The Impact of Education on Internationally Displaced Persons

University of Birmingham

International Development Department

THE IMPACT OF EDUCATION ON INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS A study on how education has an effect on conflict and identity within a displacement context

Photo: An IDP informal settlement close to a school in Niamey, Niger

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the MSc. International Development (Conflict, Security and Development)

Desmond Clark ID: 1338590 Dissertation Supervisor: Dr. Danielle Beswick Year of submission: 2013-‐2014 Word Count: 11,982

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Acknowledgements

I would like to express my sincere thanks to my supervisor Dr. Danielle Beswick, whose

patience and ready advice have seen me through the whole process of writing this

dissertation.

I am very grateful to all those NGO staff and teachers in Niamey who gave up their time to

contribute to this research. A very special thank you goes to all the displaced people I met,

who welcomed me and spoke from their heart with humility and honesty.

A huge thank you goes to Marc and Helen Gallagher who made my time in Niger so much

easier by extending their hospitality to me, as well as sharing their local knowledge and

contacts.

A massive amount of thanks goes to Miriam Kniffen who has helped so much with the

proofreading of the text and by her overall attention to detail.

Finally, I would like to thank the staff of the International Development Department at the

University of Birmingham for making the journey to this point so enjoyable and

worthwhile.

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Synopsis

This research investigates two areas in which education can have an impact on

Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs): the extent to which education can play a part in

being a peace connector or divider, and the extent to which it can impact upon identity

with a resultant effect on mutual respect for different ethnic diversities. Displacement

often presents significant barriers to education. These barriers have the potential to

prevent IDPs from having their right to education met with resultant impacts on inter-‐

ethnic tensions and conflict.

Literature on IDPs’ right to education, difficulties accessing education encountered

during displacement, and the role education can play in finding durable solutions, is

reviewed. The extent to which IDPs in Africa are legally protected by international

conventions is also explored. Finally, the literature review investigates the connections

between state fragility, conflict sensitivity, peacebuilding and identity within education.

The literature suggests that whilst education has the potential to create or strengthen

societal tensions, it also has the ability to create stability during displacement. The

important role that education has in constructing identity is also highlighted.

Primary data was collected for this research by interviewing IDPs, educationalists and

NGOs engaged in the educational sector in Niamey, Niger. Barriers to education that

were explored in the literature review were identified in the field research. Whilst there

is the potential for these barriers to generate tensions, they do not appear to be

sufficiently strong to bring about conflict. In addition, whilst some conflict-‐sensitive

issues were identified in the education system, a shared history and mixing of

ethnicities helped create a mutual respect and tolerance.

The research could be a useful source for those wishing to gain further insight into how

education plays a role in conflict and identity within an IDP context.

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 1

Synopsis 2

Chapter 1. Introduction 4

1.1 Background 4

1.2 Research questions and location 5

1.3 Structure 6

Chapter 2. Literature Review 8

2.1 Introduction 8

2.2 IDPs and the Kampala Convention, durable solutions, 9 the right to education and difficulties during displacement

2.3 The interplay of fragility, conflict sensitivity, 16 peacebuilding and identity within education

2.4 Conclusion 21

Chapter 3. Methodology 23

3.1 Methods of data collection 23

3.2 Ethics, translation and other issues 24

3.3 Validity and limitations of research 26

Chapter 4. Data Analysis 27

4.1 Introduction 27

4.2 To what extent does education act as a peace connector 27 or divider for IDPs in Niamey, Niger?

4.3 To what extent does education play a part in bringing 43 about a shared sense of national identity as well as a shared respect for ethnic diversity for IDPs in Niamey, Niger?

4.4 Conclusion 46

Chapter 5. Conclusions 48

Bibliography 50

Appendices 56

Appendix 1. Semi-‐structured interview and focus group question 57 matrix of initial questions

Appendix 2. Referencing of primary data collection sources 59

Appendix 3. FCO Map of Niger 60

Appendix 4. Kampala Declaration on Refugees, Returnees and 61 Internally Displaced Persons in Africa

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Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1 Background

IDPs are not simply ‘refugees’1 who have not crossed an international border. Whilst

both refugees and IDPs can share similar trauma following separation from families and

communities as well as, in many instances, enduring violence against them, there are

three essential differences.

Firstly, with the exception of the African Union Convention on the Protection and

Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons,2 known as the Kampala Convention (KC)

which came into effect in 2012, there is no legally binding convention defining the rights

of IDPs.3 The 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees covers the rights of

refugees and mandates the UNHCR to enforce these rights.4 Secondly, unlike refugees

who have UNHCR protection, IDPs remain the responsibility of the national government

of the state they reside in. However this can be “clearly problematic when it is the

national government that is the agent of displacement” (Ellison and Smith, 2013, p.3).

Thirdly, both the KC and the UN Guiding Principles (UN, 2001) define the actual causes

relating to internal displacement as including both natural and human-‐made disasters.5

Due to this wide variety in the causes of displacement, a humanitarian response to IDPs

“calls for creativity and a strong knowledge base” (Ellison and Smith, 2013, p.3). Since

the 1996 Graça Machel-‐authored UN report on the Impact of Armed Conflict on

Children,6 education has become accepted as the “fourth pillar” of humanitarian

1 A refugee is defined in Article 1 A(2) of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (http://www.unhcr.org/3b66c2aa10.html accessed 260814) as someone who: “owing to well-‐founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.” 2 See Appendix 4 for the full wording of the KC 3 The UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement http://www.unhcr.org/43ce1cff2.html (accessed 260814) are not an international convention but merely restate existing international human rights law as it pertains to IDPs. 4 http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49da0e466.html (accessed 260814) 5 This understanding extends beyond the reasons for displacement of refugees as noted in Footnote 1 above. 6 http://www.unicef.org/graca/ (accessed 260814)

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responses7 along with food and water, shelter and healthcare. However, although the

importance of education during displacement has become recognised, the number of

reports published over the last five years8 looking at education in conflict – during

displacement and in fragile state contexts – suggests that there is an increasing focus on

the important role education can play in peacebuilding in the contexts mentioned

above.

The latest figures9 produced by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC)

suggest that whilst the number of refugees has stayed at approximately the same level

since 1996, the number of IDPs has risen significantly to more than 65 million

worldwide with Sub-‐Saharan Africa accounting for more than one third of the global

total.10 Tragically, current events such as those being witnessed in CAR and South Sudan

would suggest that the number of IDPs will only continue to rise.

A variety of factors, therefore, have contributed to the subject matter and research

questions for this dissertation: the increasing number of IDPs; the proportion of these in

Sub-‐Saharan Africa; the coming into effect of the KC in 2012; the number of reports

focusing on education within fragile state and displaced contexts; and the important

role that education can play in peacebuilding,

1.2 Research questions and location

As stated above, more than one third of the global number of IDPs is located in Sub-‐

Saharan Africa. However the majority of these IDPs are located in areas that are in

active conflict zones or areas that present a significant security risk to carrying out field

research, e.g. Mali, eastern Chad, western and southern parts of Sudan, South Sudan,

DRC and CAR, and as such carry an FCO “advise against all travel” restriction.11

Additionally, whilst most of the IDPs in the countries mentioned above are displaced 7 http://www.unicef.org/newsline/00pr64.htm (accessed 260814) 8 e.g. (i) UNESCO EFA Global Monitoring Report 2011, The Hidden Crisis: Armed Conflict and Education (ii) Education Above All Doha 2012, Conflict-‐Sensitive Education Policy (iii) Centre for Universal Education 2013, A New Agenda for Education in Fragile States (iv) GCPEA 2014, Education under Attack (v) Save the Children & NRC 2014, Hear it from the Children: why education in emergencies is critical 9 Figures as of January 2014 IDMC http://www.internal-‐displacement.org/ 10 http://www.internal-‐displacement.org/sub-‐saharan-‐africa/ (accessed 260814) 11 https://www.gov.uk/how-‐the-‐foreign-‐commonwealth-‐office-‐puts-‐together-‐travel-‐advice#when-‐we-‐advise-‐against-‐foreign-‐travel

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due to conflict, the IDPs in Niger are displaced due to both conflict and natural disasters

such as floods and drought,12 a fact which had the potential to bring additional interest

to the research.

Unfortunately, at the time of the fieldwork, large parts of the map of Niger13 were

coloured red14 by the FCO including the northern province of Agadez where the

majority of IDPs in Niger are located. However, following initial research and contact

with international development workers in Niamey, it became clear that a number of

IDPs had relocated to the capital city that has less restrictive travel advice, and so

Niamey was chosen as the location for the fieldwork research.

Although there is, as noted above, an increasing amount of literature on the issues of

conflict and education, IDPs and education as well as conflict-‐sensitive education, the

actual interplay between all of these issues and how they actually outwork on the

ground, still has the potential to provide interesting research material.

Accordingly, this dissertation aims to explore the following questions:

1. To what extent does education act as a peace connector or divider for IDPs in Niamey,

Niger?

2. To what extent does education play a part in bringing about a shared sense of national

identity as well as a shared respect for ethnic diversity for IDPs in Niamey, Niger?

1.3 Structure

Following this introduction which has sought to give some background, set out the

research questions and explain the location chosen to undertake the fieldwork, Chapter

2 consists of the literature review. This will investigate IDPs’ right to education, the

difficulties accessing education encountered during displacement and the role

education can play in finding durable solutions, all within the framework of the KC of

12 http://www.internal-‐displacement.org/sub-‐saharan-‐africa/niger/ 13 See Appendix 3 for map 14 The FCO adopts the use of three colours to signify different travel advice. Green: See specific travel advice before travelling; Orange: Advise against all but essential travel; Red: Advise against all travel

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which Niger is a signatory state. Additionally, the literature review will explore the

interplay of fragility, conflict sensitivity, peacebuilding and identity within education.

Chapter 3 explains the methodology undertaken in collecting the primary data in

Niamey, whilst Chapter 4 contains the analysis of this data and also addresses the two

research questions, as outlined above, in separate sections. The conclusions to the study

set out in Chapter 5 summarise the findings of the field research in the light of the

literature review and suggests further research may be valuable in widening the

applicability of this dissertation.

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Chapter 2. Literature Review

2.1 Introduction

Research into IDPs, education, peace and conflict has highlighted a number of key issues

that will be identified and examined in this literature review. Firstly, both the right to

education by Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) as well as the difficulties that

displacement can bring will be addressed. Secondly, the interplay of fragility, conflict

sensitivity, peacebuilding and identity within education will be explored.

Underpinning these issues is an important understanding that education has the

capacity to provide IDP children “with the tools needed to achieve durable solutions to

their displacement” (IDMC, 2010, p.4) and that education also plays a vital role in

creating the very stability that displacement has the potential to work against.

Additionally, education has the capacity to build resilience, improve livelihoods (Save

the Children and NRC, 2014) and promote inclusiveness (Barakat, Karpinska & Paulson,

2008). Important roles that education can play in the context of finding durable

solutions will be explored below.

The context for this research is Niger, Africa, and so the impact of the coming into effect

in 2012 of the legally binding KC will be addressed. The issues of durable solutions, the

right to education for IDPs and the difficulties that arise in meeting these rights during

displacement will then be explored.

Thereafter, the conflict-‐sensitive nature of education within fragile contexts and the

extent to which education contributes to peacebuilding will be discussed. The

discussion will include such issues as the distinction between conflict sensitivity and

peacebuilding, in addition to the question of how education interacts with grievances

and inequalities. Leading on from this, the section will develop ways in which identity

issues mesh with an educational system in a fragile context where aspects such as the

teaching of history, the language of instruction as well as the role of religion, can all

interact to create varying degrees of perceived inequality and exclusion.

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Inevitably, the review will have some limitations due to a gap in literature – so far as I

can identify – as to how the issues outlined above interact with each other on the

ground in respect of IDPs. This underlines why the analysis of primary data collected in

the field is important.

2.2 IDPs and the Kampala Convention, durable solutions, the right to education and

difficulties during displacement

IDPs and the Kampala Convention

The UN Guiding Principles on International Displacement (Guiding Principles) defines

IDPs as

“persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave

their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or in order

to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalized violence,

violations of human rights or natural or human-‐made disasters, and who have

not crossed an internationally recognized State border.” (UN 2001, p.1)

Whilst data collection on IDPs poses considerable difficulties both in terms of

consistency and methodology15 (IDMC, 2013), there is recognition by the Internal

Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) that the region with the highest number of

IDPs is Africa with more than a third of the total number worldwide (IDMC, 2012;

2013).

Until December 201216 when the KC came into force, there was no legally binding

regional or international convention or law17 that protected and addressed both the

15 Data for displacement caused by natural disasters refers only to those who are newly displaced by sudden onset disasters (i.e. not taking into account slow-‐onset such as drought) and rarely arrives at any cumulative totals. In conflict contexts, again most data is based on new displacement. Additionally both contexts tend to focus on IDPs in camp settings where they are easier to access, rather than in urban displacement settings. Protracted displacement data is particularly scarce. 16 Niger was one of the original 15 states to sign and ratify the KC to enable the convention to come into effect. 17 The 2006 Great Lakes Pact (GLP) on Security, Stability and Development http://www.icglr.org/index.php/en/the-‐pact (accessed 300514) incorporated a protocol on the Protection and Assistance of IDPs. It committed the GLP’s 11 member states of eastern, central and southern Africa to incorporate the UN Guiding Principles into their own legal code, and was the first attempt within Africa to make the Guiding Principles legally binding.

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needs of IDPs as well as host communities (Ferris and Winthrop, 2010). The KC, which

is based on, and a corollary to, the Guiding Principles (IDMC, 2013; Ferris and Winthrop,

2010) addresses the African IDP issue under five headings (AU, 2009), by committing

signature states to:

i. take steps in preventing forced displacement

ii. adopt measures to protect IDPs

iii. meet the specific needs of vulnerable groups, women and children within an IDP

context

iv. make a commitment to the reconstruction of post-‐conflict communities as well

as those suffering from natural disasters

v. form partnerships in addressing forced displacement

Durable Solutions

Whilst there are camps for IDPs in, for example, eastern Chad and neighbouring Darfur

in western Sudan, most of Africa’s IDPs live among local communities (ICRC, 2009) and

often with host families by choice, as they feel “physically, emotionally and spiritually

more secure” (UNHCR, 2012, p.10). However, those living outside formal camp settings

are much less visible to humanitarian and development actors and are arguably,

therefore, more vulnerable (Ellison and Smith, 2013). The average duration of

displacement is 20 years (UNSG, 2010) and even taking into account some flexibility in

this figure with the displacement data issues referred to earlier, it can be seen that IDP

children can grow up knowing no other life. Durable solutions, are, therefore, clearly

needed.

A commitment to finding durable solutions for IDPs is made in Article 8 of the KC. These

durable solutions are outlined as: local integration in the place of settlement post-‐

displacement; voluntary return to the original locale pre-‐displacement; or settlement

and integration in another part of the state. Given the average duration of displacement

mentioned above, it is notable that durable solutions for IDPs are only “achieved when

[they] no longer have specific assistance and protection needs that are linked to their

displacement and… can enjoy their human rights without discrimination resulting from

their displacement” (IASC, 2010, p.5). But despite the commitment made in the KC to

seek durable solutions for IDPs, the long-‐term displaced in urban setting contexts are

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increasingly becoming permanent city residents as part of a wider process of

urbanisation e.g. in Khartoum, Sudan (Crisp, Morris and Refstie, 2012).

The role and importance of education, particularly for urban-‐based IDPs, in finding

durable solutions is therefore of “primary importance” (UNHCR, 2008, p.10). In addition

to the legal right to education for IDPs addressed below, education, through both

content and structure, has the potential to provide stability for children in times of

displacement (Barakat, Karpinska and Paulson, 2008) in addition to providing a

platform for IDPs to gain greater “self reliance [as well as] enabling future development

and productivity” (Save the Children and NRC 2014, p.55).

Access to education, either during displacement or in the process of finding a durable

solution, has been identified as a major factor by IDPs themselves in their search for

some aspect of stability. For example, lack of educational facilities proved a major

obstacle in IDPs returning to their rural origins in Sudan following the signing of the

Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 (UN, 2008). Communities of IDPs in the

Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), viewed “education as a lifeline” and aimed to

provide schooling at even a basic level with minimal resources throughout periods of

displacement (Save the Children and NRC 2014, p.23). Similar commitments to ensure

the continued provision of schooling are recounted by IDPs in the Sri Lankan conflict

where “tractors were loaded with school equipment, children sat in classes under trees

or tarpaulins, often in the grounds of host schools, studying while their families

arranged shelter, food and water” (Williams, 2010, p.2).

The right to education for IDPs

In addition to the commitment to find durable solutions, signature states to the KC

commit to ensure “access to primary, secondary and post-‐secondary education… for all

internally displaced children as well as access to informal and adult education by out of

school girls and women” (AU, 2009, Article 14).

Principle 23 of the Guiding Principles restates the universal right to education originally

enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN, n.d.) Article 26. Principle

23 also states that:

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2. To give effect to this right for internally displaced persons, the authorities

concerned shall ensure that such persons, in particular displaced children,

receive education which shall be free and compulsory at the primary level.

Education should respect their cultural identity, language and religion.

3. Special efforts should be made to ensure the full and equal participation of

women and girls in educational programmes.

4. Education and training facilities shall be made available to internally displaced

persons, in particular adolescents and women, whether or not living in camps, as

soon as conditions permit.

The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights18 identified four essential

features for this right to education to be exercised. These essential features are

availability, accessibility, acceptability and adaptability (the four As). It is notable also

that this UN Committee makes the right to, and need for, education broader than

primary schooling by including secondary and higher education within the four As

framework:

18 Article 13(2) from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment 13, The right to education (Twenty-‐first session, 1999) http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/gencomm/escgencom13.htm (accessed 300514)

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(Source http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/gencomm/escgencom13.htm accessed 300514)

Whilst some features of a practical outworking of these four As are identified in the

table above, they take on special relevance within an IDP context (IDMC, 2010). It is

worth examining some of these particular aspects with actual examples to help

illustrate the issues, before discussing difficulties that displacement can create in

meeting the right to education, as outlined above.

(i) Availability

Sufficient capacity, in terms of the availability of teachers,19 the number of schools

within a particular district and for those schools to have adequate sanitation facilities

for both genders, requires strategic advance planning by the state. The issue of

sufficient capacity to deliver education to IDPs is raised by Davies (2013, p.127), citing

an IDMC report of 2011, which quotes a figure of 300 teachers for over 23,000 pupils in 19 UNHCR Education Strategy 2012-‐2016, page 12 suggests a student: teacher ratio of maximum 40:1 http://www.unhcr.org/4af7e71d9.html (accessed 300514)

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an IDP camp during the Sri Lankan conflict. In other cases the provision of education

during displacement only happened because the displaced communities themselves

provided the means for a school. In North Kiva, DRC, a community of IDPs bought a site

and built a school out of basic materials, such was their commitment to overcome this

resource barrier (Save the Children and NRC 2014, p.23).

(ii) Accessibility

IDP children should be able to get to school free from discrimination or attack. Likewise,

the education provided should also be free from any discrimination, particularly so for

minorities and girls. Additionally, as free (primary level) education should be available

to everyone, economic hardships often endured by many IDPs should not act as a

determining factor for attending school or not. Results of a Norwegian Refugee Council

(NRC) 2010 study in Somaliland and Puntland show that poverty remains a significant

barrier for urban IDPs with the majority of IDP households struggling to feed their

families, let alone meet education costs such as school materials and uniforms. Families

also weigh up the potential loss of income that a child going to school may incur and

either do not enrol their children in school in the first place or withdraw them if an

income-‐earning opportunity arises (Skeie, 2013).

(iii) Acceptability

The language of instruction should be acceptable and culturally appropriate, both to

students and parents. This is particularly relevant when the place of refuge for the IDP

is in an area that is ethnically and linguistically different from their place of origin.

Whilst the language of instruction in a school can interplay with identity issues that are

discussed separately below, it can also limit the practical use of education and restrict a

return to the IDPs’ place of origin. The UNHCR found that southern Sudanese IDPs in

settlements in Khartoum, Sudan, received a limited education through Sudanese Arabic

whereas the majority of the IDPs were from an English-‐speaking background (UNHCR,

2008), thus mitigating against return or integration into southern Sudanese schools.

(iv) Adaptability

The system has to be flexible and take into account the possibility that displacement

may last for many years. Education programmes should be developed that allow for

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IDPs to re-‐enter the educational system as and when required and appropriate,

particularly taking into account a durable solution that may see the IDPs return to their

point of origin. Lack of certification showing levels achieved in school and/or exams

passed remains an issue, particularly when this lack of paperwork prevents IDP

returnees from re-‐entering the education system at the correct level, or at all. The IDMC

detailed the difficulties encountered by families of IDP children who, on returning to

their place of origin following displacement caused by the 2010 floods in Pakistan, did

not have any documentation showing their children had received education whilst

displaced (Ferris and Stark, 2013).

Difficulties during displacement

In addition to the aspects highlighted above, both Dryden-‐Peterson (2011) and Mooney

and French (2005) identify the underlying features of displacement as creating

additional difficulties in accessing education. These features can include: trauma; loss

of, or separation from, family members; difficulties accessing adequate shelter;

economic and employment difficulties, all of which are compounded by uncertainties

regarding the future. With the disintegration of community support systems following

displacement, discrimination along ethnic and gender lines can increase. This

discrimination can lead to heightened tensions which can act as a barrier to school

attendance. Additionally, even when IDPs take refuge in local communities and with

host families, these areas are often the most neglected in terms of access to

infrastructure and educational facilities.

Documentation, certification and record keeping can create significant difficulties for

IDPs. A major study led by IIEP-‐UNESCO (Kirk 2009) demonstrated the importance of

certification of the actual learning attainment achieved and that “the most appropriate

accreditation and certification options should be determined in partnership with

affected communities and be in line with INEE Minimum Standards and other relevant

guidance” (Kirk, 2009, p.24). Additionally, loss of documentation incurred during the

actual displacement such as birth certificates, previous school records, identity

documents and diploma certificates can prevent both children from being able to enrol

in a school as well as displaced teachers from actually teaching (Ellison and Smith,

2013). Guiding Principle 20 covers this aspect and affirms the right of IDPs to have “all

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documents necessary for the enjoyment and exercise of their legal rights” issued to

them by the authorities. However, the realities on the ground in a displacement context

and the economic costs incurred by, for example, reissuing ID cards to IDPs, can create

barriers to carrying out this principle.20 So whilst education plays a vital role in the

lives of IDPs during displacement as well as in the context of finding durable solutions,

there are clearly a number of factors still at work preventing or limiting its benefits to

IDP communities.

2.3 The interplay of fragility, conflict sensitivity, peacebuilding and identity within

education

Fragility and Education

Although widely used, the actual term “fragile state” is contested and assigning a label of

fragility to any one particular state is contentious (Ellison, 2013). There are a number of

different indices, tables and listings for states deemed fragile such as the Failed States

Index,21 OECD Fragile States22 and the World Bank list of Fragile Situations.23 There is

also a commonality of characteristics and criteria associated with fragility evident

amongst commentators and donor agencies. For example, USAID “distinguishes fragile

states that are vulnerable, i.e. where services, security, and legitimacy are tenuous, from

those already in crisis” although “not all fragile states are beset by conflict, but many

are” (Miller-‐Grandvaux, 2009, p.2). DFID suggests that whilst “most developing

countries are fragile in some ways” they adopt an understanding of fragile states

occurring “where the government cannot or will not deliver core functions to the

majority of its people, including the poor” (DFID, 2005, p.7).

But it is perhaps more helpful to consider fragility as a ‘continuum’ as the diagram

below, developed by Barakat, Karpinska and Paulson (2008) from an approach by

20 Allegations of extortion by local officials and police in Mali where the cost of an ID card was report to be costing up to 15 times the official rate. http://www.maliweb.net/police/etat-‐civil-‐la-‐carte-‐didentite-‐civile-‐a-‐15-‐000-‐f-‐cfa-‐a-‐mopti-‐128924.html (accessed 300514) 21 http://ffp.statesindex.org/rankings (accessed 300514) 22 http://www.oecd.org/dac/incaf/FragileStates2013.pdf (accessed 300514) 23 http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTLICUS/Resources/511777-‐1269623894864/HarmonizedlistoffragilestatesFY14.pdf (accessed 300514)

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François and Sud (2006), indicates. The dynamic nature of fragility that should be

viewed as moving points along a range (OECD, 2012):

Like fragility itself, education’s role in a fragile context is also likely to be dynamic,

impacted by the particular aspect or aspects contributing to the fragility at the time.

And so, to assess to what extent a particular fragile-‐viewed state prioritises education

through a lens of fragility, a review of the relevant national education plan should be

made. This review can assess how the education plan was drafted and what security

and humanitarian concerns have been included (Winthrop, 2013).

A review of some 75 national education plans made available on the Global Partnership

for Education (GPE) website,24 found that only 12 mentioned both natural disasters and

conflict and that “few plans address[ed] education and fragility issues in any serious

way” (Winthrop, 2013, p.178). The Nigerien educational plans, publicly available on the

GPE website,25 do not appear to incorporate contingencies arising from either natural

disasters or conflict, both of which have been, or are currently, a factor in Niger.26

Further discussions on these plans are made in the Data Analysis section.

Whilst Winthrop reviewed the educational plans using an IIEP-‐UNESCO framework.27

INEE and Education Above All have also developed other framework assessment

models. The INEE pack28 suggests specific conflict-‐sensitive issues be included in

24 http://www.globalpartnership.org/ 25 http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐1ere (part 1) http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐2eme (part 2) http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐3eme (part 3) 26 As reported in e.g. http://reliefweb.int and http://geo.acaps.org/ 27http://www.iiep.unesco.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Cap_Dev_Technical_Assistance/pdf/Guidebook/Guideboook.pdf (accessed 300514) 28http://toolkit.ineesite.org/toolkit/INEEcms/uploads/files/INEE_Guiding%20principles_A3_English_3%20Sept%20%282%29%281%29.pdf (accessed 300514)

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national educational plans, such as a consideration of the financial allocations made to

fund resources in particular regions, as well as considering specific drivers of conflict

taken within the context of the state.

Such conflict-‐sensitive education strategies have a greater degree of sustainability if, in

the designing of such strategies, discussions and input from a representative mix of

society were included. As well as political parties, this mix can include various religious

and ethnic groups, different sides on potential conflict lines, civil society organisations

(CSOs) as well as those stakeholders directly involved in education such as teachers,

student groups and parents (Sigsgaard, 2012). In Niger, whilst a “good number of

ministers [including the Prime Minister, Brigi Rafini] and senior civil servants have been

drawn from the Tuareg community,” it seems that they are less represented in the

education and health sectors (ICG, 2013, p.28 & 30). Furthermore, although Niger’s

constitution separates state and religion and allows religious freedom, there is a

growing traditional Islamic influence on the state and government.29 In the context of

education, this was highlighted in 2013 with demonstrations opposing proposed

legislation protecting girls’ rights to secondary education (ICG, 2013). Recent student

riots30 in the capital, Niamey, protesting against conditions in the education system,

particularly second and third level, may indicate the degree to which students feel

disempowered to engage with education authorities on a formal collaborative basis.

Conflict Sensitivity, Peacebuilding and Education

Conflict is defined by the World Bank as “…a dynamic process involving two or more

societal groups pursuing incompatible objectives, leading to positive and negative

changes. The manifestations of conflict vary according to the means employed: A

conflict is predominantly violent when the use of violence outweighs the use of political

or other means” (World Bank, 2007 p.2).

29 The Collective of Niger Islamic Associations (CASIN) has put forward a proposal to end the separation of state and religion. http://civilisations.revues.org/2025 (accessed 120814) 30 Various student riots in Niamey in 2014 reported online: https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15122 (accessed 120814) https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15360 (accessed 120814) http://www.naharnet.com/stories/en/131733 (accessed 120814)

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The Conflict Sensitivity Consortium (CSC) offers a more practitioner-‐based

understanding in their ‘How to guide’ where they offer two definitions depending on

whether the conflict is violent or not. The CSC suggests that conflict is “the result of

parties disagreeing and acting on the basis of perceived incompatibilities”, whereas

when there is violence involved, they suggest a definition as “resorting to psychological

or physical force to resolve a disagreement” (CSC, 2012, p.2).

In addition to the term ‘conflict’, there is also a need to look at the terms ‘conflict

sensitivity’ and ‘peacebuilding’ before viewing them in the context of education, as there

is a degree of confusion in how they are used and understood. Woodrow and Chigas

(2009) suggest that this is partly due to a widening and movement of the terms over

time, as well as actors altering their roles in their work in conflict-‐sensitive areas. The

International Alert definition of ‘peacebuilding’ (as cited in Woodrow and Chigas, 2009,

p.10)

“refers to measures designed to consolidate peaceful relations and strengthen

viable political, socio-‐economic, and cultural institutions capable of handling

conflict, and to strengthen other mechanisms that will either create or support

the necessary conditions for sustained peace.”

Drawing from Goodhand (2001), where he discusses working ‘in’, ‘on’ and ‘around’

conflict, Woodrow and Chigas (2009) focus the emphasis of conflict-‐sensitive

approaches as working ‘in’ the context of conflict minimising negative and maximising

the positive effects of an intervention, whereas peacebuilding works ‘on’ conflict by

attempting to reduce its key drivers. Conflict-‐sensitive interventions, for example,

adopting a Do No Harm (DNH) framework, will not of themselves bring about peace.

The adjunct to this is that peacebuilding programmes are not, in themselves, conflict

sensitive. There is still the necessity for such programmes to carry out a DNH, or similar,

analysis prior to the intervention (Woodrow and Chigas 2009).

Whilst Sigsgaard (2012) considers the term ‘conflict sensitivity’ when applied to

education as ensuring, at minimum, a DNH approach is adopted, he considers the term

20

as also applying in helping to build peace. INEE (2013)31 suggests that conflict-‐sensitive

education is the process of understanding the context, analysing the interaction

between this context and the programmes, and thirdly, acting to minimise negative and

maximise positive impacts of the policies and programmes on conflict.

In practical terms on the ground, unequal access to the benefits of education by

different ethnicities or groupings can create tensions, in addition to, for example, a

skewed version of history being presented in the curricula (Sigsgaard, 2012). The

language of instruction can favour one ethnicity over another and this point will be

developed below when identity is considered.

The relationship between peace, education and stability is very reliant on the quality

and spread of education. Increased access to, and greater participation in, education,

reduces the risk of armed conflict (Winthrop and Matsui, 2013). However on reviewing

30 statistical studies, Østby and Urdal (2011) argue that whilst the risk of conflict does

not appear to increase due to differences at an individual level in access to education,

the risk does increase if rises in access and participation are not evenly spread across

ethnic and religious groups. Sigsgaard (2012) cites a study by Collier and Hoeffler in

2004,32 which suggests that “a 10% increase in secondary school enrolment reduces the

risk of conflict by 3 percentage points: when education levels among potential rebels

increase, they stand to lose more income by joining a rebellion.”

Identity

In reviewing literature whilst compiling their report ‘A New Agenda for Education in

Fragile States’, Winthrop and Matsui (2013, p.9) suggest that “a central concept running

through the literature is the idea that education plays an important role in constructing

identity and shaping society, whether by developing a shared national identity,

reproducing social injustices, or transforming social relations”. Sambanis and Shayo

2012 suggest that an individual identifies with a particular group if he thinks he has a

strong similarity with other members of that group as well as caring about the group’s

31 The INEE Conflictive Sensitive Education Pack is available in various languages from http://toolkit.ineesite.org/toolkit/Toolkit.php?PostID=1148 32 Collier & Hoeffler 2004, Greed and grievance in civil war, Oxford Economic Papers 56 (2004), 563-‐595 doi:10.1093/oep/gpf064

21

status. Whilst there are eight main ethnic groupings in Niger,33 the majority of IDPs are

Tuareg and Fulani (Peulh). The fieldwork research will investigate to what extent the

Tuareg and Fulani IDPs identify with their own ethnic groupings as well as with the

concept of Nigerien nationality, and what role education plays in this identification. The

fieldwork will also investigate the role education plays in creating a shared respect for

other Nigerien ethnic groups.

Education has the potential to influence identity in a number of ways. Aspects of the

curricula such as history and religion can impact on identity issues. Whilst there is a

common curriculum followed by all schools, state and private, in Niger, the fieldwork

research will attempt to investigate the actual content that is taught with regard to

history and religion and how this might impact upon identity as well as acting as a

potential peace divider.

The language of instruction also plays a key role in legitimising identity. A World Bank

(2005) report suggested that when children learn in their home language before

embarking on a common language (such as French in Niger), this increased access and

equity within the education system, resulted in lower dropout rates, increased

legitimisation for ethnic groupings and improved learning outcomes. The findings of

this study may be relevant to Niger where education at all levels is offered only in

French regardless of the ethnic backgrounds being taught.

2.4 Conclusion

The importance of education can be seen then, particularly as it relates to finding

durable solutions for IDPs in addition to creating stability during displacement.

Protection and commitments have been offered to IDPs through the KC in Africa, though

there are practical difficulties faced by IDPs in having their educational rights met.

Access to education, either during displacement or in helping find a durable solution,

has been identified as a major factor by IDPs themselves. Availability, acceptability and

33 Institut National de la Statistique http://www.stat-‐niger.org/statistique/file/Annuaires_Statistiques/AS2007-‐2011STRUCTUREPOPULATION.pdf (accessed 120814)

22

adaptability aspects are also barriers with issues such as capacity, language of

instruction and certification being identified as recurrent difficulties faced by IDPs.

As this research is taking place within a fragile context, it has been important to explore

understandings of this term along with the issues of fragile states developing national

education strategies which incorporate planning for natural disasters as well as conflict-‐

sensitive programming. In Niger itself, educational plans do not seem to incorporate

these aspects of contingency planning, and fieldwork research will attempt to explore

this further. Literature about the representative nature of the Nigerien education

strategy is currently limited and so the fieldwork research may be able to contribute to

this knowledge.

Finally, it is clear that education can impact on identity as well as create varying degrees

of perceived inequality and exclusion. Factors relevant to this include the teaching of

history and religion as well as the language of instruction. The fieldwork research will

examine attitudes of IDPs and other stakeholders in the education arena to these areas

to assist in a greater understanding towards the questions at hand.

23

Chapter 3. Methodology

The qualitative research methodology undertaken for this dissertation adopts an

interpretive approach which sees “social reality as consisting of people constructing

meanings and creating interpretations through their social interaction” (Neuman, 1994,

p.63). The methodology undertaken broadly follows practices adopted for large, in-‐

depth studies of education in displacement contexts, such as “Unprepared for peace:

Education in northern Uganda in displacement and beyond”, which involved conducting

focus group discussions and interviews with groupings such as displaced people,

educators and other relevant stakeholders (IDMC, 2011).

3.1 Methods of data collection

The primary data collection for this research was conducted in Niamey, Niger. The

northern province of Agadez has, arguably, the highest number of IDPs in Niger, but the

UK FCO advised against all travel to this area at the time the fieldwork research was

being conducted (June to July 2014). And so the capital city of Niger was chosen for the

research primarily due to these safety and security concerns.

Over a period of 18 days, 39 people participated in a combination of semi-‐structured

interviews (SSIs) and focus groups. 30 Tuareg and Fulani IDPs contributed through two

separate focus groups. A total of four separate SSIs were conducted with

representatives from two international NGOs (INGOs) and two local national NGOs in

addition to a further two SSIs with five teachers at varying levels of seniority and

experience. Methods used for the data collection were SSIs, focus groups, observation

and informal conversations with international aid workers not directly involved in the

education sector.

Where data is taken from different sources and people, triangulation of data is

important as a “validation strategy” (Flick, 2004, p.178). Triangulating the different data

sources is important in this dissertation research to assist in drawing valid conclusions,

particularly when, due to the security situation as outlined above, it was not possible to

conduct research in the area where most of the Nigerien IDPs are presently located.

24

SSIs were chosen as the primary method of data collection from NGO representatives

and educators. This method was chosen as it enables data to be obtained from

interviewees in a more dynamic and fluid way rather than a strict, directed approach as

in the case with more structured interviews (Barbour, 2008). The SSIs were based on a

matrix with some common questions across all SSIs and focus groups (see Appendix 1).

Focus groups were chosen for IDP participation as they allow for discussion, remove the

weight of expectancy that one person has to answer all the questions as with interviews,

and are a useful vehicle for addressing complex research questions with hard to reach,

and often less visible, groups such as urban displaced IDPs (Barbour, 2008). With both

the SSIs and focus groups, the focus was on eliciting data relevant to intersubjectivity,

i.e. “how people ‘make up’ the social world by sharing meanings and how they ‘get on’

with each other” (May 2001, p. 41).

Categories for obtaining research data were outlined as follows:

o IDPs from as many ethnicities as possible and as relevant

o Local and international NGOs involved in the education sector and/or with IDPs

o Educators from as wide an ethnic base as possible and involved in both public

(state) and private education

o International aid and development workers to give a general perspective on Niamey

and Niger, not specifically education

o Local government officials (see limitations section below)

Appendix 2 sets out the primary data collection sources that were realised during the

research period.

3.2 Ethics, translation and other issues

Prior to the research being carried out, the primary areas of concern under this heading

were:

a. The interviewing of IDP women and children (see limitations section below).

b. The degree to which anonymity would be requested and how this would be

managed.

c. The Muslim month of fasting, Ramadan, beginning mid-‐way through the research

period and how this might affect the availability of local Nigeriens to participate.

25

d. Language and translation issues, in particular, the degree of accuracy of translation

and any potential bias from the interpreter.

These concerns were addressed as follows:

a. As it transpired, none of the IDP focus groups included women. Cultural issues and

lack of availability were offered as reasons, in addition to the fact that the NGOs

which facilitated the focus groups often did not have direct relationships with the

women. As the research period occurred during school holidays, many of the

children were scattered with family relatives in different neighbourhoods of the city.

This meant that gathering a sufficient number of them for focus groups was difficult.

b. All the interviewees gave their informed verbal consent to participate in the

research following an introduction to the background, research questions, and how

the data would be used. None of the participants requested anonymity after an offer

of this was made to them. Indeed, in many cases where Nigeriens were the subject of

the SSI or focus group, a request of a photograph was made by them for the record.

c. The focus groups were conducted before the month of Ramadan in addition to the

SSIs with local NGOs and educators. This only left SSIs with INGOs after Ramadan

had commenced.

d. Other than English, which is the primary language for non-‐French INGOs, the

languages spoken by all other participants were Tamacheq (Tuaregs), Fulani or

Zerma (Sub-‐Saharan Songhai). An interpreter, who was proficient in all the above

languages as well as English, was identified by an international development worker

whose contact had been made prior to arriving in Niamey. Additionally, the

interpreter was experienced in working with westerners as well as government

officials.

A pilot interview was held prior to the first focus group to ascertain any potential

issues but none were readily identified. During the sessions that required

translation, clarifications to participants’ responses were sought as necessary.

26

All the data gained through interviews, focus groups and observations have been

recorded and transcribed. Recordings are held securely by the researcher and will be

so, until after graduation, when they will be securely erased. As stated above, none of

the respondents requested anonymity – however, the sole reference to their data will be

in relation to this dissertation.

3.3 Validity and limitations of research

Specific limitations relating to this data research included the restricted access area due

to security concerns, the difficulty of interviewing children due to school holidays and

the inability to make any contacts with government officials involved in the education

sector despite many attempts. Notwithstanding these limitations and the dependency

on the accounts of the respondents, the triangulation of the data obtained on the same

issues with IDPs, educators and NGOs is an attempt to reduce bias.

The data and findings of the research in this dissertation are based on academic

literature and field research within a specific geographical, time-‐specific and case-‐study

context. Context-‐specific findings cannot, therefore, be generalised to other IDP settings.

However, Barbour (2008) suggests that case studies, viewed “within the context of

sampling allow us to gain an understanding of their potential and how we might

harness this most effectively (Barbour, 2008, p.60). The findings of this research are

valuable as they can contribute to a development worker’s understanding of how

education plays a role in conflict, identity and peace building within an IDP context

when adjusted accordingly. Additionally, as this field research was conducted in the

Sahel, it has the potential to be relevant, in part, to other displacement contexts within

this geographical area. However, further research would need to be carried out to be

applicable to different contexts.

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Chapter 4. Data Analysis

4.1 Introduction

The analysis presented in this chapter derives from data collected from interviews,

focus groups, informal conversations and general observations conducted in Niamey,

Niger,34 in June and July 2014. In addition, it contains a selective desk-‐based analysis of

the latest, publicly-‐available Nigerien state education plans. 35 39 people in Niamey

specifically contributed to the data by way of semi-‐structured interviews and focus

groups. These included IDPs, representatives of national and international NGOs

(INGOs) and teachers. Additionally, informal conversations were also held with

international aid workers who are not directly involved in the education sector.

The data analysis will be presented and arranged around the two research questions

and, within each of these sections, by themes that have been explored in the literature

review.

4.2 To what extent does education act as a peace connector or divider for IDPs in

Niamey, Niger?

Value of education

Despite difficulties outlined further on in this chapter in terms of capacity,

discrimination and accessibility, IDPs, teachers and INGO staff all placed a high value on

education.

“People, Tuaregs see a value in education. Mostly for my sons but also for my

daughters as if they get divorced they have something to fall back on – they’ll

actually say that. Even women should get an education because you’ll have a job

34 Niamey, Niger, was chosen primarily due to safety and security concerns. At the time this fieldwork research was being conducted, the UK FCO advised against all travel to the province of Agadez which has arguably the highest number of IDPs in Niger. 35 http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐1ere (part 1) http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐2eme (part 2) http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐3eme (part 3)

28

and you won’t starve. Actually being poor has put some value to education

because they see its worth.”36

“We are ready to do all we can to educate our children. All what we do in the

town is for our children because it is our objective that they become big man

tomorrow, to have a good job. Our first problem was caused by our parents not

going to school and it was left too late for us to go to school and we do not want

that for our children.”37

The CRS representative in Niger38 suggested that there was a change in attitudes and

values in relation to education. Where traditionally little value was ascribed to the

education of girls in particular, this was now changing.

“Certainly there’s been an appreciation that, yes there is kind of that traditional

not value to education which is the whole thrust of the project.”39

The current generation of displaced parents often did not have access to education

themselves. Their wish to see an economic betterment for future generations has

increased the value put on education. The increasing importance put on education for

women and girls is particularly striking. Previous generations may have had few, if any,

expectations in relation to education, such as increased potential for entering the labour

market and, as a result, an improvement in their economic status. However, the

increasing value being put on education brings with it an increase in expectations. If

these expectations fail to be met, due to issues identified under the headings detailed

below, there is the potential for education to increase tensions and act as a peace

divider.

Additionally, exclusion or the perception of the denial of a group’s right or that

particular group’s marginalisation from their economic, social and political rights can

“create structural fault lines in society that may be less visible at first sight, but provide

36 NIM 03 37 NIM 02 38 NIM 07 39 CRS working in the southern Maradi province as detailed in http://www.crsprogramquality.org/storage/pubs/general/crs-‐in-‐niger.pdf (accessed 120814)

29

fertile ground for the outbreak of violence” (Parlevliet, 2011, p.382). These “structural

fault lines” or grievances resulting from exclusions or denials of rights, such as the right

of education to be exercised, have the potential to generate conflict.

Four As

The four As examined in the literature review are those essential features identified by

the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for the right of education to

be exercised.40 These features, which take on particular relevance within an IDP context

(IDMC, 2010) are: availability, accessibility, acceptability and adaptability. Each of these

features will be addressed separately with the fieldwork data as described in the

introduction.

Although the literature review deemed the four As and finding durable solutions to be

very important when considering the role of education as a peace connector or divider,

the field research did not reveal them to be of primary concern, other than the points

addressed in the specific sections below.

Availability

Particular issues that were identified in the literature review were those of sufficient

capacity, in both the availability of sufficient numbers of teachers as well as there being

a sufficient number of schools within a particular district.

General observation and informal conversations with INGO workers suggested that

there is widespread distribution of primary schools in Niamey. These consist of state-‐

funded, non-‐fee paying; privately-‐funded, minimal or non-‐fee paying; and privately-‐

funded, fee paying schools.41 In addition, none of the interviews or focus groups

identified a lack of actual schools as an issue. However issues such as class sizes and

teacher student ratios were raised by a number of interviewees.

40 Article 13(2) from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment 13, The right to education (Twenty-‐first session, 1999) http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/gencomm/escgencom13.htm (accessed 300514) 41 Derived from conversations with international aid workers and teachers

30

One focus group42 revealed four main concerns:

i. Too many children in a classroom and as a result, the classes being “only noise” with

the teacher having “no control”.

ii. The classrooms being too small for such large class sizes.

iii. Some teachers having poor educational qualifications themselves.

iv. Corporal punishment is still used.

One member in this focus group mentioned that there were 60 children in a class, a

number 50% higher than the UN-‐recommended maximum.43 Another man – a father of

a daughter with memory problems – said there were 54 children in his daughter’s class.

Another member commented that some women teachers even “bring their own babies

to school with them”. A representative from Canadian NGO ADRA44 confirmed classes of

50 students had been observed.

The lack of sufficient capacity as outlined above, can be correlated with an issue of

quality of education. IDP parents may feel that the economic costs, real or opportunity,

they have to pay for their children’s education, outweigh the perceived benefits,

especially when judging the quality of education being received.

Accessibility

The literature review revealed that education free from discrimination, as well as the

ability to get to school free from attack or discrimination, is a gauge on the degree of

access for IDP children. In addition, free primary level education should be available to

everyone, with economic constraints not acting as a barrier for attending school.

The financial hardships being endured by IDPs were commented on in general and were

also specifically identified as a significant barrier to accessing education, particularly

with regard to the costs of materials such as schoolbooks, pens and uniforms etc.

42 NIM 02 43 UNHCR Education Strategy 2012-‐2016, page 12 suggests a student: teacher ratio of maximum 40:1 http://www.unhcr.org/4af7e71d9.html (accessed 300514) 44 NIM 03

31

“Average they pay 15,000 CFA45 [less than £20] for schoolbooks and stuff, plus a

backpack and pens and pencils and stuff maybe goes up to 25,000 CFA [£30] if

they buy all the books.”46

Every year this [payment for school books and materials] is a problem. Every year

when the school starts we have many problems to pay things like the children

[school] bags, their books, pens etc, uniforms. The government brings only the

teacher. If you have money, there is private school where everything is right, clean

etc.”47

“But to bring the children to the school it is not easy for a poor man to bring four

or five children to school. Also there is a need to work and find food.”48

Private schools, which still have large class sizes as seen above, are largely

distinguishable from state schools in that the teachers do not go on strike,49 potentially

for fear of losing their jobs. For example the INGO PLAN mention a case of Nigerien

private school teachers not striking when public service teachers were, in a review of

one of their project schools not far from Niamey.50

In addition to the economic difficulties faced by most IDPs, representatives from an

INGO and a local NGO suggested that Tuaregs feel discriminated against in terms of the

awarding of exam grades as well as a general lack of awareness as to their rights for

education. The Canadian NGO ADRA51 suggested that some schools are open to bribery

from other wealthier ethnic groups such as the Zerma and will falsify the actual grades

attained by a particular student. However as this option is not open to the “poorer

Tuaregs” because of their lack of financial resources, the Tuareg feel discriminated

against.

45 West African CFA franc is used in 8 West African States (http://www.bceao.int/) including Niger. The acronym CFA stands for Communauté Financière d'Afrique (African Financial Community). 46 NIM 03 47 NIM 02 48 NIM 05 49 Comment from Canadian NGO ADRA representative NIM 03 50 http://www.planusa.org/content1044779 (accessed 290814) 51 NIM 03

32

Lack of awareness by IDPs as to their rights of education as well as a general feeling of

abandonment by the authorities and government was highlighted by a local NGO52 as

well as by some members of the Fulani IDP focus group:53

[Having listened to specific comments from three men in the Fulani focus group, the

interpreter said:]

“Those three men feel marginal because no one helps them. They feel abandoned.

The government doesn’t help them. The government only comes to them [the

Fulani] when there is an election.”

However, a director and a principal of a private school54 felt that neither Tuaregs nor

Fulani were “picked on [nor] discriminated against”. What is interesting about this

comment, it that it was made by two Tuaregs.

“They [all pupils regardless of ethnicity] are all the same. They [the teachers] teach

the children how to be brother.”55

Rather than marginalisation and discrimination issues, all three participants in a SSI56

(the director and principal referred to above as well as a Zerma senior teacher included

in the interview) identified “poverty [with] no classroom, no infrastructure, no

materials, books etc.” as one of the biggest challenges for Nigerien education.

Finally, the loss, or lack, of identity papers and documentation was identified by the

Fulani IDPs57 as a significant barrier to their children attending school. This was

identified in the literature review as being one of the additional difficulties encountered

by IDPs and will be addressed further below.

Discrimination and economic hardships, as revealed in the focus groups and SSIs,

suggest there are significant difficulties in accessing education. The economic hardships

revealed by the field research mirror the results of the NRC 2010 study (identified in 52 NIM 08 53 NIM 05 54 NIM 06 55 NIM 06 56 NIM 06 57 NIM 05

33

the literature review), which showed that poverty remains a significant issue for urban

IDPs in accessing education.

Acceptability

The literature review suggested that the language of instruction for education should be

acceptable and culturally appropriate, particularly for IDPs whose place of refuge,

depending on the country, can be in an area that is ethnically and linguistically different

from their place of origin. Whilst the language factor can interplay with identity issues

that are discussed separately below, it does have the potential to act as a barrier to

education if IDPs view the language of instruction as being unacceptable to them.

Although there are many languages spoken in Niger,58 French is the official language of

the country, being used in official government circles, courts, civil service as well as in

the media and business sector. It is also the official language of education. Although all

the different ethnicities encountered during the fieldwork research in Niamey are

proud of their heritage, language and culture, virtually everyone59 during the fieldwork

research – IDPs included – regarded the French language as being the one that led to

potential economic benefits. The following quotation summarises many similar

sentiments heard:

“People prefer to learn French because if you learn Tamacheq, you can’t use it in

the system. So for sure they want their language in the system but they prefer

French to the high standard. They prefer to be taught French to be useful in the

system. French in the school is very important because when your children finish it

[with French], they will have work but if they finish it in Tamacheq they won’t have

work.”60

Adaptability

With the potential for displacement to last for many years, as identified in the literature

review, education programmes should be developed that allow IDPs to re-‐enter it as

58 http://www.ethnologue.com/country/NE suggests 21 languages with four principal languages, in addition to French, being widely used. These are Hausa, Zerma, Tamacheq and Fulani. 59 One man in the Tuareg focus group preferred Tamacheq to be taught in schools instead – see the identity section below 60 NIM 01

34

and when required and appropriate. This is particularly important when seeking

durable solutions which may see the IDPs either return to their point of origin, or

integrate into the local community in which they have sought refuge initially.

The fieldwork research did not identify any particular features within the educational

system that might suggest flexibility, or the converse, that would impact on IDPs as

described above. The representative from the Canadian NGO61 suggested that from her

experience with Tuaregs, there was often an in-‐built flexibility from the students’

perspective in the sense of a ‘take it or leave it’ type of attitude to schooling:

“At the young ages they don’t see any value, until their brevet62 they’re unsure if

they really want to do school. Once they pass their brevet you see a significant

difference. Suddenly they’re into school, they value it. Up to brevet it requires

parental pressure to go to school. The can take maybe three gap years – then they

get to 18, their parents are poor, I’m almost old. Now I’m going to be serious and

try to catch up.”

Arguably, the ability of the system to incorporate students of different ages within the

same class does afford a degree of flexibility that, in more developed countries with a

tighter educational system, might otherwise be a challenge to uphold. However the

knowledge that there is this leeway in the system can, adversely, encourage students to

drop out of education at an early age and risk never re-‐entering. This can then have a

detrimental economic impact on the student and their family.

Difficulties during displacement

The literature review identified additional difficulties that displacement can bring about

for IDPs in accessing education. As well as potential trauma in the loss of, or separation

from, other family members, sourcing adequate shelter and income-‐earning

opportunities can impact upon the practical realities of school attendance. Additionally,

61 NIM 03 62 Diplôme national du Brevet. This is the first official diploma a pupil has to sit and is normally taken at age 15 immediately prior to the last three years of secondary level education in the French educational system. http://www.eqavet.eu/gns/what-‐we-‐do/implementing-‐the-‐framework/france.aspx (accessed 290814)

35

the areas where IDPs do take refuge, within an urban environment, can be those most

neglected in terms of infrastructure and educational facilities.

From observation during the fieldwork research, many of the IDPs encountered in

Niamey were either living in unfinished buildings acting as unpaid guardians, with no

services such as plumbing or electricity, or in straw hut-‐type structures on wasteland

on the outskirts of the city.

The following photographs, taken by the author during the fieldwork, help to

demonstrate this.

Photograph A63

63 IDP shelters on privately owned ground in Niamey. These shelters are adjacent to a building site (extreme left of photo), which is already occupied by other IDP families. The IDPs act as unofficial and unpaid guardians to the building site, and are allowed to stay, rent-‐free, on the site in return.

36

Photograph B64

Photograph C (above) & D (below)65

64 IDP shelters on open ground allocated for development in Niamey who will be forced to move once building work commences. 65 Waste ground on the outskirts of Niamey provides space for IDP settlements but with no services, running water or ready access to schools or health facilities.

37

In addition to the shelter and economic difficulties described, the literature review

identified loss of documentation incurred during, or following, the actual displacement,

as having the potential to act as a barrier to education. Examples of such documents

would be birth certificates, identity documents as well as paperwork relating to prior

educational achievements attained. Guiding Principle 20 (UN, 2001) covers this aspect

and affirms the right of IDPs to have “all documents necessary for the enjoyment and

exercise of their legal rights” issued to them by the authorities. The Kampala

Convention (KC)66 Article 14 commits signature states to ‘ensuring access to primary,

secondary and post-‐secondary education… for all children, including… internally

displaced children…”.

66 The full wording of the African Union (AU) Convention on the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons (KC) is included as an Appendix .

38

However, the realities on the ground in displacement and the economic costs incurred

by IDPs in having, e.g. ID cards reissued can create difficulties. This was born witness to

by the Fulani IDPs.67

“The five boys are going to school – a church pays the school for them. The rest of

the children don’t go because they don’t have birth papers, it will cost money for

them. They don’t have documentation. To do documentation takes time and

money.”

“The only problem they have is the documentation. If they have it, they can bring

children to school [paperwork costs around 10,000 CFA (£12) and takes two or

three days]. If they return to Agadez [their point of origin] the paperwork is free.”

“If you don’t have paper you are marginal, you cannot get work, you are like

nothing. You cannot go to school.”

The additional difficulties, identified during the field research, of the IDP settlement

areas being neglected in terms of infrastructure and educational facilities, as well as the

lack of documentation issues, all contribute to increased difficulties in accessing

education. Along with the discrimination and economic difficulties previously

highlighted in the ‘accessibility’ section above, the potential exists for these aspects of

the four As to give rise to grievances as the right to education is not able to be exercised.

Durable Solutions

The three durable solutions, identified in the KC, Article 8, are: local integration in the

place of settlement post-‐displacement; voluntary return to the original locale pre-‐

displacement; or settlement and integration in another part of the state.

Notwithstanding this commitment by KC signature states, of which Niger is one, to seek

durable solutions for IDPs, long-‐term displaced in urban setting contexts such as

Niamey seem to be becoming permanent city residents. This mirrors experiences

identified in the literature review in places such as Khartoum (Crisp, Morris & Refstie,

2012).

67 NIM 05

39

However, despite the longevity of the displacement attested to by the Tuareg and Fulani

focus groups,68 their long-‐term aspirations are different.

“They [Tuareg] want to stay here because their children were born here, they grew

up here so now it’s their new home but they want to stay attached with the bush.”69

“All their [Fulani] hope is to return because their old family members are there. In

the rainy season they return or when they find money they send it back home. Their

hope is to settle back there.70

Although the two focus groups expressed different longer-‐term aspirations, it is

important that the state addresses sustainable, durable solutions with each to ensure,

amongst other things, that they have access to services such as education as well as

possibly employment. This would allow the potential for grievances caused by lack of

access and economic hardships to diminish.

Conflict Sensitivity

The literature review suggested that education plans made by fragile-‐viewed states

should include contingencies in the event of natural disasters and future conflict. Both

drought and floods have affected Niger in recent times71 in addition to conflict (ICG,

2013). The most recent publicly-‐available Niger state education plan72 is for the period

2011-‐2013 and comes in three parts covering access, quality and institutional

development.

68 The Tuareg NIM 02 have been in Niamey for 20 years. The Fulani NIM 05 have been in Niamey for nine years. 69 NIM 02 70 NIM 05 71 Attested to by both focus groups as well as reported widely in humanitarian websites such as http://reliefweb.int/country/ner 72 http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐1ere (part 1) http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐2eme (part 2) http://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/content/niger-‐programme-‐decennal-‐de-‐developpement-‐de-‐leducation-‐pdde-‐3eme-‐phase-‐2011-‐2013-‐3eme (part 3)

40

Part 2 identifies weak state capacity73 as a “Contraintes majeures” (major constraint) in

meeting the plan’s overall aims and objectives of achieving universal, quality primary

level education and halving the illiteracy rate by 2015. However, none of the three parts

appear to include any mention of, or contingency plans for, future natural disasters and

conflict. As identified in the literature review, this is not an isolated case, but given the

current World Bank funding74 for this sector plan, it may be an issue that has gone

unchecked.

In terms of representativeness and ‘buy-‐in’ from the various sectors of Nigerien society

in formulating and implementing the education sector plans, there appears to be

differing views. In addition to the government, other potentially interested parties

include various religious and ethnic groups, civil society organisations (CSOs) as well as

those stakeholders directly involved in education such as teachers, student groups and

parents. As mentioned in the literature review and in the accessibility section above,

there are some prominent Tuareg and, to a lesser extent, Fulani political figures in the

current government. However the fact that “[some] people don’t think the government

is here for them”75 does not help with the ‘buy-‐in’ factor.

A lack of representation in government and the wider decision making process was felt

by the Fulani. A comment was made by the Fulani IDP focus group76 that whilst the

Tuaregs had a number of ministers in government, including the Prime Minister, there

was only one Fulani minister.77

73 Page 4, Part 2, Section 2 (URL above) 74 Detailed on http://www.worldbank.org/projects/P115436/niger-‐niger-‐efa-‐fti-‐basic-‐educ-‐project?lang=en (accessed 120814) 75 NIM 08 76 NIM 05 77 The politician referred to is probably Albadé Abouba who is a Fulani. He is currently Minister of State for the Presidency in the current ‘national unity’ government, having been previously arrested as part of the previous Tandja government due to his role as Minister of the Interior in repressing anti-‐Tandja demonstrations in 2009. http://www.afrik.com/niger-‐mahamadou-‐issoufou-‐compose-‐un-‐gouvernement-‐d-‐union-‐nationale (accessed 120814) http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2011/af/186227.htm (accessed 120814) http://goo.gl/kxKdQW (accessed 120814)

41

Furthermore, the 2013 demonstrations opposing proposed legislation protecting girls’

rights to secondary education (ICG, 2013) and the recent student riots78 in Niamey

protesting against conditions in the education system, may suggest a

disenfranchisement with the education system. Additionally, frequent public service

teacher strikes as reported on-‐line,79 arguably increase the degree of separation

between relevant stakeholders, teachers and government.

The devising of the curriculum and how this might favour one ethnicity over another

and thereby potentially increase conflict, by e.g. a particular version of history being

taught, or a particular school of Islam being promoted, was investigated in the fieldwork

research. The three educationalists80 confirmed that teachers have input into the setting

of the history curriculum along with the Nigerien Ministry of Education. From the SSI

with the two teachers81 working part-‐time with the Canadian NGO ADRA, it seems that

shared history being part of the schooling programme works. This aspect is addressed

in the last section of this data analysis.

The three educationalists82 and the two teachers83 all confirmed that Islam is not a core

subject in the curriculum and is only studied for two hours per week. Additionally, the

religious leaders have no involvement with its actual teaching.84

The Tuareg focus group85 suggested that, in any event, their history is unwritten.

“In the school, there is no history about the Tuareg that is taught because it is not

written down – only passed down through Tuareg. The Tuareg history is very old

and it’s not easy to be sure it is as it is said.”

78 Various student riots in Niamey in 2014 reported online: https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15122 (accessed 120814) https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15360 (accessed 120814) http://www.naharnet.com/stories/en/131733 (accessed 120814) 79 http://www.worlddiplomaticguide.com/newsdetails.php?id=1827 (accessed 120814) http://www.teachersolidarity.com/blog/contract-‐teachers-‐strike-‐in-‐niger (accessed 120814) 80 NIM 06 81 NIM 04 82 NIM 06 83 NIM 04 84 NIM 06 85 NIM 02

42

In addition to the curriculum and how and what is taught, the language of instruction as

outlined in the acceptability section above, has the potential to increase conflict as it

may discriminate and act as a barrier to some. Apart from one individual in the Tuareg

focus group, all those participating in the research concurred with the sentiment

expressed in the following quotation:

“He would prefer his child to be educated in French. What they want is for their

children to speak French and English because French is their work language. The

Tamacheq they know it, it is their language but they prefer their children to be in

the French system”.

[One man, Mohamed, wanted to give his opinion]: “It is good to have Tamacheq

education because you can use that language in many places, in many countries.

This is his opinion.”86 [But the majority preferred French and English]

There is, however, a move towards introducing some of the other main languages

spoken in Niger87 into the curriculum but maintaining French as the primary language

of instruction. This emerged during the conversation with the three educationalists.88

The intention is to teach Tamacheq in Tuareg areas, Fulani in their areas etc. The

impetus for including local languages has, according to the principal in the

educationalists grouping, been a general dynamic 50 years in the making, i.e. since

independence.

It would seem, that whilst there is dissatisfaction with the educational system in the

country as evidenced by the student riots and public sector teachers’ strikes, the lack of

representativeness and inclusiveness felt by IDPs is more general than education

specific. The educational plans and curriculum, whilst not having any built-‐in

contingency mechanisms for future disasters or conflict, does not appear to be divisive

in terms of content. The language of instruction, French, is endorsed by virtually

everyone and, furthermore, the introduction of mother-‐tongue languages into the

schooling system is being worked on. Whilst not addressing all areas of conflict

sensitivity as identified in the literature review, the factors identified in the field would

86 NIM 02 87 http://www.ethnologue.com/country/NE 88 NIM 06

43

suggest that there are not sufficiently strong mechanisms for education to act as a peace

divider.

4.3 To what extent does education play a part in bringing about a shared sense of

national identity as well as a shared respect for ethnic diversity for IDPs in Niamey,

Niger?

The literature review suggested that education has an important role to play in

constructing identity and shaping society, whether by developing a shared national

identity, or by replicating existing ethnic divisions and fracture lines. As explored in the

literature review, the majority of IDPs are Tuareg and Fulani. The fieldwork research

sought to ascertain to what extent Tuaregs and Fulani identify with their own ethnic

groupings as well as having a shared respect for other ethnicities. Additionally, the

issues as to how these identities interface with the concept of Nigerien nationality, and

what role education may play in all of this, were explored.

Both the Tuareg and Fulani focus groups agreed that they would describe themselves

primarily according to their ethnicity but the Tuareg suggested that the Fulani would

consider themselves Nigerien over Fulani. On being asked the question about

identifying themselves as Nigeriens, the Tuareg responded as follows: 89

Q: “Would you call yourselves Nigerien?”

A: [with laughter] “Yes – we would because we are from Niger – and proud to be

also.”

Q: “Which is the most important – to be Tuareg or to be Nigerien?”

A: “We prefer to be Tamacheq because someone could come from Burkina and still

be Nigerien. In Niger there are many different ethnicities so we would prefer to be

called Tamacheq.”

Q: “What do you think e.g. Fulani or Hausa would say to that same question?”

A: “The first answer would be they would call themselves Nigerien.”90

89 NIM 02 90 NIM 02

44

The Fulani had a similar outlook.91 Although all members knew they were Nigerien,

they wanted to be identified as Fulani “because our culture is very different to Hausa”.

However one group member had a more circumspect view suggesting that urban living

would change everything:

“Slowly, slowly the town will change things. In the bush they [referring to the rest of

the group] can conserve identity but when they live 20 or 30 years in the town,

things will change.”92

A Tuareg NGO president felt that the Tuareg were not patriotic in the sense of national

identity:

“They feel in their community, not Nigerien. Not patriotic. When Niger Tuareg

meets a Malian Tuareg, he sees a Tuareg not a Nigerien or Malian.”93

The Canadian NGO educational worker agreed that ethnicity was favoured over

nationality in terms of identity, particularly as the Tuareg had their “own music…, own

concerts, traditional dress… [and] tended to value their language a lot.”94

Within the primary school system, all children sing the national anthem and perform a

flag raising ceremony every morning before school starts.95 The Tuareg focus group

suggested that this singing of the national anthem and the raising the flag do not create

any difficulties for them:

Q: “And what do you think of that? Because that is the Nigerien flag and before you

said you prefer to be called Tamacheq and every morning your children sing and

see the Nigerien flag?”

A: “It’s important to raise their country. [after some discussion] – for them the flag

means they are from the country.”

91 NIM 05 92 NIM 05 93 NIM 08 94 NIM 03 95 NIM 04

45

Q: “Ok so even though you say you are Tamacheq, you are happy with that [the

raising of the flag and national anthem]?”

A: “Yes we are.”96

With regard to how education impacts identity and mutual respect for other ethnicities,

the SSI with two teachers97 suggested that having a shared history as well as sharing

their different ethnicities’ songs in different languages as part of the curriculum, all

impacted positively on the potential for diminishing conflict:

Q: “Are there any Tuareg stories?”

A: “Yes there are songs in different languages…”

Q: “The whole class will learn each other’s songs?”

A: “Yes, yes. That’s why it’s difficult to have ethnic conflict in Niger.”

Q: “Because?”

A: “Because of shared history. It’s very difficult [for conflict] because of the mixing

of ethnicities. The problem is just economic… there is a lot of mixing. Not like other

parts of Africa. The culture is very mixed, not even like France -‐ there it’s very

complicated.”98

Although this last comment was made primarily in the context of the schooling system,

it echoed similar comments on the mixing of ethnicities that were heard during the field

research. Casual conversations with other NGO workers as well as personal observation

in Niamey, suggested that there appeared to be quite a widespread distribution and

mixing of different ethnicities geographically. The school director in the educationalists’

SSI, commented:

“There is not the same problem in Mali as Niger. Mali is much more divided

north/south. In Niger there are Tuaregs everywhere. In Niger you will find a

majority of one ethnic group in a particular area but you will also find all other

ethnicities mixed in with them. Mali, it’s much more divided. There is cohesion in

Niger.”99

96 NIM 02 97 NIM 04 98 NIM 04 99 NIM 06

46

However even though there may be a mixing of ethnicities in schools, this does not

necessarily translate into close relationships.

Q: “From your observance, is there any animosity, ethnically wise between say

Fulani and Tuareg, and Tuareg and Hausa?”

A: “Not really much. Tuaregs will stick with Tuaregs. Their closest friends will be

Tuaregs. They will hang out with different types of people but not close friends as

such.”100

4.4 Conclusion

Certain access and availability difficulties were raised such as the cost of schoolbooks

and materials, lack of ID documentation, capacity issues such as large class sizes and a

degree of isolation from the ‘system’. However, the shared desire for French to continue

as the language of instruction and, from all accounts, a mutually acceptable version of

Nigerien history all combine to suggest that whilst there is the potential for education to

act as a peace divider, there is also a potential for it to play a role as a peace connector.

In terms of conflict sensitivity, the field research would suggest that, whilst the

literature review identified certain areas that need addressing, there are not sufficiently

strong drivers within the Nigerien educational system to act as a catalyst for conflict for

IDPs.

Furthermore, from the recorded conversations, it would appear that education plays a

significant role, particularly for the current generation, in creating a shared respect for

ethnic diversity. It is notable that the focus groups that identified themselves according

to their ethnicity were of a generation that had left education and school age some 20 to

30 years ago. Potentially the current generation no longer wishes to feel constrained by

ethnicity as the principal identifying feature and along with the mixing of ethnicities in

schools, a shared learning of history, songs and culture as well as the singing of the

national anthem every morning, is creating a shared sense of national Nigerien identity.

100 NIM 04

47

The data obtained from the research is, however, limited in time and scope. Further

research would be necessary to widen the application of these research questions

beyond the specific context in which they were investigated.

48

Chapter 5. Conclusions

The literature review identified a number of practical difficulties faced by IDPs in

having their right to education met within the context of the protection and

commitments offered to them through the KC. Failure, even in part, to have this right

met has the potential to create or strengthen societal tensions and ultimately generate

conflict. Conversely, education has the potential to create stability during displacement

and is important when it comes to finding long-‐term durable solutions. Additionally, the

literature review suggested that education has an important role to play in constructing

identity and shaping society, whether by developing a shared national identity, or by

widening existing ethnic fracture lines.

The data analysis identified many of the same practical difficulties for IDPs in having

their right to education met. Difficulties paying for school materials and schoolbooks,

lack of identity documentation as well as capacity issues such as large class sizes were

all raised by participants in the field research. Conflict sensitive issues such as the

curriculum content for history and religion, whilst having the capacity to strengthen

ethnic divisions seemed, within a Nigerien context, to bring about a shared respect for

different ethnicities. The language of instruction was identified in the literature review

as having the potential to act as a barrier to some in terms of acceptability as well as

being a possible discriminating factor, thereby creating tensions. However, research

from the field suggested otherwise, with a strong shared desire for education to

continue being taught in French, as this was perceived to offer enhanced economic

opportunities that education in mother-‐tongue languages would not provide. Further

research would need to be undertaken to widen the potential applicability of this

particular finding.

The two research questions in this dissertation asked, within the context of Niamey, to

what extent education was a peace connector or divider, and what impact it had on

identity and diversity issues. Whilst barriers within the four As framework were

identified in the field research as in the literature review, they do not appear to be

sufficiently strong drivers to bring about conflict. Similarly, conflict-‐sensitive aspects of

the Nigerien education system that were identified in the literature review such as lack

49

of representativeness, were counter-‐balanced by aspects which did seem to act as a

unifying factor such as French being the language of instruction. Nigerien national

identity was reinforced through daily ritual – the singing of the national anthem and

raising of the flag – in addition to a shared history of Niger being borne out in class.

However, individual ethnic identities were also given space and value by the sharing of

songs and stories which helped create a mutual respect for different ethnicities. It

would be interesting to conduct similar research in another 15-‐20 years to ascertain

whether this mutual respect for ethnicities was being transferred, through education, to

the next generation of students.

The limitations to this research have already been discussed, but the findings can still

contribute to an understanding of how education plays a role in conflict and identity

within an IDP context. Further research, however, would need to be carried out to

widen the applicability beyond that of this dissertation. The research has the potential

to be relevant in other French-‐speaking Sahelian states such as Mali and Chad,

particularly as there are IDP populations in both of those countries. There may be value

in conducting further research to gauge the extent in which there are similar unifying

factors in the education system that have the potential to contribute to peace in these

countries as well, or whether the findings of this research are restricted solely to a

Nigerien context.

50

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7. Appendices

Appendix 1. Semi-‐structured interview and focus group question matrix of initial questions

Appendix 2. Referencing of primary data collection sources

Appendix 3. FCO Map of Niger

Appendix 4. Kampala Declaration on Refugees, Returnees & Internally Displaced Persons in Africa

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Appendix 1

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Appendix 2

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https://www.gov.uk/foreign-‐travel-‐advice/niger (accessed 290814)

Appendix 3

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Appendix 4

The Impact of Education on Internationally Displaced Persons

Documents

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