Multi-Destination Trips: A Survey on Incoming Zourism in Sicily
The Ibadiyah in Muslim Sicily
Transcript of The Ibadiyah in Muslim Sicily
Muslim Sicily and The Presence of the Ibāḍī Sect
Muslim and European scholars have studied and recounted the
history of medieval Europe and the Islamic world for more than a
century, but the period of Muslim rule in Sicily is still being
uncovered. The island was a bridge linking both Christian Europe and
the world of Islam. Economic relations between the two zones
flourished regardless of the political upheavals, bringing relative
prosperity to the general population of Sicily and southern Italy.
The Arabs and Berbers who migrated to Sicily came with a vitality
that transformed the island into a new Islamic society that became
economically and culturally part of the greater Muslim world. The
Arab conquest began in 212/827, and Muslim rule lasted until the
Norman conquest, which began in 457/1061 and ended with the
capitulation of Noto in 483/1090. Muslim communities remained active
throughout the island for more than another century, and the last
vestige of their communities disappear only when the Holy Roman
Emperor Frederick II Hohenstaufen (r. 605/1208-648/1250) defeated
their efforts of autonomy. (1)
In studying the history of Muslim Sicily scholars have depended
on the historical and biographical works of primarily Sunnī authors,
with some Shī ‘ite sources as well. The large number of these
writings have been available to scholars in the East and the West,
and they have therefore assumed that the Malikī school, or madhhab,
was predominant among the Muslim population of the island. Recently,
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however, with the addition of historical works by members of the
Ibāḍīte doctrine (madhhab) and archaeological findings we must add
this madhhab to the sectarian make-up of Sicily.
Thus, we must add the Ibāḍīya among the Muslim communities
living in Sicily during the period of Islamic rule. The Arab conquest
of Sicily began when the Aghlabid dynasty in Ifrīqīya (the region of
modern day Tunisia and western Tripolitania) launched its expedition
at the request of the rebellious Byzantine naval commander Euphemius
(d. 214/829). He sought the help of the Aghlabid amir Ziyādat Allāh I
(d.223/838) in re-conquering the island after losing his attempt to
put the island under his own command, independent of Constantinople.
(2) Along with the expedition’s military forces, Muslim religious
leaders and other civil officials (3) migrated to the island. Members
of the invading army of Arabs, Persians (Khurasānī), Andalusians and
Berbers settled there. The largest group to settle in Sicily was the
indigenous population of North Africa, known in the Middle Ages and
today as the Berbers. (4)
Medieval Arabic sources mention that the Berbers were among the
warriors who took part in the conquest of Sicily, (5) but some
historical sources, such as the geographer and historian ‘Alī al-
Ḥusayn al-Masʻūdī (d. ca. 346/957) (6) and the Moroccan historian Abū
al-Qāsim ibn Aḥmad ibn Ibrāhīm al-Ziyyānī (d. 1249/1833), add that
the Berbers migrated and settled throughout the island. (7) A clearer
picture of Arabo/Berber settlement is seen in the work of the Malikī
legal scholar Aḥmad ibn Naṣr al-Dāwūdī (d. 402/10426). In his
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commentary on the legal status of the lands occupied by the Muslims
during their conquest of the island, entitled Kitāb al-amwāl, he
mentions that Berber groups had a major part in the conquest of
Sicily and then established estates. (8) Ibn Khaldūn indicates that
some Berber contingents came from the region known today as southern
Tunisia and Tripolitania in Libya. (9) It is most likely that the
invading forces came to Sicily as members of organized tribal groups
(10) who established their own settlements and populated existing
villages, towns and cities. (11)
The island’s fertility was well known, and since its soil
excelled in the production of the same crops (especially wheat,
barley, olives, grapes and figs) grown in North Africa, immigrants
moved there in substantial numbers. (12) In addition, land was
available for settlement because the previous century saw economic
and demographic instability most likely due to the series of plagues
from 541 to 135/752. It is estimated that the population within the
Byzantine Empire may have declined by as much as 30%. (13) Therefore,
by the 1st/7th century Sicilian cities, as well as the countryside had
periods of population decline. Some urban centers, such as Gela,
Selinunte, Segesta and other ancient settlements, had been abandoned.
(14) Depopulation and demographic decline is also confirmed in
contemporary Greek sources (15) and archeological findings. Some
Arabic sources also mention that the island was sparsely populated
when the Muslims arrive. (16)
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The Arabs were the other group to colonize the island. These
settlers, who originally came from Andalus, Arabia, Syria and Yemen,
(17) were not as numerous as the Berbers, but represented the
dominant religious, military and ruling elite. They were represented
by members of both the Muḍar and Qaḥṭān groups, such as the Azd,
Kināna, Lakhm, Sha‘rān, Tamīm, and others. (18) According to the
legal scholar al-Dāwūdī there was a steady flow of people from
Ifrīqīya to Sicily during the 4th/10th century. A major movement from
North Africa is recorded during the great famine of 395/1004 -1005,
when rich and poor, urban and rural folk, as well as Bedouins fled to
the island. (19) Another migration from Ifrīqīyah occurred in
451/1059, that is, after the Normans controlled most of the island.
(20)
The first group of Ibāḍīs to settle in Sicily were those of the
invading military forces and those auxiliary groups that sustained
them. A major part of the invading army was composed of members of
the Hawwāra tribe, one of the largest and most influential Ibāḍī
Berber groups in North Africa during the 2nd/8th to the 5th/11th
century. (21) It was among the major Berber tribes that supported the
Ibāḍī state at Tahert until its end after the Fatimids conquered it
in 297/909. Ibn Khaldūn states that after the Hawwāra in Ifrīqīya
failed in their rebellion against Aghlabid rule in 196/811, they
sought the help of the head and imām of the Ibāḍī Rustumid state,
‘Abd al-Wahhāb ibn Rustum (r. 171/788-208/824). Ibn Rustum mediated
an agreement whereby the Hawwāra would end their rebellion and
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support the Aghlabid regime. They and other Ibāḍī tribes, such as the
Zanāta, became for a period of time allies of the Aghlabids
and played a role in the conquest of Sicily. (22) One of the leading
commanders of the conquering army was Zawāwa Ibn Ni’mah al-Khalaf
(fl.3rd/9th century), a member of the Hawwāra tribe. (23)
It appears that these early settlers were mostly concentrated in
the north and west of the island, that is, where the Muslim army
first took control and established its administrative apparatus.
Evidence on the presence of Berber tribes adhering to Ibāḍīsm in this
northern region is revealed in the toponyms of the hamlets, towns and
villages of this period that show that a large number of the
settlements derive their names from individual members of Berber
tribes, or to the names of Berber tribes themselves. For example,
evidence indicates that a
number of tribes, such as the Kūmīya, a branch of the Nafzāwa, (24)
the Karkūda, a branch of the Hawwāra, (25) and the Zammūr, (26) a
branch of the Nafūsa, (27) gave their names to various settlements.
(28) In North Africa, the Banū Zammūr inhabited the major Ibāḍī
center of Jabal Nafūsa in Tripolitania (29) and was a major supporter
of the Rustumid state and Ibāḍī doctrine. (30) At times, we see a
Berber tribe giving its name to two settlements. One in the north,
near Palermo and one in the south, such as the Ibāḍī Berber tribe of
Faṭanāsa (also Fuṭṭanāsa). (31) One village, Raḥl Fuṭṭāsina, was
located in the north near the present village of Corleone; the other,
Fetanasino in Norman documents, lay between Ragusa and Enna. (32)
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This tribal name evokes the Ibāḍite Berber tribe of Faṭanāsa or
Fuṭṭanāsa, (34)
a branch of the Mazāta that in the medieval period inhabited the town
of Faṭanāsa located in the Jarīd region between Tozeur and Qabīlī on
the trade route going to Qābis. (35) Not far from the present town of
Monreale was the medieval village of Raḥl Maghāghī, (36) a settlement
named after the Lawāta sub-tribe of Maghāgha. (37) An abandoned
village near the present town of Acquaviva (near Mussomeli) was,
prior to the last century called Micchinisi, (38) a name most likely
derived from the Berber tribe Miknāsa, a branch of the Zanāta
inhabiting northern Morocco during the 4th/10th century. (39)
The names of individuals appearing in Norman registers of the
6th/12th century also reveal the presence of Ibāḍī Berber tribes. The
nisba ((an adjectival appellation, which may be formed from a town,
tribe or profession) of people such as al-Rīghī; al-Maklātī; al-
Masallātī; al-Misrātī, and Waddānī, (40) are found along with the
many Hawwārī, Zanātī, Lawātī, Nafzāwī, (41) the mainstay tribes of
the Ibāḍī Rustumid state. The Rīgha was a Zanāta tribe from the Mzab
in central Algeria, (42) and the Maklāta, a Lawāta branch of the
Nafzāwa, (43)
inhabited the Ibāḍī strongholds at Jabal Nafūsa and southern present
day Tunisia. The Masallāta and the Misrāta were important Ibāḍī
tribes belonging to branches of the Hawwāra that in North Africa
inhabited much of Tripolitania. (44) The name Waddānī indicates
someone from the Waddān region, some 100 km south of Surt and mostly
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inhabited by the Ibāḍī tribe of Mazāta. (45)
The capital city of Sicily, Palermo, also appears to have had an
Ibāḍī presence. Ibn Ḥawqal reports that a large number of the
inhabitants of the capital city were Barqajāna Berbers. The traveller
Ibn Ḥawqal, a partisan of the Fatimid dynasty who visited Sicily
around 362/972 comments on the city by saying: “The riffraf
predominate, and most of the people are of low condition, without
intelligence or real religion. Most of the are Barqajana and freedmen
claiming a connection with those who conquered the country and the
died out.” (46)
This significant because Arabic sources place the Barqajāna in
many of the major commercial centers of North Africa at the time,
especially along the trade routes that were monopolized by Ibāḍī
tribes. (47) They were found in the main trading centers of North
Africa along with other Ibāḍī tribes such as the Nafūsa, Lawāta,
Zanāta and Nafzāwa, all well-known Ibāḍī tribes active in the trans-
Saharan gold and slave trade. (48) The Polish scholar and specialist
on the Ibāḍīya,Tadeusz Lewicki, concluded that they were indeed
members of the Ibāḍīya (49) and when ‘Abd al-Raḥmān ibn Rustam (d.
171/788) established Tāhart (144/761) as his capital for the newly
found Ibāḍī state, the Barqajāna already had established themselves
in the adjacent fortified town known as Old Tāhart, called Ḥiṣn li-
Barqajāna, (50)
also known as Qalʻah Hawwāra. (51) Lewicki believed that they playedan important part in the commerce of the newly founded city of
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Tāhart. (52)
The medieval Arab chronicler of the city of Tāhart, Ibn Ṣaghīr,
goes on to describe the Barqajāna as ‘ajam, that is non-Arabic
speakers who are often interpreted as being afāriqah or Romanized
Christian Berbers, possibly speaking a Latin dialect. (53) His
narration informs us that at least some were Christians, and he gives
them a prominent place in the city’s economic and political life.
(54)
It therefore seems plausible that with the fall of Tāhart to the
Fatimids, this Ibāḍī tribe would have moved to other trading centers
not unlike the other Ibāḍī tribes around Tāhart had done. They moved
in different directions (55) with many going south and east to the
Ibāḍite oasis of Warglān, a major Ibāḍī trans-Saharan trade center,
while other exiles went to Jerba (56) and Sicily. (57) All the tribes
mentioned above inhabiting Sicily are known to have professed Ibāḍism
from the 2nd/8th to the middle of the 5th/11th century. (58)
Besides Ibāḍī communities inhabiting the northern part of the
island, there were other communities settled in the southern part of
the island. In the “Appendix” to the work Kitāb al-Siyar by the Ibāḍī
religious scholar Abū al-‘Abbas Aḥmad ibn al-Shammākhī (d. 928/1522)
mention is made of the regions and settlements where Ibāḍī
communities prevail. It says that among them is the Sicilian city of
Qaṣr Yannū, that is, present day Enna. (59) From the region of Enna
south to Ragusa, Modica, Scicli and Noto we find settlements and
toponyms as well as archaeological finds that strongly hint of an
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Ibāḍī presence.
Thus we find in the south, between Ragusa and Enna, a town with
the same name as that found near Palermo, Fetanasino, named after the
Ibāḍī Berber tribe of Faṭanāsa. (60)
A stronger example is found in Angevin records of the 8th/14th century
where mention is made of the town of Tahartina in the region of Noto.
(61) In 535/1140 it was part of four hamlets, and today it is located
in the contrada San Marco, some 10 kms north of Noto Antica. (62)
Adjacent to this site is the cave complex and stream known today as
Manghisi. This appears to be the name of the Ibāḍī tribe and town of
Manjisa, which was part of the district of Tahert in Algeria. (63)
The change from “j” to “g”, or even “k” is due to the Arabic
orthography which had a
difficult time in writing the Berber “j”, which at times was hard,
like a “g”. This problem is clearly found in Arabic sources name for
the city of Agrigento. It is written as “Jirjint” and “Kirkint”,
which was noted by the 6th/12th century Sicilian linguist Ibn Makkī
(m. 501/1107),
who mentions that the dīwān and elite, meaning Arabs, wrote it with a
“jim”, Jirjint, but the common people wrote it with a “kaf”. (64)
Thus the change from “j” to “gh” is a common occurrence.
It would appear then that the inhabitants of Tahartina had some
connection to the Ibāḍī capital of Tāhart in Algeria. After the
city’s fall to the Fatimids in 297/909, Ibāḍī tribes dispersed, and
like the Barqajāna mentioned above, some must have migrated to this
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region of Sicily. This belief is bolstered by archaeological
excavations and their findings. Two new avenues of historical
evidence have been pursued and have strengthened this conclusion.
Studies on cave dwellings (troglodytic houses) found in western and
southern Sicily - especially in the areas of Enna, Modica, Noto,
Ragusa, and Scicli - indicate that their design and plan are the same
as those found in the troglodytic settlements of southern Tunisia and
Jabal Nafūsa, (65) that is, the region where Ibāḍī Berber tribes
predominated. In some cases these cave dwellings have been shown to
be used as mosques, since they clearly show a qiblah and miḥrāb. (66)
Recent archaeological studies have found that amphora in the
region of Agrigento and Palermo, which were locally produced, were in
the form and structure the same as those “of North Africa as is
demonstrated above all in the forms shown in the Algerian site of
Tihert-Tagdempt.” In addition, this Algerian site has also
similarities with the lamps, plates, jars and cups produced at
Agrigento. (67) Other ceramic pottery suggest that some ceramic ware
were similar in design and construction with those found in Libya,
especially Surt and Ajdabiya. (68)
The most compelling evidence, however, comes from the 5th/11th
century Ibāḍī scholar Sulaymān al-Wisyānī who sheds light on Sicily’s
confessional ties to the Ibāḍī spiritual center at Jerba. (69) He
reports in his work Kitāb al-Siyar that one of the Ibāḍī communities in
Sicily sought guidance on some legal questions. The inquiry was sent
to Abū Ṣāliḥ Bakr ibn Qāsim al-Yahrāsnī (fl. 350/962-400/1010) in the
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4th/10th century, that is, when Jerba was a major Ibāḍī legal and
learning center. (70) Al-Wisyānī reports that there were two
questions asked by the “ahl al-daʻwa”, or the Ibāḍīs in Sicily. The first
question concerned the legality of the levying the zakat before the
grain was harvested, which in this case the answer was “no”, although
the portion to be allotted to the poor was appropriate. The second
question involved an enquiry asking if a man can sell a slave while
he is being rented out to another person for a specific period of
time. The answer was that if the buyer of the slave knew he was being
rented out then he could wait until the time period expired and then
own him. But if the buyer was not aware that he was being rented out
for a period of time, then the buyer can nullify the sale. (71) These
two questions demonstrate that the Ibāḍīya in Sicily had held on to
their confessional identity even in the late 4th/10th or 5th/11th
century. Thus it can be assumed that whichever community on the
island sought the answers from Jerba, it sought a higher authority
than its local ‘azzaba, or local council of shaykhs. It is also to be
noted that it supports Ibn Ḥawqal’s claim that the people of Sicily
did not pay zakat , (72) leaving us to believe that it was not
collected or distributed by the provincial government but rather left
to the local communities based on their confession. It would
therefore appear that each local confessional community levied and
controlled the distribution of zakat. This also corresponds to the
Ibāḍī practice after the fall of Tāhart to the Fatimids, where
religious scholars decreed that Ibāḍī communities could only collect
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and pay zakat for their own communities. (73)
After the fall of the Rustamid imamate, Ibāḍī communities
resorted to a state of secrecy (kitmān), whereby they could develop
their own self-governing bodies independent or semi-independent of
any non-Ibāḍī central authority in the regions where they dwelt. (74)
At the same time, however, members of the Ibāḍīya could hold official
government positions in non-Ibāḍī states. They could serve as
military officials, such as qā’ids, religious figures like qādīs,
teachers and in other positions as part of the official Islamic
religious community, even though they secretly opposed the regime and
its ruler. (75)
The question can be asked of what is the significance of the
having Ibāḍī communities in Sicily? Their presence adds two important
elements to the history of Muslim Sicily. First, it points to
Sicily’s multi-sectarian religious heritage and the recognition that
Muslim Sicily reflected the religious diversity found in the rest of
the Islamic North Africa. It modifies the traditional belief that the
Muslims in Sicily followed exclusively the Malikī madhhab. Secondly
and most importantly, the presence of Ibāḍī tribes in Palermo and
other areas of Sicily indicates that during the period of Islamic
rule Sicily was part of the Ibāḍī trade network, which was organized
on “confessional” as well as a tribal lines, and monopolized trade
between the sub-Sahara and the Mediterranean coast. (76) There is
good reason to believe that the Ibāḍī community had a place in the
island’s commerce, especially if we consider that Ibāḍī tribes had a
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prominent position in the trans-Saharan gold and slave trade, and
that Sicily was a major transit point for these commodities.(77)
Sicily was a major importer of olive oil from North Africa and a
major producer and exporter of foodstuffs such as wheat and barley to
Ifrīqīyah. The sale of wheat, black and white slaves, (78) and other
products, to North Africa caused the island to acquire gold for its
coinage, such as the quarter dinar, or tari which became by the end of
the 5th/11th century the main currency for trade not only in Sicily
but in
southern Italy and the Mediterranean as well. (79) It is interesting
to note that in February 2015 it was reported that the largest hoard
of gold coins ever found off the coast of Israel yielded a large
number of quarter dinars from the second half of the 4th/9th century
minted in Palermo.
It appears that gold was so plentiful that the Byzantine
historian John Skylitzes says that when the Sicilian amir had to
purchase wheat from Calabria, the Byzantine governor raised the price
to an exorbitant level, declaring that the Saracens “paid his price
without arguing. They disbursed gold generously. (80)
Some evidence suggests the possibility that the Ibāḍī community
in Sicily may have remained in some autonomous form until the 7th/13th
century. A curious report is made in the work by Ibn Saʻīd al-
Maghrābī (610/1214-685/1286), ʻUnwān al-murqisāt wa al-muṭribāt, on the
noteworthy poets of North Africa and Spain. In it he says that the
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7th/13th century Sicilian poet Ibrāhīm ibn Maḥbūb was secretary (kātib)
to the “sāḥib al- ṣiqillīyah”, or “leader of the Muslims” of Sicily,
Ibn Rustumī. (81) The nisba Rustumī, whose name stems from the Persian
name “Rustum”, is associated in North Africa with the Ibāḍī dynasty
and state at Tāhart. (82)
Is it possible that he could have been the leader of an Ibāḍī or
Muslim before conflicts arose with the emperor Frederick II? The
mention, however, of a name associated with the Ibāḍīya being a ruler
of the Muslims in Sicily in the 7th/13th century brings up new
questions on the history of Muslim Sicily and the place of the
Ibāḍīya in it. . It also points to Sicily’s multi-sectarian religious
heritage and the recognition that Muslim Sicily reflected the
religious diversity found in the rest of the Muslim world.
Notes
1) F. Maurici, “Uno stato musulmano nell’Europa Cristiana del xiii secolo: l’emirato siciliano di Mohammed Ibn Abbad,” Acta historica et archaeological mediaevalia(1997), 257-280.; J. Taylor, Muslims in Medieval Italy, The Colony at Lucera (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2003), passim.
2) Abī Bakr ‘Abd Allāh Mālikī, Kitāb Riyād al-Nufūs, eds B. Bakkūsh and M. Matwī, 2 vols. (Beirut: Gharb al-Islāmī, 1994), 1: 270.
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3) Ibn ‘Idhārī al-Marrākushī, Kitāb al-Bayān al-Mughrib, eds G.S. Colin and É. Levi-Provençal, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill,1948), 1:102.
4) M. Brett and E. Fentress, The Berbers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 6.
5) Dawūdī uses the Arabic word “qawm”, that is, “tribe” to describe the Berbers who were among the conquering forces. Ibn Naṣr al-Dāwūdī, “Le régime foncier en Sicile au Moyen Age (IXe etXe Siècles), ‘Kitāb al-Amwāl" d'al-Dāwūdī,” eds H.H. Abdul Wahab and F. Dachraoui. Études d'Orientalisme dediées à la mémoire de Lévi-Provençal, 2 vols. (Paris: G.P.Maisonneuve,1967), 2:410-427, 430-4441967, 2: 410-427, 430-444.
6) ‘Alī ibn al-Ḥusayn Masʻūdi, Murūj al-dhahāb, eds C. Barbier de Meynard, 3 vols.(Paris: L’imprimerie imperiale, 1861-1864), 3: 242.
7) Abū al-Qāsim ibn Aḥmad Ziyyānī, Al-Turjumān al-mughrib ‘an duwāl al-Mashriq, MSS RabatNational Library, No. D 658, folios 14 vo and 16 ro.
8) Dāwūdī, “Le régime foncier en Sicile,” 2: 409, 429.9) ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar fī ayyām al-‘arab wa al-‘ajam, 14 vols.
(Beirut: Dar al-Thaqafa,1986), 11: 286 – 287.
10) Dāwūdī, “Le régime foncier en Sicile,” 2: 409, 429.11) Alessandra Molinari, “La Sicilia islamica: riflessioni sul passato e
sul futuro della ricerca in campo archeologico,” Mélanges de L’École Française deRome, Moyen Âge
116 (2004): 42 12) Preliminary studies have indicated that a large number of immigrants from North Africa settled
in Sicily during this period. See F. Mallegni, “Problemi di popolamento Musulmano in Sicilia.” In G. Castellana, ed Dagli Scavi di Montevago e di Rocca di Entella, un contributo di conoscenze per la Storia dei Musulmani della Valle del Belice (Montevago: Beni Culturali ed Ambientali di Agrigento,1992), 243-247; R. Guglielmino, “La Nicropoli musulmana di Entella,”
in Castellana, Dagli Scavi di Montevago, 239.13) Angeliki E. Laiou and Cécile Morrisson, The Byzantine Economy (Cambridge:
Cambridge
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University Press, 2007), 38. Angeliki E. Laiou and Cécile Morrisson, The Byzantine Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 38.
14) M. Sanfilippo, “Le città siciliane dal VI al XIII secolo: Note per una storia urbanistica,” in Storia della Sicilia. 5 vols. (Naples: Societa editrice Storia di Napoli e della Sicilia, 1978), 2:454.
15) Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Thematibus (Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, 1967), 94-96.
16) Mas‘ūdī, Murūj al-dhahāb, 3: 242; Ziyyānī, MSS Rabat National Library, No. D 658, folios 14 vo and 16 ro.; Yāqūt ibn ʻAbd Allāh, Mu‘jam al-buldān, 5 vols. (Beirut: Dār al-Ṣādr,1955-1957, 3: 416-417.
17) M. Amari, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia. Revised and annotated by Carlo A. Nallino. 3 vols. (Catania: Prampolini, 1933-39) 3: 212-218.
18) Ibid.19) ‘Abd al-Raḥmān and Qāsim ibn ’Isā Ibn Nājī, Maʻālim al-īmān fī maʻrifat ahl al-
Qayrawān,ed Ibrahim Shabbūḥ, 4 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji, 1968), 3:160; al-Mālikī says that besides rural folk Bedouins fled to Sicily. See Mālikī, Kitāb Riyād al-Nufūs, 3:12.
20) ‘Abd al-Wahid al-Marrākushī, Kitab al-mu’jib fi talkhis al-maghrib, ed P.A. Dozy(Amsterdam: Oriental Press, 1968), 259; Amar Allaoua, “Retour à la problématique du déclin économique du monde Musulman médiéval: le cas du maghreb Hammadide (XI-XIIe siècles),” The Maghreb Review 28 (2003), 9, 15. 21) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11: 286 – 287. 22) Ibid., 11: 287. 23) Ibid. 24) Ibid., 11: 283; T. Lewicki, “La répartition géographique des groupements Ibadis dans l'Afrique
du Nord au Moyen Age,”Rocznik Orientalistyczny 21 (1957), 320-321. 25) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11: 283. 26) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11:235. 27) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11: 229, 231, 283. 28) S. Cusa, I Diplomi Greci ed Arabi di Sicilia, 2 vols. (Palermo: Lao, 1868), 1: 223-224.
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29) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11: 229, 231, 283. 30) T. Lewicki, Études Ibadis Nord-Africaines (Warsaw: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1955), 81-87; Dhikr asma‘ ba‘d shuyukh al-Wahbiya, in Aḥmad ibn Saʻīd al-Shammākhī, Kitāb
al-Siyar, 2 vols. (Muscat, Oman: Wazara al-Thurath al-Qawmi wa al-Thaqafa, 1987), 2: 230; Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11:229.
31) al-Shammākhī, Kitāb al-Siyar, 2: 229. 32) F. Maurici, L’Emirato sulle Montagne. Palermo: l’Epos, 1987; also F. Maurici, L’insediamento medievale nel territorio della Provincia di Palermo (Palermo: Beni Culturali di Palermo,1998), 80-81. 33) S. Fiorilla, “Insediamenti e territorio nella Sicilia centromeridionale,” Mélanges de L’École Française de Rome, Moyen Âge 116 (2004), 97. 34) al-Shammākhī, Kitāb al-Siyar, 2: 229. 35) Virginie Prevost, L’aventure Ibāḍite dans le Sud tunisien (Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica, 2008), 365; Tadeusz Lewicki, “The Ibadites in Arabia and Africa,” Cahiers d’Histoire Mondiale. 13 (1971): 11. 36) Cusa, Diplomi Greci, 1:183-86, 207-10. 37) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11:235. 38) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11:279; also, H. Bresc, “Féodalité coloniale en terre d’Islam. La Sicile (1070-1240),” in Structures Féodales et Féodalisme dans l'Occident Mediterranée (Xe- XllleSiècles) (Rome: École française de Rome, 1980), 635. 39) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11:246, 265-79. 40) Cusa, Diplomi Greci, 2: 506, 571, 566, 572. 41) Ibid., 1: 66, 106, 132, 2: 579. 42) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11:282-83; Lewicki, “La répartition géographique des groupements Ibadis,” 314. 43) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11:231, 240-243; Amari, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, 2:55. 44) Ibn Khaldūn, Kitāb al-‘ibar, 11:282-83; Lewicki, “La répartition géographique des groupements Ibadis,” 321-23; al-Shammākhī, Kitāb al-siyar, 2:235. 45) Lewicki, “The Ibadites in Arabia,” 93 ; Prevost, L’aventure Ibāḍite dans le Sud tunisien 67; Ibn ‘Idhārī al-Marrākushī, Kitāb al-Bayān,1:73. 46) Quote from Bernard Lewis translation. Bernard Lewis, ed. Islam from the
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Prophet Muhammad to the Capture of Constantinople, 2 vols. (New York: Harper, 1974), 93; M. Ibn Ḥawqal, Kitāb Ṣurat al-ʼarḍ (Beirut: Dār Maktabat al-Ḥayāh, 1979),118. 47) N. Levtzion, Ancient Ghana and Mali (London: Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1973), 30, 130-137; E. Savage, Gateway to Hell, a Gateway to Paradise. The North African response to the Arab conquest (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1997), 79. 48) ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz al-Bakrī, al-Mughrib fī dhikr bilād Ifrīqīyah wa al Maghrib, ed Le Baron de Slane (Algiers: Imprimerie du gouvernement, 1857); reprint edition. (Baghdad: Yuṭlabu min Maktabat al-Muthannā,1968?), 158.; D. Robert & S. Devisse. Tegdaoust I. Recherches sur Aoudaghost (Paris: Arts et Métiers Graphics, 1970), 140. 49) Lewicki, “The Ibadis in Arabia,” 123-124. 50) al-Bakrī, al-Mughrib fī dhikr bilād Ifrīqīyah,114; Ibn ʻIdhārī, Kitāb al-Bayān al-Mughrib, 1:155. 51) Kitāb al-Istibṣār fī ʻajāʾib al-amṣār. Ed. Saʻd Zaghlūl ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd (Alexandria:University of Alexandria, 1958), 178; al-Bakrī, al-Mughrib fī dhikr bilād Ifrīqīya, 139; Ibn ʻIdhārī, Kitāb al-Bayān al-Mughrib,1:155. This may indicate that the Barqajāna were related tothe Hawwāra. 52) Ibn Saghīr gives the name of the tribe that controlled the sūq as ‘ajim qawm min Majāna but Motylinski translated it into French as the tribe Marmajāna. But since Majāna and Marmajāna are the name of towns, I am not convinced that an unidentified tribe from Majāna could control the sūq of Tāhart. It appears to me that there was a misreading or an orthographic mistake in the text, and the sentence should be read as “ ‘ajim qawm Barqajāna.” See Ibn Saghīr, “Chronique d’Ibn Saghir sur les imams Rustamides de Tahert,” ed A. De Motylinski, Actes du XIVe congrès international des orientalistes, 3 vols. (Paris: E. Leroux, 1906-1908), Arabic text, 1:27, French translation, 1:86. See also Amor Ben Hamādī, “Sur lestraces d’un groupe “Tribal? enigmatique: les Barqğāna. Micro-question ou Macro-question?,” Revue Tunisienne
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de Sciences Sociales 41 (2004),180-188; Lewicki, “The Ibadis in Arabia and Africa,” 151-130. 53) T. Lewicki, “Une langue romane oubliée de l’Afrique du Nord,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny 17 (1951-1952), 424 – 425; Ben Hamādī, “Sur les traces d’un groupe “Tribal?,180-181, 188. 54) Ibn Saghīr, “Chronique d’Ibn Saghir sur les imams Rustamides de Tahert,”105; Arabic text p. 27, French translation, pp. 86, 99, 117-118; Savage, Gateway to Hell, 89-105. 55) Idrīs ‘Imād Dīn, Tārīkh al-khulafā’ al-Fāṭimīyīn bi-al-Maghrib (Vol. 5 of ‘Uyūnal-akhbār), ed Muḥammad al-Yaʻlāwī. (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 1985), 214-219; Savage, Gateway to Hell, 137-158. 56) Renata Holod and Enrico Cirelli, “Islamic Pottery from Jerba (7th –10th Century),” Céramique maghrébine du haut Moyen Âge (VIII-X siècle) : état desrecherches, problemes et perspectives (Roma : École française de Rome, 2011), 177. 57) Ismaʻ īl Maḥmūd, al-Khawārij fī al-Maghrib al-islāmī (Beirut: Dār al-‘Awdah,1976), 176. 58) Lewicki, “La répartition géographique des groupements Ibadis,” 307-343. 59) al-Shammākhī, Kitāb al-Siyar, 2: 226. 60) Fiorilla, “Insediamenti e territorio nella Sicilia centromeridionale,” 97. 61) Gli Atti Perduti della Cancelleria Angioina, [Regesta Chartarum Italiae], (eds.) Riccardo Filangieri & Carlo De Lellis, 2 vols. (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1939), 1: 252. 62. 62) Aldo Messina, Le chiese rupestri di Siracusano (Palermo: Istituto sicilianodi studi bizantini e neoellenici, 1979), 127. 63) al-Muqaddasī, The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions, trans. Basil Collins (Reading, U.K.: Garnet, 1994), 185. 64) Adalgisa De Simone, La descrizione dell'Italia nel Rawd al-mi ‘tar di al-Himyari (Mazara del Vallo: Liceo ginnasio Gian Giacomo Adria, 1984), 21, note 1. 65) Il territorio communale di Modica (RG). Analisi quantitative e strumenti per una carta archeologia, (eds.) S. Campana & G. Macchi Jánica (Siena: Università degli Studi di Siena, 2004/2005), 24-27.
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66) Aldo Messina, Sicilia rupestre. Il trogloditismo, gli edifice di culto, le immagini sacre (Caltanisetta-Rome, 2008), 36-37. 67) Fabiola Ardizzone Lo Bue, Anfore in Sicilia, (VIII – XII sec. D.C.) (Terra di Vento: Torri del Vento, 2012), 108 and note 68. 68) Lucia Arcifa, et al., “Archeologia della Sicilia islamica: nuove proposti di riflessione,” in Histoire et archeology de l’Occident musulman (VII – XV siècles), al-Andalus, Maghreb, Sicile, ed Philippe Senac. (Toulouse: CNRS), 246-250. 69) Abū Sulaymān al-Wisyānī, Siyar al-Wisyānī, ed. ‘Umar ibn Luqmān Ḥāmmū Sulaymān Bū ‘Aṣbānah (Muscat, Oman: Wazārah al-Turāth wa al-Thaqāfah, 2009), 1:465. 70) T. Lewicki, “Notice sur la chronique ibāḍite d’ad-Darginī,” RocznikOrientalistyczny 13 (1936), 151-152. 71) Abū Sulaymān al-Wisyānī, Siyar al-Wisyānī, 1:465. 72) Ibn Ḥawqal, Kitāb Ṣurat al-ʼarḍ, 123. 73) V. Prevost, “L’influence de l’État rustumide dans le Sud tunisien,”Acta Orientalia 68 (2007), 119. ‘Amr K. Ennami, Studies in Ibadism (Tripoli: University of Libya Faculty of Arts, 1972), 218. 74) Lewicki, “The Ibadis in Arabia and Africa,” 111; Talbi, L’Emirat aghlabide, 359-360. 75) Ennami, Studies in Ibadism (al-Ibadiya), 237-238 76) Michael Brett, “The Arab Conquest and the Rise of Islam in North Africa.” in The Cambridge History
of Africa. 2 vols. Ed. J. D. Fage. (Cambridge: 1978), 595; Prevost, L’aventure ibāḍite, 385-409.
77) Sa‘d Zaghlūl ‘Abd al-Mājid, “Hāshim ‘alā maṣādir tārīkh al-Ibāḍīyahfī al- maghrib,” in Actes du Premier Congres d’Histoire et de la civilisation du Maghreb, 2 vols. (Tunis: Centre d’Etudeset de Recherches Economiques et Sociales, 1979), 2: 49-60. 78) ‘Abd al-Mājid, “Hāshim ‘alā maṣādir tārīkh, 70; Lombard slaves fromItaly were most often sent to Sicily by Naples and Amalfi. Michael McCormick, Origins of the European Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 627-638; Native Greeks from Calabria were sold to the Arabs of Sicily by the Byzantines of southern Italy. See Erchempert, Erchemperti Historia Langobardorum Beneventorum. Eds. G.H. Pertz and G. Waitz. In Scriptores Rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum
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Saec. VI-IX, Monumenta Germaniae Historica. (Hanover 1878), 264. 79) Lucia Travaini, La monetazione nell’Italia Normanna (Rome: Istituto StoricoItaliano per il Medio Evo 1995), 20; Armando O. Citarella, “Merchants, Markets and Merchandise in Southern Italy in the High Middle Ages” in Merchants, Markets and Merchandise in Southern Italy in the High Middle Ages. 2 vols. (Spoleto: Settimane di studio del centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1993),1: 255. 80) John Skylitzes, A Synopsis of Byzantine History 811-1057, trans. by John Wortley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 255. 81) ʻAlī ibn Mūsā al-Maghribī Ibn Saʻīd, ʼUnwān al-murqisāt wa al-muṭribāt, ed Mahdad Abdelkader (Algiers: Carbonel,1949), 49. 82) Muḥammad ibn Bābā‘ammī, Mu‘jam a‘lām al-Ibāḍīya min al-qarn al-awwal al-Hijrī ilā al-ʻaṣr al-ḥāḍir: qism al-Maghrib al-Islāmī, 2 vols. (Beirut: Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 2000),2: 218-219.
Lincoln 7/15/15
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