Muslims and Muslim Education in Greece, 2009

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MUSLIMS AND MUSLIM EDUCATION IN GREECE* Dr. ANGELIKI ZIAKA Aristotle University of Thessaloniki In Greece there are currently two groups of Muslims: a) the Muslims with Greek citizenship, who live permanently in Western Thrace and make up 2% of the Greek population, the so-called “old” Islam and b) the Muslim immigrants who have recently immigrated to Greece from various Muslim countries, the so-called “new” or “migrant” Islam. The Muslims of the first group have lived in Western Thrace since the 15th century—when the territory came under Ottoman domination—and are Greek citizens, fully integrated into Greek society. Over the last quarter of the 20 th century, mainly after the collapse of communism, there has been a steady stream of Muslim immigrants from areas such as the Balkans, Central Asia, Asia Minor, and Africa. All these Muslims are subject by the Greek State to the special legislation which covers all immigrants who enter Greece. In order to better understand the status of these two groups of Muslims in Greece, that is on the one hand the Greek Muslim citizenship of Western Thrace and on the other the foreign Muslim immigrants (financial refugees, political refugees, asylum seekers, students etc.), we need a historical, social and juridical overview that will outline the phenomena related to migration and lead to proposals and solutions relevant to the problems involved. One should also mention here that, in the 21 st century, safeguarding human rights and individual conscience and beliefs within multicultural societies is paramount. 1. Muslims in Greece 1.1. The historical and emigration background of Muslims in Greece A look into the history and emigration background of Muslims in Greece will reveal that Greece as well as the neighbouring Balkan countries affords a longstanding relationship of co-existence with Islam, mainly because of the special historical conditions in the territory and the Greeks’ subjugation to the Ottoman Empire from the late 14 th to the late 19 th /early 20 th century. For Greece, this co-existence officially began in the 15 th century and lasted, depending on the area, for four or five centuries. Independence was a gradual process: in 1821, with the Greek Revolution against the Ottoman Empire that resulted in the establishment of the first independent Nation State in Europe (1829-1831) in the 19 th century; in 1881, with the annexation of Thessaly and part of southern Epirus to Greece; in 1913, with Crete, Epirus, and Macedonia; in 1920, with Western Thrace and in 1948, with the typical incorporation of the Dodecanese, which had been under Italian occupation since 1912 and was finally turned over to Greece with the Treaty of Paris, on 10 th February 1947, as a result of Italy’s defeat in World War II. After 1831 Muslims constituted the largest religious minority within the borders of the first Greek State. Despite the fact that there were no formal decisions for exchanges and movements of populations in that period, the press of the time, as well as the diplomatic correspondence of the first Greek Members of Parliament with the Sublime Porte, documents Ottoman Muslim movements from Greece towards the Ottoman Empire 1 . In the Balkans, the movements of minority populations in groups 1 * I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to Assistant Professor Konstantinos Tsitselikis for the valuable information he provided and for our fruitful exchange of opinions. I would also like to thank my scholarly friends of the Muslim community in Thrace, Cahide Haseki and Mehmet Küçük, for their invaluable suggestions. The information mentioned here resulted from personal research in the Diplomatic and Historical Archives of the Hellenic Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Athens) regarding the territory of Thessaly from 1881 to 1910 and the Muslim situation in Thessaly during this period. The reasons that led the Ottoman Muslims to leave were inexplicable in the majority of cases. Often fires and catastrophes of Muslim property were reported in this area, the perpetrator being unknown. The Greek press of the time insinuated possible provocation on the part of Ottoman authorities aiming to arouse fear in the Muslims and make them seek residence in the territory of the Ottoman Empire. No evidence was found in the formal

Transcript of Muslims and Muslim Education in Greece, 2009

MUSLIMS AND MUSLIM EDUCATION IN GREECE*Dr. ANGELIKI ZIAKA

Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

In Greece there are currently two groups of Muslims: a) the Muslims with Greek citizenship, who live permanently in Western Thrace and make up 2% of the Greek population, the so-called “old” Islam and b) the Muslim immigrants who have recently immigrated to Greece from various Muslim countries, the so-called “new” or “migrant” Islam. The Muslims of the first group have lived in Western Thrace since the 15th century—when the territory came under Ottoman domination—and are Greek citizens, fully integrated into Greek society. Over the last quarter of the 20th century, mainly after the collapse of communism, there has been a steady stream of Muslim immigrants from areas such as the Balkans, Central Asia, Asia Minor, and Africa. All these Muslims are subject by the Greek State to the special legislation which covers all immigrants who enter Greece.

In order to better understand the status of these two groups of Muslims in Greece, that is on the one hand the Greek Muslim citizenship of Western Thrace and on the other the foreign Muslim immigrants (financial refugees, political refugees, asylum seekers, students etc.), we need a historical, social and juridical overview that will outline the phenomena related to migration and lead to proposals and solutions relevant to the problems involved. One should also mention here that, in the 21st

century, safeguarding human rights and individual conscience and beliefs within multicultural societies is paramount.

1. Muslims in Greece1.1. The historical and emigration background of Muslims in GreeceA look into the history and emigration background of Muslims in Greece will reveal that Greece as well as the neighbouring Balkan countries affords a longstanding relationship of co-existence with Islam, mainly because of the special historical conditions in the territory and the Greeks’ subjugation to the Ottoman Empire from the late 14th to the late 19th/early 20th century. For Greece, this co-existence officially began in the 15th century and lasted, depending on the area, for four or five centuries. Independence was a gradual process: in 1821, with the Greek Revolution against the Ottoman Empire that resulted in the establishment of the first independent Nation State in Europe (1829-1831) in the 19th century; in 1881, with the annexation of Thessaly and part of southern Epirus to Greece; in 1913, with Crete, Epirus, and Macedonia; in 1920, with Western Thrace and in 1948, with the typical incorporation of the Dodecanese, which had been under Italian occupation since 1912 and was finally turned over to Greece with the Treaty of Paris, on 10th February 1947, as a result of Italy’s defeat in World War II.

After 1831 Muslims constituted the largest religious minority within the borders of the first Greek State. Despite the fact that there were no formal decisions for exchanges and movements of populations in that period, the press of the time, as well as the diplomatic correspondence of the first Greek Members of Parliament with the Sublime Porte, documents Ottoman Muslim movements from Greece towards the Ottoman Empire1. In the Balkans, the movements of minority populations in groups

1* I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to Assistant Professor Konstantinos

Tsitselikis for the valuable information he provided and for our fruitful exchange of opinions. I would also like to thank my scholarly friends of the Muslim community in Thrace, Cahide Haseki and Mehmet Küçük, for their invaluable suggestions. The information mentioned here resulted from personal research in the Diplomatic and Historical Archives of the Hellenic Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Athens) regarding the territory of Thessaly from 1881 to 1910 and the Muslim situation in Thessaly during this period. The reasons that led the Ottoman Muslims to leave were inexplicable in the majority of cases. Often fires and catastrophes of Muslim property were reported in this area, the perpetrator being unknown. The Greek press of the time insinuated possible provocation on the part of Ottoman authorities aiming to arouse fear in the Muslims and make them seek residence in the territory of the Ottoman Empire. No evidence was found in the formal

were frequent and common every time new border arrangements were made in this sensitive territory of South-eastern Europe2. In most cases these movements involved a small number of individuals and were theoretically of voluntary nature3. At the end of the Greek-Turkish War (1919-1922) the Lausanne Conference (13/20 November 1922-24 July 1923) created a new geographical map for Greece and Turkey. The first issue discussed at the conference was the final settlement of Greek-Turkish borders. The concept of a homogenous nation state was predominant and led to the “exchange of populations”. This was a massive and compulsory exchange which had no precedent throughout the geographical extent and history of the area4. The exchange of populations was ratified in 1923 by the Convention of the Lausanne Conference (30 January 1923). The Greek-Turkish exchange would lead the devastated Greek populations of Turkey, and in particular of Asia Minor, to a permanent uprooting from their ancestral homelands, where their people had been located since the 8th-6th

century B.C. In the same way, it would lead to the obligatory expatriation of Muslims who resided in Greece, indigenous peoples who had been converted to Islam (such as Pomaks) or residents in the area since the beginning of the 15th century (such as Turks). Exempted from this exchange were the Greek Orthodox of Constantinople, as well as those of the islands of Imbros and Tenedos—which were given to Turkey—and the Muslims of Western Thrace5.

Greece, which had become a refugee-receiving country in the beginning of the 20th

century with the exchange of populations in 1923 received another 1,500,000 refugees from Asia Minor, Pontus (on the Black Sea) and Eastern Thrace, who were integrated with great difficulty into the national body. But Greek identity was also reinforced because all these refugees were of Greek origin and Christian Orthodox in religion. Thus, until the end of the 1980s Greece was a nationally and religiously homogenous country with 97% Greek Christian Orthodox, 2% Greek Muslims of Western Thrace and 1% other Christians. At the same time Greece became an emigrant-exporting country. From 1830 till 1940, one fifth of the active population of the country had already emigrated, mainly to the USA as well as to Australia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America. Between 1940 and 1950, many Greeks became political refugees in the ex-Eastern block, whereas from 1950 onwards, there began a new emigration flow of Greeks, including Muslims of Greek citizenship, first to Australia and then to Europe. From 1976 onwards, there has been a significant decrease in the number of Greek emigrants, and in some cases partial repatriation6.

document exchange between the Greek authorities and the Sublime Porte. In other cases, it is known that the Muslims sold their land and property rights to Greeks and left Thessaly after its annexation to the Greek State. 2 The mass movements of populations during the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and World War I inevitably

affected the ethnological composition of Macedonia, Thrace, and Epirus, increasing or decreasing the number of the members of each ethnicity (Greeks, Turkish, Bulgarians, Albanians, and Jews). All these mass movements posed a serious migration problem for Greece long before the Asia Minor catastrophe and the ensuing compulsory population exchanges. G. Leondaritis, “Οικονομία και Κοινωνία από το 1914 ώς το 1918” (“Economy and Society from 1914 to 1918”) in History of the Hellenic Nation, G. Christopoulos and I. Bastias (eds.), 2nd ed. Vol. 15 (Athens: Ekdotiki Athinοn, 2000), pp. 74-85, here pp. 81-83. 3 Ιοannis Giannoulopoulos, “Η Διεθνής Συνδιάσκεψη και η Συνθήκη της Λωζάννης” (“The International

Lausanne Conference and the Treaty of Lausanne”), in History of Hellenic Nation, op. cit., p. 266.4 Ιοannis Giannoulopoulos, op.cit.

5 Konstantinos Tsitselikis and George Mavrommatis (KEMO), The Turkish Language in Education in

Greece. Regional dossier series published by Mercator-Education and revised by Domenico Morelli (Mercator Education, 2003), p. 4: http://www1.fa.knaw.nl/mercator/regionale_dossiers/regional_dossier_turkish_in_greece.htm (accessed February 26, 2008). Cf. also Renée Ηirschon (ed.), Crossing the Aegean: An Appraisal of the 1923 Compulsory Population Exchanges between Greece and Turkey, Studies in Forced Migration, vol. 12, New York: Berghahn, 2003.6 L. M. Moussourou, Μετανάστευση και Μεταναστευτική Πολιτική στην Ελλάδα και την Ευρώπη

(Migration and Migration Policy in Greece and Europe), Athens: Gutenberg, 2003, p. 35. Cf. also Rossetos Fakiolas & Russel King, “Emigration, Return, Immigration: A Review and Evaluation of

The 1980s and especially 1990s saw a reversal of the situation. Immigrants from all over the world (economic and political refugees, asylum seekers etc.), started coming to Greece in great numbers7. Especially after the collapse of communism, many neighbouring peoples from the Balkans (mainly Albania, Bulgaria, and Romania, but also from further north, viz. Poland, Ukraine, Georgia, as well as other countries of the former Soviet Union, such as Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kirghizstan etc.) came to Greece seeking work or asylum due to domestic unrest in their countries. For the same reasons, Greece also has received an influx of immigrants from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey etc.8, as well as from African countries, including Sudan, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, the Congo and Morocco9, the majority of whom are Muslims. Muslim immigrants are scattered throughout Greek territory, particularly in its large urban centres. It is almost impossible to record the exact number of immigrants and refugees who arrive in Greece daily by land and sea, and it is even harder to determine their religion, which is not registered by the authorities, as this is considered sensitive personal data. Immigrants enter Greece mainly by sea from the Turkish coast, in miserable and particularly dangerous circumstances. Many of them never manage to reach their destinations. Illegal immigration is the most difficult problem for Greece to tackle due to its eastern borders with Asia. The population of the islands witnesses the plight of these destitute human beings and rushes to offer them relief. The Greek State, however, faces difficulty in finding satisfactory solutions for all illegal immigration; new appropriate measures regarding legislation should be taken and social and educational strategies should be designed. The illegal immigrants remain in Provisional Centres for a short period of time. Such centres exist mainly on Northern Aegean Islands, Crete, Athens, Thessaloniki, Evia, Evros etc. There are also special centres for the reception of underage immigrants who arrive in Greece unaccompanied10.

Based on the above information, one may distinguish three main groups of immigrants in Greece: a) Greek repatriates, such as Pontic Greeks from the ex-Soviet Union; b) immigrants who have a work permit, and c) illegal immigrants who do not have the appropriate documents (“undocumented immigrants”). A significant percentage of the latter two groups is made up of Muslim immigrants11.

Greece’s Post-war Experience of International Migration”, in International Journal of Population Geography, vol. 2/2, John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 1996, pp. 171-190: http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/24800/issue (accessed March 15, 2008); Rossetos Fakiolas, “Η μετανάστευση από και προς την Ελλάδα στη διάρκεια των τελευταίων τεσσάρων δεκαετιών” (“Migration to and from Greece during the Last Four Decades”), in Essays in Honour of Constantine G. Drakatos, Alogoskoufis et. al (eds.) Athens: Papazissis, 1994, pp. 571-572.7 Antonios Kontis, “Η Ελλάδα: Χώρα υποδοχής μεταναστών” (“Greece: A Host Country”), in Greece

towards the 21st Century, Th. Pelagidis & St. Constandinidis (eds.), Athens: Papazissis, 2000, pp. 292-324.8

Maria Markoutsoglou et al., Asian Migrants in Greece: Origins, Status and Prospects, Plamen Tonchev (ed.), Athens: IIER, January 2007: http://www.idec.gr/iier/new/asian_migrants_en.pdf (accessed February 22, 2008).9 The statistics are from the web side “Migrants in Greece”, an Online Observatory focusing on migrant

and refugee issues, developed by the Lambrakis Research Foundation in cooperation with its partners from the Equal Project Forum for Social Cohesion. Cf. UNHCR ASYLUM STATISTICS–GREECE (1997-2002), http://www.unhcr.gr/exec/greekPInewstats.htm (accessed March 15, 2008). See also the panel statement by Mr. Jonas Widgren, Director General of ICMPD (International Centre for Migration Policy Development) at the European Population Forum, Geneva 14 January 2004: “Thus, these countries now finally have to realize that they are countries of immigration, just as Italy turned from emigration to immigration only some 25-30 years ago, or Greece some15-20 years ago [...]”: http://search.unece.org/b/q?k=muslims%2bin%2bgreece&rel=0&sn=38599608&trg=_blank&srt=0 (accessed March 10, 2008).10

Regarding migration policy in the receiving countries and the relevant regulations in Greece, cf. Loukia M. Moussourou, Μετανάστευση και Μεταναστευτική Πολιτική στην Ελλάδα και την Ευρώπη (Migration and Migration Policy in Greece and Europe), op.cit. 11

Marina Petroni, City Template Athens. Basic information on ethnic minorities and their participation. National Centre for Social Research (EKKE), Report according to the grid for the city templates of the MPMC project, Athens, 1998 (unpublished): www.unesco.org/most/p97athe.doc (accessed April 1, 2008).

1. 2. National composition and statistical data about the demographic and socio-economic situation of Muslims in Greece and their integration into Greek Society

Throughout the period of Ottoman domination, no formal census of the population was taken. The information we have at our disposal for the makeup of the Greek population during the specific period (1453-1821) comes from the “Population Records” that were kept by the Ottoman authorities for tax and military purposes. From 1821 (the Greek Revolution) until today (2008), there have in all been conducted twenty-nine (29) population censuses. Three extra censuses were taken: in 1881 (Thessaly), 1913 (Crete, Macedonia, Epirus) and 1947 (the Dodecanese) on the grounds of the annexation of the new territories. In 1923, an informal census of the refugees of Asia Minor was conducted as well12.

1.2.1. Muslims of Greek Citizenship and their demographic situationAccording to the Convention of the Treaty of Lausanne, the Muslim minority of Thrace was defined solely according to religion, due to the fact that the ethnicity of the Muslims of Greece was heterogeneous (Turks, Pomaks, ancient Thrace tribes, and Roma)13. After the mandatory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey in Western Thrace, there remained 86,000 Muslims, less than 2% of the total population of the country, which according to the census of 1926 totalled 6,204,68414. Of those, 39,000 were of Turkish origin, 35,000 were Pomaks and 12,000 Roma15. Some Muslims of Turkish origin in the Dodecanese, mainly in Rhodes and Kos16, were also left in Greece. In the 1931 census, the entire population of the Dodecanese was estimated at 130,830 inhabitants. Of those, according to the records of the Ministry of “Reconstruction”, the Muslim population of the Dodecanese amounted to 6,230 inhabitants, the majority of whom lived on Rhodes. In 1951, in the last census in which the National Statistical Service of Greece asked the question about religion, the Muslims of Rhodes and Kos numbered 4,937 or 4,75017 respectively.

In the most recent 2001 census, the population of Western Thrace comprised 355,571 inhabitants, with 85,000 officially registered in the Muslim community. Approximately 12,000 to 15,000 Muslims of Greek citizenship who have migrated to

12 Society for Macedonian studies, Thessaloniki:

http://www.ems.name/Makedonia_dimografia/ellinikos_plithismos.pdf (accessed March 16, 2008)13

Cf. Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations (Lausanne Convention VI, January 30th, 1923, Article 2): “The following persons shall not be included in the exchange: (a) The Greek inhabitants of Constantinople, (b) the Muslim inhabitants of Western Thrace. All Greeks who were already established before the 30th October 1918, within the areas under the Prefecture of the City of Constantinople, as defined by the law of 1912, shall be considered as Greek inhabitants of Constantinople. All Muslims established in the region to the east of the frontier line laid down in 1913 by the Treaty of Bucharest shall be considered as Muslim inhabitants of Western Thrace”: http://www.worldcourts.com/pcij/eng/decisions/1925.02.21_greek_turkish (accessed March 1, 2008).14

General Secretariat of the National Statistical Service of Greece: http://www.statistics.gr/ (accessed March 1, 2008).15

Konstantinos Tsitselikis and Giorgos Mavrommatis (KEMO), The Turkish Language in Education in Greece (Mercator Education, 2003), p. 4: http://www1.fa.knaw.nl/mercator/regionale_dossiers/regional_dossier_turkish_in_greece.htm (accessed February 26, 2008). 16

According to the Treaty of Paris on 10 February 1947, the islands of the Dodecanese were turned over to Greece and the Muslims of the Dodecanese became citizens of the Greek state, but they were not included in the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne (in contrast to the Muslims of Western Thrace). For the Muslims of the Dodecanese, see Pantelis Touloumakos, “Μουσουλμάνοι στα Δωδεκάννησα” (Muslims in the Dodecanese), in Foundations of the Hellenic World, Athens (written: 15.6.2005): http://www2.egeonet.gr/aigaio/forms/filePage.aspx?lemmaId=7013 (accessed March 18, 2008). 17

Cf. Pantelis Touloumakos, op.cit. Cf. S. Minaidis, Η Θρησκευτική Ελευθερία των Μουσουλμάνων στην Ελληνική Έννομη Τάξη (Religious Freedom of Muslims within Greek Law and Order), Athens: Sakkoula, 1986: http://alex.eled.duth.gr/Eldoseis/Minaides/31.htm (accessed February 26, 2008).

the urban centres of the country, mainly Athens and Thessaloniki18, should also be added. According to other sources, the Orthodox Christians of Thrace numbered 241,000 and the Muslims 114,000. Out of those 54,000 are of Turkish origin, 36,000 are Pomaks and 24,000 are Roma19. Nowadays the Muslims of the Dodecanese, who are concentrated on the islands of Rhodes and Kos, do not exceed 4,000 on both islands20.

1.2.2. Socio-economic status of Muslims of Greek Citizenship and their integration into Greek societyThe Muslims of Thrace are mainly farmers, whereas those who live in the mountainous territories of the prefectures of Rodopi and Xanthi raise livestock. As a rule, the Pomaks inhabit the high mountains of Rodopi and Xanthi, those of Turkish origin the plains, and the Roma the villages around the urban centres of Western Thrace. From 1960 to 1980, there was great mobility of internal migration towards the large urban centres of Greece, firstly Athens and then Thessaloniki. In Athens today, one can find over 800 families of Muslims of Greek citizenship in Votanikos, Gazi and Metaxourgio. Most of them work as labourers and technicians on building sites or as street vendors. They are Muslims of Greek citizenship of all three ethnic groups, i.e. Turks, Pomaks and Roma21. The movement of the Muslims of Thrace to Thessaloniki is of a similar character, especially in the Western districts of the city, where the cost of living is lower. The proximity of Thessaloniki to Thrace is a re-enforcing factor, as many of the internal migrants move back and forth. This is in contrast to the situation in Athens, where their settlement is of a more permanent nature. There is also the phenomenon of temporary migration of the active male Muslim labourers of many mountain villages in the prefectures of Xanthi, Rodopi and Evros, to the large urban centres of Greece and Germany and occasionally France and Belgium, whereas the women and children remain in the villages22. During the 1970s, many opted for permanent emigration, their main destination being Germany. They abandoned their ancestral roots for the same reasons as their Christian co-patriots, i.e. the poor economic situation in Greece23. One should also

18 Konstantinos Tsitselikis and Giorgos Mavrommatis (KEMO), The Turkish Language in Education in

Greece (Mercator Education, 2003), p. 4: http://www1.fa.knaw.nl/mercator/regionale_dossiers/regional_dossier_turkish_in_greece.htm (accessed February 26, 2008). 19

According to other statistics, the Muslim minority in Thrace comprises one third of the population and is estimated at 100,000 people. Cf. Fanis Malkidis, Μειονόηττες στην αγροτική κοινωνία: οι Πομάκοι στη Θράκη (Minorities in Agricultural Society: the Pomacs in Thrace), Lecture delivered at the International Scientific Congress “Space and Environment: Globalisation-government and Viability”, Athens: Panteion University (9-10 May 2002): http://www.malkidis.info/gr/?p=66 (accessed February 26, 2008). In contrast, the Greeks of Constantinople, Imbros, and Tenedos, by virtue of the various difficulties they confronted in the wake of the 1955 Pogrom and afterward, gradually decreased in numbers: in Constantinople from between 100,000 and 150,000 – the number who had resided there after 1923 – to less than 2,000 today; in Tenedos, from 5.320 to less than 100 today, and in Imbros from 8,000 to less than 400. Source: Hellenic MFA. Cf. http://www.hri.org/MFA/foreign/bilateral/minority.htm (accessed February 26, 2008).20

Κonstantinos Τsitselikis, “The Legal Status of Islam in Greece”, in Die Welt des Islams, vol. 44, no 3, Leiden, Brill, 2004, pp. 402-431, here p. 406.21

Newspaper Elefteros Typos, e-tipos.com: http://www.e-tipos.com/newsitem?id=31504 (accessed April 24, 2008). Since the 1960s about 5,000 Muslims of Greek citizenship, internal migrants from Western Thrace, have been living in Athens. This information comes from recent research of the NGO “Social Strengthening”, under the topic “Greek Muslims of Athens”. 22

Voluntary programme in Thessaloniki: Group for minorities. Groups of Muslims in Ambelokipi and Western districts of Thessaloniki: http://www.ethelontiki.gr/minorities/?q=banner (accessed March 28, 2008). Cf. also Jeanne Hersant, L’émigration des musulmans de Thrace occidentale (10.2.2005), 3 pages: www.kemo.gr. The researcher of the Centre d’histoire du domaine turc in the Ecole des Hautes Etudes refers to well paid seasonal positions, ranging from 3 to 6 months, for Muslim immigrants in Germany in particular, where pay totals 2,500 (Euros) per month tax-free, all travel expenses paid. Thus, during the winter months in some Muslim villages one meets only women, children, and old people. 23

Jeanne Hersant, L’émigration des musulmans de Thrace occidentale (10.2.2005) : www.kemo.gr

mention here the number of Muslims of Greek citizenship who live in Turkey, gathered in neighbourhoods according to the area of their origin (Komotini, Echinos, Centaur, villages of Rodopi). Despite the fact that the Turkish authorities refuse to provide official numbers, there are many young men and women from the Muslim minority who go to Turkey, on a Turkish State scholarship, to complete their studies in secondary or tertiary education in Constantinople, Ankara, or Proussa24. But the majority of Muslims of Western Thrace have congregated in the cities of Xanthi and Komotini and are mainly merchants. According to the estimates of the Xanthi and Rodopi Chambers of Commerce, Muslims make up about one third of merchants, traders and professionals25. The majority, however, of the Muslims of Thrace remain farmers and are employed in jobs that require little if any specialisation, such as labourers, builders, etc.26. After the 1990s, a continually increasing number of Muslims of Greek citizenship have been gaining access to tertiary education. This trend is due to affirmative action taken by the Ministry of Education, which has facilitated the entrance of Muslims into universities (AEI) and institutes of higher technical education (TEI), to which they now gain 0.5% of total entrants This is indeed a beneficial measure that entails the potential access of Muslims of Greek citizenship to all university faculties and therefore better professional options. One should mention here that there are a number of Muslims who work as teachers in “minority education”, a topic that will be presented in the following section.

Over the last few years, women from the Muslim community have started to find employment in the urban centres, whereas in the past their mothers and grandmothers— especially the members of the rural population—worked hard as field hands, as was the case with the rest of the Greek female population that resided in the countryside. Their main occupation was tobacco cultivation. Nowadays, there are small businesses that are run by women in the cities of Xanthi and Komotini. This is a phenomenon of the last fifteen years27, which apart from its positive aspect is also indicative of social progress that helps the Muslim community overcome its traditional stereotypical structures. Generally speaking, these communities are basically patriarchal and traditional. By religious custom, the male members of the community define the daily routine, the social behaviour and the subsidence of the family, while the position of the women is mainly domestic28. In some minority communities, such as those of the Roma Muslims, whose lives are affected by elements of their nomadic identity and practices, one can even witness weddings between non-adult members, which are forbidden by Greek law.

The main body of the Muslims of Greek citizenship in Western Thrace are Sunni. There are also some Bektashi, who reside in the mountainous villages of Western Thrace. There are about 3,000, most of whom are Pomaks. Consequently, out of the total population of 30,000 to 40,000 Pomaks of Western Thrace, 5% are Bektashi. The rest are Sunni. Bektashism penetrated into the Pomak population soon after they converted via Bektashi Baba to Islam. These divisions become immediately obvious in some Pomak centres, especially Echinos, where the historic “saint” (Baba) belongs to Bektashi and his relic is kept in the central masjid of the town, where it is

24 Jeanne Hersant, οp.cit.

25 In Yannis Ktistakis’ paper, “Πρόσφυγες και μειονότητες: Δυσχέρειες ενσωμάτωσης” (“Immigrants and

Minorities: Difficulties of Integration”), in Citizens Movement for an Open Society (Athens 12.2.2008): http://www.kemo.gr/ (accessed March 28, 2008).26

Yannis Ktistakis, op.cit.27

Newspaper Paratiritis of Thrace: “Μουσουλμάνες γυναίκες και Επιχειρηματίες. Πού είναι το αφεντικό;” (“Muslim women and entrepreneurs. Where’s the boss?”) http://www.paratiritis-news.gr/archive/view.php?id=37:4886 (accessed April 24, 2008).28

Eleni Kanakidou, Προσωπικότητα της μουσουλμάνας γυναίκας και η συμβολή της στις παραδοσιακές δομές αγωγής και εκπαίδευσης των μουσουλμάνων της Δυτικής Θράκης (Muslim woman’s personality and her contribution to the traditional structures of culture and education of Muslims in Western Thrace), PhD in the Department of Primary Level Education, Demokritus University of Thrace (Alexandroupoli, 1996): http://alex.eled.duth.gr/eled/phd/kanakidou/text/7.htm (accessed March 28, 2008).

honoured and worshipped by the faithful according to the Bektashi ritual. There are also a few Bektashi of Turkish origin who enjoy special symbolic status, because their ancestors brought Bektashism/Alevism (Kizilbas) to Thrace from Asia Minor, in the late 14th and early 15th centuries29.

1.2.3. Muslims Immigrants and demographic statistics: Over the last decades of the 20th century, a new group—that of the immigrants—can be added to the previously mentioned Greek Muslim indigenous community, defined as a “religious minority”. According to the 2001 census, there were 762,191 immigrants residing in Greece without Greek citizenship, constituting approximately 7% of the total population (10.6 million). Other scholars state that there are up to one million legal and illegal immigrants living in Greece, or between 10 and 12% of the entire population30. As we have mentioned, there are no statistics regarding religion, so it becomes even harder to determine whether the Muslims are Sunni or Shî’i. The immigrants define themselves mainly according to their ethnicity and this is the identification criterion of Muslims in Greece, as well as their choice of places of worship. Judging by their religious celebrations, the majority are Sunni, though there are also Shî‘i who celebrate ‘Ashûrâ’ in Piraeus, Athens, and Thebes etc31.

The first foreign Muslims to enter Greece were students from Jordan, Palestine, Syria and to a lesser extent Egypt; they studied numerous sciences at Greek universities and higher technical institutions. There are still significant numbers of Muslim students who come to Greece for tertiary studies, some of whom study on Greek state scholarships. Many of these students have married Greek women and settled permanently in Greece, but the majority of them return to their home countries. The late 1970s saw the arrival of the first Pakistani immigrants, of whom the majority were labourers who found employment in shipping companies. From 1990 onwards, the number of immigrants and refugees, Muslims as well as non-Muslims, has risen dramatically. At present, Albanians compose the largest

29 The information about Bekatshi in Greek Thrace comes from the researcher George Mavrommatis, who

has systematically and for successive years dealt with Bekatshi orders of the Balkans, Turkey and Greece. Cf. his article “Περί των Μπεκτασί δερβίσηδων ή αναζητώντας προϋποθέσεις για μια διαφορετική ανάγνωση του Ισλάμ στα Βαλκάνια” (“On Bektashi Dervishes or Looking for Presuppositions for a Different Reading of Islam in the Balkans”), in Limits of Orientalism. From the Ottoman Balkans to the Modern Middle East, F. Tsibiridou & D. Stamatopoulos (eds.), Athens: Kritiki, 2008 (forthcoming). In footnote 39 of his article, Mavrommatis mentions all the places in the region that are fully or partially inhabited by Bektashi. Cf. also George Mavrommatis, “Monuments and Communities: Bektashism in 20th Century Greece”, in Uluslararasi Bektasilik ve Alevilik Sempozyumum I (1st International Symposium for Bektashism and Alevism), Süleyman Demirel University- Faculty of Theology, Symposium Proceedings: Isparta, 2005, pp. 526-551.30

M.S. Nikolaou & L. Stergiou, “Προβληματισμοί μεταναστευτικής πολιτικής στην Ελλάδα και στην Ευρώπη” (“Questions of Migration Policy in Greece and Europe”), in Edication and Science, vol. Ι, no 3, pp. 274-287, here p. 277: http://www.cc.uoa.gr/ptde/journal/greek/index gr.html (accessed April 1, 2008). Cf. also Elektra Petrakou et al., “Αναλυτική Μελέτη για τις επιπτώσεις του Μεταναστευτικού Φαινομένου στην Κοινωνική Ασφάλιση” (“Analytical Study on the Consequences of the Migration Phenomenon for Social Insurance”), in Hellenic Migration Policy Institute (IMEPO), Department of Geography, Aegean University (March 2007): Mentoring AE, p. 9: “Recent estimates that concern illegal immigrants confirm that there are about 1,100,000 immigrants; they constitute 12% of the country’s work force”. Cf. Kalliopi Lykovardi and Eleni Petroula, EU and US Approaches to the Management of Migration: Greece (online), Jan Niessen et al. (eds.), Brussels: Migration Policy Group, 2003, pp. 6-9: http://www.hlhr.gr/hlhr-kemo/docs/GreeceMigration-Lykovardi-Petroula.pdf (accessed April 1, 2008). Cf. also Amanda Levinson, Regularisation Programmes in Greece, The Regularisation of Unauthorized Migrants: Literature Survey and Country Case Studies, Centre on Migration, Policy and Society, Oxford: University of Oxford, 2005, p. 1: http://www.compas.ox.ac.uk/publications/papers/Country%20Case%20Greece.pdf (accessed April 1, 2008).31

The blog with various Greek photographs http://xronopolis.blogspot.com/2008/02/blog-post_7219.html, is a very interesting one. One can see photographs of immigrants in Greece, among which are those of shî’i in the Port of Piraeus during the celebration of ‘Ashûrâ’. Another interesting personal blog is http://kostastsironis.blogspot.com/2008/02/shiite-muslim-immigrants-from-pakistan.html (accessed April 1, 2008), with pictures of Shî’i Pakistanis celebrating ‘Ashûrâ’.

percentage of Muslim immigrants (Table I). Their practice of religion is minimal or non-existent, but they do have strong cultural and communal attachments, especially when these individuals have religious convictions32. But other immigrants such as the Pakistanis, Egyptians, Syrians, Iranians, Iraqis, Moroccans, Lebanese, Bangladeshis, Algerians, Sudanese, Jordanians, Palestinians etc. (around 200,000)—unlike the Albanians—are much more conscious of their religion and diligently practice their religious duties thus affirming that they are Muslims33.

TABLE IP r i n c i p a l e N a t i o n a l i t i e s a n d G e n d e r B a l a n c e i n G r e e c e,

2003-2004Country of citizenship Percentage of total: Percentage of total: Males FemalesAlbania 63.2% 75% 25%Bulgaria 9.8% 40% 60%Romania 4.3% 60% 40%Ukraine 3.4% 20% 80%Pakistan 2.4% 99,9% 1%Georgia 2.2% 35% 65%Rep. of Moldova 1.7% 30% 70%Egypt 1.6% 95% 5%India 1.5% 96% 4%Russian Federation 1.5% 20% 80%Poland 0.9% 50% 50%

32 Dimitris Antoniou, “Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organisation and Local Responses”, in

Immigrants & Minorities, vol. 22, Numbers 2-3/July 2003, London, Routledge: pp. 155-174: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0261928042000244808 (accessed April 1, 2008) mentions that “although Muslim in name, many Albanians and Balkan Muslims know very little about Islam”, p. 168. In our email correspondence with the emeritus professor Michel Sivignon, a geographer and specialist on Greece and the Balkans, he noted that one should avoid confusing the practice of the cult, which is very feeble, and the feeling of belonging to a community or tradition, which is the case for the majority of Albanians. Cf. also Michel Sivignon, Quinze ans d'immigration en Grèce: un bilan provisoire, Ecole Normale Supérieure, Universtité Paris X (8 avril 2005), 6 pages (unpublished).33

Research interest in immigration to Greece began in the late 1980s and increased significantly in the 1990s, when, following the collapse of communism, the borders opened and thousands of immigrants entered Greece from the north, east, and south. Over the past few years, there has been intense scholarly interest in Greece concerning issues related to the migration phenomenon. Field studies, research, official and unofficial reports, attempts at legislative regulation, all constitute the result of a systematic effort to know, control and precisely record the consequences of the immigrants’ presence in the country. The most recent statistical data regarding immigrants comes from IMEPO (Migration Policy Institute) in 2004 and 2007. Presently (2008) the number of immigrants is on the increase, especially if one takes into account the fact that a “caravan” of immigrants enters the country daily, either by sea or by land. Few of those immigrants manage to reach Western Europe. Greece constitutes the cheapest destination for immigrants from Asia, the Balkans and the Middle East. A smuggler might demand 3,000 to 4,000 Euros for Greece, while for other destinations (such as Germany) this amount increases. The number of those who drown and never make it to Mediterranean ports is unknown. For our article, much of the research in this field is of great interest; the following papers in English are accessible to most readers: Eugenia Droukas, “Albanians in the Greek Informal Economy”, in Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 24, London: Routledge, 1998, pp. 347-365; Theodoros Iosifides, “Immigrants in the Athens Labour Market: A Comparative Survey of Albanians, Egyptians and Filipinos”, in Russell King & Richard Black (eds.), Southern Europe and the New Immigrations, Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1997, pp. 26-50; Iordanis Psimmenos, “The Making of Periphrastic Spaces: The Case of Albanian Undocumented Female Migrants in the Sex Industry of Athens”, in F. Anthias & G. Lazaridis (eds.), Gender and Migration in Southern Europe. Women on the Move, Oxford: Berg, 2000, pp. 81-102. Also, cf. the studies by KEMO concerning migrants: http://www.kemo.gr/index.php?sec=thematics&cat=7. Country Profile: Greece, European Commission, ed. by European Community, 2001: http://ec.europa.eu/justice_home/doc_centre/asylum/studies/docs/greece_final_en.pdf, as well as M. Baldwin-Edwards, “Immigration into Greece, 1990-2003: A Southern European Paradigm?” in National Bank of Belgium: How to Promote Economic Growth in the Euro Area, Brussels, May 11-12, 2000, 29 pages, Geneva, Switzerland, 2004: http://aei.pitt.edu/1078/02/UNECE_paperV3-1.pdf (all internet data accessed March 12, 2008).

Philippines 0.9% 20% 80%Bangladesh 0.9% 98% 2%Syria 0.9% 90% 10%Armenia 0.7% 50% 50%Ex Yogoslavia 0.7% 50% 50%China 0.2% 70% 30%FYROM 0.2% 70% 30%

Nigeria 0.2% 80% 20%Others (Afghanistan,Ethiopia, Morocco,Lebanon, Algeria, Sudan,Jordan, Iran, Palestine, Iraq Etc.) 2,3 %

Source: STATISTICAL DATA ON IMMIGRANTS IN GREECE: Final Report 15 Nov. 2004Processing of Data: Study conducted for ΙΜΕPΟ (Hellenic Migration Policy Institute), Greece by Mediterranean Migration Observatory UEHR, Panteion University, Αthens.

1.2.4. Socio-economic status of Muslim Immigrants in Greece and their integrationThe sexes are well balanced, but certain nationalities have highly skewed profiles (Table I). The Asian countries in particular (Pakistan, Bangladesh and India) are represented almost exclusively by male immigrants in Greece, and the Arab countries also display this tendency (Table I). In particular, Syria shows 90% male, Egypt over 90%. The same can be said for immigrants from countries such as Iraq, Afghanistan, Jordan etc. Albania also has between 58% to 76% male immigrants but over time the men settle permanently and then bring their families to Greece as well. So the first conclusion we can reach regarding Muslim immigrants in Greece is that the overwhelming majority are men. Most Muslim immigrants reside in the prefecture of Attica (46.9%) and in the large urban centres of Greece such as Thessaloniki (8.6%), Patras (prefecture of Achaia 2.3%), and Herakleion34. The average age of these immigrants is between 20 and 45 years old 35.

This trend suggests the increased use of males in heavy labour. The gender imbalances for nationalities with a female bias have also become more skewed, according to these data: migrants from the Philippines, the Ukraine, and Russia are now over 80% female [in the census data, 60-75%]36.

34 Elektra Petrakou et al., “Αναλυτική Μελέτη για τις επιπτώσεις του Μεταναστευτικού Φαινομένου στην

Κοινωνική Ασφάλιση”, (“Analytical Study on the Consequences of the Migration Phenomenon for Social Insurance”), in Hellenic Migration Policy Institute (IMEPO), op.cit, pp. 16-17, where one can see the distribution of immigrants in the prefectures according to the 2001 census and the statistics of ΕSΥΕ (General Secretariat of the National Statistical Service of Greece). 35

Dimitris Antoniou, “Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organisation and Local Responses”, in Immigrants & Minorities, vol. 22, Numbers 2-3/July 2003, London: Routledge, pp. 155-174: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0261928042000244808 (accessed April 1, 2008).36

Dimitris Antoniou, “Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organisation and Local Responses”, op.cit, p. 161.

Men usually work on building sites or as farmers, and women as housemaids37. A large number are also employed in seasonal jobs in the tourism industry. The majority are unskilled labourers, but there are some skilled tradesmen as well. In the early 1990s, the influx of refugees from the Balkans and countries of the former Soviet Union caught the Greek authorities off guard, and this is why no drastic measures were taken to tackle the situation effectively. Registration of aliens, issuance of work and residency permits (green cards) and social security for thousands of immigrants started soon after. In the large urban centres, the immigrants currently reside mainly in districts with a low cost of living, and many prefer to live in specific areas among their own ethnic group. In Athens, for example, there are Egyptian immigrants in Metaxourgio, Academia Platonos, Plateia Attikis and Kipseli; Pakistanis in Perama, and Bangladeshis in Patissia and Omonia38. Over the past few years, more and more Muslims have arrived in Greece from Asian countries, with Afghanis topping the list (Table II). Most of them are Muslims but there are also Sikhs, Hindus, and Buddhists. A positive note is that despite the plethora of immigrants and the accommodation difficulties they face, there are no ghettoes, as is the case in other European countries. The full integration of immigrants into Greek society, however, has become even more difficult as a result of high levels of unemployment in Greece39.

TABLE IIPercentage of Asians in the total of migrants captured at Greek maritime borders

Country of origin 2004 2005 2006Afghanistan 30.5% 18.8% 36.1% Iran 3.1% 1.7% 4.8% India 1.1% 2.5% 4.2% Pakistan 1.0% 1.0% 3.7% Bangladesh 1.3% 1.6% 3.1% Sri Lanka 0.2% 0.5% 0.3% Myanmar 0.1% 0.1% 0.1% % of Asians 37.3% 26.2% 52.3%

Source: Security Directorate of the Ministry of Shipping, 2004-2006. 1.3.The legal framework of Islam in Greece1.3.1. Islamic faith and the Greek ConstitutionThe legal status of the Muslims of Greek citizenship, which has been valid since the establishment of the first Greek State and especially since the Treaty of Lausanne, does not apply to the foreign Muslim immigrants recently arrived in Greece. The legislation that applies to these immigrants is the same that is valid for all immigrants in general, without any special reference or regulations regarding religion. At this point we will consider both cases in greater detail:

Muslims of Greek Citizenship:

37 Bridget Anderson, Doing the Dirty Work? The Global Politics of Domestic Labor, London: Zed Books,

2000. In the fourth chapter, data concerning Greece is present. The area in which the most immigrants are employed is construction (31.7%). 20.5% are recorded as “domestic help”, which concerns chiefly the female population. There follow immigrants employed in sales and repair work and alterations. Immigrants employed in agriculture occupy a relatively small percentage of the total, on the order of 6%. They are primarily employed as unskilled labourers or as skilled craftsmen (37.7% and 35.4%, respectively; 15% are employed in the service sector as retail sails employees in shops and farmers’ markets. Cf. Elektra Petrakou et al., op.cit., pp. 13-14.38

Marina Petroni, City Template: Athens, op.cit., pp. 4-6.39

Iordanis Psimmenos, Immigration and Labour in Greece. The Creation of New Social Spaces, Athens: Centre for Intercultural Education: Ethniko Kapodistriako University of Athens, 1999.

Ever since the Greek state was established (1829-1831), the Orthodox Christian religion has been overwhelmingly predominant and therefore recognised as the official state religion. The Christians of other persuasions as well as the Muslims were recognised as religious minorities according to the Protocols that were successively signed in London in 1829, 1830, and 1831, as the Great Powers were interested in protecting religious minorities living within the borders of the first independent Greek State40. In the first Greek State (one third of the current area of Greece), there were only a few hundred Muslims, and they were subject to general Greek legislation without any special legal provisions. Their number rose with the annexation of Thessaly to Greece in 1881. The first international legal document that defined in detail the obligations of Greece towards the Muslim community was the Treaty of Constantinople, signed in 188141.

A few years later, after the end of the Balkan Wars—when Greece’s borders were stabilised—the number of Muslims rose again and the legal status of the Muslim minority was regulated by the Treaty of Peace between Greece and Turkey (1/14 November, 1913 in Athens). Article 11 of the Treaty of Athens provided additional rights to Muslims of Greek citizenship, such as equality before the law, religious freedom and religious autonomy. It also recognised their religious leaders (muftis, imams, hatibs and muezzins), and provided a special administrative autonomy regarding Muslim property (waqf or vakf). Article 13 of Protocol No 3 of the Treaty guaranteed the legal status of Muslim communities. The Treaty also safeguarded the freedom to practice Muslim worship, and institutionalised spiritual communication between the religious leadership of Western Thrace and the higher Muslim religious leadership (Sheikh al-Islam) of Constantinople.

The legal status provided by the Treaty of Athens was valid until 1923, when according to the Convention of the Treaty of Lausanne, the compulsory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey was mandated. The movement of the Muslims of Greece to Turkey and of the Christian Greeks from Turkey to Greece altered the demographic map of the country. This movement also brought a change in the legislation, which was adjusted to the needs of the Muslims of Western Trace, who were guaranteed security by the Convention of the Treaty of Lausanne, where they are called the “Muslim minority”42. Likewise, the Greek Christians of Constantinople, Imbros, and Tenedos, those referred to as the “non-Muslim minority-Rum Orthodox Christians”, were protected by the same Treaty. Despite the fact that the term “minority protection system” of the Treaty is incompatible with the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights, the minority provisions of the Treaty of Lausanne still remain in force. The faith, worship, customs, traditions, and education of Muslims of Greek citizenship are protected by the Greek Constitution and by special Greek legislation in accordance with the Treaty of Lausanne43.

40 Paraskevas Konortas, Les musulmanes de la Grèce entre 1821 et 1912, Mémoire de DEA, Ecole des

Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, 1980, pp. 16-17.41

K. Tsitselikis “The Legal Status of Islam in Greece”, op. cit., p. 3: “The Treaty provided equal equality for the enjoyment of civil and political rights of the Muslims with the rest of ‘Greek citizens by birth’ (Article 3). For the first time, a Muslim minority was protected as a legal entity enjoying religious and educational autonomy”. 42

The Treaty of Lausanne brought into force the Treaty of Sevres (1920) on the topic of “minorities in Greece”, that regulated the legal obligations of Greece towards ethnic, religious, and linguistic minorities. Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “The Legal Status of Islam in Greece”, op. cit., p. 5: “Μuslims of Greece and non-Muslims of Turkey were granted special legal protection according to articles 37-45 of the Treaty”. Cf. also FEK 238/25.9.1923.43

For the legal issues that have arisen from the application of the Treaty of Lausanne up to now, and interpretations of its provisions during the intervening period, cf. V. Aarbakke, The Muslim Minority of Greek Thrace, vol. 1 & 2 (PhD Thesis), University of Bergen, 2000; K. Tsitselikis, “The Legal Status of Islam in Greece”, op. cit., pp. 7-9 and “Muslims in Greece”, in Islam and the European Union, R. Poz & W. Wieshaider (eds.), Leuven-Paris-Dudley: Peeters, 2004, pp. 109-132; Dimos Tsourkas, “Les juridictions musulmanes en Grèce”, in Hellenic Review of International Relations, vol. 2 no II, 1981-1982, pp. 582-598.

1.3.2. Muslim religious places: The official representative of the Muslims and his legal status in the Greek State The Greek state has special provisions for the religious needs of the Muslims of Thrace. Muslim Greeks have approximately 300 mosques and metjitia (from masjid), smaller mosques for daily prayer (except for Fridays), and approximately 400 spiritual leaders (imam, hatib, muezzin). There are three muftis, in Xanthi, Komotini and Didymotikhon, who have the highest religious authority. In addition, on the islands of Rhodes and Kos there are three mosques with two imams and one mufti.

The mufti is the religious leader of the Muslims of Greek citizenship of Western Thrace; he judges family, inheritance, and religious matters of the Muslim community according to Islamic law (Sharî‘a, school of Hanaffîya). A mufti also has the jurisdiction of qadi, i.e., a judge of faith and religious teacher44, the interpreter-judge of the Holy Law. The Mufti must be a graduate of Muslim Studies in theology and law, and be versed in the old Ottoman language, in which are written and redacted the decrees (fetva). Other prerequisites for his appointment are that he must have served as an imam for at least a decade, be the epitome of morality, and possess excellent theological qualifications. Τhe Mufti as the judge of faith and religious teacher (qadi) is a civil servant of the Greek State. He is appointed by the Greek State with a Presidential Decree after a nomination by the Hellenic Ministry of Education and Religion. He receives a salary from the Greek Treasury, with the rank of General Director45. Over the past few years, imams are considered to be civil servants and receive a salary from the Greek Treasury, as do the priests of the Orthodox Church. The decisions of the Mufti in the religious tribunal are translated from Ottoman into Greek and are then validated by the Greek Courts of Law.

There are two considerations concerning the election of the Mufti. The first one is that the Mufti is nominated by a committee of experts and is appointed by the Greek State. This procedure follows the custom of Muslim states, such as Turkey and other Islamic countries, in which the Mufti is appointed by the State. According to the second consideration, which is expressed by a number of Muslims, the election of the Mufti should be a matter of the Muslim community. Some contemporary Greek researchers are in favour of the second consideration; they accept that the community should elect their Mufti; however, this would entail the abolition of the Sharî‘a.

The rationale behind the claims of these legal experts is that Greece is the only European country in which Sharî‘a is applied. The application of Sharî‘a, in many cases, is not compatible with the UN Declaration of Human Rights and modern views, e.g. such as those concerning equality of the sexes. What seems to be the main problem is the fact that Sharî‘a is considered antiquated, and the articles of the Convention of the Treaty of Lausanne should be modernised to benefit the Muslim community, and its equality before the Law, so that it ceases to be characterised as a “minority” 46.

44 Article 10, paragraph 1, Law 2345/1920 and article 5, paragraph 2, Law 1920/1991. Cf. also Yannis

Ktistakis, Ιερός Νόμος του Ισλάμ και οι μουσουλμάνοι Έλληνες πολίτες (The Holy Law of Islam and Muslims of Greek Citizenship), Athens-Thessaloniki: Sakkoula, 2006, pp. 29-33.45

Articles 2 & 4, Law 1920/1991.46

Cf. Athina Kotzabasi, Η Ελληνική Σαρία: Ιερό απαρτχάιντ για τις μουσουλμάνες γυναίκες (The Greek Sharî‘a: Holy Apartheid for Muslim Women) in: http://www.iospress.gr/ios2006/ios20061224.htm (accessed March, 13 2008) and Οικογενειακές έννομες σχέσεις Eλλήνων μουσουλμάνων (Lawful Domestic Relations of Greek Muslims), Thessaloniki, 2001: http://www.kethi.gr/greek/meletes/Mousoulmanes/Summary.htm (accessed March 13 2008); Yannis Ktistakis, Ιερός Νόμος του Ισλάμ και μουσουλμάνοι έλληνες πολίτες. Μεταξύ κοινοτισμού και φιλελευθερισμού (The Holy Law of Islam and Muslims of Greek Citizenship. Between Communalism and Liberalism), Athens-Thessaloniki: Sakkoulas, 2006; Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “Η θέση του μουφτή στην ελληνική έννομη τάξη” (“The Mufti’s Position in Greek Law”), in Legal Issues involving Religious Difference in Greece, Dimitris Christopoulos (ed.), Athens: Kritiki & KEMO, 1999, pp. 271-329 and The Shariatic Courts of Greek Thrace and the “Principle of Reciprocity” regarding Minorities in Turkey and Greece,MINORITY GROUPS & LANGUAGES, Thrace minority, On the “Mufti” (09.02.2006), KEMO: http://www.kemo.gr/index.php?sec=thematics&cat=42 (accessed March 18, 2008) and “Personal Status of Greece’s Muslims: A Legal Anachronism or an Example of Applied Multiculturalism?”, in The Legal

In contrast, the Muslim community is in general pleased by the fact that the Greek State allows the unobstructed function of the Sharî‘a laws. The members of the Muslim community seem to appreciate the possibility of application of Sharî‘a within European territory, especially when such a thing is impossible in modern Turkey. Through the application of Sharî‘a, the Muslims of Thrace feel closer to their Islamic obligations and preserve the notion of umma. One should add here that Muslims of Greek citizenship have the option to resort to the Greek legal system. The truth is, however, that the number of Muslims of Greek citizenship who exercise this option is small–and even smaller for Muslim women of Greek citizenship.

1.3.3. Muslim Immigrants, the Islamic Faith, and the Greek Constitution The status of Muslim immigrants who have entered Greece over the last few decades is different, as they are subject to laws that are valid, without any exception, for all immigrants47. The first problem they face is the practice of worship48. There are no mosques in Greece except for those in Western Thrace and the islands of Rhodes and Kos. As a result, the Greek authorities tolerate the function of informal worship places for the exercise of religious practices by Muslim immigrants49.

The first prayer hall in Athens opened in 1990 on the top floor of the Caravel Hotel; here the Friday prayer of Middle-eastern Muslim businessmen was conducted. Today in Athens there are many such prayer halls housed in basements, storehouses, garages, small shops etc. The majority of Muslim immigrants choose prayer halls according to their country of origin, and this choice is indicative of the language problems that the non-Arabic Muslim immigrants face. There are seven prayer halls run by Pakistanis, five by Bangladeshis, three by Egyptians etc.50.

Here one should also note that the first prayer hall for Muslims started functioning in Thessaloniki in the early 1970s in the School of Theology of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, initiated by its professors to cater to the needs of students from various Islamic countries who were studying at the university. Today Muslims who live in the city, whether they are students or not, gather here for their Friday prayer. The prayer hall is housed in the School of Theology, where there is also an Orthodox Christian church, and these places of worship constitute a symbol of

Treatment of Islamic Minorities in Europe, Aluffi B.-P. and R. and Zincone G. (Eds.), Leuven: Peeters, 2004, pp. 109-132. 47

Law 4310 (6/16 of August 1929) concerning “the settlement and movement of Aliens in Greece” (folio 287) regulated issues of the settlement of foreigners in Greece, and was in force for more than 60 years before its replacement by Law 1975/1991 (Alien’s Act), Articles 24 and 25, concerning “Entry-exit, stay, work, deportation of Aliens, acknowledgement of Aliens and Refugees and other provisions”. There followed Presidential Decrees (PD) 358 & 359/1997, which endeavoured to fill in the legal gaps regarding who is entitled to a green card, and the means of granting temporary residence and work permits. See also the recent Laws 2910/2001 concerning “Entry and Stay of Aliens in Greek Territory. Acquisition of Greek Citizenship by Naturalisation and Other Provisions”: http://www.imepo.gr/pdfs/LAW%202910_2001_English.pdf (accessed March 30, 2008); 3386/2005 concerning “Entry, residence and social integration of third-country nationals in the Hellenic Territory: http://www.imepo.gr/documents/Nomos3386_en.pdf (accessed March 30, 2008), and 3536/2007 concerning “Entry, residence, and social integration of third country nationals into the Greek territory”: http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/pid/836 (accessed March 30, 2008). Cf. also Αpostolos Kapsalis & Dimitris Katsoridas, “Σύνοψη του νομικού καθεστώτος παραμονής και εργασίας των μεταναστών εργαζομένων στην Ελλάδα” (“Summary of the Legal Framework for Residence and Work by Immigrants in Greece) in Enimerosi, the monthly magazine of the Labour Institute (GSEE-ADEDY), vol.104, March 2004: http://www.inegsee.gr/enimerwsi-104-doc3.htm (accessed 30 March 2008).48

Cf. Frank Bruni, “Athens Journal; Muslims’ Unanswered Prayer: A Place to Worship”, The New York Times, April 22, 2003: http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E0DE1DE103AF931A15757C0A9659C8B63&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all (accessed March 22, 2008).49

Christos Papastathis (ed.), Θρησκευτική Ελευθερία και Επικρατούσα Θρησκεία (Religious Freedom and Predominant Religion), Society of Jurists in North Greece, 38, Athens-Thessaloniki: Sakkoulas, 2000. 50

The initiative to create a Greek website for Islam is a recent one. Cf. www.islam.gr, where 25 places for prayer as well as many Muslim organisations in Athens are noted alongside teachings of Islam presented in a popularised fashion.

reconciliation between Orthodoxy and Islam. Furthermore, in Thessaloniki, since 2005, the Greek Arab Educational Cultural Centre has been functioning, and this venue partially covers the worship needs of its members. Such private places for Friday prayer also exist in other areas where Muslims immigrants live, including Patra, Heraklion, etc.

The main request by Muslim immigrants in the area of Athens is the construction of a mosque, a topic around which there has been a great deal of discussion51. According to the last bill presented by the former Minister of Education and Religion (2006), there is a provision for the construction of a mosque in the Votanikos area, which will facilitate the religious needs of the Muslims of Athens. This foundation will be under the supervision of the Minister of Education and Religion. There is also provision for an Imam who will be paid by the Greek State. Moreover, each Muslim community will be entitled to its own religious leader52. The Church of Greece supports the construction of this mosque. Furthermore, the Church of Greece has offered to donate a piece of land, approximately 30 hectares in Shisto, for the creation of a Muslim cemetery, a matter that should be seen to by the Greek State53

(Εκκλησία, 83.4, (έτος ΠΓ΄, τεύχος 4) April 2006, pp. 273-273).

1.4. The legal and social status of the most important Islamic organisations and umbrella organisations in the Greek State 1.4.1. Muslims of Greek citizenship and Islamic organisationsAccording to the Greek Constitution, the establishment of religious organisations, associations, and unions is possible on the condition that their pursuits are religious or support the principles of known religions and do not seek to convert others. In the case that religious organisations deviate from their original pursuits and their function is found illegal or contrary to the public order and customs by a Court of Law, they may be dissolved by a decree and their property confiscated. “Allies also have the right to establish religious unions and associations […]. This decision came as a result of the social consensus concerning the freedom of religious conscience, which according to Article 13, Paragraph 1 of the Greek Constitution is recognised for all as “inalienable”54.

The Muslim minority has many organisations and associations in Western Thrace. Following the course of these organisations diachronically, we note that they have gradually replaced their religious orientation (e.g., the “Organisation of Muslim Teachers/Graduates of Madrassas”) with an ethnic one, employing as their chief defining feature their Turkish identity–something that deprives the Pomak and Roma minorities of their own (ethnic) identities55. It is for this reason that there are many legal sticking points and discussions about this topic, and our present task will not be to develop these further. The presence of the Turkish Consulate in Komotini (and its frequently indiscreet initiatives) has proven problematic in many instances. And there has been no absence of protests by Muslim Pomaks about their “compulsory” Turkicisation via the Turkish language, which is an obligatory course in Muslim minority schools. Today we see that the Muslims of Western Thrace have in many cases become subjects of exploitation through the interventions of both Turkish as well as Greek policy. We hope that with the steps taken by Greece on behalf of the

51 There was heated discussed concerning whether the future place of worship would also include an

Islamic cultural center, and whether the Greek state would allow Saudi Arabia to undertake the costs for construction, maintenance, and general oversight. 52

Newspapper Kathimerini, Τhomas Tsatsis, “Jami in Elaionas” (Athens, October 7, 2006): http://www.enet.gr/online/online_text/c=112,dt=07.10.2006,id=13418292 (accessed March 28, 2008).53 Ekklesia, 83.4 (year 93, issue 4) April 2006, pp. 273-274.54

S. Minaidis, Η Θρησκευτική Ελευθερία των Μουσουλμάνων στην Ελληνική Έννομη Τάξη (Religious Freedom of Muslims under Greek Law and Order), Athens: Sakkoula, 1986: http://alex.eled.duth.gr/Eldoseis/Minaides/46.htm (accessed February 13, 2008). 55

S. Minaidis, op.cit.

Muslim minority, particularly those taken in the final decades of the 20th century (chiefly after 1990), and with an ever-increasing percentage of educated young people and equal opportunities now enjoyed by the Muslims of Western Thrace, they will in the near future assume the lead role in assuming responsibility for their communities, and that there will be a space of equality for the coexistence–without fear–of the indigenous Thracian Pomaks and gypsies (Roma), ancient nomadic tribes without a written language that have preserved their traditions under the pressure of the centuries and modernisation, side by side with the Turkish Muslims of Thrace.

The Muslim minority of Thrace publishes weekly and monthly newspapers56 and magazines; these are primarily in Turkish, though a number are bilingual (Greek-Turkish, Greek-Pomak)57. There are also many official and some unofficial organisations, as well as smaller associations and unions58; these are Turkish-speaking, Pomak-speaking, and Roma-speaking.

1.4.2. Muslim immigrants and Islamic organisationsMuslims from Western Thrace living in Athens recently rented accommodations in central Athens in order to serve their religious needs, and have also established a centre where the Greek language is taught. This undertaking was made possible thanks to the initiative of a group of Pomak Muslims, who in 1997 founded the Panhellenic Federation of Supporting the Muslims in Greece (“Filotita”). The community’s President wanted to help the thousands of Muslim immigrants living in Greece and coming from more than 27 countries throughout the world, and to support them spiritually (with a space for prayer and the learning of Greek), without being financially beholden to any foreign embassy59. The Federation includes Muslims of different groups living in Greece, both natives and foreigners, and fights racism, xenophobia, and Islamophobia. But there are many other organisations, including the following: the Association of Pakistanis and Muslims, the Association of Shia Muslim Pakistanis, the Cultural Association of Muslims, the Association of Muslims in Southern Greece, as well as many organisations having an ethnic characterisation, including the Federation of Albanian Organisations, the Organisation of Afghan Women, the Organisation of Sudanese Women, the Egyptian Community in Greece,

56 GÜNDEM-Town Talk, weekly newspaper, since 1995: www.gundemgazetesi.com. BİRLİK-Unity,

weekly newspaper. YENİ CUMHURİYET-New Demokracy, weekly newspaper. TRAKYANIN SESİ-The Voice of Thrace, Weekly newspaper, since 1981: www.trakyaninsesi.com. DİALOG (irregular), OLAY-Event, Weekly newspaper: www.btolat.com. MİLLET-Nation Weekly newspaper: www.millet.gr. BÜLTEN-Bulletin (irregular). Cf. also two Pomak: Zaglisa (“Love”) and Nazpress (“Front”). Roma newspaper: Hope. 57

ÖĞRETMENİN SESİ - Teacher’s Voice, monthly: www.ogretmeninsesi.org. AKIDE - Profession of Faith, monthly magazine of the Mufti of Komotini: www.muftikomotini.com. RODOP RÜZGÂRI - Rodipi’s Wind, monthly magazine: www.rodopruzgari.com. AZINLIKÇA-Minority, monthly magazine.58

BATI TRAKYA AZINLIĞI YÜKSEK TAHSİLLİLER DERNEĞİ-ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΟΝΩΝ ΜΕΙΟΝΟΤΗΤΑΣ ΔΥΤΙΚΗΣ ΘΡΑΚΗΣ - Western Thrace Minority Graduates Association. This Association has the following sectors for women: a) KÖYEP (KÖYE ERİŞİM PROJESİ) - Reaching out to the countryside project, b) KADINLAR KOLU - Women’s Branch, c) KADIN AİLE VE KÜLTÜR KOLU - Women, Family and Culture Branch (Xanthi). There are also the following associations: 1) BATI TRAKYA CAMİLERİ DERNEĞİ - Religious Leaders of Sacred Mosques of Thrace Association, 2) SEÇEK KÜLTÜR DERNEĞİ - Hilion Cultural Association (Evros), 3) GÜMÜLCİNE TÜRK GENÇLER BİRLİĞİ - Turkish Association of Komotini (not recognized by the Greek State, 4) İSKEÇE TÜRK GENÇLER BİRLİĞİ - Turkish Association of Xanthi, 5) Α. KADIN AİLE KOLU - Section for Woman and Family (Xanthi), 6) AŞAKÖY KÜLTÜR DERNEĞİ - Arsakion Cultural Association (Sappes), 7) KURCALI KADIN DERNEĞİ - Lyceum Women’s Association (Sappes). A Pomak association was also recently founded: the POMAK CULTURAL ASSOCIATION OF THE PREFECTURE OF XANTHI. Finally, we should mention the numerous Rom associations, and the fact that Muslim Gypsy women are leading many of these, something which is not the case for other Muslims holding Greek citizenship: the ROMA CULTURAL ASSOCIATION, the GYPSIE’S ASSOCIATION OF THE PREFECTURE OF RODOPI, the WOMEN’S CULTURAL ASSOCIATION OF DROSSERO, “THE FRIENDSHIP OF ROMA”- CULTURAL ASSOCIATION of POLYANTHOS RODOPIS, the CULTURAL ASSOCIATION ALAN KOGIOU “ROMANI”, and the ROMA ASSOCIATION OF ALEXANDROUPOLI. 59

Georgia Dama, “Οι μουσουλμάνοι έχουν τώρα το τζαμί τους” (“The Muslims Finally Have their Mosque”), Eleftherotypia, 12.06.2002.

the Pan-African Association of Athens, the Union of Sierra Leone, the Association of Turkish and Kurdish Refugees, the Sudanese Community, the Association of Sudanese Immigrants, the Nigerian Community in Greece, the Palestinian Community in Greece, the Albanian Immigrants’ Forum, the Kenyan Community, the Social Union of Bangladesh, the Union of Libyan Students, etc.60.

In Athens, the Lahore Ahmadiya Movement is also active, taking an interest in providing Balkan Muslims (primarily Albanians) with religious training. Thus, its chief concern and activity is the translation of various catechistic Islamic books into Albanian and Greek61.

2. Muslim Education2.1. Greek state schools and religious educationGreek public schools require the teaching of religion in each of the six years of secondary education for two hours weekly, while in the upper primary grades some elements of religious orientation are offered. These are curricula established up until 1990 under the broader legal status quo of Greece as a religiously and ethnically homogeneous state. However, children of non-Christians, other Christian confessions apart from Orthodoxy, and humanists have the legal right to take religion courses or not. In primary education, those who teach religion are primary school teachers who have not received any special religious training during their university education; in secondary education, those who teach the course are religion teachers who have graduated from one of the country’s two theological schools (Athens, Thessaloniki). The religion course focuses primarily on the Christian faith and Orthodox tradition; every teacher is free to extend their teaching to other religions, speaking largely in historical terms about the three monotheistic religions and their historical and cultural encounters with one another. The teachers are Greek civil servants and are not controlled, or appointed by, the Greek Church, and the same holds true for university professors of theology. In the course of the six years the religion course is taught during secondary education, students survey the history of the Old and New Testament as well as the History of the Church from the Early Christian period to the present, where there is reference to the appearance and spread of Islam and to the worship practices of the Orthodox Church. Beyond these, students also are taught about the other major world religions, with two extended chapters placing especial emphasis on Islam, for a total of between four and eight teaching hours (the topics include Islam’s birth, the Five Pillars, its spread, mysticism, and modern Islam). In the final lyceum class there is a course dealing with ethics, and specifically with Christian ethics.

2.2. Muslim immigrants and multicultural schoolsThe situation changed rapidly from 1990 onward with the arrival of many immigrants in Greece. Greek schools, which found themselves unprepared in many areas, particularly in language training for foreign students and the management of multiculturalism, quickly began to adjust. Both legislators and the Ministry of Education hastened to resolve these issues to the extent that was possible through the creation of the so-called multicultural schools as early as 199662. During the past

60 For detailed information about newspapers, magazines, and organisations of immigrants in Athens, cf.

The World of Immigrants: www.migrants.gr (accessed March 28, 2008) and www.islam.gr. On the main ethnic associations in Greece, cf. Marina Petronoti, City Template Athens, op.cit., 61

For further information about this movement, its activities worldwide, and its history, cf. Dimitris Andoniou, “Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organisation and Local Responses”, op.cit., pp. 167-168. 62

For further information concerning multicultural schools, cf. the web page of the Hellenic Ministry of Education & Religious Affairs: http://www.ypepth.gr/el_ec_page2094.htm (accessed March 28, 2008). In accordance with Article 16.4 of the Greek Constitution, all Greeks have the right to free education in public educational institutions [...]. For the obligation to provide free education to foreigners, Greece is bound by the relevant provisions of international law, introduced as Greek law into the Greek legal

decade, the university and educational communities have already carried out serious research to deal with this major issue and the coverage of new educational requirements, and many noteworthy studies have been written on the subject.

In schools for multicultural education, the curricula of the corresponding public schools are provided, adapted to the particular educational, social, cultural or learning needs of their students. Since 1996, 26 multicultural schools have been established and gone into operation in Greece. The multicultural schools, whose number continues to rise as a result of increased needs, aim at offering equal opportunities to all students without discrimination. To meet these new needs, the Greek educational system requires modernization at many points through the adoption of modern educational attitudes. The educators who teach in these schools receive professional development training, and those invited to fill teaching vacancies are selected on the basis of criteria involving their knowledge of multicultural education and the teaching of Greek as a Second or Foreign Language. Multicultural schools excuse those who are not Orthodox Christians from the religion course out of respect for their students’ religious difference. Today there are 13 multicultural primary schools, 9 multicultural gymnasia, and 4 multicultural lyceums operating in Greece’s large cities.

The children of most immigrants attend Greek public schools beginning from primary school. Their parents prefer to send them to these schools, on the one hand because the small number of multicultural schools established to date cannot absorb all students, and on the other because they acquire a full command of Greek, and may thus more easily advance to the higher technical institutes and universities, and be more easily integrated into Greek society. Parallel to basic public education and multicultural schools, preparatory classes and sections for supplementary (remedial) teaching63 also operate.

For the present, there exists no special legislative accommodation for Muslim immigrants as regards the teaching of Islam. In accordance with the introductory report for the Law on Multicultural Education prepared by the Greek Parliament’s Scientific Council in 1997, the focus of modern multicultural education is not necessarily on support of religious difference, but on “strengthening the ethnic identity of the various groups of foreigners living in the country”64.

2.3. Muslim Education in Western Thrace2.3.1 The legal framework of Muslim religious education There is complete legislative safeguarding of Muslim education for the Muslim Greek citizens of Western Thrace. Articles 40-41 of the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) continue today to determine the legal status quo for the operation of minority schools65. With the Treaty of Lausanne, the minority’s right to establish, manage,

framework and superceding Greek law (see the Greek Constitution, Article 28.1), by the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (Article 28), by the International Convention on Human Rights (Article 2 of the First Protocol), and by the International Covenant on Social, Economic, and Cultural Rights (Article 13). Cf. George Mavrommatis & Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “Η Εκπαίδευση των Μεταναστών στην Ελλάδα (1999-2003). Πολιτικές και Πρακτικές” (“The Education of Immigrants in Greece (1999-2003). Policies and Practices”), in Greece of Migration, op.cit., pp. 121-140, here pp. 122-125.63

Cf. Annex 2: Multicultural Education, Hellenic Republic, Ministry of Education & Religious Affairs (7-9-1999).64

Cf. George Mavrommatis & Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “Η Εκπαίδευση των Μεταναστών στην Ελλάδα (1999-2003). Πολιτικές και Πρακτικές” (“The Education of Immigrants in Greece (1999-2003). Policies and Practices”), in Greece of Migration, op.cit., pp. 121-140, here pp. 135-136.65

Article 40: Greek nationals belonging to the Muslim minority will enjoy the same treatment and security in law and in fact as other Greek nationals. In particular, they will have an equal right to establish, ménage and control, at their own expense, any charitable, religious and social institutions, any schools and other establishments for instruction and education, with the right to use their own language and to exercise their own religion freely therein. Article 41: As regards public instruction, the Greek government will grant, in those towns and districts where a considerable proportion of Muslim nationals are resident, adequate facilities for ensuring that instruction will be given in primary schools to the children of such

direct, and oversee minority schools and other educational institutions was recognised. In addition, the right to use of the mother tongue as the minority’s language of instruction was recognised. These “mother tongues” are Turkish, Pomak, and Roma. However, the “mother tongue” of the three minority groups–the Turkish-speaking, the Pomak-speaking, and the Roma-speaking–was not precisely determined, with the result that gradually Turkish has become the predominant language of education at the expense of the other two minority languages. In 1928, the Arabic alphabet was done away with in Turkey and in its place, the Turkish-Kemalist state adopted the Latin alphabet. The reforms of the secular Kemalist state and the Young Turks-Kemalists were not embraced by the entirety of the Muslim minority of Western Thrace, particularly by the so-called “Old Ottomans”, who projected their Muslim identity in place of the Turkish one, and continued to employ the Old Ottoman-Arabic writing system. The dispute between the “Old Ottomans” and the “Kemalists” ended ignominiously for the “Old Ottomans” when many of them were deported by the Greek state in response to a demand by Turkey66. Essentially, this opened the way for the infusion of Turkish national identity into the Muslim minority of Western Thrace67. From 1930, and above all from 1950-1970, Turkey was directly involved in minority education, through the sending of books, funds for construction of schools, teacher education etc68. The legal status of the Treaty of Lausanne was further complemented by provisions in the Greek-Turkish Protocol of 1968 (Educational Protocol between Greece and Turkey, in 1968), and the Agreement of 2000 (Ministerial Decree G2/933, 3.3.2000 [FEK B 372, 2000]: Timetable of forms A, B and C of Minority Lyceums)69. The Greek-Turkish educational protocol of 1968 included adjustments regarding the language of instruction, the Turkish language, audio-visual aids, school textbooks etc. However, it did not take under consideration the special rights to their mother tongue and education of the other two minority Muslim groups, the Pomaks and the Roma. The Greek-Turkish agreement for cultural cooperation of 2000 endeavors to respond to these issues and the requirements of the today, with a series of initiatives such as the approval and distribution of new schoolbooks in the spirit of a United Europe and the orderly inclusion of Greek society, including its Muslim community, into this United Europe70.

(Greek) nationals through the medium of their own language. This provision will not prevent the Greek government from making the teaching of Greek language obligatory in the said schools. In towns and districts where there is a considerable proportion of Greek nationals belonging to the Muslim minority, this minority will be assured an equitable share in the enjoyment and application of the sums which may be provided out of the public funds under the State, municipal or other budgets for educational, religious or charitable purposes.66

Alexis Herakleidis, Η Ελλάδα και ο “εξ Ανατολών” κίνδυνος. Αδιέξοδα και διέξοδοι (Greece and the Danger “from the East”: Impasses and Solutions), Athens: Polis, 2001, p. 307.67

From this time there began to be established organizations which characterize themselves as Turkish, whereas those of the Muslim minority who were “Old Ottomans” promoted their Muslim identity in their organizations and newspapers. Cf. Soltaridis, Η ιστορία των Μουφτειών στη Δυτική Θράκη (The History of the Muftis in Western Thrace), Athens: Nea Synora-Livani, 1997, p. 186. S. Troubeta, Κατασκευάζοντας ταυτότητες για τους μουσουλμάνους της Θράκης. Το παράδειγμα των Πομάκων και των Τσιγγάνων (Manufacturing identities for the Muslims of Thrace. The Example of Pomaks and Gypsies), Athens: Kritiki, 2001, p. 41-42. 68

The Greek-Turkish Agreement of 1951 (20 April) connected the minority even more with the Turkish state. Cf. Newspaper Eleftherotypia, George Mavrommatis, “Εκπαιδεύοντας τη μειονότητα “(“Training the Minority”), June 4, 2006: http://www.enet.gr/online/online_text/c=110,dt=04.06.2006,id=40437156 (accessed March 23, 2008). Cf. also Aarbakke, op.cit., 69

See the main official texts regulating the Muslim education and the teaching of Turkish Language in Greece, Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “The Turkish Language in Education in Greece”, op.cit., pp. 28-31.70 Since 1977, the Project enhancing education for minority children (PEM) has been moving in this direction. “Enhancing the education of Minority children, and offering equal educational opportunities for their integration into the society as first-class citizens of Greece and the European Union, does not only concern the Minority, but it contributes more generally to the progress of Thrace and the entire Greek society as well. The general approach of the Project (PEM), that guides its efforts to contribute since 1997 to a better education for Minority children is summarised by its motto: ‘Addition, not Subtraction /

2.3.2. Language of Muslim education, issues of Islamic identity, and modern curricula used in minority education

Turkish and Greek comprise the languages of minority education, and today they each enjoy an equal number of teaching hours in the educational program. In primary and secondary minority schools, “Muslim-minority” and “Christian-majority” teachers are appointed; Muslims undertake the teaching of the Turkish, and Christians that of the Greek lessons71.

Given that no legislative measures were taken for minority nursery schools/kindergartens, young children from the Muslim minority attend public Greek-language kindergartens, which contributes in a positive way to their learning of Greek, since most members of the minority primarily employ Turkish at home, followed by Pomak and Roma. This constitutes good language preparation for an easier integration into the society in which they live. Of course, there are not enough public kindergartens for all the Greek children who wish to attend public schools, nor are there enough for minority children, many of whom live in inaccessible, non-urban areas. Daycare centres and kindergartens began to operate in some Pomak and Gypsy villages beginning in 1998; today there are a total of 11 such daycare centers and 22 kindergartens72. To meet the needs of preschoolers and disseminate Turkish-language education, the Organisation of Minority Scientists of Western Thrace began to develop a network of informal kindergartens-daycare centres in 200073. Here we must note that there is clearly an effort to control education by Turkish-speakers, some of whom do not want to leave any free choice between Greek or Turkish for the Muslims of Thrace, and there are many known instances of intimidation at the expense of the Pomaks, who prefer to choose Greek-language education for their children, and who are struggling to establish Greek public primary schools in the mountain villages of Rodopi and Xanthi.

The legal nature of minority schools combines in a special fashion provisions concerning both public as well as private education. The social as well as financial management of schools and their property is assigned to school trustees, parents or guardians of pupils. The director is appointed and paid by the Greek state. The

Multiplication, not Division’”. Heads of the Project are Dr. Anna Frangoudaki, Professor of the Sociology of Education (Athens University) and Dr. Thaleia Dragona, Professor of Social Psychology (Athens University). For further information regarding the actions, the educational material, the research, the training of teachers and professors, etc., cf. the trilingual site of the project (Greek, Turkish, English): http://www.museduc.gr/index.php (accessed April 12, 2008). 71

From the abundant and interesting bibliography on the education of the Muslim minority of Thrace, we point out indicatively the following: Anna Frangoudaki and Thaleia Dragona (eds.), Πρόσθεση όχι αφαίρεση. Πολλαπλασιασμός όχι διαίρεση. Η μεταρρυθμιστική παρέμβαση στην εκπαίδευση της μειονότητας της Θράκης (Addition not Abstraction. Multiplication not division. The reformative intervention to the Minority Education of Thrace), Athens: Metehmio, 2006; Νelli Aksouni, Η Εκπαίδευση της μειονότητας της Θράκης. Από το περιθώριο στην προοπτική της Κοινωνικής ένταξης (The Education of the Minority in Thrace: From the Periphery to the Prospect for Social Inclusion), Athens: Alexandreia, 2006; Thaleia Dragona and Anna Frangoudaki, “Educating the Muslim Minority in Western Thrace”, in Islam and Christianity-Muslim Relations, vol. 17/1; George Mavrommatis, Τα παιδιά της Καλκάντζας, φτώχεια, εκπαίδευση και κοινωνικός αποκλεισμός σε μια κοινότηα μουσουλμάνων της Θράκης (The Children of Kalkantza: Poverty, Education, and Social Exclusion in a Muslim Community of Thrace), Athens: Metehmio, 2005; D. Michail, From “Locality” to “European Identity”: Shifting Identities among the Pomak Minority in Greece, paper presented at the 2nd Conference of the International Association for Southeastern Anthropology, Graz (February 20-23, 2003). 72

Νelli Aksouni, Η Εκπαίδευση της μειονότητας της Θράκης. Από το περιθώριο στην προοπτική της Κοινωνικής ένταξης, Athens: Alexandreia, 2006, pp. 182-184.

73 We drew this information from the postgraduate thesis of Cahide Haseki, whose subject is “Education

and Islam: Religion in Secondary Education in Thrace”, to be defended in the Department of Religious Studies in the Theological School of the University of Thessaloniki. It may be noted that Ms. Haseki is the first Muslim Theology student to have been accepted (in 2002) by the Department of Theology at the University of Thessaloniki to do a postgraduate program of study. I would like to thank her for permission to use some of her unpublished material.

director is a Muslim and the assistant director, a Christian, while the Greek Ministry of Education has the responsibility for oversight of minority schools74.

The primary-level minority schools, which provide six years of education comparable to the six years in Greek-language public schools, numbered around 208 in 200675. Most of the children of primary-school age (6-12) attend purely minority schools with a bilingual program. The Greek language, history, geography, environmental studies, physical education, and civics are taught in Greek. Religion, physics, mathematics, art, and music are taught in Turkish76. During the 2006-2007 school year, the total number of Muslim students enrolled in primary education totalled 6,647; this year (2007-2008) the number is close to 8,00077.

For the harmonious operation of minority secondary school education, which is composed of three years of gymnasium and three years of lyceum, for a total of six years (precisely like the Greek-language public secondary schools), there are two minority gymnasia-lyceums: one in Komotini (GÜMÜLCİNE CELAL BAYAR LİSES) founded in 1952, and one in Xanthi (İSKEÇE MUZAFFER SALİHOĞLU AZINLIK ORTAOKUL VE LİSESİ), founded in 196478. There are also two madrasas (Hierospoudastiria) that have functioned since the Ottoman era, one in Komotini (GÜMÜLCİNE MEDRESESİ [MEDRESE-İ HAYRİYYE]) and one in Echinus (ŞAHİN MEDRESESİ). The mountainous regions of Xanthi and Rodopi, where the Muslim Pomaks are settled, are served by five public gymnasia, where the basic education of Muslim students takes place in Greek, apart from the course in Religion, which is in Turkish, and the reading of the Koran, which is in Arabic. During the 2006-2007 academic year, the total number of Muslim students attending gymnasia (Greek-speaking or minority) amounted to 2,428 and the number of those attending lyceums totaled 1,99679.

The courses taught in the minority gymnasia and lyceums follow the curriculum of the Greek-speaking public schools, of course with the single significant exception of the addition of Turkish language courses. Thus, Ancient and Modern Greek, history, geography, and civics are taught in Greek. The Turkish language, Islam, physics, chemistry, mathematics, art, music, and physical education are taught in Turkish.

Muslim minority educators assume the Turkish-language portion of education, and each year a few primary and secondary teachers come from Turkey for a limited period. Something similar occurs with the very small number of Greeks remaining in Istanbul, where Greek teachers are posted for a set period of time80.

Since 1996, the percentage of Muslim students that continues and completes secondary education has greatly increased when compared to previous years. The

74 For further reading concerning the administration and inspection issues of the minority schools, cf.

Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “The Turkish Language in Education in Greece”, op.cit., pp. 10-11.75

Lambros Baltsiotis-Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “Η μειονοτική εκπαίδευση της Θράκης. Νομικό καθεστώς, προβλήματα και προοπτικές” (“Minority Education in Thrace. The Legal Framework, Problems and Prospects”), in Addition, not Subtraction / Multiplication, not Division. The reformative Intervention to the Minority Education of Thrace, Athens: Metehmio, 2008, pp. 57-88.76

The hourly/weekly schedule of classes and analytical programme of minority schools was established with ministerial decree 149251/28-11-1957. Cf. Lambros Baltsiotis-Konstantinos Tsitselikis, Η μειονοτική εκαπίδευση της Θράκης. Συλλογή Νομοθεσίας-Σχόλια (Minority Education of Thrace, Legislation Collection-Comments), Athens-Komotini: Sakkoulas, 1998, p. 80.77

Program for the Education of Muslim Children 1977-2008: http://www.museduc.gr/en/index.php?page=1&sub=5 (accessed April 12, 2008).78

According to the Law, these schools are equal to the “other private secondary schools operating in the State” and are directed by a School Board, whose principal is a Muslim of Greek citizenship (Act 695, 16.9.1977 [FEK A 264, 1977]). On Minority Schools of the Minority in Western Thrace. Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “The Turkish Language in Education in Greece”, op.cit., p. 17.79

Program for the Education of Muslim Children 1977-2008:http://www.museduc.gr/en/index.php?page=1&sub=5 (accessed April 12, 2008).80

Today fewer than 200 students are enrolled in the Greek schools of Istanbul, as a result of the flight of the Greek minority due to the difficulties it encountered; in the Greek communities of Imbros and Tenedos, Greek schools are no longer in operation.

special quota of 0.5% for the admission of minority students to higher education institutions has contributed to this increase. This is an important affirmative action measure for Thracian Muslim students, which essentially offers them an additional 350 positions at Greek universities (AEI) and higher technical institutes (TEI). But since the number of minority gymnasia and lyceums is insufficient for the continually increasing numbers of Muslim students, many of the latter choose Greek-language public education. A further reason for choosing Greek-language education is the prospect for continuing their studies at Greek universities. However, minority schools are preferred by the Muslims of Thrace, who through this special form of education feel that they preserve their communal-Muslim identity, in addition to their ethnic-national one.

We may say with assurance that during the past few years, there has been given more becoming attention to minorities and the matter of their education than in the past. Beyond the positive contributions of legal measures (referred to above), the Greek Ministry of Education has taken important initiatives, in collaboration with the Greek university community, to work out special professional development programs both for minority educators as well as for many other areas of Muslim education. The program for the education of Muslim children (1997-2008) concerned minority students (firstly, primary school level, and to a somewhat lesser extent, secondary-level). They were provided a series of new books for learning Greek and to assist their integration into the wider environment, not only the Greek but also the European one81. This year (2008) a new textbook for the learning of Turkish was published, which (following its approval by the Greek Ministry of Education) is to be distributed to Muslim students in the first class of the Greek-speaking gymnasia, and who will be taught Turkish as a Second/Foreign language. That which makes the book truly innovative is that it was entirely written by members of minorities, both Greeks of Eastern Thrace as well as Muslims of Western Thrace. Its title is Our Turkish Book. Texts from Literature, Newspapers and Magazines of Western Thrace (Türkçe Kitabimiz. Bati Trakaya’nin Edebiyati, Gazete ve Degri Metinleri)82. The problem that remains is the obligatory teaching of the Turkish language in the Pomak community, whose mother tongue is not Turkish.

For some decades now, there have also been catechistic circles offering “Lessons in the Koran” (Kuran Kursu) within the mosques, the purpose of which is to further the religious training of students; these are widely accepted by the Muslim community83. 2.3.3. Madrasas and Muslim Private Schools The Madrasas (Hierospoudastiria) are private educational foundations, the overseer of which is each Mufti. In 1998, the Madrasas became six-year schools (Article 4, Law 2621/23.6.1998 [FΕΚ Α 136]), and their diplomas are recognised by the Greek state as equivalent to those of the other public Greek-language schools and ecclesiastical lyceums84.

Beyond the lessons taken in common with other gymnasia-lyceums, there is additional in-depth religious teaching in the fields of Muslim Law (Sharî‘a), Sunna and Hadîth, Qur’ân and exegetics of the Qur’ân. In the Madrasas, the Arabic of the

81 Program for the Education of Muslim Children 1977-2008: http://www.museduc.gr/ (accessed April 12,

2008).82

Newspaper H Kathimerini, Takis Kampylis, “Μάθε παιδί μου (και) τουρκικά” (“My Child, You Need to Learn Turkish [too]”), (13.4.2008), p.39. The Greek textbooks sent for minority education up until 1996 were the same as those used for Greek-language public education, and this meant that they were exceptionally difficult for Muslim students, whose training in the Greek language was deficient. And the Turkish books sent from Turkey until 2004 were old (1950-1960), and published in cheap reprints.83

Lambros Baltsiotis-Konstantinos Tsitselikis, “Η μειονοτική εκπαίδευση της Θράκης. Νομικό καθεστώς, προβλήματα και προοπτικές”, op.cit., p. 77.84

Manolis Kotakis, Θράκη. Η μειονότητα σήμερα (Thrace: The Minority Today), Athens: Nea Synora, 2000, p. 116.

Koran is taught, in addition to the Greek, Turkish, and (since 1987) English languages85. Educators in the Madrasas are both Muslim and Christian, whose teaching duties are allotted in accordance with the course material.

The textbooks for the Greek-language lessons are the same as those used for Greek-language secondary education; the textbooks for the Τurkish-language lessons are not sent from Turkey (as was the case above), but rather are prepared by the teachers.

There are no private Muslim schools in either Athens or Thessaloniki. The children from well-to-do Muslim families choose either Greek or (preferably) English-language private education. The only private school operating for Muslims is the Libyan School in Psychiko (Athens).

2.3.4.The education of Imams and teachers of Muslim religious education in Greece In order to become a teacher, a Muslim belonging to the minority of Western Thrace must attend the State Special Pedagogical Academy of Thessaloniki (EPATH), which was founded in 196986. For the time being, the length of study is three years, but the Ministry of Education is proposing to make it four years, as is the case with the other university-level pedagogical departments. Until recently, at least 90% of the students attending EPATH were graduates of madrasas87. The education of minority teachers is carried out in Greek, and Turkish is taught for two hours weekly. Muslim secondary education teachers, like other Greeks, are graduates of university departments88.

In 1992 the first woman minority teacher graduated from EPATH. Today (2008), the number of men and women studying at EPATH is close to equal.

While a high level of education is required for appointment as a Mufti (as presented above), anyone may become an Imam without any particular training; it is sufficient that he be familiar with the Koran and the Muslim prayer movements. The Imams normally come from religious families, or have completed the imam hatib (comparable to the madrasas) in Turkey. They may also be graduates of Thracian madrasas. And there are some who have completed tertiary studies in theology in Turkey or in Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia or Egypt. The community of each village chooses its Imam.

ConclusionRapidly advancing changes within Greece, as touched upon in our report, do not leave much room for introversion or the stance of an “ostrich with its head buried in the sand”. School is the best place for encountering the religious or ethnic “other”, and it appears that Greek education is moving in this direction. Nonetheless, much remains to be done, both at the practical-educational level as well as at that of policy initiatives. For centuries, Greek society has learned to co-exist with Islam, and it has known immigration and expatriation for many generations. Given the opportunities emerging from the new state of affairs, and in spite of the surprises that tested Greece initially, with an abrupt increase in the number of immigrants and fear of the foreign, it appears to display a positive stance, and has more and more become open to that which, and to those who, are different. In Greek, the word “tolerance” is probably neutral, if not negative. But in contrast, we are hopeful that expressions like “respect for the other”, “equality and equal rights before the law”, and “peaceful and benevolent coexistence” will become the motto for future generations. In any case, diversity may propose “diverse” solutions in a multicultural society. During recent

85 Simeon A. Soltaridis, Η Ιστορία των Μουφτειών της Δυτικής Θράκης (The History of the Muftis in

Western Thrace), Athens: Nea Synora, 1997, pp.147-154.86

Royal decree 31/10.10.1968 and 725/1969. Cf. also Articles 2-12 of Law 695/1977.87

Nelli Askouni, Η Εκπαίδευση της μειονότητας της Θράκης, op.cit., pp.76-77.88

Konstantionos Tsitselikis, “The Turkish Language in Education in Greece”, op. cit., pp. 21-22.

decades, Greece has come to view the Muslim minority of Thrace as a part of herself, which is of premier importance for the peaceful coexistence of all members of Greek society.