenets of their faith.

2. Restraints on freedom of expression in defence of religion

(a) Criminallaw

(i) Blasphemy

English common law still criminalises blasphemy in certain circum­stances.l0 Since the common law is judge-made, there is no single author­itative wording of this offence. The most usually accepted one, which has received modern judicial support is:

"Every publication is said to be blasphemous which contains any contemp­tuous, reviling, scurrilous or ludicrous matter relating to God, Jesus Christ, or the Bible, or the formularles of the Church of England as by law established. It is not blasphemous to speak or publish opinions hostile to the Christian religion, or to deny the existence of God, if the publication is couched in decent and temperate language. The test to be applied is as to the manner in which the doctrines are advocated and not as to the substance of the doc­trines themselves." "Everyone who publishes any blasphemous document is guilty of ... pub­lishing a blasphemous libel." "Everyone who speaks blasphemous word<> is guilty of blasphemy." u

Although the English common law does not include a doctrine of obso­lescence, it had been assumed for fifty years that the crime of blasphemy

9 See eg Re S (a child) (identification: restriction on publication) [2003] EWCA Civ 963. Jo For an outstanding analysis ofthe law ofblasphemy, see C. UNSWORTH, 'Blasphemy,

Cultural Divergence and Legal Relativism' (1995) 58 Modem Law Review 658. ll L. STURGE, Stephen's Digest ofthe Criminal Law, London, 1950, p. 163. It should

be noted that it would be hard to justify references to the Church of England for blasphe­mies published in Wales, which does not have a separate legal system or Northem Ireland, which does. In Scotland there have been no modern uses of the common law offence of blasphemy and its scope is not clear, see G. MAHER, 'Blasphemy in Scots Law' [1977] Scots Law Times 257.

270 JAMES YOUNG

had become obsolete, in practica} terms. There were no prosecutions from 1922 until 1977. In 1977 a prosecution was brought by a prívate indi­vidual, 12 against the editor of a magazine called Gay News for publica­tion of a sexually explicit poem involving Christ. A jury convicted him of blasphemous libel. It was not argued that the crime did not exist, but it was argued for the defence that the editor had not intended to shock or outrage Christians. The House of Lords held that it was enough that he intended to publish the poem and that it was blasphemous. 13 An applica­tion to the European Commission of Human Rights was ruled inadmis­sible.14 There have been no prosecutions since Lemon, but the regulatory authority refused to grant a licence to a video entitled Visions of Ecstasy which portrayed erotic visions of Saint Teresa conceming Christ, on the grounds that its circulation would constitute the crime of blasphemy. In Wingrove v UK, 15 the European Court of Human Rights held that the restriction on freedom of expression was within the margin of apprecia­tion and that it was justified to protect the rights of others from religious offence by restricting freedom of expression.

Blasphemy has been criticised on a variety of grounds. In particular, it has been argued that, in privileging Christianity, it is discriminatory, since it only protects the Christian religion, and even then only the Church of England. In one case it was argued that the courts should extend the common law to protect adherents of other religions from outrage. 16

In contrast, the Law Commission 17 recommended the abolition of the offence. It concluded that the argument based on the protection of the Christian religion was out of place in the modero state that it was not the business of the law to assert the truth of one relígion, or indeed of the tenets of one church of that religion. ts No Govemment has attempted to implement this recommendation.

12 Generally a prívate cítizen may bríng a prívate prosecution. In relation to blasphe­

mous libel, a prosecution of a newspaper editor requires the permission of a High Court judge, Law of Libel Amendment Act 1888, s 8.

13 R v Lemon [1979] A.C. 617. 14 Gay News Ltd & Lemon v U.K., Application 8710/79. 15 Eu~opean Court of Human Rights, Reports of Judgements 1996-V, p. 1937. 16

R. v ChíefMetropolitan Sripendíary Magístrate, ex parte Choudhury [1991]1 Q.B. 429 the subject of this was Salman Rushdie' s novel Satanic Verses. An application to the Euro­pean Commission of Human Rights claiming discrimination in the protection of freedom of religion failed (Application 17439/90).

17 The Government's body for the study of law reform.

18 Law Commision, Report No. 145: 0./fences against Religion and Public Worship

(1985).

THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN THE MEDIA IN THE UK 271

(ii) Other offences against religion

It is a criminal offence In England and Wales and in Scotland to publish or distribute written material, which is threatening, abusive or insulting, with the intention of stirring up racial hatred or in circumstances whereby racial hatred is likely to be stirred up. The director or presenter of a pub­líe performance of a play containing such material may simil~rly be liable if he intends to stir up racial hatred or it is likely in the ctrcumstances to be stirred up. The sarne principies apply to the show~ng or ~laying of visual images or sounds, to broadcasting a programme mvolvmg t?reat­ening, abusive or insulting images or sounds. Attempts to extend thts law to stirring up religious hatred have failed, except in Northern Ireland, where it has been an offence since 1970 to stir up hatred against a group defined by religious belief. 19 .

There ha ve been two strands of argument against these attempts. Ftrst, the fear has been expressed that a law protecting religious sensibilities would unduly interfere with freedom of expression in criticising religious faiths. Secondly, it is said to be more difficult to find a satisfactory leg~l definition of 'religion' than of 'race'.20 One of the consequences of thts is that where ethnic origin and religion are closely intertwined, e.g. Sikhs and Jews, then the religious feelings are protected by association w~th racial group. On the other hand, world religions like Islam and Chns­tianity cannot benefit from this protection. These arguments were ~ot decisive in Northern Ireland, where the division between Roman Cathohcs and Protestants has been at the root of political turbulence.

(b) Civil law

The law of libel applies to all forms of media: newsp~pers, televi~ion and radio broadcasting and to the intemet. The test ot whether a hbel has been committed is that it is hkely to lower the claimant in the esti­mation of right-thinking members of the community generally; would the imputation tend to cause others to shun or avoid th~ ~laintiff? Would the words expose the plaintiff to hatted, contempt or ndtcule? However, religious organisations, as unincorporated associations, lack ~egal p~r~on­ality and so may not sue (orbe sued) for defamation. Thus, tf a rehgmus

19 Re-enacted in the Public Order (NI) Order 1987. . . . 20 Perhaps the definition of religion is not so problematic in a regwn .m .whtch: ~ccord­

ing to the 2001 census, only 0.3% of the population declared a non-Chnstmn rehgwus or philosophical belief

272 JAMESYOUNG

organisation believes itself to ha ve been misrepresented to its detriment, then the defamation is against each of the members of the organisation. 21

IV. The press and religion

l. The secular press

(i) Background

There is a wide range of newspapers in the United Kingdom, varying widely in their intended readership and their policies. There are four national daily newspapers The Daily Telegraph, The Guardian, The Inde­pendent, The Times, which have religious affairs joumalists. Two of these, The Daily Telegraph and The Independent have a weekly feature in which an author, sometimes a staff joumalist, often a guest writer, provides a religious perspective on sorne subject of topical interest. These all attempt to give wide news coverage. Other national newspapers do not claim to give such wide or deep news reporting. They vary in their target audiences and in the proportion of news coverage, as opposed to sport, entertain­ment and celebrity gossip. Northern Ireland, Scotland and W ales each has its own newspapers serving the region. Reporting of religious news or features on religious issues varies in response to the news and the level of interest that the issue is likely to have for readers.

In addition to the traditional national newspapers, there are various newspapers directed towards particular ethnic communities in the United Kingdom. For example, the Ethnic Media Group publishes weekly news­papers for British Asians, Asian Times and Eastern Eye, for the Africans, African Times, for the Caribbean Community, Caribbean Times. These do not routinely include specifically religious features, but report on news relating to faiths and denominations relevant to their target readership.

(ii) Regulation

There is no state regulation of newspaper content, other than the require­ment of compliance with the generallaw. Instead, since 1953 the news­paper industry has developed a system of self-regulation, now overseen by the Press Complaints Comrnission (PCC), established in 1991.22 The Chairman of the Commission is independent of the industry and its

21 P. MnMo & W.V.H. RooERs, Gatley on Libel and Slander, 9th ed. London, 1998, p. 185. 22 See generally R. SHANNON, A Press Free and Responsible: Self-Regulation and the

Press Complaints Commission 1991-2001, London, 2001.

THE REPRESENTATION OF REUGION IN TIIE MEDIA IN THE UK 273

membership includes members of the industry and la y people. The Com­mission has developed a Code of Practice23 covering a wide range of mat­ters. The only one to refer specifically to religion is Article 13:

i) The press must avoid prejudicial or pejorative reference to a person's race, colour, religion, sex or sexual orientation orto any physical or mental illness or disability. ii) It must avoid publíshing details of a person's race, colour, religion, sexual orientation, physical or mental illness or disability unless these are directly relevant to the story.

The Commission encourages complaints to be settled, in the first place, between the newspaper concemed and the complainant. The few complaints conceming religion, which have gone to adjudication by the Commis­sion's complaints committee,24 have concemed issues of accuracy or com­plaints that a report unfavourable to a person has irrelevantly referred to that person's religion.25 Newspapers and magazines are free to accept religious advertising subject to the general law and the PCC Code. The advertising industry has its own system of regulation, discussed below.

2. The religious press26

The main religions in the UK have their own newspapers or journals. All the main Christian denominations publish newspapers on a weekly or monthly basis. The Christian newspapers are generally concemed with news about their own denomination, although they also bring a Christian perspective to bear on news of national and intemational importance. The Jewish press, such as the Jewish Chronicle, does not fit a neat secular/reli­gious categorisation, since while providing a range of Jewish religious perspectives, it also encompasses secular Jewish opinion. Of particular interest in the minority religious press is the monthly Muslim News, since it is concemed not only with serving the Muslim community in the United Kingdom with a Muslim perspective on national and intemational news, but actively seeks to provide a counterweight to what is perceived to be 'the media's anti-Muslim stance and Islamophobia on various issues -

21 This has been adopted by the Society of Editors, an organisation with members from the print and broadcast media.

24 Eight since 1995. 25 I have been unsuccessful in obtaining responses from newspapers about their inter­

na! policies in relation to the portrayal of religion. 26 The Press Complaints Commission does not keep a list of newspaper publishers

accepting its jurisdiction and I have received no replíes from the sample of newspapers to which I have written.

274 JAMES YOUNG

political (both domestic and intemational), education, employment and religion. ' 27

V. Broadcasting and religion

l. The broadcasting landscape

The growth of satellite and cable and of digital technology has, of course, changed the broadcasting landscape of the UK considerably and it has prompted a significant change in tbe regulatory framework. The Com­munications Act 2003 replaces the existing patchwork of regulatory bod­ies with a single Office of Communications (to be known as OFCOM), which was set up before the passage of the Communications Act to facil­itate a smootb transition to the new regime.28 It takes over the functions of five existing regulators: Independent Television Commission (ITC) in licensing and overseeing standards in terrestrial, satellite and cable television; the Radio Authority (RA) in doing the same for radio; Broad­casting Standards Commission in overseeing standards in radio and tele­vision; the Radiocommunications Authority for the management of the radio spectrum; the telecommunications industry regulator (OFTEL). During the transition, the regulatory codes remain in force. I have drawn on the practice of the previous regulators, for in tbe short term there is unlikely to be an immediate substantive change of practice.

(a) Television

The core of British television is made up of five national terrestrial analogue channels, which are also broadcast on satellite, cable and digital terrestrial ser­vices. These make up public service television and the licensed broadcasters are subject to certain duties as regards the range of programming that they provide. The BBC broadcasts six digital television channels. There are hundreds of companies licensed to provide television programmes, where reg­ulation concerns not the range or type of programmes broadcast, but the stan­dards in such matters as taste and decency observed within the programmes.

(b) Radio

The BBC is responsible for public service radio broadcasting. There are six national terrestrial channels (Radios 1 to 5). Northem Ireland, Scotland

27 Statement of editorial policy to be found at www.muslimnews.co.uk. 28 Office of Communications Act 2002.

THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN THE lVI.EDIA IN THE UK 275

and Wales also have separate regional radio channels. There are addi­tionally thirty eight BBC local radio stations and four exclusively digital terrestrial BBC radio services. There are over 250 independent radio sta-

tions.

2. Regulating religious broadcasting on secular services

(a) The British Broadcasting Corporation29

The BBC's regulatory framework is a complex interrelationship of dif­ferent sources. The BBC is a corporate legal body established by Royal Charter.3o This Charter confers on tbe BBC legal personality and estab­lishes its constitutional structure. The BBC is funded by a television licence fee, paid by the viewing public. The fixing of the fee and the renewal of the BBC's licence to broadcast are subject to an agreement between the BBC and the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport. This agreement imposes certain duties on the BBC, and forms the basis for state regulation of the content and form of broadcasting. Overall respon­sibility for the implementing the terms of the Charter and Agreement rests with the Board of Governors, which has ultimate responsibility for the policies and standards of BBC programming. The chief executive is the Director-General who is answerable to the Board of Governors. The BBC has its own complaints procedure, but it ís also possible to complain to OFCOM, as successor to the Broadcasting Standards Commission.

(i) The duty to broadcast religious programmes

Under its licence the BBC is required to 4lclude in its services 'programmes of an educational nature' which are defined to include 'religious pro­grammes'. 31 The general duties imposed by the agreement are fleshed out by guidance to producers of programmes broadcast on the BBC. Of gen­eral relevance to the representation of religions is the requirement that 'no significant strand of thought should go unreflected or und~r-repre~ented on the BBC. ' 32 Reflecting a multi-faith Britain is a recumng subJeCt of

29 On the early history of religious broadcasting, see K.M. WoLFE, The Churches and the British Broadcasting Corporation 1922-1956, London, 1984. . .

30 Under the ancient prerogative, the Crown may create corporat10ns w1th legal perso­nality. Thus many universities are established and constituted by royal charter.

31 BBC Licence Agreement, clause 3.2(e). 32 Producers Guidelines (2003), Chapter 2, Part l, section l. General Guidelines on Impar-

tiality and Accuracy.

276 JAMES YOUNG

discussion within the BBC. A Head of Religion and Ethics is responsi­ble for developing a strategy for religious material for television, radio and the internet, and for commissioning programmes. It is an indication of the broadening of the scope of religious broadcasting that he is the first non-Christian to occupy this position.33

The BBC has a network of advisory committees with a membership from outside the Corporation. In religious broadcasting the most impor­tant is the Central Religious Advisory Committee (CRAC). The impor­tance attached to the religious programming in the history of public broad­casting was evident from the early history of the BBC. The predecessor of CRAC (the 'Sunday Committee'), established in 1923 was the first of all the advisory committees. This is a body established to advise the BBC and the Independent regulatory bodies for television and radio 'on reli­gious broadcasting policy and to comment on programmes once broad­cast.' Membership of the Committee is 'both clerical and lay and drawn from the main Christian denominations and from the other world reli­gions, which are part of the fabric of British religious life. '34 Its role is purely advisory, but it reports annually on the year's broadcasts and more broadly on religious broadcasting policy.

In addition to CRAC, there are various other bodies set up to report to and offer advice to the Board of Govemors. Northem Ireland, Scotland and Wales have their own Broadcasting Councils, established under the BBC Charter. In Scotland, the Council has established its own advisory group on religion. In England there are eleven regional councils and a Council for The Asían Network. Each of the thirty six BBC local radio stations is over­seen by a local council. The members of these councils form the English National Forum, which in turn reports directly to the Board of Governors.

(ii) Representing religion

In the year 2002-2003, BBC Television was committed to broadcasting a mínimum of 112 hours of religious programmes on its two main chan­nels. In addition, the digital television channel, BBC 4, set up to provide intellectual and cultural diversity different from the mainstream channels is committed to 'seek to reflect the multi-faith nature of Britain in regu­lar programming' and 'to examine the role of faiths in a changing world'. The duty of religious broadcasting is discharged by Radio 2, committed

33 .The son of a Christian anda Jew, he professes to be agnostic. 34 Currently this includes 8 Christians, a Bhuddist, a Jew and a Muslim.

THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN THE MEDIA IN THE UK 277

to 150 hours of religious output in the year 2002-2003, and Radio 4, committed to 180 hours. Many BBC regional and local radio stations include religious material. The Asían Network has regular devotional music from different Asían faiths. On both television and radio the reli­gious output is still predominantly Christian. Devotional broadcasts, as opposed to documentary programmes, are entirely Christian. For example, on radio a daily service of Christian worship is broadcast from Monday to Friday,35 a morning service broadcast from a Christian church on Sun­day moming,36 and Choral Evensong from an Anglican church once-a­week. However, meditational programmes on BBC radio are now divided between dífferent speakers. Thus the six days-a-week Prayer for the Day on Radio 4, while still dominated by Christian, includes speakers of other faiths. Sirnilarly, the daily Thought for the Day is rotated amongst a panel of speakers of dífferent faiths (Bahá'í, Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, Sikhísm), of whom two each week are normally of a non-Christian faith. lt has been a source of sorne contention that atheist or non-religious contributors have been excluded.

The question of sensitivity in religious issues is dealt with in the BBC's Agreement. The BBC agrees to do all that it can to secure that pro­grammes 'do not involve improper exploitation of any susceptibilities of those watching or listening to its religious programmes or any abusive treatment of the religious views and beliefs of those belonging to a par­ticular religion or religious denomination.' 37 The Producers' Guidelines give additional guidance:

"Deep offence will also be caused by profane references or disrespect, whether verbal or visual, directed at deities, scriptures, holy days and rituals which are at the heart of various religions - for example, the Crucifixion, the Gospels, the Koran, the Jewish Sabbath. It is against the Muslim religion to represent the prophet Mohannned in any shape or form. Language must be used sensi­tively and accurately and be consistent in our description of different reli­gions. Use of a term such as 'Islamic Fundamentalist' has to pass the test of whether we would talk about Christian or Hindu Fundamentalism. " 38

(b) Independent secular television

The prívate sector of broadcasting is passed by the Communications Act 2003 from the ITC to OFCOM. The regulator grants licences to broadcast on

35 Introduced first in 1928. 36 First introduced in 1935. 37 Op. cit., clause 5.1(e). 38 Supra, n 34, Part 6, section 9, 'Taste and Decency'.

278 JAMES YOUNG

the public service analogue terrestrial channels 3, 439 and 5. Channel 3 is divided into fifteen regions and a licence is granted to broadcast for one of the regions. Channel 4's remit differs from the other channels in that it is required to provide for minority interests and to be,innovative and experimental. Legislation imposes certain conditions on what may be broadcast and these are included in the conditions of the licence, which is subject to annual review by the regulator. The regulator produces and enforces the Programme Code, concemed with standards to be observed in programmes, and the Advertising Standards Code. The ITC has shared the Central Religious Advisory Committee with the BBC, although not legally required to have such an advisory body. Under the new regula­tory scheme OFCOM retains a power to establish advisory bodies, and it might be expected that this arrangement will continue.40

(i) Duty to broadcast religious prograrnmes

Until 1990, there was no legal requirement on the independent public ser­vice television broadcasters to include religious programming, it was sim­ply understood. In 1990, partly as a quid pro quo for the disqualifícation of religious bodies from holding licences, the regional Channel 3 licensees were required to ensure that 'a sufficient amount of time is given ... to religious programmes.' No such requirement was imposed on Channels 4 and 5, but they do broadcast religious programmes and are required to do so by the terms of their licences.

It is now the duty of OFCOM to ensure that the 'services (taken together) include what appears to OFCOM to be a suitable quantity and range of programmes dealing with a list of topics, which includes 'relí­gion and other beliefs'.41 Prograrnmes dealing with religion and other beliefs must include 'information about different religions and beliefs', the history of different religions and 'programmes showing acts of wor­ship and other ceremonies and practices (including sorne showing acts of worship and other ceremonies in their entirety' .42 The ITC did not pub­lish guidelines on what constituted 'a sufficient amount of time', but the Annual Report for 2001 reveals the requirements and performance for

39 Channel4 in Wales (S4C) is not licensed by the television regulator. Since its primary function is to provide a Welsh language service, which would not be commercially viable, it is funded by public money and overseen by a Board

4° Communications Act s. 13(5). 41 S. 264(6)(f). The others are science, social issues, matters of intemational significance

or interest and matters of specialist interest. 42 S. 264(6)(g).

THE REPRESENTATION OF REUGION IN TIIE MEDIA IN THE UK 279

that year. Channel 3 was required to, and did, broadcast 104 hours of reli­gious broadcasting; Channel 4 was required to broadcast 52 hours, but actually broadcast 73; Channel 5 was required to broadcast 52 hours and broadcast 46.

(ii) Representing religion

The Programme Code provides that:

"In general, religious programmes on Channels 3, 4 and 5 should reflect the worship, thought and action of the mainstream religious traditions present in the United Kingdom, recognising that these are mainly, though not exclu­sively, Christian. Religious programmes provided for a particular region or locality should take account of the religious make-up of the area served. "43

Channel 3 alone carries programmes of Christian worship. Religious broadcasting is still predominantly concemed with Christianity, but there is an increasing number of programmes exploring other religious faiths. Moreover, programmes concerning Christianity, in particular, may take a sceptical view of sorne aspect of Christian belief or of a particular denomination. In its annual report reviewing broadcasting in 2001, the ITC made two specific comments about religious programming. The first was that television broadcasting had 'started to recognise more fully that this is a multi-faith society.' Channel 4 was particularly praised for its daily coverage of the Hindu Kumbh Mela festival and a programme enti­tled 'Understanding Islam'. The other concem was the fact that Channel 4 alone had broadcast any religious programme during 'peak-time viewing' (from 18.00 to 22.30).

It is impossible within the compass of this essay to give a picture of broadcasting on other independent secular channels, although these are often devoted to particular interests, such as sport, 'lifestyle', cooking, and leave no room for relígious broadcasting.

Legislation requires that the regulator's code on standards and fairness in programmes should include provisions designed to prevent 'any improper exploitation of any susceptibilities of the audience', or 'any abusive treatment of the religious views and beliefs of those belonging to a particular religion or religious denomination. '44 The Programme Code tries to achieve these aims, without emasculating the religious content. Thus it is permissible to propound and propagate a religious belief in a

43 ITC, Programme Code (2002), para. 7.3. 44 Communications Act s. 319(6).

280 JAMES YOUNG

programme, but this should not denigrate other beliefs and should not, on a secular channel, be designed to recruit viewers to a religion or denom­ination. Claims for special powers or abilities can only be included in 'legitimate' investigative programmes. There are also provisions restrict­ing appeals for money, offering follow-up material in the form of books videos etc.45 '

(iii) Television Advertising

The Advertising Standards Code sets standards for religious advertising. lts aims are:

a) to reduce the risk of damage to the inter-group relations that are essen­tial to a successful pluralist society

b) t~ ~rotect the you~g and safeguard the right of parents to take responsi­brhty for theu chrldren's moral and philosophical education without undue interference

e) to protect viewers who are emotionally vulnerable for personal reasons such as sickness or bereavement '

d) to den y the persuasive power and emotional impact of television adver-tising to potentially harmful or coercive groups.46

The guidelines extend to advertising, the objectives of which are 'con­cerned with religion, faith or other philosophies or beliefs', or which has 'a doctrinal objective'. 47 Licensees are free to carry no religious adver­tising, but they must not exercise unreasonable discrimination against or in favour of a particular advertiser. A religious advertisement must clearly identify the advertiser. No organisation may advertise if 'its rites or other forms of collective worship are not normally directly accessible to the public'. To protect viewers from coercive pressure, no body may adver­tise if it 'has been shown' to pressurise people into joining or obstructs members from leaving. Also a written assurance must be given that no representative will call on a respondent to the advertisement without prior arrangement. Occult, psychic practices and exorcism may not generally be advertised (although there is an exception for advertisements for 'tarot­based prediction' that is purely for entertainment). There are strict limits on what may be included in an advertisement. It is only acceptable to publicise events, to describe an organisation's activities, name contact

45 Op. cit. para. 7. 46 ITC Advertising Code (September 2002), section 10.

_47

!bid:, s. 10.2. The term 'doctrinal' is not defined, but presumably means that the obJectrve rs to communicate the tenets of that religion, faith, etc.

THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN THE MEDIA IN THE UK 281

details, or offer merchandise. lt is not acceptable to expound beliefs or proselytise, to claim benefits, to offer counselling, to denigrate other doc­trines, to prey on people's fears, to exploit children or other vulnerable groups, Appeals for funds are not allowed, although religious charities may appeal for money, provided it is to be spent for the benefit of 'dis­advantaged third parties', and the provision of the benefit has no ulterior objective, for example, proselytising.

(e) Independent secular radio

There is no public service radio broadcasting, other than that provided by the BBC. Many of the radio stations are predominantly music stations, and it is impossible to summarise the diversity in the treatment of reli­gion. One example of the opportunity that radio gives minority groups is Asían Gold, which, in a diverse schedule, is committed to providing reli­gious programming for Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. The programme and advertising and sponsorship codes for radio contain similar, but less detailed, rules. 'Religious advertisements' form one of the 'special cate­gories' of advertisement that require clearance from the Radio Advertis­ing Clearance Centre, before being accepted for broadcast.

3. Regulating religious broadcasters

(a) Restrictions on religious organisations as radio and television licensees

One of the more contentious issues during debates on the new regulatory framework for broadcasting has been the restrictions on a religious body holding a television broadcasting licence. Until 1990 there were no such restrictions. The Broadcasting Act 1990 provided that 'a body whose objects are wholly or mainly religious in nature' was 'disqualified' from holding a licence. However, it was not only such a religious body that was disqualified, it extended to corporations controlled by such bodies, or in which such a body has more than a 5% interest, and to 'an officer' of a religious body. The disqualification was not absolute and any body or person disqualified on religious grounds might apply for certain categories of licence. As regards television services a religious body was able to apply to have the disqualification lifted in relation to a restricted category of satellite services48 and 'licensable programmes

48 'Non-domestic satellite services' as defined in the Broadcasting Act, s. 43(2). This excludes services transmitted by satellite from the U. K., for general reception in the U.K., on a frequency allocated to the U.K. by intemational agreement.

282 JAMES YOUNG

services'; 49 as regards radio the regulator could grant any licence other than a licence to broadcast nationally. Two main arguments have been put in favour of such restrictions. First, scarcity of broadcasting frequencies meant that it was not in the interests of a pluralistic and varied broad­casting to give control of a scarce resource to a body which was likely to limit broadcasting diversity. Secondly, there was afear that 'inappro­priate' religious groups might try to obtain a licence. American 'tele­evangelists', exploiting the medium to raise funds, were cited in support of this fear, along with cults such as the 'Moonies'.

As digital broadcasting has undermined the scarcity argument, the Govemment has gradually yielded to the pressure from certain Chris­tian groups. The Communications Act 2003 provides that a religious body (with its extended meaning) is disqualified only from holding a Channel 3 licence, a Channel 5 licence, national analogue television or radio licences, television and radio multiplex licences or a public teletext licence.50 A 'religious body' may not hold a licence for any other radio or television service, unless it has been approved by OFCOM as appro­priate to hold a licence, in accordance with published guidance.51 Under the previous law, in determining whether it was appropriate for a religious body or person to hold a licence the regulatory authority considers (i) whether the body or person would be able to adhere to the Authority's programme and advertising and sponsorship codes (ii) whether the 'current aims or practices of the body or person are compatible with the Author­ity's News and Current Affairs and Programme Code and Advertising and Sponsorship Code. This will exclude those practising or advocating illegal behaviour, or those whose 'rites or other forms of collective obser­vance are not normally directly accessible to the general public. '52 The regulator's guidelines for applicants for television licensees are sub­stantially the same. There is no definition of 'religious' in the Act and there has been no litigation to determine what amounts to religion in this context.53

49 A_ s.ervice w?ich enables broadcast between places, covering, for example, a relay

of a rehgwus serv1ce to severa! churches, Broadcasting Act 1990, s. 46(1). 50

Broadcasting Act 1990, Schedule 2, Part 2, para. 2(1) & (lA), added by the Com­munications Act 2003, s. 348.

51 Communications Act 2003, schedule 14, para 15. 52

Radio Authority, Ownership Guidelines, (2002) p. 13. (This Code continues in force under OFCOM, until it chooses to revise or replace it).

53 There ha ve been considerations of what constitutes a religious body in other contexts

but it would be unwise to extrapolate from them. '

THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN THE MEDIA IN THE UK 283

(b) Religious television channels

Nine cable and satellite licences have been granted for religious broad­casting. Eight of these are Christian and broadcast only Christian material, eg worship, meditation, evangelism, Christian music. One of them is Mus­lim, broadcasting which is not all religious in the narrow sense, but is influenced by a Muslim perspective. These licensees must agree to abide by the programme and advertising codes. The Christian broadcasters are evangelicals, and so sorne of the requirements, based on liberal pluralism are exacting.

"lt is quite proper for a religious body or member of it positively to advocate the merits of a particular religious belief, or view of life, But religious pro­grammes must not persuade or influence viewers by preying on their fears. "54

Preaching about damnation and hell-fire might infringe this provision. Fur­thermore, proselytising may not involve the denigration of other beliefs. However, the requirement that 'religious programmes ... may not be designed for the purpose of recruiting viewers to any particular religious faith or denomination' does not apply to 'specialist religious channels'. One channel was held in breach of the Programme Code for its treatment of a vulnerable minority, by broadcasting a programme in which it was claimed that homosexuals could be 'set free' from their affliction.55 Another channel has twice breached the code by broadcasting exorcisms, which is only e ver permissible in the context of a 'legitimate investigation'. 56

Fund-raising in programmes is restricted to appeals for funds on behalf of religious charities and will only be permitted 'if the charities can demonstrate that any proceeds from such appeals will be devoted solely to disadvantaged third parties. They should not be associated with the promotion of any other religious objective (e.g. proselytising),' The same restriction applies to an appeal in a separate advertisement. Since the appeal for money is a common feature of American television evange­lism, the broadcasters have to exercise particular care here.57

(e) Radio

Religious radio licensees, as with TV, are overwhelmingly evangelical Christian, sorne of them relying heavily on material imported from the

54 Programme Code, Para. 7.7. 55 ITC, Complaints Reports 02/11/02, complaint against The Wonderful Channel. 56 !bid., 01/12/97 complaint against Christian Channel Europe. 57 See ITC, Complaints Reports, 01/02/98, 01!12/98.

284 JAMES YOUNG

U.S.A., and the regulatory codes are similar, as are the problems of com­pliance.

VI. Religion and the arts

There is little regulation of the content of the arts. Provided it is within the generallaw, regulation depends on the market, through the responses of customers, the responses of retailers and distributors, or in sorne cases public or private funders of the arts. One exception to this is cinema and video. The local govemment authority licenses cinemas. Amongst the conditions usually imposed on cinema owners is the requirement that they comply with system of certification of the British Board of Film Classi­fication (BBFC). The BBFC provides national consistency by giving a classification to films indicating the audience for which the film is suited (e.g. whether it is suitable for children, for children accompanied by an adult, up to whether it should only be shown in restricted adult outlets) It can also refuse a classification. In a similar interaction between legis­lation and self-regulation, the BBFC has been nominated by the Minister, under the Video Recordings Act 1984, to classify videos for distribution. A certificate may be refused on the grounds that distribution of the video would be in breach of the law of blasphemy.

VTI. The internet and telecommunications

Regulation of intemet content is limited to the criminallaw, and the Gov­emment has decided not to regulate content under the Communications Act 2003. The system of self-regulation is rudimentary. The Internet Service Providers Association (ISPA) has a regulatory code that is not detailed. While members should 'use reasonable endeavours to ensure that . . . services . . . and promotional material do not contain material inciting violence, cruelty or racial batred, there is no mention of religious hatred.

Technological advances have meant that it is possible to access videos on demand over telecommunications connections. As a consequence, and after pressure from the Government, the Video-on-Demand Association has produced a code of practice, which commits the industry to observing the broadcasting regulators' programme and advertising codes.

VTII. Advertising

The Press, Radio and Television all have regulatory mechanisms applic­able to advertising. Additionally advertising through all media is subject

THE REPRESENTATION OF RELIGION IN THE MEDIA IN THE UK 285

to the standards set by the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA). This is a body set up by the Advertising industry to regulate standards in adver­tising. Established in 1961, the ASA's slogan is that an adv~rtisement should be 'legal, decent, honest and truthful'. The code of prachce, ~~der the heading of decency provides that The British Code of Advert~smg, Sales Promotion and Direct Marketing advertisers should take particular care to avoid causing offence on the grounds of, ínter alia, relígion.

58

Most of the complaints that have been upheld have involved ~e u~e of or adaptation of images with a religious reference, such as usmg vtsual

references to the Crucifixion.

IX. Conclusion

It will be clear from this essay that the regulation of the representation of religion in the various media varies immensely, from a mínimal.light­ness of touch in music and the visual arts to the developed regulatwn of public service broadcasting. It has been impossible wit~in .the ~cope of thís essay to give anything more than a glimpse of th1s dtverslty. The ímpression remains that, whatever the concern to reflect. a. multicu~t~ral multi-faith society, Christianity remains the dominant rellgwus.trad~tton, reflected in the extent of its representation, positive and negatlVe, m all

the medía.

58 Advertising Standards Authority,The British Code of Advertising, Sales Promotion

and Direct Marketing (2003), para. 5.1.

NORMAN DOE

Cardiff University

RELIGION AND MEDIA LAW IN EUROPE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY

SUMMARY: l. Religion and the press- A. The secular press- l. Regula­tion by state laws - 2. Self-regulation by the press - B. The religious press - l. State regulation - 2. Self-regulation - 11. Religion, radio, tele­vision and internet - A. Secular broadcasting services - l. State regula­tion- 2. Secular television and radio: self-regulation- B. Religious chan­nels: television and radio - C. The intemet - III. Religion and the arts -IV. Conclusion.

The relationship between, on the one hand, freedom of expression and, on the other, freedom of and respect for religion, has come into sharp focus across Europe in recent years, not least as a result of the impact of the European Convention on Human Rights, in which these two freedoms are articulated. The portrayal of religion, and the permissible limits of this, raise a host of issues of relevance not only to the media but also to govemments and society generally. The way religion is portrayed condi­tions not only society's understanding of religion but also impacts on political relations between religious groups, society at large and the state. The following deals with the portrayal of religion in (a) the press; (b) tele­vision, radio and intemet; and (e) the arts. 1 lt seeks simply to describe the key similarities and differences between the laws of the member states of the European Union. lt also attempts to elucidate, from the similarities, principies of media law on religion shared by states.

Media law on religion, in each of the member states, functions within the wider context of state laws which provide for the protection of both freedom of expression, exercised by the media, and freedom of religion,

1 I am grateful to the national reporters, at the conference of the European Consor­tium for Church and State Research, hosted at Cardiff University, 21-24 November 2002, on The Portrayal of Religion in Europe: the Media and the Arts, for the material con­tained in their papers which forms the basis of this study, and to the chairs of each ses­sion at the conference for highlighting areas for discussion and for providing ideas about possible frameworks within which a comparative study may be effected, namely: Sophie van Bijsterveld (Tilburg), Axel von Campenhausen (Gottingen), and Gerhard Robbers (Trier).

288 NORMANDOE

exercised by individuals and by religious organisations.2 Freedom of expres­sion may seek to enable the media to convey to society ideas and informa­tion,3 to develop public opinion,4 and to facilitate intellectua1,5 and artistic creativity,6 to the extent permitted by the laws of each state. Freedom of reli­gion may seek both to utilise and to limit freedom of expression: to enable the expression of religious ideas,? without distinction between religious belief or practice,8 and to prohibit discrimination on grounds of religion,9 to the extent authorised by the law of the state. Indeed, sorne states mix these values: their laws pro vide for freedoms of expression and information, JO

and freedom of religion itself may include for religious groups the right to communicate the faith and to create mass media for this purpose. 11 The assumption by the state of competence over the media is a commonplace. 12

l. Religion and the press

This section summarises the means by which the laws of states deal with religion in the secular press and the religious press, and it outlines

2 Gerrnany: Art. 140 of the Basic Law incorporares the fundamental provisions of the

Weimar Constitution,of ~hich Art. 137 (which forbids any establishment of religion) streng~hens ~e collecti~e ngh.t under Art. 4 of the Basic Law: religious corporations, with status m pubhc 1aw, enJoya nght to self-detennination on the basis of the collective right to religious liberty; the exercise of the right is subject to such restrictions as may be imposed by the state in law 'valid for all'.

3 See eg Gennany, Grundgesetz, Arts. 5 and 19: freedom of expression is exercisable both by individuals and by corporations as a guarantee to limit legislative, executive and judicial power on the part of the state.

4 See eg Ireland, Constitution, Art. 40.6: 'The education ofpublic opinion [is] ... a mat­

ter of ... grave import to the common good'. 5 Po~ugal, Constitution, Art. 37: 'the right to express and publicise thoughts freely, by

words, unages or other means, and the right to impart, obtain and receive inforrnation without hindrance or discrimination'; the exercise of this right must not be prevented by any forrn of censorship.

6 See eg Finland, Constitutional Freedom of Expression Act, Art. 12: in freedom of expression, no distinction is made between religious, political, artistic, scientific or other forrns of expression or communication.

7 Luxembourg, Constitution, Art. 19: freedom of religion embraces the right to manifest religious opinions.

8 Gennany, Gmndgesetz, Art. 4. 9 lreland, Constitution, Art. 44: 'The state guarantees freedom of religion (profession

and practice), subject to publíc order and morality, and the state must not discriminare on grounds of religious profession, belief or status'.

10 Spain, Constitution, Art. 20.1. ll Spain, Constitution, Art. 16. :2 Spain, C?~stitution, Art. 149.1.27: the state has exclusive jurisdiction over the press,

radio and teleVIsiOn and all other media wíthout prejudíce to the powers of the autonomous (regional) communities.

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EURO PE 289

the ways in which both the secular and religious press regulate them­selves.

A. The Secular Press

l. Regulation by State Laws

(1) Freedom of the Press

There is a high degree of uniformity in the European Union with respect to the structure of state laws which deal with the secular press: they enable freedom and they limit its enjoyment. It is a common feature of state laws that they provide for the protection of freedom of the press. Sorne times freedom of the press is protected by means of the constitution, as in ltaly,D or sorne other fundamentallaw, as in Austria, 14 and sorne­times freedom in journalistic opinion is protected by a designated body of press law, as in France.15 Freedom of expression through the press may be cast as a right, as in Greece, 16 or as a duty imposed on the state, as appears in the Irish constitution: 'the State shall endeavour to ensure that.. .the ... press ... whilst preserving [its] rightfulliberty of expression, including criticism of Government policy, shall not be used to undermíne public order or morality or the authority of the State'. 17

Freedom of the press may also embrace an assumed liberty to estab­lish newspapers, as is the case in Sweden, or a formal right to do so, as in Portugal where a press may be founded without prior administrative authorisation. 18 The same right in Spain has been recognised by the Constitutional Court as necessary for the formation and development of public opinion.19 Indeed, in the Netherlands, where the relationship of the state to the press is characterised by distance and diversity, the state operates a Press Fund to provide financial support for the reorganisation of secular periodicals; but: 'Their publication or distribution may not be connected with membership or sponsorship of or participatíon in an asso­ciation, religious society or other organisation'.20

13 Constitution, Art. 21. 14 Fundamental Law, Art. 13. 15 Law of 1 August 1986. 16 Constitution, Art. 14. 17 Constitution, Art. 40.6. 18 Constitution, Art. 38 and Law of 26.2.1975: there is also freedom of editorial direction

though this does not apply in relation to media of a 'doctrinal or denominational character'. 19 12/1982 March 31. 20 Netherlands, Media Act 1987, s. 129.

290 NORMANDOE

Generally, whilst state laws may define press activities (as in Ger­many),21 they do not explicitly líst the coverage of religion and religious affairs amongst the functions of the press. In Belgium, for example, free­dom of the press is guaranteed by the constitution,22 and diversity of opio­ion in the press by ordinary law,23 but there is no specific treatment of relígious coverage in press law; indeed, this absence coincides with the apparent gradual secularisation of the Belgian press, though it is possi­ble to identify a religious character in the historical origins and develop­ment of severa! major newspapers in Belgium.24 Consequently, in most countries, such as Sweden and Finland, it may be assumed that there is a liberty to cover religion flowing from the silence of the law: no law for­bids it. An alternative German understanding, however, is that freedom of the press to cover religious affairs is based on the constitutional right of freedom of expression - but, again, there is no specific duty on the press to cover religion; 25 the German press may also express its own reli­gious viewpoint on the basis of the right to freedom of religion.26 By way of contrast, in Austria, the ideological convictions of journalists are pro­tected by labour law; a media employee, including a journalist, has the right to refuse to collaborate in schemes which offend their religious con­victions. 27

(2) State Law Limitations on Press Freedom: Criminal Law

Generally, European states do not employ civillaw mechanisms to reg­ulate press coverage of religion nor do they require equal treatment of dif­ferent religions: the press is free to choose topics and express opinions on any religious tradition, though there are sometimes formal legal rights to reply (as in France),28 protection ofreligious data on individuals,29 and

21 Most Lander laws provide that: 'The press fulfils a public function, in particular by procuring and disseminating news, expressing opinions, voicing criticism, or in another way participating in the process of shaping opinions': Landespressegesetz of Northrhine­Westphalía.

22 Constitution, Art. 25. 23 Law 19 July 1979. 24 Eg De Standaard is historically Christian and recent years have seen an íncrease in

relígious coverage. Der Morgen has seen a similar trend. 25 Germany, Grundgesetz, Art. 5(1). 26 Germany, Grundgesetz, Art. 4. 27 Austria, Media Act, §2. 28 Law 1 August 1986, Art. 13. _29_ In Germ~y, .the press is not entitled to claim media access to information held by

r~hg~ous org~rusat10ns. Press _Iaws prescribe that public authorities must, in principie, gtve mformatton to representatlves of the press if useful to fulfil their public function: but

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EURO PE 291

respect for religious feelíngs which may be subject to special church-state agreements (as in Spain).30 The norm is to find limitations on press free­doro in prohibitive criminallaws rather than preceptive civillaws.

States employ a variety of general criminal offences which may apply to the press in its coverage of religion. A crime of insult to religion oper­ates in France.31 Outrage to religion is an offence in Italy,32 where also the courts have held people responsible for religious defamation.

33 In Por­

tugal it is a crime to incite religious violence, and to insult or defame individuals or groups on grounds of religion.34 In Sweden, it is an offence for a publication to effect racial agitation, and it is understood that this imposes a duty on the press to respect religion. And in Luxembourg, state law forbids the secular press to deride a cult established within the terri­tory.35 In Spain it is a crime to offend publicly the religious feelings of the members of religious denominations, by word or in writing, or the beliefs or rites of a religious denomination, or to vex publicly those who profess or practise religion; it is also a crime to insult those who do not

profess or practise any religion.36

States commonly restrict liability to offensive communications which are likely to result in breaches of public order and peace. In Germany two crimes include this limitation: it is a crime to incite people against social groups, which may include religious groups, in a way which is likely to disturb the peace: in relation to the press, both the author and the collaborators are punishable; 37 and it is a crime to insult faiths, religious societies and organisations when the insult is likely to disturb the public peace: however, even harsh and unbalanced criticism of reli­gion may be permissible.38 Similarly, Austria forbids incitement against a religious community or against a group defined by their members'

religious bodies, even having public corporation status, are not public authoritie~. Religi?us organisations are subject to the right of privacy. Disclosure to the press of tnformatton held by religious bodies organísed under private law is govemed by the Federal D~ta Protec­tion Act, whereas religious corporations in publíc law have their own data protecttons la~s.

30 Agreement on Education and Cultural Affairs, Art. 14: the sta:e must ensure that 1ts social media shall respect the feelings of Catholics and shall establtsh .... agreements con-ceming these matters with the Spanish Episcopal Conference'. . .

31 See cg the decision of the París Court of Appeal 13 November 1997: a deptction of

a guillotined pope. 32 Penal Code, Art. 404. 33 Venice Court of Appeal, 17 July 1997: anti-Jehovah's Witness pub!ication. 34 Criminal Code, Art. 240, consolidated by Law 65/98. 35 Law of 20 July 1869, Art. 12. 36 Penal Code 1995, Art. 525. 37 Germany, Penal Code, para. 130. 38 Germany, Penal Code, para. 166: sentences under this are very rare.

292 NORMANDOE

adherence to such a religious communíty, provided the incitement is likely to endanger public order.39

Whilst there is a reasonably high degree of uniformity between nations asto the defmitional elements of substantive crimes, and these are charac­terised by considerable generality, there would seem to be greater diversity as to the availability of defences in formallaws. The concept of a right to legitimate criticism has been used: in Portugal, for example, before 1999, press law specifically provided for free discussion and critícism of reli­gious doctrine,40 but that law has been repealed insofar as such a freedom is generally understood to exist in any event.41 In Spain, when the mater­ial is based on an animus criticandi, as opposed to an animus injuriandi, it is permissible.42 A particularly well-developed set of defences appears in German law (which prohibits publicatíon of material which is offensive to religion or insults the religious feelings of an individual). lf the offending utterance is made in order to 'safeguard legitímate interests' (such as in pursuance of the public function of the press), the publication is punish­able only if 'the existence of the insult results from the forro of the utter­ance or the circumstances under which it occurred'. Prosecutions may be brought only upon complaint and victims enjoy rights to complain.43

The crime of blasphemy may be found in the United Kingdom, where it protects only Christianity,44 and Ireland. In both countries, however, prosecutions are very uncommon. Under the Irish constitution, '[t]he pub­lication or utterance of blasphemous ... matter is an offence which shall be punishable in accordance with law' .45 This has been understood to protect attacks on any religion, doctrines and other aspects of religious tra­dition.46 There have been proposals in Ireland for the removal of blasphemy from the constitution, on the basis that there is no place for it in a soci­ety which respects freedom of speech. lt has also been questioned whether freedom to insult religion would threaten the stability of society by impair­ing harmony between groups.47

39 Austria, Criminal Code. Arts. 283.1. 40 Law 85-cn5, 26.2.1975, Art. 4.3. 41 Law 2/99, 13-1. 42 Supreme Court, 19/2/1982. 43 Gennany, Penal Code, paras. 185,193,194. 44 The last prosecution was in R v Lemon [1979] AC 817. 45 Constitution, Art. 40.6.1. 4li See eg Corway v Independent Newspapers (lreland) Ltd [1999] 4 IR 484: vulgar,

abusive or even pomographic attacks on the sexual morality of clergy need not necessarily constitute blasphemy.

47 Law Refonn Commission Report (LRC 41-1991) paras. 4-21; and Report ofthe Constitution Review Group (Pn 2632, 1996) 296-7.

RELIGION AND MEDIA LAW IN EUROPE 293

Apparent duplication in criminal offences seems to be a common legal phenomenon in Europe. For instance, in addition to its prohibition on religious incitement, Austrian criminallaw forbids disparagement of doc­trines, worship, practices or institutions of a religious community, protects the honour of spiritual counsellors of any religious communíty in Aus­tria,48 and forbids swearing at or otherwise belittling religious groups in a manner which offends human dignity.49 Similarly, in Ireland, as well as the crime of blasphemy, it is an offence to publish or distribute written material, to use words publicly, or to distribute or show visual images which are threatening, abusive or insulting and are intended or likely to stir up hatred against persons on account of their religion.50 Also, unlike elsewhere in Europe, in Ireland a defamation action may be brought if a person is accused of being schismatic or acting to harm their religious group;51 defamatíon law protects reputation rather than religion.

2. Self-Regulation by the Press

( 1) Press Coverage of Religion

Press coverage of religion is, needless to say, a significant feature of journalistic practice throughout Europe, and in sorne countries there seems to have been an increase in such coverage over recent years.

52

Structural approaches vary as between individual newspapers. There are newspapers which have a formal policy designed to regulate the cover­age of religious affairs, such as in Austria where one newspaper employs a policy of tolerance towards all religious traditions,53 and another seeks to defend generally fundamental freedoms and human rights.54 Policies of this type might require coverage of affairs relating to both majority and minority religious groups, as in Ireland, 55 or else in practice they may

48 Austria, Criminal Code, Art. 188. 49 Austria, Criminal Code, Art. 283.2. 5o Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act 1989, ss.l,2. 51 Teacy v McKenna (1869) IR CL 374. 52 In the Netherlands, for example, it is understood that there has been an increase in

the coverage of religion in the 1990s. 53 Der Standard. 54 Die Presse. 55 The Irísh Times has no fonnal interna! regulation of religion nor a religious affairs

department, but it does have a religious affairs correspondent. Its policy is to cover the affairs of minority faiths in Ireland and it enjoys links with a range of religious organisations: Christian, Islamic and Jewish.

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favour coverage of affairs relating to the dominant religion, as in Portu­gal. 56 Sorne newspapers ha ve specially-designated religious departmentsP whilst in others religious affairs are dealt with by sections devoted gen­erally to culture and society, as in Spain.58

Regular contributions by theologians on an individualistic basis,59

and collaborative dialogue between associations of. joumalists and religious groups, formalised in the interna! structures of such associa­tions, also appear as part of joumalistic practices in Europe.60 lndeed, one notable shared experience in European countries has been the devel­opment by religious organisations of press offices active in the provi­sion of information and in the processing of complaints, such as in Spain,61 and Finland. In the latter, the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland has its own Church Communication Centre which dissemi­nates information to the press and monitors press· coverage. Religious organisations often form partnerships for these purposes, as is the case in Britain where a Churches Media Council has recently been estab­lished.62

56 In Portugal, Expresso admits it pays special attention to the Catholic church but fteely reports on al! religions as a matter of practice.

57 In Sweden, newspapers normally have religious desks, as part of the general edito­rial staff, but there are no special regulations on these.

58 In Spain all the national newspapers have a section dedicated to culture and society, which usually includes religious affairs (though in the past they had sections devoted to religion). Three (La Razon, ABC and La Vanguardia) have a weekly supplement exclu­sively on religion, usually Catholic matters, though increasingly of late there has been more treatment of Protestant and Islamic matters.

59 In the Netherlands, the national daily Algemeen Dagblad carries each Monday a full page on standards and values with a letter about religion written by a theologian; so do regional ncwspapers. It is assumed that there is no need for interna! regulation.

60 In France, the Professional Association of Journalists on Religion (AJIR) works in dialogue with relígious groups, as does the General Association of Professional Journalists iu Belgium: Statutes, 28.2.1998.

61 These exist for FEREDE (Federation of Evangelical Religious Entities of Spain), FCI (Federation of Israelite Communities of Spain), CIE (Islamic Commission of Spain). The Episcopal Committee of the Media, of the Roman Catholic Church, is governed by its own statutes.

62 The Council was set up in London in September 2003 as a forum for church lead­ers and officers as well as for Christian journalists, broadcasters and others working in the media; it represents churches on media issues, including consultation with govermnent and other public bodies. In the Netherlands, Catholics and Protestants have formed a Chris­tian Contact for Publicity (CPC) to support organisations with a Christian identity ir¡ the media field, and the work of the ecumenical Interchurch Organisation for Communication (CIO) includes the establishment of meetiugs with the press.

1

REL1G10N AND MEDIA LA W IN EURO PE 295

(2) Press Watchdogs

In addition to the individual approaches of particular newspapers, regu­latory schemes applicable to the press collectively are also common. Press watchdogs may be statutory, set up on the initiative of the state, or vol­untary, organised by the press industry itself. In Luxembou~g, the Pr~ss Council is a statutory body which has issued a code of practice prescnb­ing that it is the responsíbility of joumalists and editors to c~nsi~er ~e effects of laws on the portrayal of religion conceming defamat10n, m~lt~­ment and discrimination.63 In Finland, the Council for Mass Medta m Finland regulates those bodies which are party to its press treaty: the council is not a public authority, but in practice its decisions are obs~rved, and constitute a form of so-called soft-law.64 Religious representat10n on

such bodies is not uncommon.65

(3) Codes of Practice

These are frequently used to regulate joumalistic ethics. S~veral deal expressly with religion and in so doing supplement state medta la':'s and standards. In Austria, for example, a self-regulatory Code of Ethtcs for the Austrian Press (last amended 1999) contains guidelines for jo~mal­ists. The code forbids any discrimination for religious, racial, ethmc, or sexual reasons,66 as well as disparagement or mockery of religious doc­trines or of recognised churches and religious communities.67 In other countries, however, such as Greece and the Netherlands, there is currently no press code of conduct for joumalism on religion (though in.the Ne.ther­lands one institute offers education in Christian approaches to JOurnahsm). In Ireland, the Code of Conduct of the National Union of Joumalists for­bids joumalists to mention a person's creed, except if this is st~ct~y rel­evant, nor shall they encourage discrimination, ridicule, prejudtce or hatred on grounds of creed. 6s Formal prohibitions against disclosure of the

63 Law of 20 October 1979. 64 There has been debate about the possible establishment of a Press Secretary to mon·

itor the press. . 65 In the Netherlands, iu 1968 the Organisation of Catholic _Joumallsts (KNKJ) .merged

with the Netherlands Association of Joumalists (NVJ) and m 1973 the Catholic Press Agency became part of the religious department of the General Press Agency (ANP~. In Austria, the membership of the voluntary Press Council may include sorne representattves

of religious organisations. 66 Code of Ethics for the Austrian Press, Art. 5.5. 67 Code of Ethics for the Austrian Press, Art. 5.6. 68 NUJ Code of Conduct, para. 1 O.

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religious identity of a person are also found in Sweden,69 and in the United Kingdom.70

(4) Complaint Systems and Remedial Action

These ~e.co~on.71 As in the United Kingdom, with its Press Complaints Conuntsston, m Germany, collective self-regulation of the press is carried ?ut by ~e Ge~ar: Press Council, a voluntary association of publishing and JOumahst assoc1attons. One of its functions is to recommend best joumal­istic practice. This is done through a Code of Conduct, which itself is com­plemented by guidelines. Compliance is monitored by the Press Council wh~ch may, in cases of complaint and infringement, issue an explanatory ?ot1ce, a censure or a reprimand. Censures and reprimands are published m the press. The code and guidelines do not deal with the reporting of reli­gious affairs, nor do they specifically require equal treatment as between religions. However, they recommend against '[p]ublications, in words or pictures, which could, by their form or content, seriously offend the moral or religious feelings of a group of persons'. Moreover, they recommend that: '[t]here must be no discrimination against a person ... because of belonging to a ... religious ... group'.72 Similar provisions are to be found in the Code of Conduct of the German Advertising Council.

(5) Advertising

Systems of self-regulation on religion and advertising vary. In most coun­tries there are no formal structures on this subject. In sorne, however,

69 In s.wede~, the S':"ed~sh Press Council (an organisation established by the Newspa­

pers .Pubbshers Orgarusatmn), has issued Press Ethical Guidelines. The Council has a Publtc Press Ombu~srnan to deal with cornplaints; there is a right of report to the ornbuds­~an orto ~e councll. The newspaper must then publish the Council's decision. The guide­hn~s p~o~tde that ~ewspapers must not disclose the religious belief of individuals, if that behef ts rrrelevant m the context or disrespectful. This would seern to be on the basis of a right of privacy.

70 ~es~ Complaints Cornmission, Code of Practice: 'The press rnust avoid prejudicial or perJoratt~e refe~e~ce to a .person's race, colour, religion, sex or sexual orientation .. . It r:J~st avotd pubhshing detatls of a person's race, colour, religion, sexual orientation ... '

In U:e Netherlands, the Press Council, established by the Netherlands Association of J~u~alists, safeguards j.oumalistic practice and examines complaints and provides for pu?I~cation of outcomes;. smce 1~61 the council has entertained a dozen complaints about rehg:¡ous matters. In Spatn, there IS no general press council, but there is a National Fede­r~ti_on of Press As~ociations, and a State News Agency (EFE). The approach is individua­ltstic: s~lf-~egulation by individual media entities, each with its own statutes.

72 Princtples 10 and 12.

1

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EUROPE 297

self-regulation is cast in the form of general prohibitions, such as in Italy where advertisements which cause offence to religious convictions are forbidden. 73 Other countries adopt a more detailed system. Ireland is notable. The Code of Advertising Standards of the Advertising Standards Authority for Ireland, an independent self-regulatory body of the adver­tising industry, provides that advertisements should respect the dignity of all persons, should avoid causing offence on grounds of religion, and should not ridicule or exploit religious beliefs, symbols, rites or practices

an advertisement should respect the principie of equality ,74 and reme­dial action may follow.75

B. The Religious Press

l. State Regulation

The presence of a religious press is an experience of all countries in the European Union. They vary in type, structure and purpose: sorne are linked loosely with política! parties.76 In most countries, of which Swe­den and Austria are typical, there is no state law which deals specifically with the establishment or regulation of the religious press; and newspa­pers owned by religious organisations must observe the same restrictions as the secular press. State laws on this subject in Portugal and Luxem­bourg are exceptional. In Portugal, the constitution explicitly protects the 'freedom within a denomination to teach its religion and to use its own media for providing public information about its activities'. 77 The Catholic review Christian Family is very popular. In Luxembourg, the religious press is forbidden to deride other religions.78 In Luxembourg, also, where the Catholic church is most active in terms of religious press,79 state law forbids mínisters of religion to pronounce or publish, in the exercise of their ministry, a direct attack on govemment or law which incites civil disobedience. 80

73 Code of 1966, Art. 10. 74 Code of Advertising Standards for Ireland (2001) 2.14,2.16. 75 See eg the complaint upheld AC/9909/126 (27/l0/1999): portrayal ofprayer in a Fiat

commercial on radio: 'Dear God, thank you for the chance to get rid of my old car'. 76 Netherlands: Nederlands Dagblad is a newspaper for Christians, staffed by members

of severa! refonned churches, which cooperates with Christian political parties. Reforma· torísche Dagblad has editors from the refonned protestant tradition, but operates inde­pendently of the churches; it shows a lively interest in other religions.

77 Constirution, Art.4 1.5. 78 Law 20 July 1869, Art. 10. 79 Luxembourger Wort. so Penal Code, Art. 268.

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A sophisticated system operates in Germany, where the religious press shares in the enjoyment of freedom of self-determination provided it con­tributes to the purposes of and is linked organisationally with a religious body.

81 Neither the support of party politics by a religious newspaper

(permissible on the basis of freedom of the press and freedom of religion) nor its coverage of secular political affairs in general, is subject to any restrictions in German law. However, religious press support for an anti­constitutional political party, banned as such by the Constitutional Court, would be unlawful and the criminallaw of insult forbids religious news­papers to be offensive to other religions. Otherwise, in Germany, the establishment, ownership and management of religious newspapers are govemed by commerciallaw.

2. Self-Regulation

It is a common European experience that, within countries, institutions of the religious press do not usually collaborate amongst themselves as to the standards they may share: there are no collective systems of self-reg­ulation amongst the various religious presses. Rather, both the religious and secular press are subject to the same secular recommendatory self­regulation system. In Sweden, typically, the two leading religious news­papers, owned by religious organisations, 82 are not the subject of special self-regulation but observe the guidelines of the Swedish Press Council in the same way as the secular press. And in Germany, organs of the reli­gious press are represented on the secular German Press Council, and the religious press, therefore, is subject to the code and guidelines of the Council.

Throughout Europe, the relationship between a particular religious press and the authorities of a religious organisation varíes from religious group to religious group, and from country to country. In Germany, for example, Chrismon, a Protestant magazine with wide circulation, is issued on behalf of and is partly funded by the Protestant Church. The manage­ment of Chrismon 's publisher reports to an advisory board which consists of an equal number of representatives of the parent company and the Protestant Church; its board of publishers has four church representatives who meet the editors twice a year. The editors are independent and not

81 See the decision of the Federal Constitutional Court, BverfGE 24, 236-252 (246 s.)

[16.10.1968]; this decision has since been affírmed. 82

That is: Nya Dagen (owned by Pentecostal congregations) and Svenska kyrkanHid­ning (owned by the Church of Sweden).

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EUROPE 299

subject to the directives of the church. Finally, in Europe, systems of self­regulation contain no obvious treatment of reporting political affairs, coverage of other relígíons, or advertísíng.

II. Religion, radio, television and intemet

This section aims to summarise the ways in which the laws of European states deal with religion in both public and prívate broadcasting services on television and radio, as well as religious television channels and radio statíons. It also examines how these entities regulate themselves. Gener­ally, media law on the portrayal of religion in radio and television is more well-developed than that dealing with religion and the press. European law itself contains provisions on religious programmes,83 advertising,84

and prohibitions against incitement of religious hatred,85 which are incor­porated into municipallaws.86

A. Secular Broadcasting Services

l. State Regulation

(1) Freedom in Broadcasting

Throughout Europe, in television and radio, the regulation of both public services and private entities is commonplace.87 State pennission to broad­cast is normally provided by licence, which, as is sometimes the case, may be granted for radio and television stations after public competitíon.88

Occasionally, a system of notice is used,89 or else the licence system is limited to prescribed entities.9° Sorne states operate a specific right to

83 Directive 89/552/EEC, Art. 11, s.5. For example, Germany operates the Council of Europe European Conventíon on Transfrontier Television (1989), and is subject to the cor­responding EC Directive (1989)

84 Directive 89/552/EEC, Art. 12. 85 Directive 89/552/EEC Art. 22. 86 In Austria, these EC dírectives have been incorporated into Austrian law in relation

to both public and private television: see ORF Act and the Prívate Television Act. 87 This is the case in eg Portugal: prívate stations are permitted by Constitutional Law l/89. 88 This is the case in eg Portugal: Constitution, Art. 38.7, 39; see also: Law 4/2001 of

23-2, Art. 34. 89 In Finland there ís a system of notice to the Finnish Communications Regulatory

Authority. The Finnish Broadcasting Company (OYA) has the right to broadcast on both radio and television directly on the basis of law (without licence).

90 In Sweden, the only licence to broadcast nationwide radio is held by the Swedish Broadcasting Company, and regional radio stations are owned and run by prívate comparúes: The Radio and TV Act.

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establish a television or radio station.91 The laws of most states explic­itly recognise a right to freedom in broadcasting; 92 in Ireland, for exam­ple, the constitution provides: 'the State shall endeavour to ensure that... the radio ... whilst preserving [its] rightful liberty of expression, including criticism of Govemment policy, shall not be used to undermine public arder or morality or the authority of the S tate'. 93 S tates employ sep­arate laws dealing with specific aspects, forms or areas of broadcasting. Others ha ve one body of law devoted to both public and private radio and television, as is the position in the Netherlands.94 Sorne states employ a treaty system. 95 It is commonly the case that states ha ve a govemment department responsible for broadcasting and media policy.96

(2) Coverage of Religion and Pluralism

In countries of the European Union, there are three basic legal models at work in relation to the coverage of religion on television and radio.97 In most states broadcasting services have no specific duty to cover religious matters,

98 they are free to do so, as a matter of their own discretion.99 By

way of contrast, in a small number of states, prescribed television channels are under a specific duty to cover religion (such as in the United Kingdomioo

91 _See eg Spain: the three nationwide television channels (ie Canal Plus, Antena 3, and

Telecmco) are now runas private entities. 92

See eg France: Law of 30 September 1986. 93 Ireland, Constitution, Art. 40.6. 94

In t_he Netherlands, as compared with the press, the legal regulation of religious broadcast~g 1s well-developed. The Media Act (in force since 2000) deals with public and ~ommer~1al broadc~s~e.rs, both radio and television, cable operators, advertising, sponsor­mg and mternet actJv¡tJes.

95 In Germany, the Liinder are responsible for legislation on broadcasting, and there are

common general regulations on public and private broadcasting services in the Interstate Broadcas~ing Treaty in Uni~ied Ge11I_lany (1_991). Every public broadcasting station is gov­erned by Jts own statutes lrud down m speCJfic law or, if the station operates in more than one Land, by ~o~er interstate treaty. Private broadcasting stations, licensing, administra­tlo~6 and supervlSlon, are regulated by Private Broadcasting Services Acts of the Liinder.

. In the Netherl~ds, fo_r exampl~, the Department of Culture of the Ministry of Edu­catJOn, Culture and Sc1ence 1s respons1ble for media policy. The Council of Culture advises the mini~try on policy. The Dutch Media Authority enforces the Media Act (see above).

. 97

W1th both models, coverage of religion may be provided in a system of self-regula­tlon: see below.

98 E . G . g m ermany and Fmland, laws make no particular reference to religion

99 This is the position in the Netherlands and Luxembourg for example .

100 . ' • . ~ee ~g BBC L1cence Agreeme?t, Clause 3.2(c)_: the BBC is required to include in Its serv1ces programmes of an educatlonal nature' wh1ch are defined to include 'religious programmes'.

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EUROPE 301

and Sweden), 101 and sometimes special reference is made to coverage of issues relating to prescribed or recognised religious entities (such as in Austria). 102 A middle way is adopted in other states, where the law requires coverage in broadcasting of named subjects, such as political, social and cultural issues; media services may choose to include religion in the coverage of these general categories. 103 In Luxembourg, for exam­ple, radio and television state law does not directly regulate the treatment of religion, but requires services to be sensitive to cultural matters. 104

Whatever the legal regime for broadcasting, it is often the case that state laws safeguard pluralism in programmes. In sorne countries only public broadcasting entities are obliged to adopt a pluralistic approach to programmes, and private ones need not do so. 105 Italian law, for exam­ple, requires a pluralism in coverage of religious matters. 106 Most states require impartiality and objectivity in coverage of subjects, and this would include the treatment of religion.107 In Belgium, for instance, where dif­ferent legal provisions apply to French and Flemish radio and television, for the French community, programming on the public service RTBF must reflect the different religious traditions in society. 108 In the Nether­lands, the Programme Service Foundation (NPS) must by law provide programmes which represent 'a balanced reflection of the social, cultural, religious and spiritual diversity in the Netherlands' .109 Pluralism is also enhanced by participation of religious groups through representation on broadcasting committees (see below).

101 The Swedish Television Company and the Swedish Broadcasting Company (radio) are, according to their Iicences, obliged to cover religious matters. . .

102 In Austria, state law requires public radio (ORF): to inform the pubhc on all!mp.or­tant political, social, economic, cultural and sporting matters; to promote understandmg of all questions of co-existence in democratic society; to impart and promo~e art, culture and science; and to consider adequately the importance of the legally recogmsed churches and other religious bodies: ORF Act 1984 (as amended 2001), Art. 4.1. .

103 In Germany, secular broadcasting services enjoy freedom of express10n under con­stitutional law. However, the German Federal Constitutional Court has identified certain Iimits to this freedom: the law must forbid the transference of broadcasting to particular social groups, but must give these a voice; programmes must ensure plurality of opinions, and cultural trends and social issues in a balanced way; see eg BVerfGE 12, 205-264 (260) [28.2.1961]; 74, 297-357 (323 s.) [24.3.1987]; 90, 60-107 (87 s.) [22.2.1994].

104 Law of 27 July 1991. 105 In Germany, pub1ic broadcasting stations are required to reflect the diversity of

themes and opinions in their programmes. They all ha ve their own committees, composed of delegates of the main social groups and decide on programme issues.

106 Law 223/1990 and 249/1997. !07 In Ire1and, each independent broadcaster must report and present news in an objec­

tive and irnpartial manner: Radio and Te1evision Act 1988, s. 9. 108 Law of 24 July 1997, Art. 3. 109 Media Act 2000, s. 51b.

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(3) The Duty to Respect Religion: Equality and Discrimination

A common f~a~ure .of st~te laws is that broadcasting entities have a duty to respect rehgwn m therr programmes. This is achieved by a variety of legal means. Religious discrimination in programming is sometimes expressly forbidden, as is the case in Belgium.110 In other countries the focus of laws is the protection of religious feelings; in Italy, fo; example, there is an obligation to respect religious feelings, pluralism an~ non-disc~imination in radio and television, and a prohibition against attttudes. of mt?lerance towards religious difference. 111 In Spain, the ~aw req~t~es pnvate radio and television channels to respect 'the polit­Ical, rehgwus: social, cultmal and Iinguistic pluralism' of the country, 112 but such bod1es are largely self-regulated. In other countries, sucb as Fr~ce, 113 ~ux~mbo~r~, 114 and Greece, m state law forbids broadcasting ser:tces to mc1te rehgwus hatred through their programmes. Austria is typ1cal: O~ must be objective but may broadcast different opinions and mus~ do ~o mdependently of the state, political parties or other political l?bb1es; m ~ese matters it must respect human dignity and fundamental n.ghts, and ts forbidden to stir up hatred on grounds, inter alia, of reli­gwn. 116 Non-discrimination provisions also operate in Luxembourg, m and Greece. 118

( 4) Government Bodies and Relígious Representation

Man~ states ha ve statutory committees, or other bodies, 119 charged with ov.erstght of broadcasting, such as in Spain and the United Kingdom.12o It 1s frequently the case that religious groups are represented on the boards

110 Law of 24 July 1997, Art. 3. 111 Law 223/1990 and 249/1997. m Law 4/1980, Art. 4c. m Law 1 August 2000. u 4 Law of 27 July 1991. 115 Law 2328/1995, para. 14. u 6 The ORF Act, Art. 10.2. m Law 19 July 1997, Art. 454. us Law 2328/1995, para. 2. ¡¡

9 See eg Portugal, Law 43/98. tzolS'th n . pam.. ere have been moves.f~r a cenu:al and independent controlling body.

In the, Umte~ ~mgdom, the .centra~ Rehgmus Adv1sory Committee (CRAC) advises the BBC on ~ehgmus broadcastrng pohcy and to comment on programmes once broadcast' · ?Iembersh~p of the committee is 'both clerical and lay and drawn from the main Christ~ lar: denom:nat10ns and from other world religions, which are part of the fabric of Btitish rehg10us hfe'.

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EURO PE 303

of broadcasting authorities, sometimes as a matter of practice, 121 or else as a requirement of state law. In Spain, state law does not provide directly for religious representation on television and radio boards, but it does provide for the establishment of advisory committees to these. 122 How­ever, there is an Advisory Committee of Catholic Programming which assists the administration board of the national RTVE: with six members appointed by the director general, this advises on the direction, content, scheduling and identity of religíous programmes. 123 No other religious group has an equivalent body. Similar arrangements exist at the regional level. Austrian law provides for representation from the Catholic, Lutheran, and Calvinist churches, which may nominate one member each to the secular and statutory Audience Council of ORF. In tum, the council nom­inates six members to the Foundation Council, one of whom must be from legally recognised churches and religious bodies. 124 In Luxembourg, recognised religious groups are represented on the National Council for Programmes.125 In sorne countries religious organisations collaborate amongst themselves through advisory bodies on broadcasting and reli­gion.l26

(5) The Content of Religious Programmes

The laws of the majority of states make no specific reference to the reli­gious content of programmes. l27 Rather, the matter is dealt with by self­regulation (see below). However, in those states where there is direct legal provision on this, rules differ as between public and prívate broadcasting. In Ireland majority and minority religious interests are to be covered in the national broadcasting service.128 This plurality idea appears elsewhere. In Gerntany, prívate broadcasters must ensure that the content of programmes reflects plurality of opinions. The important political, ideological and

121 In Portugal representatives from twelve religious groups are members, as a matter of practice, of the public service commission which deals with the religious content of programmes.

122 Law 4/1980. 123 Set up at the request of the Spanish Episcopal Conference 25/ll/1982. 124 The ORF Act, Arts. 28, 30. 125 Law 27 July 1991, Art. 31. 126 For Britain, and the new Churches' Media Council, see above n. 62. 127 In Ireland, broadcasting legislation makes no reference to the religious content of

programmes. 128 In Ireland, Radio Telefis Eireann (RTE), the national broadcasting service, is required

to provide programmes that cover relígious activities to cater for both majority and minor­ity interests: Broadcasting Authority Act 2001, s. 28.

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social forces and groups, which includes religious groups, must be allowed to express themselves, and minority views must be taken into account.

129 In sorne countries programmes have a religious content as a

matter of practice, and this may include pluralistic coverage on prívate channels.

130 In France, public sector broadcasting (television and radio)

must br~ad~ast programmes of a religious character each Sunday devoted t~ ~~ pnnc1pal c~l:s practised in France: content and cost are the respon­sibihty of the rehgwus group in question.BI

With respect to broadcasts of religious worship, severa! approaches are used. In sorne countries Iaws do not expressly provide for the broadcast­ing of r~ligi~us services, 132 and transmission of services is simply a mat­ter of dtscretwn and practice. 133 In others the law requires public entities to broadcast programmes of religious services on prescribed days. 134

Sorne states enable religious groups to deny access to services for broad­casting: in Germany, for example, whilst every licensed television broad­cast~r in E_m:ope may broadcast free of charge events which are open to the pubhc, religtous communities and institutions ha ve a right to refuse trans­mission of their own religious services. 135

. The ~etherlands has a very well-developed regime applicable to pub­he s~rviCe broadcastin~. There are three television and five radio public serv1ce channels at natwnal level, thirteen regional public broadcasters and about a hundred local public broadcasters. Radio and television pro­gram~es_ on ~e nat~onal channels are produced by more than twemy orgamsatmns, mcluding seven religious and other spiritual associations. ~?S is r~sponsible for coordination of the eight national organisations; It 1~ reqmred by law: 'to reflect in its programme service a particular social, cultural, religious or spirítual movement within society, as indi­cated by its constitution, and through its programmes, to address the task of satisfying social, cultural, religious or spiritual needs existing amongst

129 Germany: Interstate Broadcasting Treaty, 25.

13~ In Austria, Radio Orange (a prívate station) has a programme in Arabic and announces Mushm events.

131 Law of 30 September 1986.

• 132

In Germany, the 1aw do?s not expressly require the broadcasting of religious ser­VIces, but by Eur?pean Conventron the broadcasting of religious services must not be inter­rupted by advert:Isements: European Convention on Transfrontier Televísion, Art. 14 ( see below).

1

~3

In F~and, coverage of relígious subjects and broadcasts of services is a matter of medra practtce not 1aw.

134 In France, public service television must broadcast programmes of a religious char­

act~5 on Sundays, devoted to the main religious groups represented in French society. · Germany, lnterstate Broadcasting Treaty, Art. 5.

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EUROPE 305

the public' at large.B6 There are Catholic and Protestant organisations. In addition to the programmes provided by these associations, the Pro­gramme Service Foundation (NPS) must by law provide programmes which represent 'a balanced reflection of the social, cultural, religious and spiritual diversity in the Netherlands'. 137

( 6) The Right of Access and Transmíssion Time

Laws do not generally confer on religious groups a right of direct access to broadéasting services and transmission. There are, however, sorne notable exceptions. In Spain social groups and political parties have a constitutional right of access to the media so as to exercise their freedom of expression.138 Whilst the organic law on religíous :freedom does not specifically mention religion, registered religious groups are understood to share this right. 139 On the request of the administration board of the public entity RTVE (Spanish Radio-Television), the Advisory Commit­tee on Freedom of Religion clarified criteria which would entitle a reli­gious group access to the media on the basis inter alia of its significance in Spanish society, history, culture, and welfare. The Evangelical, Jew­ish and Islamic communities all have agreements with the state on this. 140

The arrangement has been the subject of criticism: a right of access may also be justified for significant non-agreement religious groups. Indeed, sorne of the autonomous regions have granted the Catholic Church and Protestant groups a right of access to their regional television channels. 141

In Italy too, there is a right of access to radio and television by religious groups, and a duty to reserve time to religions, but there is a distinct absence of requests from Islamic associations. In France, the law sets out the conditions of access by religious groups to television; 142 the Catholic church utilises access with transmission of the mass - content is the responsibility of the Episcopal Conference. Other religious groups often collaborate. In Germany, prescribed churches ha ve a right to transmission time for religious programmes; the regime for public stations is similar to that for prívate ones, which provides: 'The Protestant Churches, the Catholic Church and the Jewish Community shall, upon request, be

136 Media Act 2000, s. 14. 137 Media Act 2000, s. 51b. 138 Spain, Constitution, Art. 20.3. 139 See Law 4/1980. 140 Report of 10/2/1984. 14! Galicia, País Vasco, Valencia, Audalucia, and Canarias. 142 Law 30 September 1986, Art. 56.

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granted fair time for the transmission of religious programmes; the broad­caster may demand reimbursement for costs' .143 Other religious groups may, however, be brought wíthin a similar regime,144 though apparent inequalities have generated sorne debate in recent years. In Portugal, relgious organisations (individually or collectively) have a right of access to public service television, and they should comply with the principie of tolerance; the larger the religious group, the larger the share of broad­casting time it enjoys.145 The Jewish, Islamic, Buddhist, Ba'hai, Protestant, Catholic, Evangelical, Jehovahs Witness, Adventist and Mormon groups have all secured access.

(7) Advertísíng

In line with European law on the subject, state laws deal in a variety of ways with advertising and religion on radio and television. Sorne states forbid all forms of religious advertising: this is so in Greece, 146 and France, 147

and the prohibition may be contained in the terms of a broadcasting licence. 148 In Ireland, the complete legal ban on religious advertising, on both radio and television, 149 has been challenged unsuccessfully in the Supreme Court; 150 as a result, state law permits the broadcasting of a notice that a particular religious newspaper, magazine or periodical is available for sale or supply, or that an event or ceremony associated with a particular religion will take place. 151 In sorne countries, the ban does not apply to regional channels, 152 and Austrian law does not forbid religious advertísing on radio, but commercial advertising on radio ís not allowed on Good Friday, All Saints' Day and Christmas Eve.153

143 Gerrnany, Interstate Broadcasting Treaty, Art. 42. 144 See eg Art. 4 of the Act on the Bavarian Broadcasting Station: privare or public law

status religious bodies are dealt with; see also Art. 11, s. 3 of the Interstate Treaty on the 'ZDF' Television Station: this allows ZDF to offer itself to 'other nation-wide religious cornmunities under public law'.

145 Law 16/2001 22-1, Art. 25. 146 Greece: religious advertising on radio and television is forbidden. 147 Decree of 27 March 1992. 148 In Sweden, advertising is perrnitted only on prívate channels, but the licence forbids

advertising of religion. 149 Broadcasting Act 1960; Radio and Television Act 1988, s. 10. 150 Murphy v Independent Radio and Television Commission [1998] 2 ILRM 360. 151 Broadcasting Act 2001, s. 65: this is so provided the notice does not address the

merits or otherwise of adhering to any religious faith or belíef or of becoming a rnember of a religion or religious organisation.

152 In Sweden, advertising is forbidden for both national and local channels, but not for regional channels.

153 ORF Act, Art. 13.5.

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EURO PE 307

Laws deal specifically with advertising during the transmission of reli­gious services.154 Austria is typical: the broadcasting of religious services must not be interrupted by advertising, and religious programmes shorter than thirty minutes must not be interrupted by advertisements. 155 How­ever, in relation to prívate radio stations there is an absolute ban on adver­tising in religious programmes. 156 In the Netherlands, the Radio and Tele­vision Advertising Foundation (STER) is responsible for advertising on public channels; for example, on Sundays no advertisement is permitted immediately before or following religious programmes, unless there are no objections from the religious organisation providing the programme.157

Sorne states provide that advertisíng must not be offensive to religious beliefs; in Ireland this is achieved by a ministerial code (where also the law admits limited advertising of religious literature a:nd events),158 and in Austria, state law forbids the public radio ORF to broadcast advertise­ments which offend human dignity, discriminate on grounds of religion; or offend religious convictions.159

A further feature of regulation is the adoption by broadcasting entities themselves of binding measures seeking to complement principies appear­ing in state law. In Spain, for example, where state law forbids all adver­tising which outrages the dignity of the person or damages constitutional rights and values, 160 in pursuance of powers granted by the state, 161 res­olutions of the administrative board of RTVE explicitly forbid advertise­ments with a religious aim or content, 162 a prohibition applied in one notable case, 163 as well as advertising which attacks the religious convictions of the individual or discriminates against people on grounds of religion. 164

Resolutions of the board also repeat state law prohibitions on advertising

154 See eg Luxernbourg: Law 27 July 1991, Art. 268. 155 ORF Act, Art. 15.6. 156 Public Radio Act, Art. 19.6. 157 Media Act 2000, s. 41. J5s Code of Standards (1995) 5.1(iii). The Broadcasting Act 2001, s. 65 provides that

there is nothing to prevent 'the broadcasting of a notice of the fact (a) that a particular reli­gious newspaper, magazine or periodical is available for sale or supply, ':r (b) that any event or cerernony associated with any particular religion will take place, tf the contents of the notice do not address the rnerits or otherwise of adhering to any religious faith or belief or of becoming a member of any religion or religious organisation'.

159 ORF Act, Art. 14.1. 160 Law 34/1988 11 Novernber. 161 Law 4/1980. t62 Resolution 17 April 1980, General Director of the Mass Media approved by RTVE. 163 A televísion advertising carnpaign by the Catholic church for econornic aid has been

forbidden. 164 R.esolution 22 January 2001, 6 (as a result of EU Directive 89/552/CEE).

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during a religious service or programme (unless the programme is over thirty minutes in duration). 165

2. Secular Television and Radio: Self-Regulation

Alongside regulation by state law of religion in broadcasting, throughout Europe, generally, 166 there are elabora te systems of self-regulation by broadcasting entities themselves; 167 that is, by means of watchdog insti­tutions or by extra-legal codes of practice or other forms of guidance.

(1) Religious Representation on Broadcasting Watchdogs

A device commonly used is that which enables religious groups to be represented on bodies charged with oversight of broadcasting standards: impartiality is a key standard. 168 Por example, in Germany, religious groups have a right to be represented in the pluralistic committees of pub­líe broadcasting stations and the supervisory broadcasting authorities; the law requires the Council of ZDF Television to include two representatives of the Protestant Church, two from the Roman Catholic Church and two from the Jewish Central Council; there is also a representative from the Charity of the Protestant Church, and one from the Charity of the Roman Catholic Church. 169 Similar provisions apply to the committees of private broadcasters.

(2) Coverage of Religion

Arrangements in Ireland are typical. The public RTE guidance provides that '[a]s religious beliefs are so central in Irish society, RTE news and programmes will deal with religious topics on a regular basis. RTE in all its broadcasting that relates to religious issues should respect the values and loyalties of citizens and promote tolerance.' Programmes should not

165 Resolution 22 January 2001, 25. 166

In Sweden, there is no specific self-regulation in relation to radio or television. Similarly, in Germany, most of the matters dealt with by self-regulation in relation to the press, are dealt with by state law in relation to television and radio; as such, there is little self-regulation of religion by television and radio. There is no self-regulatory body.

167 In Italy, RAI assures religious transmissions in a self-regulatory manner it carries

Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish programmes. ' 168

In Ireland, the statutory Broadcasting Commission of Ireland (BCI) supervises the enforcement of the legal requirement that news must be delivered impartially: Radio and Television Act 1988, s. 14.

169 Germany: Interstate Treaty on the ZDF Television Station, Art. 21.

RELIGION AND MEDIA LA W IN EUROPE 309

give 'unintentional offence' and should reflect in 'a non-judgmental way the diversity of beliefs that exist in Ireland'. Programme-makers must be aware of their responsibility to be balanced and ensure that religious beliefs are respected. Offensive language is forbidden. RTE, which must reflect diversity of religion, 170 has a religious affairs correspondent and regular! y broadcasts religious services: Protestant and Catholic, and other faiths receive coverage. By way of contrast, in Ireland the policies and practices of independent broadcasters vary; 171 Shannonside FM, for example, is a station under the control of the Shannonside Northern Sound Federation of Churches. Similar arrangements exist in Luxembourg. 172

(3) Complaints

Systems for complaint are common. Arrangements may be of general application: typically they deal with the status of the complainant; the identity and composition of the body to which the complaint is to be addressed; the procedure to be followed; the imposition of appropriate sanctions; and the implementation and publication of corrective action. 173

Or else, individual broadcasters have their own in-house regime. 174

B. Religious Channels: Television and Radio

Laws throughout Europe generally enable the free establishment of religious broadcasting entities. They do so either expressly or implicitly. Austrian

170 RTE Programme Mak:ers Guide (2002). 35. . . . 171 South East Radio, for example, consults the Chnst1an Media Trust, a shareholder

in the company. . . m RTL Radio is a commercial station and covers religious events of pubhc mterest,

and its joumalists favour a critical approach. Clergy are often in~ited to comr,nent o_n _his­torical developments, and religious services are broadcast. RadiO 100,7_ carnes rehgwus discussion programmes and, every Saturday, Glawensforu~ is a. ten ~mute progr~mme devoted to religious communities. Radio DNR, a commerc1al radiO statwn loosely hnked to the Catholic church, offers religious services transmitted for the sick.

m In the Netherlands, for example, the Press Council, established by the Netherlands Association of Joumalists, safeguards joumalistic practice on television and radi~ and examines complaints and provides for publication of outcomes. Since 1961 the council has entertained a dozen complaints about religious matters.

174 In Germany, with respect to ZDF, broadcasts shall support the ~utual_understanding of the Churches and the religious communities; common features of therr social and cultural work must be recognised especially; care must be tak:en so f:hat broadcasts do not ~ock or disparage religious faith; religious issues and acts of worship must be portrayed Wl~ due reverence and care; broadcasts must support tolerance, that is, 'respect for the others frut~, opinions and convictions, as well as the acceptance of the legal order:; and, ~or_al and reh­gious convictions of the people must be respected.: ZDF Broadcastmg Gmdehnes, VII.

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law explicitly provides that legally recognised churches and religious societies may run private radio stations, which are organised as public Iaw corporations. 175 There are two such stations. In contrast, in Portugal, the law does not prevent religious groups from operating private radio or television stations, 176 provided they create a special legal entity for this purpose,

177 though the Catholic church is the only religious organisation

with its own radio station; 178 nevertheless, other religious groups may lease broadcasting time from local radio operators_l79

As a matter of practice, the existence of religious channels varies from country to country: there is a religious television channel in Germany, 180 but none in Sweden or Ireland. 181 There are religious radio stations in, for example, France, and Greece, which has an Orthodox Church radio station, and local religious radio stations predominate in Sweden. In sorne countries, it would seem that the need for separate religious channels is lessened due to the existence of rights of access to secular channels, 182 as is the case in the Netherlands. 183 In Spain, the Catholic Church and sorne Protestant churches (in FEREDE) manage local television channels, 184 severa! without the compulsory state licence to do so, 185 as well as a network of radio stations. 186 There is no obvious evidence of systems of

175 Private Radio Act 2001. 176 Law 31-A/99 of 14.7, Art. 3.1. 177 Law 4/2001 of 23.2. 178

Radio Renascenca-Emissora Catolica Portugesa which broadcasts over two nationa1 channels, and Mega FM.

179 Eg the Hindu programme on local radio in Porto and Lisbon; the Seventh Day

Adventists also have a significan! number of radio programmes in local radio stations. 180 See below. 181

In Ireland, none of the stations currently licensed by the Broadcasting Commission is controlled by a religious group; though severa! applications over the years have been made by such groups, and the Commission is empowered to grant such licences to reli­gious groups.

182 In Germany, there are few channels run by religious organisations; most are regional

~d temporary. The _need for these is probably minimal as a result of religious participation m secular broadcastmg. Recent years have seen, however, the rise of sorne religious chan­nels, such as Bibel TV, a 24-hour television channel dedicated to religious programmes. There is no specific state law on this topic, and they operate under the basic constitutional rights of freedom of expression and religion.

183 See above for Media Act 2000, s. 50: until now no religious organisation has asked

for permission to broadcast on radio or television at the national leve!, since religious or~anisations have direct access to broadcasting at this leve! (but there have been appli­catiOns for local religious radio stations ). Access has been granted to Catholic, Protestan!, Muslim, Jewish, Hindu, Humanist and Buddhist organisations.

184 For example, the licensed Canal Diocesano Television in the Archdiocese of Toledo.

185 Eg Iglesia Universal del Reino de Dios owns Canal 33 and runs it without a licence.

186 Cadena de Onda Populares (COPE): it is regulated by a royal decree of 1981.

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self-regulation for these, 187 though in Spain the network of Catholic radio stations, covering the whole of the country, is directed by the Spanish

. f S . 1 M d" 188 Episcopal Commlttee o ocia e 1a.

C. The Internet and Religion

Through the development of the internet (by e-mails, news bulletins, discussion fora, and information websites), any individual is now able to become both a transmitter anda receiver of religious data. Websites are employed for a great variety of religious purposes, including inter-faith dialogue. 189 European law requires states to guard against incitement to hatred on grounds of religion and violations of human dignity concerning individual persons. 190 Indeed, the internet is increasingly becoming the subject of regulation by state laws. In Spain, for example, religious bod­ies may register an internet domain, and this is subject to state law. 191

However, religion would seem not to be the subject of specific regulation. Germany is typical: internet services in general are governed by the fed­eral Teleservices Act (1997), which applies to services designed for indi­vidual use, and the lnterstate Media Services Treaty (1997), which applies to services addressed to the general public - neither deals directly with reli­gion.192 Nevertheless, religious websites have already become the subject of special debate, such as Luxembourg, where there is no specific state reg­ulation of the many religious internet sites registered there. 193 In Finland, there is a draft law dealing with the internet, and in Italy a new law. 194

187 However, in Germany, the interna! regulatory systems of religious channels deal with a number of matters: Radio Horeb and Radio Neues Europe broadcast from the Roman Catholic Church perspective, and share in the objectives of Radio Maria (CIC cc.29~, 327,711), the international association of Roman Catholic radio stations; Gospel Radto communicates an evangelical message and has loose links with the Protestan! Church; and Bibel TV communicates the bible by films, music, education and children's entertainment and its funders include the Protestan! and Catholic churches. There is, thus, no particular sensitivity to equal treatment of religion. . . .

188 This has a Department of Information and Religious Programmmg and ts responst?le

for religious programmes and for carrying out the decisions of the network's Doctnne Board.

189 In the Netherlands, religious broadcasters have formed a religious website for dia-logue between religions. See also Media Act 2000, s.l3. .

19° Directive 2000/31/EC, Art. 3. The European Commission currently has a workmg party on illegal and harmful content on the interne!; it has proposed a code of conduct for internet service providers, a hotline for complaints andan independent self-regulatoi?' body.

191 Law 34/2002 July 11. The Catholic Church, FEREDE, CIE, and FCI are reg1stered. 192 In Austria, the matter is dealt with by the Media Act. 193 The si tes include that of the First Satanic Church of Luxembourg. 194 Law 62 2001.

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111. Religion and the arts

To a greater ?r les~er extent, each member state of the European Union has !aw d~almg wtth the portrayal of religion in the arts, in Iiterature, mus1c, hentage, theatre, cinema, and so on. What follows illustrates sorne ?f the matters typically the subject of legal regulation. First, state fund­t~g f~~5the arts is generally neutral, and religious art is often a benefi­c.Iary. Secondly, severa! states have law which recognises expressly a n.ght to fre.e?om of ~· In Germany, for example, constitutionallaw pro­:Ides spectfic protecbon for freedom of art, with no explicit reservation ~~ fa:o~r ~f legal restrictions, though the basic rights of others may jus­tl~y ~Imitati?ns on freedom of art (such as the right to personal honour).I96 Stmdar r~gn~es operate in Italy, 197 Greece, 198 Austria, 199 and Spain, where t~e constttutwn protects the right to literary, artistic, scientific and tech­mcal production and creation. zoo

. Thirdly '. in the field of literature, severa! states ha ve bodies charged wtth fun~ttons of c~ns?rship. In Ireland, state law enables the statutory ~enso~sh1p of Pubhcabons Board to prohibit books or periodicals which 1t const~ers to b~ inde~ent or obscene, or which advocate the procurement of abortton or mtscarnage; 201 by convention, Roman Catholic and Protes­tan~ clergy have traditionally been appointed to the Censorship of Publi­cabons Appeals Board.

Fourthly, in the film industry, self-regulation is more the norm: in Germany, for instance, the Association of the Film Industry has set up a :olunt~ system of self-regulation and cooperates with the churches, but m Spam there is no provision for religious representation on the central bo~d which deals with film censorship there,202 though the Catholic eptscopal conference monitors such matters.203 There have been sorne notable developments in Ireland in this respect, where the constitution provides that 'the S tate shall endeavour to ensure that. .. the cinema, whilst

. 195

Whilst in ~~xembourg there is little state interest to regulate the arts, state funding IS neutral. and reh.gJOu.s art ~~y lawfully be the object of this; there is also funding for the preservat10n of h1stonc rehg10us places.

196 Germany, Grundgesetz, Art. 5(3). 197 Constitution, Art. 33. 198 Constitution, Art. 16. 199 Staatsgrundgesetz, Art. 17a. 20° Constitution, Art. 20.1.b. 201

Censorship of Publications Acts 1946 to 1967. 202 Law 1/1982 24 February. 203ThE' 1

. .e p1scopa Conference has a Cinema and Television Department which classi-fws mov1es for the purposes of the faithful.

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preserving [its] rightful Iiberty of expression, including criticism of Gov­emment policy, shall not be used to undermine public order or morality or the authority of the S tate'. 204 Also, Irish legislation enables the film censor to refuse a certificate if a film is considered to be blasphemous.205

This legislation was used in the case of the restrictive certificate issued for Martin Scorses's The Last Temptation of Christ. Obscenity laws are sometimes employed to challenge the legality of films which are claimed to be offensive to religion, as has happened in Italy,206 and in Ireland, where indecent or obscene video recordings are forbidden by state law (though offence to religion is not a formal ground for prohibiting a video).207 Moreover, in Ireland, it is a criminal offence to distribute, show or play a recording of visual images or sounds which are threatening, abusive or insulting and are intended or likely to stir up hatred against per­sons on account of their religion.208 In the United Kingdom, attempts to extend the criminallaw to stirring up religious hatred have recently failed, though in Northem Ireland this has been an offence since 1970.209

Fifthly, religious objects of art may enjoy special protection under the laws of states. In Austria, for example, the Criminal Code forbids threats to destroy, damage, disfigure, or render useless an object, belong­ing to another, which is dedicated to religious worship, graves or memo­rials in a cemetery ora room used for religious practice.210 Similarly, in Luxembourg the criminallaw forbids acts, words, written or drawn which outrage objects of worship.211

Finally, with regard to theatre, there have been cases of legal action following the portrayal of religion in plays: in Spain, for instance, a the­atre group has been punished for a piece which ridiculed Christian rites including those of the Roman Catholic Church.212 And in Austria, the law against disparagement of religion has led to sorne prosecutions, though usually such cases are resolved at first instance, are dropped by the prosecutor, or result in acquittal.213 In Austria too, state copyright law

204 Constitution, Art. 40.6. 205 Censorship of Films Act 1923. 206 Eg Rome CA, 6 May 1964. 207 Video Recordings Act 1989. 208 Prohibition of Incitement to Hatred Act 1989, ss.1,2. 209 Since re-enacted as the Public Order (Northem Ireland) Order 1987. 210 Criminal Code, Arts 125,126. 211 Penal Code, Arts. 144. 212 Supreme Court, 26/11/1990; see also the decision of 12/2/1982: a magazine article

ridiculed the holy trinity. 213 Eg Habsburg Recycling Case and the Haderer Case.

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allows the free use of published musical works for a public performance at a religious ceremony where the audience is admitted free of charge,214 and articles in a newspaper or periodical dealing with religion may be reproduced freely and distributed in other newspapers or periodicals. 215

IV. Conclusion

The treatment of religion by the media laws of the states of the European Union is characterised by a high degree of convergence. A common source for the balance between freedom of expression, and those limits imposed upon it which are generated by the freedom of religion, is of course the European Convention on Human Rights. On the basis of this rudimentary study, the legal evidence would seem to suggest that there are principies of media law on religion common to all the member states ~f the Union. ~bese principies may be established as a matter of descrip­tiVe fact, by VIrtue of the profound similarities which exist between the laws and practices of the member states. Each state, through the terms of its own legal system, contributes directly to this common core of con­temporary European legal practice. Differences between the laws of states are in the nature of variety in the conditions under which these common principies are implemented or operate in practice. The principies of media law on religion common to the states of the European Union may be understood as both facilitative and limiting: they enable a controlled and responsible portrayal of religion in the media. The common principies may be summarised as follows:

l. There is a right to freedom of expression and the exercise of this right may be subject to respect for freedom of religion.

2. Freedom of the press is fundamental to democracy, and the press enjoys a discretion to cover religious matters.

3. In its coverage of religion, the secular press must respect religion, it mu~t portray it accurately, and it must not offend religious feelings, particularly when offence may cause breaches of public order. Different religions should enjoy equal protection against offensive publications.

4. The secular press should have in place a system of self-regulation, and the membership of self-regulatory bodies should include repre­sentatives from religious groups.

214 Copyright Act, Art. 53. 215 Copyright Act, Art. 44.1.

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5. Systems of press self-regulation, such as codes of practice and guid­ance, should strike a balance between responsible journalistic free­dom of opinion and expression, and protection of religious feelings by means of rights of complaint, remedia} action, and enforcement of standards which guard against religious discrimination and incite­ment to religious hatred.

6. Freedom of expression and religion includes the right of religious groups to establish and run their own press.

7. There is a right to freedom of expression in both public and private broadcasting.

8. Coverage of religion in broadcasting should not misrepresent reli­gion, it must have regard to religious pluralism, and broadcasters should respect religion to the extent required by municipallaw.

9. Governmental and other bodies charged with monitoring standards in broadcasting should consist of representatives from religious groups.

1 O. The transmission of religious programmes and services is an inte­gral cultural expectation in Europe.

11. Religious groups have a right to be considered for access to trans­mission time, by way of programmes and broadcasts of religious worship.

12. Religious advertising is not permitted, nor is advertising during the transmission of acts of religious worship.

13. Self-regulation in broadcasting should have regard to religious plu­ralism, and it should satisfy respect for religion and non-discrimina­tion on grounds of religion.

14. Religious groups should be free to establish their own religious broadcasting entities to the extent permitted by state laws.

15. The treatment and depiction of religion on the intemet is not the sub­ject of systematic regulation by municipal law.

16. There is a right to freedom of art, but the portrayal of religion in the arts should not be offensive as defined by the laws of individual states.