natural morphology perspectives for the nineties

selected papers from the workshop at the fifth international

morphology meeting

krems, 4 - 9 july 1992

livia tonelli &

wolfgang u. dressier eds.

UNIPRESS

[[1]

THE ITALIAN PARASYNTHETIC VERBS: A PARTICULAR KIND OF CIRCUMFIX*

Grazia CROCCO GALEAS & Claudio IACOBINI

0. Introduction

In our contribution we intend to present a hypothesis on the derivational formation of Italian parasynthetic verbs (hereinafter PA for parasynthetic, PAY for parasynthetic verb). The starting point of our discussion is the notion of morphological metaphor (henceforth MM) proposed by Crocco Galeas (1990; l991b).l On the basis of this notion we assume that the formation of PAYs such as allentare "to loose", ammuffire "to grow mouldy", imburrare "to butter", impagliare "to cover with straw", sbandier­are "to wave flags", sbiancare "to whiten", should be regarded as a process of circumfixation. The derivational base of the PAY is a noun or an adjective to which a particular kind of circumfix is added. The circumfix of the parasynthetic derivative is formed by a prefixal element and, instead of a suffixal element, by a process of metaphorical transcategorization.

In order to verify the validity of our hypothesis we have classified a corpus of 200 verbal neologisms, selected according to the criteria exposed at § 5., along with a scale we proposed (cf. § 4.).

I. The conventional definition of Pav

Although the notion of PAY has been used for more than a century in the descrip­tion of romance languages, the definition of PAY is still controversial.

According to a recurrent definition in literature a PAY is defined as a prefixed formation without an established verbal base, or rather, as a prefixed denominal verb whose base is neither a denominal verb nor a prefixed noun (e.g. indebolire "to weaken", *debolire, *indebole).2 The formation is therefore considered as a case of simultaneous affixation: [in[debole] ire]y.

The traditional definition of PA ~ presupposes the centrality of the criterion of nonoccurrence ofthe denominal verb, i.e. the MM. The majority of linguists consider

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this criterion sufficient to distinguish the PAs as a particular type of formation, while others add to it a further semantic criterion. Among the latter Darmesteter (1890: 194) states:

"Quelquefois, alors meme qu'il existe un verbe forme par derivation simple du substantif, le compose peut etre regarde comme parasynthetique: charge: charger, decharger plume : plumer, deplumer".

The formulation expressed by Darmesteter admits a stronger semantic relation between noun (charge) and prefixed verb (decharger) than between prefixed verb and denominal verb (charger). Such formulation is independent from the criterion of nonoccurence of the denominal verb and, moreover, neutralizes the definition of PAV which basically rests upon the said criterion3. If the semantic criterion is applied without the former criterion of nonoccurrence, the notion of PAV itself is frustrated.

The most largely adopted criterion of nonoccurrence or of institutionalization of the denominal (nonprefixed) verb is also subject to criticism. It is not quite easy to state the nonoccurrence of a nonprefixed denominal verb, that is to say a MM. The ambiguity of the notion of institutionalization has been known for some time by the lexicologists and morphologists. Such an ambiguity rests upon the fact that a regular­ly morphologically and semantically well-formed word, which is also pragmatically plausible, is not necessarily listed in dictionaries and indexes.4 A further reason to criticize the criterion of nonoccurrence depends upon the fact that, at this time, there are no studies that, at least within the romance languages, face satisfactorily the problem of the morphological and semantic wellformedness of MM derivations.5 In other words, we do not know the semantic restrictions and the features of subcategori­zation which allow an Italian noun or an adjective to act as a possible base of a MM: the knowledge of the semantic restrictions to which the MMs are subject would enable us to distinguish between a semantically wellformed denominal verb, therefore a plausible one, and an implausible one, semantically illformed. In this way it would be possible to separate accidental gaps in the system from nonexisting verbs, as not corresponding to the wellformedness criteria.

2. The basic positions in literature

The solutions so far proposed concerning the process of formation of PAV s differ from the traditional definition and are criticizable under different points of view. The different positions concerning the criteria of formation of PAs show the following three combinatory possibilities of prefix and suffix:

a)

b)

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simultaneous addition (cfr. Darrnesteter 1890) [pref [X]N suff]N

suffixation followed by prefixation (cfr. Scalise 1990) [pref [[X]N suff]y lv

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c) prefixation followed by suffixation (cfr. Corbin 1987) [[prcf [X]N]V suff]y

As far as the hypothesis a) is concerned, the change of category is implicitly or explicitly attributed to the suffix; as far as case b) and c) there should not be a real parasynthetic formation but rather a two step affixation: the addition of an affix (suffix for Scalise, prefix for Corbin), with the capacity of modifying the category of the base, followed by the addition of a second affix.

Position a) coincides with the traditional definition; under the label of simultaneous affixation we discern a large number of formulations exposed in an exhaustive man­ner by ReinheimerRipeanu (1974: 743). We can not therefore regard the simultaneous affixation as a point of arrival, but rather as a starting hypothesis. For this reason we do not deem it advisable to discuss the positions of the various exponents, but rather we shall confine ourselves to anticipate three essential points that characterize our proposal (cf. § 3.) in contrast with the criterion of nonoccurrence, which is the basic premise of the definition of simultaneity of affixation: 1) according to our proposal there is not a real suffixal element in the formation of PAs, but an operation of metaphorical transcategorization of the base marked by the presence of a prefix; 2) the prefix and the MM are part of a unique circumfix; 3) the criterion of nonoccur­rence of the denominal verb does not represent an essential trait for the definition of the PA.

Position b) rejects the interpretation of simultaneous affixation because this expla­nation is against two general conditions that act on the WFRs of lexical morphology: 1. Right Hand Head Rule; 2. Binary Branching Hypothesis. On the basis of condition 1. the category change of a base must be attributed to a derivational suffix according to a principle operating for the whole of Italian derivation: this principle identifies the head of a complex word in the right hand element. Condition 2. claims that WFRs attach one and only one element at a time (whether affix or word). The direct consequence of such a hypothesis is that the internal structure of a complex word is always binary. Rainer (1989: 3839) makes a radical critique to this hypothesis; he states that compound words formed by three or more coordinative elements are not exceptional (e.g. il ministroteologo-play boy Toms Borge). According to Rainer the principle of binarity is not to be explained necessarily by a condition which imposes forming words by adding one element at a time: he rather sustains that the structure of a complex word isbetter explained by keeping into account the hierarchical relation among the elements that form the word. The binarity, which is typical of Italian derivation and some types of compounds, would be therefore a consequence of the semantic organization among the elements which form the complex word. The binary relations would be the expression of a subordinative relation, while the ternary (or nary) structure words would be constructed with elements formed by a coordinative relation. -~-

The type of circumfix proposed by us, an affix provided with derivational function,

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does not differ, as regards the hierarchical relation with the base, from other affixes which have the capacity of transcategorization. In conclusion, the structure of the word formed with the circumfix is binary, notwithstanding thi~. affix is made up of two parts and, consequently, is not adequately represented by a tree diagram.

Scalise's proposal on the binary structure derivation of the PAs (in contrast with a ternary structure derivation, i.e. simultaneous affixation) is founded on the presuppo­sition that the prefixes which form PAV s are preverbal prefixes. In this regard Scalise (1990: 220) mentions verbs such as immettere "to put in", imporre "to impose", irrompere "to break into". The given examples are not adequate as they are La1in formations: actually the prefixes ad, in, s "intensive" do not attach productively to verbal bases. Therefore this evidence invalidates Scalises's hypothesis of a nonestab­lished but plausible denominal verb to which the prefix would be productively added in order to obtain the socalled PA. The WFRs of the presentday Italian allow the formation of denominal verbs without suffix, i.e. MM (e.g. attacchinare "to post", volantinare "to fly sheet" volantino "fly sheet") and PAVs, but they do not admit the productive affixation of the prefixes ad, in, s "intensive" to verbal bases or to estab­lished denominal verbs. In fact, it does not seem plausible, in cases where the denominal verb is established close to the PA (e.g. cattivire incattivire "to make wicked", dolcire addolcire "to sweeten"), to assume the prefixation of the verb rather than the formation through circumfixation, since: 1) couples formed by denominal verbs and PAs are synchronically infrequent; 2) in such cases the denominal forma­tion is, as a rule, less frequent than the circumfixed and is also obsolete; 3) and last but not least, in our corpus of neologisms we do not find besides the PAV s denominal coradical verbs neither in usage nor obsolete.

Position c) is based on a statement that we do not deem operates for the Italian language, that is to say, the possibility for the prefix to change the word class of the base. In this article we will not criticize the notion of the transcategorization function of the prefix, but rather focus on the fact that our work has evidenced a plurality of parameters which link the PAVs to the set of the denominal prefixed verbs. Since in the latter the category is never determined by the prefix, the lack of a transcategoriza­tion function of the prefix within the PAs appears once more confirmed. It is better and consistent with the role played by the prefixes in other processes of formation to assume a prefix which is part of a larger morph actually a circumfix having as a whole a transcategorization function.

3. A new definition ofparasynthesis

From the different positions mentioned above, it appears clear the heterogeneity of the adopted criteria, the insufficiency of a unique explicatory criterion and the diffi­culty of circumscribing the process of parasynthesis.

Our definition of parasynthesis presupposes the definition of circumfix as ex-

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pressed by Dressier (1992: 30):

"The combination of a prefix and a suffix (e.g. enlighten) is classified by some as a circumfix or ambifix, but only when the prefix and the suffix parts are not themselves autonomous (cf. en and en in enlighten, cf. enlist, darken), but rather are divided parts of an autonomous affix."

The fact that we may speak of circumfix instead of plain simultaneity is shown by the systematic cooccurrence of MM and three prefixes (ad, in, s "intensive"6) which do not recur productively with other verbs where MM is not present. Unlike the hypothesis of simultaneity, our proposal regards the sequential segment the prefix and the metaphorical operation as two parts of the same atypical affix, that is to say, a circumfix whose suffixal element is replaced by a metaphorical technique and whose prefixal element, semantically void of a specific function, acts as a signal of the MM. In this circumfix the category transformation is given by the MM and the prefix signals in a concatenative way a non-concatenative operation. The fact that we assign to the two parts of the circumfix a specific function does not impair to our judgement the unity of the discontinuous morph. Such distinction between the roles corroborates the specific functions that prefixes and MM carry out within the Italian WF. Moreover it must be pointed out the progressive diachronic loss of meaning which has charac­terized the parasynthetic prefixes and the parallel reduction of the number of those prefixes that productively form PAYs. The progressive loss of semantic value and the

•. stabilization of those prefixes with the above mentioned features strengthen the hypothesis of the existence of a formation process that implies and combines the actual characteristics of a concatenative morphological technique (prefixation) and an adiagrammatic nonconcatenative one (MM). On the other hand, the scanty diagram­maticity of the prefixal part of the PAs, due to the status of semantically empty morph, is counterbalanced by the signalling action that the prefix itself fulfils towards the other part of the circumfix, i.e. the MM. Besides, according to a perspective of natural morphology, such a type of circumfix, consisting of the role respectively played by its constituents, optimizes the parameter of indexicality. In this way the typical unnatu­ralness of a normal circumfix, that is to say, a morph which surrounds the base, is diminished at least along two principles of morphological naturalness: the degrees of diagrammaticity and of indexicality pertaining to a parasynthetic formation are due to the reciprocal effects that prefix and MM produce upon each other.

From a diagrammatic point of view the function of the prefix in the parasynthesis is crucial. Comparing a denominal verb, e.g. calmo "quiet"~ calmare "to quiet", with a PAY, e.g. cattivo "bad"~ incattivire "to make wicked", and a prefixed verb provided with the derivational suffix, e.g. stabilizzare "to stabilize" ~ destabilizzare "to desta­bilize", we note a progressive increase of diagrammaticity, from the MM (adiagram­matic technique) to the PAV (circumfixal formation where MM is, so to speak, signalled by the presence of a prefix) to the formation of a prefixed verb on a suffixed verbal base.

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On the basis of these premises we do not call verbs which are referable to a nominal base provided with a prefix and a derivational suffix parasynthetic; for instance derattizzare "to derat", destabilizzare "to destabilize" appear to be fanned by prefixa­tion of a verbal suffixed base (actual stabilizzare or potential * rattizzare cf. § 6. 5.). In the same way we do not consider the syntagmatic or prepositional verbs parasyn­thetic: e.g. affiancare "to place side by side", atterrare "to knocK. down", interrare "to cover with earth", imbarcare "to ship" (on similar position, cf. Guilbert 1975: 203205). These verbs, in fact, have as a base a prepositional phrase, which is not a prototypical word formation base, that is to say a natural base (cf. Dressier 1988). It is not by mere chance that the syntagmatic verbs represent an example of a restrained derivational process whose productivity is limited and probably regressive.

There are some crucial arguments in favour of the hypothesis of the circumfix in those verbs which show a prefix and a MM: 1) there are three prefixes (ad, in,1 s "intensive") which occur productively together with MM and are devoid of a specific morphosemantic function (e.g. allentare "to loose", impagliare "to cover with straw", sbiancare "to whiten"), while an essential characteristic of productive WFRs is to use meaningful elements;

2) these same prefixes are not used productively before verbs: formations such as aggiungere "to add", inscrivere "to inscribe", scorrere "to flow" trace back to Latin and, in a very small part (e.g. acconsentire "to consent", arrischiare "to risk"), to previous stages of Italian;

3) what is often called derivational verbal suffix (are, ire) (cf. Scalise 1990: 218219) is really a mere inflectional morpheme. First of all the morphs are and ire of the denominaVdeadjectival PAVs are inflectional morphemes because they do not appe­ar in all the inflectional paradigm, as one would expect from a derivational suffix. Secondly, these endings are found in a great number of simple words (that is, nonderived words). At last, let us consider for instance the couple "base derivative" frizione "rubbing" frizionare "to rub"; if we say that the morph are infrizionare is a derivational affix it is tantamount to say that frizione is a base or a verbal root (Crocco Galeas 1991b: 75). It is therefore more appropriate to indicate the presence of the transcategorization pertinent to any MM which, being typically a non-conca­tenative operation, represents the atypical (though not less essential) part of the circumfix of the PA.

4. The scale

The formation of PAVs, being characterized by the presence of a circumfix, is part of a continuum of verbal formative processes in the Italian language. We distinguish various types of prefixed verbs morphologically and/or semantically referable to a nominal base according to a scale of prototypicality. This scale is determined by three parameters: a) the semantic characterization of the prefix; b) the extension of the

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semantic scopus of the prefix; c) and the presence of a derivational suffix.

4.1. The PAs

The threshold of the scale is represented by those verbs we define as parasynthetic, that is the verbs circumfixed by the prefixes ad, in, s "intensive", (which are devoid of a specific semantic function) and by the process of MM (e.g. abbellire "to embellish", ingrandire "to enlarge", sbandierare "to wave flags). In the neologisms formed ac­cording to this formative process the circumfix, realized by the combination of MM and different prefixes, has not a meaning comparable to the majority of the deriva­tional productive affixes. We therefore can not attribute to the discontinuous morph of the PAYs a clear morphosemantic transparency. Nevertheless the meaning of the parasynthetic derivatives is referable to paradigmatic series which direct the semantic of the formation and influence also the selection of the prefix. The semantic and aspectual value of the parasynthetic formations depend heavily upon paradigmatic restrictions of productive rules (cf. van Marle 1990). In this way the degree of unpredictability of each neoformation is reduced. It is possible to point out that a certain semantic homogeneity is guarateed by the presence of paradigms which act in a regularizing manner. For instance, infasullire "to be bogus", entry of our corpus of neologisms, is strictly linked with analogous formations such as imbiondire "to turn blond", imbolsire "to become swollen", imbruttire "to become ugly", infittire "to thicken", ingiallire "to turn yellow", irruvidire "to roughen": in these verbs a descrip­tive adjective base is circumfixed by prefix in and MM to obtain a resultative verb of the class in ire. In the same way, a verb such as sforbiciare "to snip" appears to be formed by analogy with other formations such as sbandierare "to wave flags", sbatac­chiare "to bang", scampanellare "to ring loudly", stamburare "to drum"; in these formations a noun, referring to a concrete object, is circumfixed by prefix s and MM, in order to derivate a verb of the class in are denoting an action which is repeated, carried on through an object, thus expressing an intensive value. When from the same base two PAYs are derived with different prefixes (e.g. addottorare "to confer a degree on", sdottorare "to show off one's learning") the semantic interpretation of the two different derivatives can be traced back to different paradigmatic sets. For in­stance, verbs such as sbandierare "to wave flags" and spoliticare "to dabble in politics" act as patterns of sdottorare; cases such as affratellare "to bring people together", associare "to associate" represent analogical points of connection for ad­dottorare. Given the associative character of the paradigmatic families, it is evident that one ana the same derivative belongs w different families, in accordance with the features as they are evidenced in relation to determined analogical patterns.

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4.2. Verbs with substitution of the pre[LX

The second class on the scale is represented by verbs such as decelerare "to decelerate", decentrare "to decentralize", dissetare "to quench", schiodare "to un­nail", svitare "to unscrew": they are formed by substituting the prefix of PAYs which constitute the derivational base (i.e. belonging to class 1.). The prefix of the verbs of this class extends its semantic scopus on the nominal base; the semantic value of the prefix is "privative". The verbs belonging to this class have coradical antonyms in the corresponding PAYs: e.g. accelerare "to accelerate" vs. decelerare "to decelerate", inchiodare "to nail" vs. schiodare "to unnail". Dressier's (1987: 101110) scale of diagrammaticity does not take into consideration the phenomenon of affix substitu­tion. However we can claim that this phenomenon is not very diagrammatic or transparent from the morphotactic point of view.8 The two verbs (i.e. the parasyn­thetic and the second class correspondent derivative) are in a derivational relationship and realize a microparadigm semantically directed but little salient from a diagram­matic ·point of view. The prefix substitution is scarcely diagrammatic because it is a non concatenative operation.

4.3. Split class

This class is represented by verbs having prefixes with privative value, whose scopus acts on the nominal. Verbs such as sbarbare "to shave", sbucciare "to peel", disossare "to bone" show prefixation of nonestablished bases. The nonoccurrence of the base is due to superfluity and pragmatic implausibility criteria referable also to extralinguistic factors, which result in a scanty semantic plausibility.

The formation of class 3. verbs, which are a numerically limited and morphologi­cally marginal group, can be explained by two different formative processes. Within the class we identify two types, respectively represented by verbs such as disossare "to bone" and deforest are "to deforest". The denominal unprefixed and nonestab­lished verb *ossare is marked by a greater degree of pragmatic implausibility than the denominal unprefixed nonestablished verb, which stands for the base of dejorestare. The more the MM, which is at the base of these verbs, appears plausible (e.g. *forestare) the more the class 3. verbs approach and even identify with the verbs of class 4.: specifically they assimilate to that subgroup of class 4., such as smacchiare "to remove a stain", stappare "to uncork", whose semantic interpretation presupposes that the scapus of the prefix extends both on the noun and on the verb. The formation of verbs such as deforestare "to deforest" can be described as prefixation of a nones­tablished base: foresta "forest" *forestare "*to forest" deforestare "to deforest". Since in this case the formations such as riforestare "to reforest" and forestazione "forestation" are attested, the verb *forestare "*to forest" can be seen as a potential word, that is to say an accidental gap in the system. Vice versa, in cases where the

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MM does not appear plausible (e.g. *ossare) we may assume as hypothesis the application of an olistic analogical process (Fieischer 1988; Derwing 1990): given the presence of paradigms such as macchia "stain" macchiare "to stain" smacchiare "to unstain", the verb disossare "to bone" is formed, starting from a noun such as osso "bone", in the pattern of smacchiare.

4.4. The deverbal prefixed verbs

The class 4. on the scale is formed by verbs such as spettinare "to uncomb", sfiorire "to wither", ricolorare "to colour again", rifiorire "to blossom again", which are characterized by a prefix whose meaning is definite (reversative, iterative, etc.) and whose scopus extends, in the majority of the cases, on the verb; as far as the morpho­logy of these verbs is concerned we can describe them as prefixed verbs whose verbal base is as a rule established. We identify within this class a subgroup of verbs having a negative value prefix (e.g. smacchiare, stappare); for some of these verbs there are two possible readings: a) the semantic scopus of the prefix is on the verb (according to the trait of the class); b) the semantic scopus of the prefix affects the noun. In relation to reading a) the prefix expresses a reversative value (possible paraphrase: smacchiare =the opposite of macchiare "to stain"; stappare =the opposite of tappare "to cork"); in relation to reading b) the prefix expresses a privative value (possible paraphrase: smacchiare = to deprive of a stain; stappare = to deprive of a cork). Not all verbs having negative prefix are currently used with privative value as well: e.g. sfiorire "to drop one's petal, to wither" can not be anything but the contrary offiorire "to blossom". This last consideration provides evidence of the predominance of reading a) in this class, that is to say the semantic scopus of the prefix affects the verb.

4.5. The prefued and suffued denominal verbs

The last threshold on the scale shows verbs such as denuclearizzare "to denu­clearize", destabilizzare "to destabilize", ripianificare "to replan", that is prefixed verbs which have as a base a denominal verb formed through suffixation. The seman­tic value of these prefixes is definite and their scopus extends on the verb.

5. The corpus

The data -we examined was taken from the following dictionaries of neologisms: Cortelazzo & Cardinale (1989), Quarantotto (1987), Forconi (1990), Lurati (1990), Vassalli (1989), Oli (1992). All the lemmas selected for the corpus are neologisms that do not appear in their first attestation before 1964. This year is a good terminus post quem, as it gives us a satisfactory space of time; besides this terminus coincides with the starting point of'the collection of Cortelazzo & Cardinale (1989), immedi-

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ately following the last edition of Migliorini (1963). The corpus comprises all the PAYs and the verbs formed with nonparasynthetic

prefixes whose bases are referable to a noun (e.g. de: decifrare "to decipher"). Ob­viously we have excluded verbs such as incorrere "to incurr", sbattezzare "to unchris­tianize" which, although prefixed, are neither denominal (that is to say PAs) nor derived from denominal verbs. We included the prefixed and suffixed deverbal verbs, provided that the base of the suffixed verb is a noun or an adjective (e.g. destagiona­lizzare ~ stagionalizzare "to season"~ stagionale "seasonal"). The cQrpus includes also the deverbal substantives and the adjectivizednominalized past participles in cases where the corrispondent verb is not listed in the indexes or in the common dictionaries we consulted: we have inserted, for example, the deverbal substantive dealfabetizzazione (whose meaning is the opposite of "schooling") due to the lack of the verb *dealfabetizzare. In some cases, where the deverbal substantive is absent, we have recurred to the nominalized past participle, e.g. sgessato (p.p. "to take &way the plaster"). Naturally we have left out deverbal substantives whose underlying verbs are present in the corpus: for instance, the noun decaffeinazione has not been listed, given the presence of decaffeinare "to decaffeinate". In those few cases where a prefixed verb is both suffixed and unsuffixed, we have listed the two forms of it: e.g. decaffei­nare, decaffeinizzare.

All semantic neologisms have been left out, since our main interest is in the morphological neoformations. For this reason the verb imbottigliare "to bottle" has not been included in the corpus because to its first meaning "to put into a bottle" has been recently added the meaning "to frame, to be held in a traffic jam".

6. Remarks on the data of the corpus

Within our corpus the ratio between nominal bases and adjectival bases is decidedly in favour of the former (75% ). The adjectival bases are consistently represented only in the fifth class, where they constitute 47% of the total of the bases from which the verbs of this class are derived. Out of 57 lemmas belonging to the first class we count only three forms having an adjectival base: asseriarsi "to become serious", infasullito (p.p.) "to be bogus", smosciarsi "to turn flaccid".

Among the verbs of the corpus only six elements are part of the class in ire. All six of them are found in class 1.: this is further evidence to the specificity of the circumfixal formation type, since it is known and also proved by our corpus the unproductivity of the verbs in ire.

The prefixes contained in the corpus are: ad, de, dis, in, re, ri, rin, s "negative", s "intensive". In the class of PAYs appear 6 occurrences of ad, 20 of in, 29 of s "intensive" and only one for ri and rin respectively. In the class 2. we count 3 occurrences of de and 3 of s "negative". In the class 3. we count 9 lemmas with de and 9 with s "negative". In the class 4. we count 15 lemmas with de, 6 with dis, 7

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with ri and 4 with s "negative". Class 5. shows 64 occum;nces of the prefix de, 2 of dis, 1 of re, 9 of ri, 10 of s "negative" and 1 of s "intensive~:.

6.1. Class 1.

Class 1. is represented by 57 neologisms, i.e. 28.5% of the total. This percentage confirms the productivity of the mechanism of formation. As proof of the vitality of this WFR we may compare the results of another investigation on neologisms, based upon analogous criteria as those exposed in§ 5. We have taken into consideration two indexes of gergal voices out of which we have selected parasynthetic neologisms. Also in the informal register we find that the vitality of the parasynthetic formation is established and it works with the very same modalities as those observed in the main corpus of this research.

It is remarkable, in a diachronic perspective, the reduction of occurrence of the prefix ad in the PAs. We can therefore state that the prototypical circumfix of the PAYs ofpresentday Italian is realized by the combination of the prefixes in, s "intens­ive" and MM. The selection of the prefix is due to semantic analogical patterns as we have explained in § 4.1.: the resulting denominal verb belongs prototypically to the class in are. The rare presence of the prefix ad is evidenced by the fact that out of the six verbs formed with such prefix, three are part of a paradigm of intentional coinage: the verbs aggiovare "to land on Jupiter", ammartare "to land on Mars", avvenerare "to land on Venus" have as an underlying model the verb al/unare "to land on the moon", which is in turn formed from the model of atterrare "to land".

Two formations of this class deserve a particular comment: ripilare "to substitute discharged batteries" and rinverginamento "the result of making oneself again a virgin". The verb ripilare can not be considered a prototypical parasynthetic forma­tion for at least two reasons: I) the isolation of the formation; 2) the prefix ri implies a reintegrative semantic value, identifiable in verbs such as ricomporre "to recompose", ricostruire" to rebuild" and risanare "to restore" (cf. Iacobini 1992: 298). As regards the form rinverginamento, we observe that it is also an isolated derivation and there­fore does not modify the evidence of the corpus; furthermore this verb can be considered both a parasynthetic formation with prefix rin, from the model of rimbam­bire "to grow foolish", rinfrescare "to refresh", rinsa/dare "to consolidate", and a prefixal derivation (with prefix rz) having as a base a parasynthetic nonestablished verb (*imbambire).9 The double interpretation of this form however does not modify the results of our corpus.

6.2. Class 2.

Class 2. numerically is limitly represented (six lemmas prefixed with de or s "privative") in accordance with the scanty diagrammaticity of the formative type. It is

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noteworthy that between the attestation of the verbs of class 2. and their underlying parasynthetic bases there is a noticeable diachronic gap. An--exception is the case of deculturazione (*deculturare "to deculturate") whose base acculturare "to culturate" is itself a neologism.

6.3. Class 3.

Class 3. is represented by 18lemmas prefixed with de and s "privative". The verbs, whose denominal underlying non prefixed and non established verb is characterized by a great pragmatic implausibility, are prevailing: e.g. decaffeinare "to decaffeinate" (from an improbable **caffeinare), sgambato "to take away the stalk" (from an improbable **gambare), strafficarsi "to get out of the traffic" (from an improbable **trqfficarsi). Examples of prefixed verbs whose base appears plausible are de/ore­stare "to deforest" and derubricare "to derubricate"; the latter could be considered as a verb of the fourth class, on the basis of the attested verb rubricare "to rubricate", a neologism listed by Oli (1992).

6.4. Class 4.

Class 4. is represented by 32 lemmas formed with the prefixes de (15), dis (6), ri (7), s "negative" (4). From the derivational point of view the verbs of this class are deverbal prefixed verbs. It is worth noting the presence of some parasynthetic bases (disarrossante "to disredden", disimpegnare "to disengage", riaccorpamento "to put together once again"), whose coradical antonyms are not formed by the substitution of the prefix (as it happens in class 2.) but by adding of a further prefix. Diagrammati­cally these prefixed PAYs are more natural than the verbs of class 2. and are realized through a concatenative operation.l 0

6.5. Class 5.

Class 5. is represented by 87 lemmas formed with the prefixes de (64), dis (2), re (1), ri (9), s "negative" (10), s "intensive" (1). As far as the suffixes are concerned we count a single formation with eggiare prefixed with s "intensive", 10 formations with ificare, all prefixed with de, 76 formations with izzare, out of which 54 prefixed with de, 2 with dis, I with re, 9 with ri, 10 with s "negative".

In this class there are many cases of verbs whose base is represented by a proper noun or by a noun of political concern: e.g. defascistizzare "to purge of fascists or fascism", demaoizzare "to purge of maoism", desaragattizzare "to purge of Saragat or saragatism". Among these verbs the negative prefixed form is more frequent or certainly attested, whereas the coradical resultative antonym (e.g. *saragattizzare "to make followers of Saragat") is not always established; such an antonym appears

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however as a regularly formed base with a predictable and plausible meaning. Notwithstanding in this class there is always a derivational suffix, the suffixed

verbal base (i.e. the coradical antonym) is not always established: this fact affects not only the above mentioned political or proper nouns but also a reduced number of formations with bases of various types. Within this small number of verbs (e.g. defantasmizzare "to get rid of ghosts", deruolizzare "to deprive someone of his role") very few have a totally implausible coradical antonym (e.g. decerebrizzare "to de­cerebrate", derattizzare "to derat").

In this class there is an isolated case of s "intensive": smaneggiare "to manipulate repeatedly". This is a case that can be explained (given its nominal base) through the analogical relationship with PAYs such as sbandierare, sbatacchiare, scampanellare (see § 4.1.), rather than with the group of no more productive, nondenominal verbal formations whose prefix has an intensive value as well (scacciare "to banish", scan­ce/lare "to erase", strascinare "to drag").

7. Conclusions

The analysis of the corpus of verbal neologisms, all referable to a nominal prefixed base, has evidenced in our opinion the validity of the circumfixal hypothesis for the PAYs. The scale, based on heterogeneous parameters, is not only a classification of parasynthetic and nonparasynthetic verbs, but also a proposal of interpretation of phenomena which share a common denominator and which we have somehow ex­plained and distinguished in relation to the identification of the parasynthetic class.

With our proposal we have further investigated the presence of the technique of MM within the Italian WF. The adiagrammaticity of this morphological operation proves to be reduced thanks to the combination, within the circumfix, with a prefix that signals as a derivational marker, the process of metaphorical transcategorization.

Notes

* This paper has been devised and worded in strict collaboration by us both; however, only for the purpose of giving an indication of the authorship we may assign §§ 1., 3., 4.3., 6.6.3. to Grazia Crocco Galeas, §§ 2., 4.4.2., 4.4., 4.5., 6.4., 6.5. to Claudio Iacobini and§§ 0., 5., 7. to both of them. We thank the participants of the 5th International Morphology Meeting held at Krems (7th9th July 1992), whose comments have been valuable for the final version of our work.

1. The name of MM is given to the morphological technique so called conversion or zero derivation. We have MM when the sigru:zns of the derivative represents without modification the signan.s of the base and the sigru:ztum of the derivative is syntagmatically determined. Following this definition a g~rivation such as telefono "telephone" telefonare "to call up" is a

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process of metaphorical transcategorization: the same lexeme telefon appears as a verb and as a noun; this derivation, unlike any other derivational concatenatiy,e operation (e.g.frazionare "to divide" frazionamenlo "division"), does not alter the signifianl of the base. The semantic and category transformation is characterized by the distinctive function of the syntagma. The syntagma or the set of syntagmas where the base is recognized is different from the set of syntagmas where the derivative plays its morphosyntactic role. This defmition implies the analogy with the semantic phenomenon of metaphor, where the paradigmatic .$ignatum (the literal sense) is replaced by a sintagmatically determinable signatum, in the absence of any formal modification. For a different approach to the problem of conversion or zeroderivation in Italian to our judgement compatible with the hypothesis of circumfixation cf. Thomton (1990).

2. On the subject cf. Corbin (1987: 121138).

3. Please note that the criterion of nonoccurence is also independent of semantic relations.

4. The criterion of nonoccurence causes further problems in those theories, such as the generative one, which need as a necessary condition for the correct operating of word forma­tion rules (henceforth WFRs) the adoption of a standard of overgenerating morphology.

5. For an investigation of the semantic possibilities of the English denominal verbs see Clark & Clark (1979).

6. The denominations "intensive" and "negative" referred to the prefix s are just useful labels that enable us to distinguish the various behaviours of an Italian prefix referable to a unique Iatin form ex. The prefix s in Italian has a wide range of applications that differ both in the types of bases to which the prefix is attached and in the semantic value. Prefix s with "negative" value occurs productively in front of verbs (e.g. scucire "to unstich") expressing a "privative" meaning; it can also form parasynthetic adjectives cooccurring with the suffix ato (e.g. sfaccia­to "impudent"). It is added, with pejorative value, to nouns (e.g. sproporzione "disproportion") and with negative value to adjectives (sconJento "dissatisfied"). On the other hand the denomi­nation of "intensive" does not imply any real semantic value but it rather refers to the function that the synchronic prefix s (productively applied in the formation of PAs) had as a verbal prefix in Latin. For a description of the variety of applications of s see Iacobini (1992: 303306).

7. The parasynthetic prefix in has an omophone, with negative value, added to adjectives: e.g. utile "useful" inutile "useless".

8. Cf. the handling of the ethnical nouns as Pomaretto Pomarino classified as occurrences of schematic suppletion (substitution of pseudosuffix) and therefore placed at a rather weak degree along the scale of diagrammaticity of Italian ethnics (Crocco Galeas 199la: 100).

9. In this second case the verb should be classified under the group 4. of the scale, together with derivatives such as riallineamenlo "realignment", rinsediata "reinstatement".

10. We assigned the verb riforestare "to reforest" to this class, although the denominal verb

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*forestare is not established: nonetheless *forestare shows a strong plausibility, given also the attestation of forestazione and deforest are.

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