The French Revolution - Forgotten Books

THE FRENCHREVOLUT IONFROM THE AGE OF L OUIS XIV

TO THE COMING OF NAPOLEON

HAROLD F. B. WHEELER,

MEMBER on THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATIONJ OINT-AUTHOR or “ NAPOLEON AND THE INVASION on ENGLAND”

“ THE WAR m WEXFORD , n o .

WITH A SERIES OF ILLUSTRATIONS FROM

AUTHENTIC SOURCES

From a docum ent heading in the National Archives, Pan'

s

LONDON : Published by T . C . E . C. JACK

67 LONG ACRE , W .C. AND EDINBURGH

19 13

INTRODUCTION

WHEN Dickens , in the winter of 18 5 9 , essayed “ the

little task of making a picturesque story , he requested

Carlyle to lend him some book s which the Sage of

Chelsea had used in the production of his F rench Revol

ution. Carlyle, making more noise in his silence- room

than the rest of the world put together, replied with

grim humour by despatching to Gad’s Hill two cart

loads of authorities .” These supplied the novelist with

sufficient facts and local colour to enable him to write

A Tale of Two Cities.

Since the time of these famous Victorians the litera

ture of the greatest event in history after the Befor

mation has been increased by a multitude of volume s .

There is now a Société de l’

Histoire de la Revolution

and a monthly magazine devoted to the elucidation of

the many phases of the epoch . The memoirs of those

who played a part, however insignificant, in the maze

of happenings which led to the breaking-up of the

ancien re’

gim e are gradually being given to an interested

public,and the French magazines frequently publish

valuable sidelights on the personalities of dead and gone

monarchists,republicans , and firebrands . This vast

accumulation of material is in itself a difficulty to those

who would arrive at a reasonable understanding of theVI!

viii THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

long series of events— military , political , and social

definitely focussed in the eyes of France by the meetingof the States-General in 178 9 .

In the following pages I have attempted to tell the

story of the French Revolution in a simple and straight

forward way for those readers who do no t profess an

intimate knowledge of the great upheaval . They will

find how the day of reckoning began to get gradually

and sometimes almost imperceptibly nearer from the

days when Louis the Great ruled with despotic sway ,how the literary work of Voltaire , Rousseau , and other

advanced writers and thinkers assisted in the movement

towards reform, aided by the cultured chit- chat of the

salons and the Spreading of democratic ideas by those

who had taken part in the War of American Independ

ence. They will see how the question of national finance

and the quarrels between Louis XVI and the Parlem ents

led to the calling of the three Orders to Versailles and to

the momentous step taken by the Commons when they

attempted to solve their own particular problems by

means of the National Assembly . Local government,

mob rule, and civil war followed, and parties havingwidely diverging ideals came into being, each with Constitutional cure -alls which failed to make a lasting

improvement in the feverish condition of the body-politic.

The outbreak of war, the King’s complicity in it

,the

formation of all-powerful Committees which brought

victory to the French beyond the frontier and tragedy

to many at home, to give place in turn to reaction , the

miserable uncertainties of the D irectory and the begin

ning of the iron rule of the little Corsican ” are detailed.

INTRODUCTION ix

There the narrative ends . It was the task of the Con

queror to reconstruct the machinery of the State. Some

of his measures withstood the shocks of Leipzig and

Waterloo and are part of France to-day. Perhaps it is

well to remember that it was largely a question of

finance and commerce that led to the fall of the man who

watched the storming of the Tuileries and marvelled at the

King ’s lack of energy. Napoleon’

s Continental Decrees

marked the beginning of the end of the First Empire.

I do not think that any historian has more ably

summed up the reason of the failure of the Revol

ution to establish a democratic republic than the late

Dr. G . K . Fortescue in the Introduction to his translation

of Thibaudeau ’

s M e'

m oz'

res sur le Consulat, 1 801

“ The method of the Revolutionists , from first to last ,he says, “was to fix upon one class after another ; to

deprive each in turn of its privileges, rights, and

property ; to revile and degrade it until it necessarily

represented a foe to the Revolution itself, and then ,whether the persecuted class rose against its persecutors

or not, declare it to be a public enemy and proceed toexterminate it .”

Between 178 9 and the coup d’

e’

tat ofBrum alre 1799 ,

not a little was accomplished in the direction of the

elimination of very just grievances regarding taxation and

the social regeneration of France , but taking the Shibboleth

Liberty , equality, fraternity” in its widest meaning, the

advantages gained were little enough . The Committee

of Public Safety knew no such word as “ l iberty.

” To

deprive a man of a title and estates is not to place him on

Bonaparte and the Consulate (L ondon, p . xu .

x THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

an equality with the peasant, even if the vote of the

humble and necessary son of the soil has the same power .

Balzac summed up the situation in miniature when he

wrote,

“ Of all things in France the most thoroughly

French is vanity. I t is disappointed vanity that raises

the cry for equality . It is bluntly put , but probably

correct. The saddest comment on fraternity, which

seemed to presage so much in the Champ de Mars on the

occasion of the first anniversary of the fall of the Bastille ,is the monotonous sound of the guillotine carrying out

the dread work of the Revolutionary Tribunal . Yet I

doubt not that all concerned , from Robespierre to Sanson

and his assistant executioners , considered themselves

patriots . The one thing we seldom reconcile in this

world is the other person ’s point ofview. This being so I

shall not attempt to draw lessons .

Those who wish to go further into the fasc inating

subject ofthe French Revolution will find a comprehensive

bibliography in Volume VIII of the Cam bridge M odern

H istory, to which book as well as to Professor H . Morse

Stephens’

s H istory, Miss Sophia H . MacL eho se’

s F rom

the M onarchy to the Rep ublic in F rance, 17 8 8—1 792, and

The L ast Days of the F rench M onarchy, Professor A . J .

Grant’s F rench M onarchy, 1 48 3—178 9 , and Dr . J . Holland

Rose’

s Revolu tionary and Nap oleonic E ra, 178 9—18 15 , Iam particularly indebted as my English authorities . I

have also made considerable use of M e’

m oires detailed in

the British Museum Catalogue , preferring to quote the

actual words of eye-witnesses to paraphrasing them .

The preparation and carrying out of the scheme of the

illustration of this book has been the entire responsibility

INTRODUCTION

of Mr . S . G . Stubbs . He wishes to express on behalf of

the publishers and himself his deep appreciation of the

courtesy of the staff of the Bibliotheque Nationale at

Paris, and particularly of the French Ministry for Foreign

Affairs , through the kindly interest of whom it has been

possible , as an exceptional favour, to secure the reproduc

tion of twenty- two subj ects from the wonderful collection

of historical prints and drawings made by the late Michel

Hennin and bequeathed to the French Nation . In these

thanks I also j oin . I am much indebted to my father

for his valuable assistance in many ways .

HAROLD F. B. WHEELER.

Nonrnwoon, MIDDLESEX.

CRAP.

I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

VIII .

IX .

XI.

CONTENTS

A CENTURY OF. CONFLICTS

LOSSES AND DISHONOUR

THE SETTING OF THE SUN K ING

THE AGE OF DISILLUSION

TWENTY YEARS OF WAR

THE SEEDS OF REVOLT

VOLTAIRE ’S CRUSADE AGAINST THE “INFAMOUS

THE FOE OF KINGS

DIDEROT AND THE ENCYCL oPEDIE

THE FIRST YEARS OF LOUIS XVI' .

SPENDTHRIFT FRANCE

QUEEN, CARDINAL , AND BAUBLE

THE STRUGGLE WITH THE PARLEMENTS

THE MEETING OF THE STATES-GENERAL

HOW ROYAL AUTHORITY WAS LOST

THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE

THE RIGHTS OF MAN

A BANQUET AT VERSAILLES AND ITS SEQUEL

THE CLUBS AND THE CHURCH

THE FETE IN THE CHAMP DE MARS .

MIRABEAU, THE MAN OE POWER

XXIV.

XXV.

XXVII.

XXVIII .

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES

THE MASSACRE OF THE CHAMP DE MARS

THE CONSTITUTION AND THE LEGISLATIVE

ASSEMBLY

THE ENEMIES AT THE GATE

THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT

THE ATTACK ON THE TUILERIES AND THE

SEPTEMBER MASSACRES

PASSING OF LOUIS CAPET

THE FALL OF THE GIRONDISTS

REIGN OF TERROR

WHIFF OF GRAPESHOT ”

COMING OF NAPOLEON

INDEX

L IST OF PLATES

MARIE ANTOINETTE ABOUT 178 5 Frontisp iece

THE CHATEAU OF VERSAILLES IN THE DAYS OF ITSSPLENDOUR : THE PLACE D’ARMES AND THE COURD’HONNEUR IN 1722 Facingp . 6

JEAN BAPTISTE COLBERT (1619—1683)THE CONCLUSION OF THE TREATY OF BREDA , JULY 31 ,

1667 , BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN , FRANCE, DENMARK ,

AND HOLLAND

L OUIS XIV AS “ L E ROI SOLEIL

ROYAL RELIEF WORK S IN THE TIME OF FAMINE

L OUIS XIV G IVES AUDIENCE To THE POOREST OF HISSUBJ ECTS

THE ABBEY OF PORT ROYAL , THE HOME OF JANSENISM

THE “BUBBLE BOOM IN THE COMPANY OF THE INDIESUNDER JOHN L AW’S GUIDANCE

A CARICATURE OF 1728 ON THE FINANCIAL S ITUATION

THE YOUNG LOUIS XV HOLDS A BED OF JUSTICE FORTHE FIRST TIME IN HIS PARLEMENT AT PARIS ,SEPTEMBER 12, 1715

THE PEASANT UNDER TAILLE, TAX, AND CORVEE

FRANCOIS MARIE AROUET DE VOLTAIRE (1694—1778 ) ATTHE AGE OF 24

VOLTAIRE,

“ THE MAN UNIQUE IN ALL AGES , ISCROWNED BY THE MARQUISE DE VILETTE IN THETHEATRE

xv i THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

JEAN JACQUES ROUSSEAU (1712—1778 )

MARIE ANTOINETTE (175 3—1793) AT THE TIME OF HERACCESSION To THE THRONE

L OUIS XVI (175 4—1793) AT THE TIME OF HIS ACCESSIONTo THE THRONE

NECKER GIVES THE “ COMPTE RENDU TO THE K ING

THE ASSEMBLY OF THE NOTABLES HELD AT VERSAILLES,FEBRUARY 22, 1787

THE DIAMOND NECKLACE

L OUIS XVI ABOUT 178 5“BED OF JUSTICE HELD AT VERSAILLES

,AUGUST 6 ,

1787, To REGISTER THE EDICTS FOR GALONNE’STAXES, WHICH THE PARLEMENT HAD RESISTED

THE PROMENADE IN THE GARDEN OF THE PALAIS ROYALIN ITS FASHIONABLE DAYS

THE OPENING OF THE STATES-GENERAL AT VERSAILLES,

MAY 5 , 178 9

THE CLERGY J OIN WITH THE THIRD ESTATE

THE HALL OF THE TENNIS COURT AT VERSAILLES WHERETHE OATH OF JUNE 20, 178 9 , WAS TAKEN

“ FORGING THE CONSTITUTION , A SATIRE ON THE THREEORDERS

CAMILLE DESMOULINS (1760—1794)

THE PEOPLE PATROL THE STREETS OF PARIS ON THENIGHT OF JULY 12, 1789

THE PEOPLE COMMANDEER THE WEAPONS STORED AT THEINvAL IDES ON THE DAY OF THE FALL OF THEBASTILLE

THE STORMING OF THE BASTILLE,JULY 14, 1789

JEAN SYLVAIN BAILLY (1736 FIRST MAYOR OFPARIS

Facingp .

LIST OF PLATES

THE FIRST FUGITIVES OF THE REVOLUTION

THE ABANDONMENT OF PRIVILEGES AT THE SITTING OFTHE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ON THE NIGHT OF THE4TE OF AUGUST 1789

THE ORGY OF THE GARDE DU CORPS IN THE OPERAHALL AT VERSAILLES , OCTOBER 1 , 1789

THE RETURN OF THE “HEROINES OF PARIS AFTER THEEXPEDITION To VERSAILLES

,OCTOBER 5 , 1789

A MEETING OF THE JACOBIN CLUB THE SOCIETY OFTHE FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION

WOMEN MAKE OFFERINGS To THE NATION AT THENATIONAL ASSEMBLY , SEPTEMBER 7 , 1 789

THE “ FUNERAL POMP OF THE MOST HIGH, MOSTPOWERFUL AND MAGNIFICENT SEIGNEUR CLERGYOF FRANCE, DECEASED THE 2ND OF NOVEMBER1789 , AT THE NATIONAL A SSEMBLY

THE FESTIVAL OF THE CHAMP DE MARS,JULY 14 , 1790

THE MOB PILLAGE THE HOUSE OF THE DUC DE CASTRIES,

NOVEMBER 13, 1790

HONORE GABRIEL RIQUETTI , VISCOUNT MIRABEAU(1748- 1791)

THE FLIGHT OF L OUIS XVI STOPPED AT VARENNES

THE MASSACRE FOLLOWING THE DECLARATION OFMARTIAL LAW ON THE CHAMP DE MARS, JULY 17,1791

GEORGES JACQUES DANTON (175 9—1794)

THE K ING ACCEPTS THE CONSTITUTION, SEPTEMBER 14,179 1

MADAME MANON JEANNE ROLAND (175 4—1793)

AN ALLEGORY OF 1791 ON THE GERMAN HOSP ITALITYTo THE EMIGRES

THE COUNTER REVOLUTION

xvii

Facingp . 224

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

THE L AST CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESSION OF THE RE

FRACTORY PRIESTS (“ LONG NOSES”

)

THE ELECTOR OF TREVES LEARNS THAT HE MUST NOTPROTECT THE EMIGRES

A GRAND SEANCE AT THE JACOBINS ON THE DECLARATION OF WAR IN 1792

THE POWERS THREATEN THE NATIONAL A SSEMBLY WITHTHE TERRORS OF WAR

THE FATEFUL 20TH OF JUNE— THE PEOPLE ENTER THETUILERIES

A SATIRE ON LAFAYETTE’S ATTEMPT To SECURE THEJACOBINS

THE CAPTURE OF THE TUILERIES, AUGUST 10, 1792

RELICS OF THE PRISONERS OF THE TEMPLE

THE PRUSSIAN RETREAT AFTER THE FIRST CAMPAIGNAGAINST REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE

MAXIMILIEN DE ROBESPIERRE (175 8 - 1794 )THE BATTLE OF JEMAPPES IN ITS EARLY STAGES

THE LAST PORTRAIT OF LOUIS CAPET“THE TRAGIC END OF LOUIS XVI

THE ADVANCE GUARD OF THE ARMY OF THE MOSELLEOFFER To THE INHABITANTS THE BLESSINGS OFFRENCH LIBERTY AND EQUALITY

JEAN PAUL MARAT (1743—1793)

MARIE ANNE CHARLOTTE CORDAY D’

ARMAND (1768 - 1793)

A REVOLUTIONARY COMMITT EE UNDER THE REIGN OFTERROR, 1793—1794

ANTOINE L OUISE L EON DE ST. JUST (1767—1794)THE LAST PORTRAIT OF MARIE ANTOINETTE

THE SIEGE OF TOULON BY THE ARMY OF THE REPUBLICIN 1793

Facingp . 352

LIST OF PLATES

THE EXECUTION OF MARIE ANTOINETTE,OCTOBER 16, 1793

THE ARREST OF RORESPIERRE AND HIS PARTISANS , THEQTR THERMIDOR

THE DEVIL AND THE JACOBIN

A SATIRE AGAINST THE JACOBINS ISSUED IMMEDIATELYAFTER THEIR FALL

L AZ ARE HOCHE (1768

THE DAUPHIN, L OUIS XVII (178 5 - 1795 (Z) )

A PUBLIC AUDIENCE OF THE DIRECTORY , 1795“THE WHIFF OF GRAPESHOT, 13TH VENDEMIAIRE

(OCTOBER 5 , CHURCH OF ST. ROCH , RUEST. HONORE

THE TRIUMPH OF THE FRENCH ARMIES

THE FETE GIVEN To BONAPARTE AFTER THE TREATY OFCAMPO FORMIO

THE ABBE S IEYES IN COSTUME As A MEMBER OF THEDIRECTORY

xix

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2 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

Republic was completed. A fifth traces the final decline,if not the actual fall , of the monarchy to the first publicappearance of Madame du Barry at the marriage festivities Ofthe Dauphin and Marie Antoinette . Chronology hasits limitations , and must never be confused with Historyproper. It is one of the branches of the parent- stem , andnot the trunk ; or to use a mathematical s imile, a numberof units making no definite amount.Liberty was the leading party- cry of the Revolution .

W hy ? W hat was the cause of which this was the effect?A nation does not readily adopt a mere Shibboleth , however abstract its meaning, without some provocation , somesense of a quality, state , or thing missing from its politicalmake-up. For answer I believe it is necessary for us togo back to the reign Of Louis XIV (1643 whenthe chains of despotism were definitely forged . Here itmust be noted , quite apart from the fact that it substantiates what has been said in the previous paragraph

,that

the smelting process had been commenced by Louis XI ,was passed on to Charles VIII

,and received great

augmentation at the hands of Henry IV,grandfather of

L e Grand JlI onargue. By using strong measures againstthe Huguenots and certain sections of the nobility thework was carried on by Richelieu and Mazarin during thereign of Louis XI I I and the minority Ofhis successor

.It

was the task of Louis XIV to turn out the finished article,

and it remained complete until it was shattered by theRevolution. I f he was not actually the author of thewords attributed to him, The State, it is I ! he mostcertainly based his policy on such terms

.When Mazarin

breathed his last in 1 661 , the King Of twenty- three yearsbluntly declared that he intended to be his own firstminister, a policy he never forsook . SO far as foreignaffairs are concerned he was energetic enough

,but in

A CENTURY OF CONFL ICTS 3

matters nearer home Louis did not always remember theOld adage that charity should begin there.Untrammelled by a Legislature such as existed in

England , virtually answerable to none , Louis soon maderapid progress in despotism . The Secretaries of State forWar, the Navy , Foreign Affairs, and the King

’s Household , the Chancellor, and the Controller-General ofFinances were the chief servants Of the Crown, the termservants being used advisedly, for Louis saw to it thatthere should be no more Richelieus orMaz arins . It wasnot to my interest , he says in his M e

’

m oires , written forthe instruction of the Dauphin

,

1 to take men of eminencefor my ministers . I wanted before all things to let thepeople know, by the rank from which I chose them , thatI had no intention of sharing power with them . TheMinisters , Councillors, and III aitres des requétes (lawyers )of the four chief Councils were merely the King’s tOOls .

The Parlem ent of Paris , the supreme judicial court, themembers of which held office by purchase or heredity

,

was soon subservient to his will . This is important, because the Parlem ent registered the King

’s edicts , whichalone made them legal . If there was hesitancy in thematter peremptory orders were issued by the monarch forimmediate registration, followed , if necessary , by a bedof j ustice ” presided over by the King, who usually enforced his will without further trouble. For instance ,youthful Louis, at the behest of Anne of Austria, whowas acting as regent , and Mazarin who dominated her,had recourse to the latter expedient in 1 648 , the point atissue being a tax levied during the exhausting ThirtyYears ’ War on articles of merchandise brought to Parisfor sale . The Parlem ent absolutely refused to do his

1 They were prepared from h is notes by Pellisson in 1670, and handed in

1786 to the Com te de Grim oard. They we re first published in 1806.


bidding. Its antagonism to the Crown was shown bythe setting-up Of a self- appointed legislature known asthe Chamber of St . Louis .Paris resounded with the cry of Liberty and openly

revolted , Mazarin was banished , and the Royal Familyretired to St . Germain . This resistance to the monarchywas followed by the opposition ofthe aristocracy , known asthe Second Fronde , in which the Bastille and the HOtel deVille, landmarks in the Revolution of 1-78 9 , played theirparts . Both attempts to defy the royal authority failed,Mazarin returned in triumph , and Louis ever afterwardsremained vindictive towards the nobility and the j udicialand municipal bodies . As a consequence the Parlem entof Paris assumed a political character

,and was almost in

variably antagonistic to the Crown . Not that this disconcerted Louis XIV, who eventually issued an ordonnance

requiring royal edicts to be registered within eight dayswithout remonstrance or discussion . That he cared littleor nothing for the Parlem ent is proved by the fact thatin 168 5 he carried out the Act of Revocation of the EdictOfNantes before it had received assent . Had the Parlem ents represented the nation there might have been noRevolution . The magistrates , however, were usually ofthe privileged classes , consequently when financial reformsviaa more j ust distribution of the taxes were m ooted theyinvariably thought of themselves only

,and not of the bur

dened proletariat . Public Opinion was nothing to them.

It is true there were the States -General,consisting of

representatives of the nobility , the clergy , and the commons— the last mentioned the famous Third Estate— buttheir assembling rested on the King’s good pleasure

,This

is tantamount to saying that the gatherings were not frequent. Such bodies have a nasty knack Of criticising bothmen and measures , with or without due resnect .

Fo rm e r

A CENTURY OF CONFL ICTS 5

Estates had shown a disposition to dispute the royalprerogative , had gone so far as to entertain ambitions ofcontrolling finance , the appointment of ministers , and ofdeclaring war . Many causes had contributed to theirfailure to establ ish anything approaching our Own repre

sentative chambers , but it is not difficult to d iscern thatthe privileged orders of the nation, who were exempt fromthe more important taxes , were in the majority. TheE’

tats which were instituted in their modernform in 1 302 by Philip IV , had last met in 16 1 4 ; itssuccessor assembled in 178 9 .

Although the provincial Parlem ents— smaller replicasof that of Paris which administered justice and registerededicts relating to their own provinces only— continued tosit , power was really in the hands of the Royal Intendants .

These officials , scattered about the country , representedthe interests of the throne rather than of the people , andthey could do nothing without the consent of Versailles .What Etats continued to exist did so by reason of thefact that they had ruled the proyinces before annexation ,but much of their original authority had entirely disappeared.

Louis raised what taxes he liked, and spent the moneyhow he pleased . W ith the recklessness of a fairy- talemonarch

,he built sumptuous houses for himself and his

court , showered gold on questionable favourites, and wasruthlessly prodigal with his exacted wealth . By erectinga palace at Versailles , where the head Of each departmentof the State was housed and their subordinates foundOffice room in the Rue de la Surintendance , he attractedthe nobility from their country seats , the real centre oftheir interests . The aristocracy flocked to the vicinity asmoths to a strong light. Those who were habituallyabsent were noted

,and should such a one request a favour


the King’s reply was invariably couched in the same formula

,

“ I do not know him ! No fewer thanworkmen

,hundreds of whom died , toiled at the vast

structure on the deadly marshland . Estates both vastand small were neglected , and continued to be so , with thesequel that Versai lles and the Gay City eventually becamethe maelstrom of the passions of an outraged country .

There was no discount when the bill was rendered onanother day and in another century ; it was settled in full .

“ Louis XIV was made for a brilliant Court ,” says

Saint- Simon,writing with the authority of an observant

contemporary . In the midst of other m en, his figure,his courage

,his grace , his beauty , his grand mien , even

the tone of his voice and the magnetic and natural charmof all his person , distinguished him till his death as theKing Bee, and showed that if he had only been born asimple private gentleman , he would equally have excelledin fetes , pleasures , and gallantry , and would have had thegreatest success in love . Never did man give withbetter grace than Louis XIV, or augmented so much inthis way the price of his benefits . Never did man sell tobetter profit his words , even his smiles— nay , his looks.Never did disobliging words escape him ; and if he had toblame , to reprimand, or correct , which was very rare , itwas nearly always with goodness , never, except on oneoccasion with anger o r severity . Never was manso naturally polite , o r of a politeness so measured

,so

graduated , so adapted to person , time , or place . Towardswomen his politeness was without parallel . Never did hepass the humblest petticoat without raising his hat evento chambermaids, that he knew to be such

,as often

happened at Marly. For ladies he took his hat off com

pletely, but to a greater or less extent ; for titled people ,half Off, holding it in his hand or against his ear some


I discovered in myself that which I did not know , and Ireproached myself with joy for having been so long ignorant Of it . The first sense of timidity that comes withdec is ion caused me pain , but it passed off in less than notime

.I t seemed to me that I was , and was bo rn to be,

king.

Under the able hand of Jean Baptis te Colbert , anastute middle - clas s financier , with few ideals beyondthose usually understood by the word commerce , but whohad had the inestimable advantage of service underMazarin

,a great deal was done to repair the ruinous

state of the treasury . Trade was fostered , industry re

v iv ed ,colonial companies floated , roads made , canals

constructed,harbours built , naval ships put on the stocks ,

the civil code improved , the debts of the Crown reducedby arbitrary composition , and the revenue mo re thandoubled in ten years . Science , letters and art wereencouraged , and Academies Of Inscriptions and Medals ,of Science and of Architecture were founded by theenergetic and oftentim es arbitrary minister . Colbert livesin history as one of the foremos t French reformers

,Louis

as one of the greatest spendthrifts .Sire , writes Colbert in 107 5 ,

I entreat yourMaj esty to permit me to tell you , that neither in war norin peace have yo u ever consulted your finances to determine your expenditures , which are so extraordinary thatthey are certainly withou t example ; and , if you will bepleased to exam ine and compare the times and years

,

during the last twenty - fiv e years that I have had thehonour of serving yo u , yo u will find that , although thereceipts have greatly increased, th e e xpenditures have farexceeded the rece ipts , and perhaps this will persuade yourMaj esty to moderate and curtail what is excessive

,and by

this means to put a little more proportion between the

JEAN BAPTISTE COL BER’

I‘

(16 19—16 83)

(After the portrait by h/zgnara’

)

A CENTURY OF CONFLICTS 9

receipts and the expenditures . His Maj esty’s answerwas short and to the point : “ The King gives alms inspending largely.Central isation at home was the master key of Louis

’

s

policy . Free trade was rigorously tabooed , and heavy

tariffs were levied on foreign goods . The grander thecountry the grander the monarch . France was alreadypre- eminent , but she might become more glo rious .Economic progress widened the mental horizon

,if not

the moral outlook , ofthe new Charlemagne — the termis Bo ssuet ’s . Louis turned his attention from the thingsofpeace , into which it must be confessed he had enteredhalf—heartedly , to those ofwar , which henceforth engagedhim to all intents and purpose s for over forty years .The army was reo rganised and put on a more business

like basis by the semi - servile Louvois , Minister of W ar,

destined to be Colbert’s successful rival in the good gracesofLouis . W hat Colbert did for commerce and the navy

,

Louvois carried out fo r the mil itary service with an energyscarcely second to that of the Controller—General of

Finance . Foreigners were given an important place inthe regiments . The business of soldiers is to fight ;provided Louis could secure the best material it matterednothing to him to what nationality his troops belonged

,

hence companies of Germans, Swiss , Italians , VVallo ons ,and Irish . He mistook ag gress ion for progression .

Lorraine,which since the Peace of the Pyrenees (165 9 )

had been v irtually annexed by France , first fell into hishands , with the exception of the solitary fortress OfMaral ; then he quibbled over the legality of his bro therin-law

’s claim to the Spanish Netherlands and FrancheComté . These countrie s Louis asserted to be part of thebirthright of his wife , Maria Teresa, the Spanish Infanta,by an Old custom which disinherited the children of a

10 THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONI

second marriage in favour of those of the first. TheQueen was the remaining child of Philip IV

’

s premierunion

,and her husband thought fit to forget that at the

time ofthe m arriage he had agreed to abandon the wholeof his consort’s claims . His personal j ustification wasbased on the fact that Maria Teresa

’

s dowry had notbeen paid

,and on the argument that the possessions he

coveted would be a step in the direction of securing forFrance what had been cons idered for many generationsher “ natural boundary on the north and north - east,namely the river Rhine . As things were she was hemmedin by the Spanish Netherlands , the Bishopric of Liegeand the Archbishopric Of Treves on the north , by FrancheCom te, Savoy and Piedmont on the east .

In 1667 Louis saw fit to try his project . Both thetime and the condition ofEurope seemed to be propitious.The war which had broken o ut between England and theUnited Provinces in March 1 665 , as a result of variouscolonial disputes , had placed him in an entirely awkwardposition , but he had managed to turn it to advantagewith wonderful astuteness . By an offensive and defensivealliance arranged three years before it was imperativethat the K ing should go to the assistance of the Dutch .

After considerable delay he declared war against Englandin the early days of 1 666 . In the following autumn theUnited Provinces entered into further alliances

,thus

leaving England more and more to her own resources.

Louis saw his Opportunity and seized it. He andCharles I I came to a secret understanding on the3 1st March 1 667 , whereby the Stuart King acquiescedin the seizure of the Spanish Netherlands by Louis

,

provided the United Provinces were no t helped by theFrench navy . The appearance of Dutch men - of-warunder De Ruyter in the Medway

,which Evelyn call s

A CENTURY OF CONFL ICTS 1 1

“ a dreadfull spectacle as ever Englishmen saw, and a

dishonour never to be wiped off,”was an unlooked- for

contretemp s , and had its sequel in the Treaty of Breda,

signed on the last day of July 1 667 . Peace was thensigned between England and Holland and England andFrance . Denmark , which had favoured the United Provinces , also came to terms with the Island Kingdom .

Two months before the signatures had been attachedto the Breda parchment , the troops of Louis were on thethreshold of the Spanish Netherlands . He declared waragainst Spain in June , having laid his plans so carefullybeforehand that , by reason of existing treaties , the UnitedProvinces could not go to the assistance of Spain

,and

the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire did no t wishto because of a scheme of partition which Louis hadalready suggested . Portugal , inten t on winning inde

pendence , had already rece ived assistance from him inher war with Spain , and agreed to continue to fight soas to keep their mutual enemy occupied . England , asnoted above , was forced to the ignominious position of

a silent onlooker .The hereditary terri tory held by Charles I I of Spain ,

a boy of tender years , proved easy prey . The proudland ofthe Dons was in anything but a fit state to res istthe arrogance of Louis , even after the independence ofPortugal had been recognised in February 1668 . En

feebled by the protracted struggle of the Thirty Years ’

War and the vain attempt to reconquer Portugal , withsoldiers almost as ragged , tattered , and torn as those whosaluted Napoleon Bonaparte when he took over the command of the Revolutionary Army of Italy in 17 96 , priestridden and debased,

a gigantic cistern into which waspoured the wealth of the Indies only to flow out againinto the pockets of aristocratic nobodies , Spain was in a.

12 THE FRENCH REVOLUT ION

wretched and thoroughly exhausted condition . HerGolden Age was over . Town after town surrendered ,

usually without offering serious Opposition , and at manyplaces the French were regarded as deliverers rather thanas foes . Charleroi, Tournay , Donay , Oudenarde , Alost,and Lille were the prizes of the campaign . Louis , without asserting that he surrendered his consort

’

s claims,then offered to make peace provided he was allowed toretain his conquests or exchange them for Franche Comtéand three fortresses in the Netherlands .The political code of honour was no t then what it has

since become , and although vested interests are still important factors in statesmanship , we are more inclined torattle the sword in its scabbard than to withdraw thenaked steel . On the part Of the United Provinces therewas special cause for concern , for the Spanish Ne therlandswere a barrier state between them and France ; and withtheir keen commercial instinct the Dutch appreciated theimportance ofAntwerp in French hands as a great centreof trade and a rival to Amsterdam quite as fully as didLouis XIV. They preferred that it should remain in thepossession of its present holders , who could boast no Colbert ; oftwo evil s Spain was undoubtedly the lesser . Johnde W itt, the Grand Pensionary, fully realising that Louiswas no longer his ally , did all he could to appease him

,

but without the slightest success . He therefore enteredinto negotiations with England and Sweden . At this propitious moment SirW illiam Temple

,the representative of

the former country at Brussels , unaware that his m asterwas coquetting with both France and Spain

,was sent to

the Hague as a benevolent physician to pour balm on oldsores . He accomplished his miss ion so satisfactorily thatthe two governments came to terms in the matter of resisting the ultra - ambitious tendencies of the King Of


The question the French monarch asked himself afterthe War of Devolution , as it was called , was , How can Idismember the Triple Alliance and humble the UnitedProvinces which have sought to upset my plans In thiswe see another drastic reversal ofpolicy, this time on thepart of France , for hitherto it had been thought well tohave the Dutch as friends , and so recently as the timesof Richelieu and Mazarin that idea had been fostered .

The United Provinces were placed in an extremely awkward position not without some misgivings had John deW itt , the Grand Pens ionary, consented to j oin handswith Charles I I against France . He was to find traitsin the character of his alleged ally which were entirelyat variance with his professions of friendsh ip . At thesame time Louis went skilfully to work , and pretendedthat nothing was further from his thoughts than enmitybetween himself and the United Provinces .In his attempt to wo o England from the Triple

Alliance the French king found no insuperable diffi culty.

He had much ofwhat the Stuart king felt the want ofmost, namely money , and the nation still felt the smartofDe Ruyter

'

s stinging insult. Louis therefore attackedCharles in his weakest spot, and England was sold forforeign gold . This infamous bargain is known to historyas the Treaty ofDover. Among other provisions

,Charles

the Profligate agreed to place part of the army and navyat the disposal of L e Grand flfonarque for an attack onHolland when required in return for a large sum and ashare of any territorial spoils that might result

.He was

also to assist Louis in his claim on the Spanish succession,

which the Triple Alliance , prid ing themselves on theirgenerosity towards France , fondly believed was an affairofthe past.

1 Louis afte rwards cancelled this proviso.

A CENTURY OF CONFLICTS 1 5

Of the secret clauses ofthe Treaty ofDover the mostimportant was that Charles should re establish the RomanCatholic religion in England , S cotland and Ireland whenoccasion offered , forwhich purpose Louis would allow him

and the loan of French troops without costshould necessity arise. To complete the bargain theFrench king thoughtfully presented his ignoble ally witha new mistress , Mlle . Kéroualle , later Duchess of Portsmouth . One wonders if the royal reprobate was hauntedat night by the shade of his headless father, or if Clifford ,Arlington , A rundel and Bellings had more than ordinaryqualms when they remembered that statesmen hadperished for perfidy less than theirs . They alone knewofthe double dealings ofthe Dover document.Buckingham , who was sent to negotiate it, played

his part as a diplomatist with skill , blissfully unaware thathis astuteness was wasted and that everything had beenprearranged . Perhaps the blandishments ofthe Stewarts ,the Davies , the Gwynns , the \Valters , and others of hisseraglio were suffi cient distraction to divert the attentionof Charles . A dozen demireps can defeat the moral ofa dead example .Sweden also fell a prey to French gold. Leopo ld I ,

Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire , agreed to shut hiseyes provided that neither Spain nor the dominions overwh ich he held sway was included in the field of operations . The German States of Munster, Bavaria, Cologne ,and the Palatinate bowed before the imperious Louis ,o r were enticed by the allurements of future aggrandisement or present financial gain . Here it should be noticedthat the rulers of the last three possessions were “ electorsof the aforementioned archaic and unwieldy Holy RomanEmpire

,then no longer a feudal State possessing definite

political unity , but a motley collection of several hundred

1 6 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

separate territories having widely diverging intere sts . Thepolicy ofthose capable of centralisation to any extent wasalienation rathe r than federation in the Imperial sense of

the term . A few other principalities and powe rs preferredthe po licy of “wait and see . Frederi ck \ 'Villiain, Electoro f Brandenbu rg (1 640 hard as iron and as unsern

pulous as an o ld- time J esu it , more in love w ith theDutch than with the French because they wereProtestants , and an alliance w ith whom w ou ld serveh is own ends , prophesied the surrender “

of the wholeof Christendom to Louis . W ith mal ice aforethoughtthe Great Elector, confident by reason of having securedthe independence of Pruss ia from Poland , stood as firmas a rock . He , like the othe rs . fo rsook the traditionalpolicy . Instead of leaning towards m onarchical France hedetermined to befriend the republ ican United Provinces .A treaty between them was sealed in February 1 67 1 , tobecome Operative fourteen month s later , nam e ly in Aprilof the fo llowing year . Spain , hoping to stave off theevil day when the Netherlands would fall to the French

,

threw in her lo t with the Uni ted Province s , as did theElector ofMainz . The Duke o fLorraine also w ished todo so , bu t was prevented by the appearance of Frenchtroops on h is territory .

VJ hen the flames of war broke o ut between Franceand the United Provinces in 1 672, the tr0 0 ps employed byLou is numbered cons iderably over strong , underthe able leadership of Turenne

,Conde, and Luxemburg,

who se wonde rfu l military operations continue to bestudied by military men . \’Vith a few possible exceptionseverybody in France regarded the forthcoming campaignas prac tically settled in favour ofLouis even before swo rdswere drawn . I t was to be a step towards securing theSpanish Netherlands . Everyth ing appeared to be to h is


advantage . Divided councils reigned in the seven Provinces , each of which was to a large extent independent .The supreme authority over the civil and m i litaryadministration was ve sted in the S tates -General, but thatfact neither precluded party warfare nor prevented theexistence of factions . In marked contrast to the excellentcondition of the navy , the army of soldiers wasscarcely worthy of the name , and the land fortificationswere practically worthless .Louis proceeded in a leisurely way , as befitted so

great and glorious a monarch,detached some troops at

Maestricht , which was blockaded by the Dutch , andcrossed the Rhine after meeting with such feeble opposition that it amounted to l ittle more than a skirmish ,although Paris made much ado of it . The French soonproved they could withstand fire by capturing severalimpor tant towns , including Utrecht and Naarden , butnotwithstanding complete success in the three southernProvinces , their movements were slow, and obvious advantages were neglected . They were now to show thatthey could no t overcome water. Their enemy took thedrastic measure ofcutting the dykes , thereby stopping theprogress ofthe invading forces . Even the weather, whichwas exceptionally bad , seemed to be on the side of theDutch . Fo r these reasons , the French failed when theytried to capture Amsterdam , and were equally unfortunatein an attempted landing in Z eeland . Moreover, some of

Louis ’s allies proved chicken -hearted , and the determination ofthe English to crush the intrepid De Ruyte rin Southwold Bay was frustrated . On the other hand ,many of the rich Dutch merchants fled , and but for thepatriotic instincts of those who loved their country allwould have been lost . They based their hopes on thePrince of Orange

,great-grandson ofW illiam the Silent ,

B


a young man oftwenty - two years of age,about whom an

influential party had gathered in several of the Provinces,

and who held the post of Captain -General . In defianceofthe so - called Eternal Edict of 1667 , wh ich excluded hishouse from the government by decreeing that thereshould be no hered itary Stadlio lder, the States-Generalwere forced to confer on him the title and duties attachedto the office . He asserted his determination “ to die inthe defence ofthe last ditch , and the ability and braveryhe displayed in the coming contest show the words wereno t those of a braggart . Shortly afterwards John deW itt , formerly Grand Pensionary of Holland ,

who had

played a noble part and exerted his full strength in anendeavour to make terms with Louis

, was assassinated byt mob , together with his brother Cornelius , and Louisreturned to France to receive a great ovation at the handsof his admiring subj ects . It was formerly he ld thatW illiam had been privy to the atrocious act carried outat Amsterdam , but there being no documentary evidenceto sustain the belief, modern historians do no t support it.Although the Emperor Leopold had a secret under

standing with Louis , the Great Elector succeeded in

gaining his co - operation— in name and m en only,as

events very speedily proved —to the extent of

troops , for the avowed purpose of securing the frontiersand repell ing the French from German territory

.In

addition, the Governor of the Netherlands rece ivedin structions to take the offensive . The weakness of thealliance is shown by the instructions of Montecucco li,who is supposed to have been told not to come intoconflict with the French if it could be avoided

.As a

consequence Turenne , with only m en,was able to

keep them from joining the Prince of Orange and thetroops of the Netherlands. In June 1 673 Frederick


Indecision was the only measure to which the Emperorcommitted himself. W hat was the result ? Louis hadnow won over Sweden , which in the spring of 1 67 5 beganto operate against Brandenburg , thus causing the Electorto assume the defensive and to withdraw from active cooperation with the all ies— a serious misfortune . Lou i ssustained a grave loss by the death of Turenne at thebattle of Salzbach , July 27 , 167 5 ; on the other hand thecapture ofseveral important towns as the m onths wore on ,a naval victory , and the defeat of VVilliam of Orange atCassel were causes for rej oicing. There were complications in other directions , however. The union betweenEngland and the United Provinces was greatly strength~

ened by the marriage of Mary , daughter of James, Dukeof York , and the young Stadholder . Louis

’s resources,

strained but not exhausted , now told heavily against him ,

and there was open rebellion in several of the Frenchprovinces . He concluded a peace with the United Provinces , known as that of Nymegen , the l oth August1 67 8 , w ith Spain the 17th of the following September

,

and with Leopold and the Empire the 26th February1 679 . Brandenburg and Sweden , and Denmark andSweden also laid down their arms . Franche Com te andmore than a dozen fortresses in the Spanish Netherlands

,

important concessions because they gave Louis additionalstrength on his eastern and northern frontiers re spec

tively, were annexed to France , as well as Longwy ,Marsal , and Nancy , in Lorraine ; and Freiburg , within theEmpire , was exchanged for Philipsburg . Courtray,

Ghent,

Oudenarde , Charleroi , and a few other places were givenback to Spain . Louis undertook no t to interfere withthe United Provinces , which were left intact

,to cede

Maestricht to them , and to protect their commercial interests . This provision simply meant that the Dutch had


abandoned Spain , a circumstance of which Louis dulyavailed himself in none too scrupulous a manner. I t is notnecessary to detail the territorial compensations ofthe othercountries concerned beyond noting that the Great Electorand Denmark were compelled to restore practically all thespoil they had secured at the expense of Sweden .

Although a formidable coalition had opposed him ,

Louis now took his place as the most powerful factor inthe politics of Europe . He had not achieved the objectof his ambition to conquer the United Provinces , but hehad added to the territory and strength of France . Itwas in 168 0 that he was officially styled L ouis 16 G rand.

W ith consummate craft , and aided and abetted byLouvois , he now sought expansion by means less bloodybut scarcely less sinister than a resort to warfare on alarge scale . According to the treaty with Spain , thedomains, seigneuries , dependencies , and so on,

attached tothe new acquisitions were ceded to him . Louis took fulladvantage of the vagueness of the terms , harked back tothe Treaty of W estphalia which the treaties ofAix- la - Chapelle and Nymegen had confirmed , and setup certain French courts called Chambers ofReunion forascertaining his “ rights . What was not definitelyceded was made a dependency , a distinction with littledifference . He claimed Alsace , occupied Casale , captured Strassburg, and in 168 4 secured Luxemburg ,notwithstanding the intervention of the United Pro

vinces and England, although he afterwards withdrewhis troops in order to avert another outbreak of war .Leopold I was far too deeply involved in warfare withthe Turks in Hungary, whom he finally ousted in1 699 , to pay m uch attention to these events in the

west,and the Diet of the Empire concurred in the

majority of the reunions , although Louis was encroaching


on the Imperial domains . He was playing his cards fo ryet higher stakes . He wished to be not merely King ofFrance

,but Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire . He

based his chief hope on the death of Leopold , j ust as acertain type of person will idle fo r years because he knowsthat eventually he will step into a dead man’s shoes .”

The Elector of Bavaria had already signified his intention to acquiesce in the arrangement , and FrederickWilliam so far nullified the epithets he had hurled atLouis in 1 67 1 as to come to a private understanding withhim in the matter . Spain , alarmed by the continualaggrandisement of France , raised her head towards theend of 1 68 3 by declaring war against her, and retired morecrestfallen than before , with the loss of Luxemburg ,Courtrai , and Dixmude .In the following August a truce , known as that of

Ratisbon , was arranged between France and Leopold andthe Empire, Spain being placed under further heavycontribution in the way of territory . An armistice tocontinue for twenty years between France and the UnitedNetherlands and France and Spain was also broughtabout . The “ Sun King appeared to be all-powerful

,

especially as the decisions of the Chambers of Reunionmade before the 1 st August 1 68 1 were upheld and wereto remain . In all probability he would have continuedto be so but for a fatal curtail ing of the religious libertyof his subj ects .I t is difficult to d issect the make-up of a man of so

many parts as Louis . According to the m orals of ourown time he was unscrupulously ambitious

,but we must

not forget that at the period with which we are dealingEurope was in a state of trans ition .

The preceding page?of this chapter have shown the restlessness which characterised the seventeenth century , the determination of

LOU IS XIV AS“ L E Ro r SOLE IL

(From a coloured drawing,fi rst of a serz es m ade 27: 1 65 3 for a Court ballet m

wi nch the King took part. Reproduced from fire ongm al m the Henm n

Collection by speczal perm z sslon of Me French Gov ernm ent)


every State ofconsequence to add to its territory on everypossible occasion , o r, to u se an apparent paradox, toconsolidate its interests by adding to them . It i s ModernEurope in the making . That Louis was the instigator inthis matter cannot be gainsaid . It was lack of oppor

tunity and resource rather than want of enterprise anddesire that kept his contemporaries from pursuing thesame pushing policy to so marked an extent . Each wascovetous of his neighbour ’s possess ions . The materialwealth of France , plus the ambition of her monarchset the pace .It may be within the province of the historian to

discuss the relation of am bition to religion , but this is notthe place to do so . At least Louis seems to have fo llowedSt . Paul

’s dictum , be not slothful in business . As towhether he took into consideration the remainder of thetext is no t forme to say . W e cannot penetrate the remoterecesse s ofa man ’s mind ; it is difficult enough to portrayhis personality with any pretence to accuracy after thelapse ofnearly two centuries . One can only surmise fromthe evidence at o ur command that L e G rand Al onarque

was interested in religion as a policy rather than as abelief ; that the cr

'

eed of a certain section of the Churchappealed to him more than the putting into practice of

the simple tenets of Christianity outlined in the NewTestament . Perhaps it was the idea of centralisation in

national affairs wh ich indirectly led him into the horribleblunder of sacerdotal uniformity and the crime of theRevocation of the Edict of Nantes , signed on the 1 7thOctober 168 5 , but this cannot have been the only cause.Maria Teresa had breathed her last in 1683 , and Louiswas now secretly married to Madam e Scarron , whom hecreated Marquise de Maintenon . Her cold austeritycreated a novel condition at court . Licentiousness gave


place to seriousness , in outward form certain ly, and theinfluence had its effect on the passionate Louis . I t was

not as though his Huguenot subj ects were in a state offermentation ; they were as loyal as they were industrious ,content to le t bygones be bygones and no t given to undueproselytis ing. The process ofpersecution was carried outslowly but surely

,urged on by that section ofthe Church

which admits no toleration, to culminate in the revocationby Loui s of his grandfather

’s wise act . It was makingenemies of perhaps one-fifteenth of the population , andwas not to stop at that , as we shall see . DoubtlessLouis failed to recognise the bulwark he was erectingaround his ambitions . He was certainly misled when hewas informed that the measures pursued by priests armedwith the sword of the Spirit , and by dragoons furnishedwith a less subtle weapon , had converted the maj orityofthe Huguenots . Louis believed that he was approvingthe triumph of the Church militant , not to mention thatof the Army , when he signed the Revocation. That“ religious unity ” which La Fontaine welcomed was farfrom fact , as the speeding of thousands of so - calledheretics to England , the United Provinces , Brandenburg ,and America speedily testified . Great oaks from littleacorns grow , and the influx of immigrants not onlybenefited the countries to which they fled but helped,

bymeans of a pathetic object lesson, to swell the everincreasing volume ofpublic Opinion against France . Not

e very Protestant family was so fortunate as to cross thefrontier . Many fathers and sons suffered degradationworse than imprisonment in the galleys

,their women

folk were dispossessed of their goods— and more.The

Huguenot refugees in England were the historical firstcousins of the aristocratic and clerical ém z

’

gTe’

s whocrossed the Channel at the time ofthe Revolution

. As on


of the military and naval forces are , with a few exceptions ,hostile to the King, which must necessarily keep himapprehensive on every s ide . Yet James failed to appreciate what was obvious to the Ambassador until it wasto o late . “ The Protestant wind , to use Burnet

’

s picturesque phraseology , came at last, which both lockedthe English ships up in the river, and carried the Dutchfleet out to sea . ” For the new- comer, “ cold and t e

served , the English people showed little love , and wouldhave preferred h im as Regent with the prospect of areturn of James minus his creed . On the other hand,

national pride prompted them to take part in theContinental struggle .While the bloodless Revolution of 1 68 8 was being

carried out in England the Sun lu ng betrayed littleanxiety to assist his ally against the Protestant Stadholder. He saw good fortune in the decision at themoment, but knew that in future England , in all probability, would be in the van of all combinations againsthim . He not only occupied the Palatinate

,but devastated

whole towns by fire and sword . Such wantonness wasmere foolishness, and helped to cement Germany in Opposition . So long as W illiam occupied the throne therewas no likelihood of England ’s friendship

.In Eastern

Europe, the Mohammedans were rapidly losing ground,

which meant that Leopold was gaining in prestige.In

deed , ou the 12th May 168 9 the Grand Alliance betweenthe Emperor and the United Provinces was signed

,where

by the former not only recognised W ill iam as King ofEngland , but undertook to safeguard Holland

.William

promised on his part to aid Germany against Louis XIVshould necessity arise , and , by a secret article

,which after

wards proved very important , England and Holland agreedto assist Leopold in the matter of the Spanish inheritance

.


It is obvious that it was incumbent on the King ofFrance to keep England employed if possible . Civilwar in I reland , the invasion of England , and such timehonoured schemes were tried w ithout success . The

Spanish Netherlands once more became the chief theatreof action . The struggle was long, but W illiam I I I heldon with wonderful tenacity , and it must be confessedthat Voltaire was right when he called him the “ Stadp

holder of England and King of Holland . Peace wasslow in coming. The first overtures were made by Louis ,who , with resources running low, was anxious to breakup the Grand Alliance and to begin again when time andfunds were more propitious . Things were not quite sobright in the south - east . \Vith the defeat of the Turkshad come the annexation Of Hungary and Transylvaniaby Leopold , which considerably altered the balance of

power so far as the Empire was concerned . The Peaceof Ryswyk was concluded on the 2oth September 1 697 ,and treaties were signed by France , England , Spain , theUnited Provinces and the Emperor. W ith few exceptions Louis restored nearly all the places he had won

since the Treaty of Nymegen , recognised W i ll iam I II asKing of England , and Anne , second daughter of JamesI I

,and a keen Protestant, as heiress to the throne .

Lorraine was restored to the deposed Duke , Frenchtroops evacuated the right bank of the Rhine , and Louisnot only withdrew his candidate for the electorate of

Cologne , but relinquished the claims of his sister - ih - law,

the Duchess of Orleans , to the Palatinate in considerationof a substantial sum Ofmoney . France had Pondicherryand Nova Scotia restored to her. Facts arranged in thissemi -mathematical way can convey but little real information to the reader as to the extent of the territorysurrendered or added ; and there is , of course, a number


of minor details in every treaty which cannot figure in apopular history , otherwise our pages would be overloadedand the broad outline of events cast into shadow insteadof relief. At first glance it may seem as if Louis wasacting the part of political philanthropist . A closer inspection reveals his apparent goodwill in the nature of

a stroke of policy . A sportsman seeing larger game risewhen he is about to shoot smaller quarry sometimes prefers to save the one to make sure ofthe other . So it waswith Louis and the Peace of Ryswyk ,

which said no t oneword regarding the all - important problem of the Spanishsuccession .

CHAPTER II

LOSSES AND DISHONOUR

Monarchy is destroyed when the p rince, d irecting everything to lu m self,

brrngs the country to the cap ital, the cap ital to his court, and the court to hisown p erson. MONTESQU IEU.

THE feeble health of the childless and brotherless CharlesI I of Spain , his constantly recurring illnesses , especially hisalmost fatal collapse in 1 696 , behoved the King of Franceto be on his guard . The Empire had recovered somewhat from its anaemic tendency , which was all the morereason why Louis should take every precaution to prevent his ambition in the matter of Spain from becominga vain abstraction . Spain and the Empire had no t beenunited since 1 5 5 6 , but it had been the almost invariablerule for the Austrian Habsburgs to choose their bridesfrom Spain , usually the eldest infanta. As there was noSalic Law forbidding a woman from ascending the throneof Spain , and as Louis XIV had renounced his wife

’shereditary rights and Leopold was the son of an infanta ,who had not done so, and the husband of another, hisclaim was by no means to be despised . Neither theKing nor the Emperor aspired to the crown for themselves or their immediate heirs . They knew perfectlywell that the other Powers would never consent to sucha concentration of interests, which in addition to theirown kingdoms would include Spain , a large portion of

Italy,the Spanish Netherlands , certain portions of North

Africa,the Indies

,and huge tracts in America. The

h0 pe of Leopold was based on his second son by his


second marriage , the Archduke Charles ; ofLouis on h is

younger grandson , Ph ilip ofAnjou .

The Court of his Catholic Majesty speedily became ahot- bed of intrigue . One Grandee favoured France in thematter of the succession , another Austria, a third theDuke of Savoy , a fourth Joseph Ferdinand , ElectorialPrince of Bavaria, a child whose mother was Leopold

’sdaughter

,and whom the King himself favoured ; a fifth a

fellow patriot— or himself. Just as a dying anim al bringsbirds of a certain kind to

_the near V icinity , so the sorely

stricken condition of Charles hastened the carrion crowsof diplomacy to Madrid . Like Napoleon, who also haddesigns on Spain, Louis had alternative schemes shouldthe first and more important miscarry . This , of course ,was the placing of a Bourbon prince on the throne. Un

like Napoleon , whose main hope was the aristocracy , Louisfound that his chief support was the people . Whateverhappened it was necessary to propitiate England and theUnited Provinces , for their extensive trade in SouthAmerica and the Levant would be involved should anominee of Louis rule the vast Spanish realm . Negotiations between the Count de Tallard

, who representedLouis , and W illiam began and were continued in the utmost secrecy , the King taking neither the Privy Councilnor Parliament into his confidence . His aims were toprevent the supremacy of either of the two great Powers

,

and to avoid a further resort to arms,for which he was

not ready . He therefore compromised by agreeing thatthe three claimants should share the Spanish dominions

,

the provis ions being formulated in the first Treaty ofPartition , signed the 1 1th O ctober 1 69 8 .

Spain,the

Indies , and the Spanish Netherlands were given to JosephFerdinand , or to his father, Max Emanuel

,should the

former predecease him ; Milan to the Archduke Charles;

LOSSES AND DISHONOUR 31

the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily,Tuscany , Finale , and

Guipuzcoa to the French Dauphin . Thus was an Empiredivided before Charles I I breathed his last . The newsfi ltered through to Spain . and weak though he was theKing did his bes t to undo such perfidy by making a willin favour of Joseph Ferdinand , leaving him the crownin undiminished splendour . This skilful move was unavailing owing to the sudden , perhaps sinister death of

the E lectorial Prince of Bavaria in February 1 69 9 . Um

fortunately W illiam’

s authority had weakened in England ; there had been a great deal of discussion as to astanding army , which he saw was absolutely necessaryif his adopted country was to maintain her importancein international affairs , and Parliament had won the day .

Louis and W illiam were still on the political see - saw.

but the former was uppermost ; the latter was in theignominious position of suppo rting the other withoutthe chance of shifting his seat and bringing Louis to theground . Eventually it was decided by both Louis andW illiam I I I that the claims of Max Emanuel did nothold good

,because his son had died before having entered

into possession of his territory .

Louis became more arrogant in his demands . TheDauphin was no t only to have Naples and Sici ly and theother places already enumerated , but Lorraine, whosereigning Duke was to be indemnified by Milan ; or ifthere were obj ections

,some other province serviceable

to France . Spain, her colonies , and the Netherlandswere to go to the Archduke Charles . This was thesecond Treaty of Partition , signed on the 25 th March1700 , to which the Emperor gave no assent , and againstwhich the still- reigning Charles I I hurled threats

]

ofalliance with Leopold . Louis was not precipitate ; hewas quite willing to wait. On promising that he would


not j oin in issue with Spain , although he had held anarmed threat in the way of a small army within easydistance of the frontier, the Emperor made the am ende

honorable by consenting to keep his troops out of Spainand Italy . The agreement was not to be of long duration .

Charles I I died on the l st November 1700 , and acertain section of the nobility was astonished to find thathe had made a will leaving the whole of Spain and herdependencies to Duke Philip ofAnjou , second son of theDauphin . On no account was the State to be divided .

W as m an ever more severely tempted than Louis at thismoment ? Must he renounce the crown on behalf Of hisgrandson and the Oppo rtunity to make his House morepowerful, as the provisions of the Partition Treaty enjoined ?

Torcy , the French Secretary ofState for Foreign Affairs ,was not on the side of the angels when he summed up thecase in the blunt language ofa diplomatist who appreciatedthe value of time when matters were urgent . The samecourier who has been despatched to convey the news ofthe will to France , he avowed , will proceed to Vienna ;and the Spanish nation , without hesitation , will acknowledge the Emperor

’

s second son as their king . TheHouse ofAustria will then unite between father and son

the power of Charles V , a power h itherto so fatal toFranceThere were thus weighed in the balance s the Obvious

aggrandisement of the House of Bourbon should Louisabide by the dead king

’

s testament,and the likelihood of

a bitter war with Spain and Austria comb ined should heclaim that portion of the dominions allotted to him bythe Treaty of Partition . I t was morally certain that“r

illiam would not view the passing of the SpanishNetherlands into the hands of Louis ’s grandson withoutl ifting his voice, not to say his sword .

Had he struggled


your first duty : but remember that you are a Frenchmanborn , in order that in this way the union between the twonations may be preserved . By this means you will beable to render both peoples happy and preserve the peaceofEurope .

Louis was nothing if not grasping. This proclivitywas to shatter the noble ideal set forth on behalf ofothersin his last words . Intentional o r otherwise , he pursued apolicy of pin - pricks. The one which hurt most was hisdecision that Philip V of Spain , his grandson , shouldeventually succeed to the throne of France. To thePowers this meant but one thing, namely, the union ofthe countries most concerned . A more V ital stabfollowed . A number of fortresses in the Spanish Netherlands were taken possession of by Boufllers , Marshal ofFrance , and garrisoned by French troops , thereby menacing the United Provinces , whose sons had fought andbled to keep France a reasonable distance from thefrontiers of their country. The Spanish Netherlandsgone , there wou ld be no protecting wall . I f Louis didnot actually refuse explanations of this totally unexpectedcoup d

’

e’

tat he certainly refused concessions . Evidentlyhis encroaching habits had not been entirely abandoned.

Moreover , ships for the French m arine were put on thestocks at Cadiz, thus heralding an alliance of the twonavies , and various decrees were made anent the Spanishcolonial trade , in which both England and the UnitedProvinces were deeply interested . England arose as agiant out of sleep , shook off her lethargy

,and rallied

round the defender whom she had affected to despiseowing to his Dutch favourites , his ambitions for astanding army , and his extravagance in certain unworthydirections . W higs and Tories were alike eager forhostilities. The populace read with avidity the pamphlets


of Daniel Defoe , the immortal author of Robinson

Crusoe , and of other less eminent scribblers . There wasa war fever . When the pockets of a nation are affected ,

a resort to gunpowder i s usually regarded as the onlyeffective remedy . W ill iam ,

already marked out by deathas an early victim , was no longer the brave leader whohad captivated the Dutch in 1 672, and the Englishsixteen years later . So far as military prowess was concerned , he was a broken reed . Fortunately for Englandthere has been almost invariably a man of the mom entat times of crisis . On this occasion John Churchill ,Earl of Marlborough , stood ready , the potential Commander- in- Chief in Holland , the future hero of Blenheimand ofMalplaquet— the one capable man .

W illiam worked with feverish energy on the verybrink of the grave . The Em peror was willing to wagewar, and had every reason to be .

"I‘he United Provinceshad much to lose and nothing to gain ; Prussia was boundby treaty to Leopold ’s interests . Some of the Germanprincipalities j oined hands with the allies , others withFrance , whose closest friend was Bavaria . It was to bea big fight, and if victory went with the allies the barriertowns were to be restored to their rightful owners . TheEmperor was to have every jot and tittle of the Italianpossessions of Spain , England and the United Provinces ,any conquests which might be made by them , and theWest Indies . Further , there was to be a completeunderstanding in the m atter of commercial interestswith France . On these terms the second Grand Alliance ,necessitated by the brobdingnagian appetite ofLouis XIVfo r other people

’s possessions , was signed at the Hagueon the 7th September 170 1 , the day following the deathof James the Exile at St . Germain . Louis took theopportunity to recognise that monarch

’

s son as King of


England,Scotland

,and Ireland . It was a foolish thing

to do,this setting of the Treaty of Ryswick at nought,

had Louis wished to show the slightest incl inationtowards a pacific settlement ofthe question which seemedlikely to embroil the greater part of W estern Europe .The allies were quite prepared to listen to overtures fromLouis . They never came .Although a minute study of the many phases of the

twelve years’ W ar of the Spanish Succession will wellrepay the historical student , such a survey is unnecessaryin the present volume . The drama occupied a vasttheatre . There was fighting in the Netherlands, Germany,Spain, and Italy . But the old and tried warriors whohad served France so well were gathered to their fatherso r their nerveless hands had no longer power to graspthe sword . Condé and Turenne were missing from thelegions of Louis ; Marshal Catinat proved that he hadlost his former prowess, and was succeeded in the earlys tages of the war in Lombardy by the “ short -geniusedand superb ” Villeroi ; and Vendome embittered the moreable and enterpris ing Villars. The allies were betterserved by the indomitable Marlborough and PrinceEugene the latter originally destined for the ecclesiasticalhabit and not the soldier’s uniform . \Villiam I I I , theapotheosis of national and religious freedom

,who had

staked his all in resisting the arrogance of France,died

at the old palace of Kensington in March 1702.Had his

shade brooded over Flanders during 1702—3 it would havebeen w ithout rest , perhaps without hope . VVellington

’

s

predecessor was as distrusted by the allies as he was supported by “ good Queen Anne and although Venloo

,

Rurem onde , Liege , Bonn , Huy , and Limbourg fell,the

divided councils lent weight to the force of the enemy.

It was not until Marlborough with consummate boldness


abandoned the cockpit of Europe and advanced againstthe French and Bavarians before Donauworth that he wasable to infl ict a decisive defeat on the enem y . With theobj ect of bringing the Elector of Bavaria to terms , thevictor overran the country much in the same way asLouis had laid waste the Palatinate . In the vicinity ofthe village of Blenheim the armies of Marlborough andEugene contested those of the Elector, Marsin , andTallard . The first two fled , the third surrendered . I twas a master- stroke of consummate importance whichblazed a trail to further conquest. Germany was evacuated ; the enemy retired behind the Rhine— the resortof the defeated. In the meantime Ruvigny , Earl ofGalway and Huguenot e’m z

'

gré, commanded the Englishforces in Spain, while the Duke of Berwick , Englishmanand natural son of James the Exile by Marlborough’ssister, commanded those ofFrance and Spain .

Marlborough now turned his attention to the SpanishNetherlands , but it was not until May 1706 that he had anOpportunity to administer a crushing blow . Ramillies is aname emblazoned on more than one standard in theBritish Army, and deservedly so . The battle whichtook place near Namur freed the Spanish Netherlands .Antwerp , Ghent , Bruges , Ostend , Menin , and other placeseither capitulated or were captured , leaving Louis withtwo strongholds only, namely Namur and Mons. TheEmperor was so grateful for Marlborough ’s services thathe asked him to become Governor-General of the Netherlands

,which he felt obliged to refuse owing to the jealousy

of the Dutch . Having given England a king, they ap

parently did not wish to reciprocate by allowing theirneighbours to accept a British Governor-General .The war continued in Spain and Italy with disastrous

results to Louis . Philip was driven from Madrid, and at


last France made overtures for peace . He, le Roi

Sole il f The allies refused to stay their hands .Success is seldom the parent of magnanimity . But theman who could write

,

“ W ell ! let us peri sh together,when Cham illart , who controlled both the finance and thewar departments , wished to send in his resignation , wasnot likely to sink into utter ineptitude . Like Samson , hewould rather pull down pillars and be buried in the ruinsthan admit failure .Saint-Simon refers to the military record of 1706 asa history of losses and dishonour , as well he might do ;and he tells us that Louis personally exercised measures ofeconomy on account of the financial strain on the country .

He spends only [outs in presents , which is[outs less than the ordinary figure . Madame de Montes

pan has to be content with 8000 louz'

s instead of thelouz

’

s she had hitherto received .

“ The want ofm oney, adds Saint-Simon , “ made itself felt so much atthis time , that the King was obliged to seek for resourcesas a private person might have done . The necessityfor money had now become so great , that all sorts ofmeans were adopted to obtain it . Amongst other things

,

a tax was established upon baptisms and marriages.The

tax was extremely onerous and odious ; the result of it wasa strange confusion . Poor people

,and many of humble

means , baptized their ch ildren themselves , w ithout carrying them to the church , and were married at home byreciprocal consent and before witnesses

,when they could

find no priest who would marry them w ithout formality.In

consequence of this there were no longer any baptismal extracts ; no longer any certainty as to baptisms or births ;and the children of the marriages solemnised in the way Ihave stated above were illegitimate in the eyes ofthe law.

Researches and rigours in respect to abuses so prej udicial


iway by the allies. The battle of Oudenarde , fought onthe 1 1th July 1708 ,

the brilliant effort of fatigued troops ,pre ceded the possession of Lille , one of the most important cities o f la belle F rance. But for the conservatism ofhis colleagues with the allies the Duke would havemarched upon Paris without delay.

W e shall have occasion to examine the condition ofFrench home affairs a little later . For the m oment itmust suffice to note that corn and money failed . Miseryreigned supreme . Peer and peasant asked themselveswhat benefit was likely to be conferred on them for all thisfighting ? Could the aggrandisement of one j ustify thedegradation ofmillions ? They began to think of rights ,that most abstract and at the same time most vital ofthings pertaining to the commonwealth . Louis did noteven attempt to temporise . He bluntly informed hisenemies that Philip V would be content with Naples andSicily , that he was willing to make great concess ions

provided France was not left worse Off in territory thanwhen he ascended the throne . For a second time he askedpeace . The allies , swollen with pride and puffed up atthe thought ofhaving brought the erstwhile conque ror tohis knees , refused concessions . Their point of view wasnot exactly that ofthe bully ofthe playground who

,after

fe lling his enemy must needs kick him as he lies on theasphalt, but rather that of Shylock . They required theirpound offlesh weighed before their eyes and guaranteed .

Louis went so far as to Offer to cede the whole of hisgrandson

’

s inheritance , but the re was more than a suspicionof uncertainty as to the bonafides of his pro po sal . Theallies refused to be appeased .

In the French arm y one commander alone seemedcapable o f exertion , the blunt , swaggering Villars

,who

wrote that his ragged soldiers could do w ithout coats or

LOSSES AND DI SHONOUR 4 1

shirts provided they had bread . His good spirits neverdeserted h im . After the hard -fought battle ofMalplaquet

(1 1th September which heralded the surrender ofMons , so great was the loss of the allies that he wrote ,If God should grant us another such defeat, our enem ieswould be destroyed . A man of his type is a host inhimself.Louis has recorded what he would have done had

Marlborough pushed on to Paris . I reckoned,he

writes to Villars , “on going to Peronne or St . Quentin ,

gathering there every disposable troop , wherewith tomake a last effort with you , that we might perish together : fo r never could I remain a witness of the enemyapproaching my capital . One cannot but admire theardent spirit of the aged monarch as he watched mattersgo from bad to worse . He was conquered but uncon

querable . In his determination to fight on he was noblysupported by the nation , which offered its blood andtreasure freely rather than see the country disgraced .

Overtures were again made by Louis in November1709 , and conferences held at intervals until the followingJuly. Everything ended in the “ words, words , wordsof Shakespeare .Then was fulfilled in no small degree the fervent prayer

of Mme . de Maintenon , “God has brough t us to thatlowest point of ruin , from which it may be hoped He willretrieve us by a sudden turn . It came suddenly, withoutantic ipation

,giv ing pith and marrow to the old saw, It

is the unexpected that happens . Marlbo rough was nolonger the consummate master of warfare , perhaps no teven entire master of his own actions . Affairs at homehad tended to undermine his confidence in himself.Although Douay capitulated in the last week of June

17 10 ,Bethune at the end of August, and St. Venant and


Aire in the autumn , nothing further of importanceoccurred before the armies , following the usual practice ,retired to winter quarters . Paris was as far off as before .On the Rhine and in Piedmont the war was moribund ;in the Peninsula there were victories without conquests.England

,as represented by the House ofLords , forgetting

or ignoring past services,refused to second the usual vote

of thanks to the great soldier - statesman . The warsupporting “Thigs had been ousted by the peace- lovingTories in the autumn election of 17 10 , which meant theinevitable reversal of previous policy. What had oncebeen white was declared black , including the Duke, forAbuse is one of the acknowledged benefits of the PartySystem. Not that Marlborough was a Whig , although hehad chosen the ministry whose latter course , coupledwith the non-resistance machinations of Sacheverell , hadhelped to bring about his own degradation . In the Opinionof the populace his ambition had already o verreacheditself when he sought to be created Captain-General forlife . The Duke of Shrewsbury became the Q ueen

’

spolitical father-confessor, Marlborough

’s bad - temperedwifequarrelled with the “ godly , praying idiot , as she calledher Majesty , and the life of the hero of a hundred battleswas to all intents over, so far as his political career wasconcerned . Yet he was still to fight a few more battles .There was soon every reason for replacing the sword

in its scabbard . The Emperor Joseph I died on the17th April 17 1 1 , and was succeeded by the ArchdukeCharles .l To use the able summing-up of an eminentmodern historian : It was hardly possible that the GrandAlliance , which had been formed in order to prevent acadet of the Bourbon family from ascending the SpanishThrone , should continue the war to reunite the dominions

T he Em pe ro r Leopold I had died on th e 5 th May 1705 .


ofCharles V under the head of the Austrian Habsburgs .Joseph

’

s death thus provided the Tory Ministry with anadditional j ustification fo r their determination to bring thewar to an end , and to meet the growing feeling that anannual expenditure which had steadily risen in the courseof ten years from nearly four to nearly seven millionssterling had become intolerable ” 1 It will thus be seenthat the common denominator of statecraft is money.

The persevering Torey again pu t forth efforts for acessation of hostilities by means of a skilful agent inLondon , but although the Abbé Gaultier set to work in17 10 , it was not until the dawn of 17 12 that negotiationswere begun by the allies and France . Some slight ideaof the amazing intricacies of statecraft

,as disclosed by

such minor details as geography and chronology , may begained from the following significant facts . The generalCongress for the discuss ion of the terms of peace was fo rmally opened at Utrecht on the 29th January 17 12, andits meetings were continued at intervals until the l 1thApril 17 13 , the day on which France concluded peacewith Great Britain , the United Provinces , Savoy , Portugaland Prussia . The Emperor Charles VI signed his treatywith France at Rastatt on the 7th M arch 17 14 ,

whichwas accepted by the representati ves of the Holy RomanEmpire at Baden (Switzerland) on the 7th September17 1 4 . Spain came to terms with Savoy on the 1 1th

April 17 13 ,with Great Britain on the 1 3th July 17 13 ,

with the United Provinces on the 26th June 17 14 , andwith Portugal on the 6th of the following February . Thetotal of this sum of involved fact is known as the Peace

ofUtrecht, and the date usually assigned is 17 13 , althoughthe last treaty was signed in the second month of 17 1 5 .

General isations are suspect in history , and rightly so,1 Cam bridge Modern History, Vol. V, p . 429 .

44. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

because they are usually incorrect . They involve thefatal half- truth ; the less is included in the greater, and istherefore overshadowed by it . As a general rule such acomprehensive title as that alluded to is to be avoided

,

but a concrete fact is clearer than an abstract definition ;hence the general acceptance of a single comprehensivename and date . For a similar reason we must give acomposite view of the more outstanding features of themany involved Articles of the Peace . Louis

’s grandsonkept the crown for which he had struggled so desperately

,

minus the Spanish Netherlands and the Italian possessions . His colonies were retained , but Philip was precluded from the heirship of France . The new Emperorwas awarded the Spanish Netherlands (henceforth to beknown as the Austrian Netherlands ) , Naples , Milan , andSardinia. S icily went to the Duke of Savoy , who alsoadded Nice to his possessions . England , the prime moverin the war, received Nova Scotia, Newfoundland , theHudson Bay territory , and Gibraltar, and came to an understanding with Spain in the matter of commerce . Moreover, Louis recognised Q ueen Anne , and agreed never tointerfere with the Protestant succession . By what isknown as the Third Barrier Treaty

,made between the

Imperial Government and the States -General , the UnitedProvinces obtained several fortresses in the AustrianNe therlands , part ofthe cos t of the garrisons being borneby the Imperial Government

,and an insignificant in

crease ofterritory .

There is nothing of marked importance to note aboutthe campaign which was progressing during these negotiations beyond the battle of Arras and the captureof Bouchain. The last day of De cember 17 1 1 i s note .worthy , because Marlborough was dismissed

.In the

following year Eugene and the Dutch continued their


warfare against Louis , with much disaster to themselvesand when the United Netherlands dropped out Austriaand certain States of the Empire waged a half- heartedOpposition until peace proposals were made during theNovember of 17 13 .

In order to complete our miniature survey of modernEurope in the making , we must no t forget that countriesother than those already mentioned were also in a state oftransition during the last years of the reign of 16 Grand

fil onarque. The whole of the Continent was surginglike the waves of a troubled sea. The liberal notions ofPeter the Great (1672 due in no small degree tohis travels in Germany , Holland , and England , forcedRussia into a more commanding position than she hadhitherto achieved . It seemed as though Sweden was toshake offher lethargy under the adventurous Charles XI I

(1 697 whose youth gave no higher promise thanthat of the future Frederick the Great , but his quixoticefforts conferred no lasting benefits on his country .

Powerful with the sword , he wielded a weak sceptre .The Hero King performed extraordinary deeds ofprowessduring the course of the Northern War, defeating Denmark

,conquering Poland , and invading Saxony in turn ,

He went too far when he set out for Moscow, with theintention of striking a blow at the heart of the greatSlavic Empire . It ruined him as assuredly as a similarplan undermined Napoleon ’s regim e in 1 8 12, one hundredand three years later. After a disastrous defeat at P0 1tawa he made good his retreat into Turkish territory,where he spent several years urging the Sultan to j oinhis cause— a vain hope which led to the neglect and con

sequent rapid decline of his northern kingdom , to theadvantage ofthe enemy . On his return he again came toblows with the saner and less mercurial Peter, who would


have preferred an alliance to a state ofwar . Charles diedas he would have wished, with his face towards a castle hewas besieging , during his second futile effort to conquerNorway in 17 1 8 . Of Denmark l ittle need be said.

The attempt to copy the splendours of the Court of Versailles and Colbert’s measures for the fostering of tradewas not altogether successful , and rendered the countryextremely badly off financially . This lack of money thedisastrous Scanian War with Sweden (1 67 5 - 79 ) did nottend to mend . The alliance of Frederic IV (1 699—1730 )with Russia, Saxony , and Poland launched Denmark inthe Northern War, an altogether futile effort so far as thelast- mentioned Power was concerned . Prussia had undertaken to serve the Emperor in the \Var of the SpanishSuccession w ithin certain limits , in return for whichservice Leopold recognised Frederick I I I , the GreatElector’s son, as king. The prestige of the Hohenz ollerns had increased amazingly under the guidance of

the Great Elector . \Vhen , as a lad of twenty,he had

come into his inheritance, Brandenburg was a mere cypherin the politics of Europe. In the fortyeight years thatfollowed he made his country a power to be reckonedwith . He gave it prosperity , than which there is nofirmer basis for patriotism, established a standing army , andintroduced many needed reforms . Unable to obtain theextension ofterritory which he so ardently sought

,his clos

ing days were embittered by the perfidy of the AustrianCourt over the acquisition of Schwiebus . His successor’sclaim to greatness rests chiefly on having become thefirst King of Prussia— or as he began to style himself

,

King in Prussia— and father of the sour- tempered.stoical

Frederick W illiam , who increased the army frommen to highly- disciplined soldiers . Of this bequesthis son Frederick I I m ade the greatest possible use

.


king.Napoleon admitted that the French people are

the most intellectual people in the world , and also vainglorious ; “ they like their vanity better than bread .

”

Again , there was no doctrine which Louis more steadilyinculcated than that of the divine right ofkings , partien

larly of his own special privilege in this direction . Weknow with what delightful inconsistency he set thisarticle of belief aside when he recognised William ofOrange as King of England . The “ d ivine right

”

of

James I I disappeared as mysteriously as Pepper’

s Ghost .Other instances might be furnished , but there is sufficientfood for thought in the present example .

\Vhat of the nation at large , the hewers of stone anddrawers of water , during the long seventy - two years ofLouis ’s reign ? How d ld the pomp and m ajesty of

Versaille s , the waving of banners and the clash of armsaffect them ? W hat amount of reflected glory was theirs ?

W'

hat percentage of happiness entered the windowlesshovels of the countryside ? Vauban , who worked outa clever scheme to unify the cumbersome and unjustsystem of taxation which was slowly but surely sappingFrance , thus sums up the situation as it stood in 1707 , andthere is no reason to suspect his testimony : “ From all

the researches that I have been able to make duringseveral years of close application , I have come to theclear conclusion that one- tenth of the people is reducedto beggary and does as a m atter of fact live by begging ;of the nine - tenths remaining, five cannot give alms to thefirst tenth because they are very little better off; of theother four- tenths three are in far from comfortable circumstances ; in the tenth that still remains there cannot bemore than fam ilies .It is fairly obvious that a man who wished to embody

the State in h is own person , and was continually at war

THE SETTING OF THE SUN KING 49

had to leave certain of the less important departmentsof his administration almost exclusively to the care ofothers . Louis could not overlook the workings of everysection of the huge government machine , however muchhe desired to do so . To this day

“ the parish pumpremains an obj ect of ridicule with certain sections of thecommunity who do not happen to live in the neighbourhood of that useful article , but all their cavillings cannotdisprove the patent fact that to the villagers most con

cerned an accident to their water - supply savours of

tragedy . Local government under Louis was essentiallyweak ; it was bound to be so with centralisation as thekey -note ofhis system . ProvincialParlem efnts and Estatesstill met , bu t their power was abrogated to no inconsiderable extent by the King’ s intendants , who represented theroyal authority much more than the people . The middleclass Britisher who growls at heavy taxation should havelived in the days of [e Roi S olez

'

l, when the payment ofthe obnoxious taille was exacted from those who couldafford it least, and exemption was enjoyed by those whocould best afford to pay , namely the nobili ty and clergy,and the court and government officials . The cap itation,

or property tax , introduced when the war with the GrandAlliance was going against France, was skilfully evadedby many of the favoured classes , at least for a tim e , andeventually became an intolerable burden to the masses .The unprivileged paid to the last sou .

I t is only fair to state , however, that Colbert hadeffected many tangible reforms in the national finances .By clearing o ut the p artisans , who had been willing toadvance money to the Government for the right to collectcertain taxes on their own account— which meant thatthey made a more or less legitimate profit on the transaction— he ended many flagrant abuses and raised more

D


revenue. One of Colbert ’s dearest wishes was to abolishthe detestable taille . Although this was not to be , hemanaged to lighten the burden by decreas ing the hugeamounts previously levied and enforcing payment fromindividuals and districts h itherto exempt . After his deaththe finances went to pieces , and the p artisans became aspowerful as ever.Not that the peasant was worse off in France than

in neighbouring States ; if anything his conditions werebetter. He could buy land from the lord of the manorif he so desired and had sufficient financial resources , butin various places the grain raised had to be ground at

the lord ’s mill and baked in his oven . Sometimes a certainproportion of his crops o r of h is herds had to be givento the original holders , and there were other arrangementsby which the latter obtained money , such as bridge andferry tolls . Should the land be sold , one - fifth of its valuewas usually required by the denizen of the manor. Thegame laws , against which Carlyle pleads so eloquently,precluded the sons of the soil from killing the birdswhich destroyed his crops . Partridges were infinitelymore important than peasants . Nothing was allowed tointerfere with the breeding of the former fo r the sport ofthe seigneurs . Previous to Louis ’s reign a noble mightmurder a peasant with impunity . The Sun King put astop to such a proceeding , which he rightly regarded asabrogating the authority ofboth the Crown and ofJustice.If the ladle was no t paid when demanded

,goods were

seized or soldiers billeted on the place . Another unj ustsystem of raising funds was the time-honoured salt - tax

the sale of salt then being the monopoly of theFrench Government as tobacco and matches are tod ay.Instead of a standard price different rates were charged

,

with the result that smuggling was carried on wherever

THE SETTING OF THE SUN KING 5 1

Opportunity presented itself. In 168 9 tea, coffee , andchocolate came under the same category . Unjust financialmeasures led to risings in the Boulonnais , Gascony , theV ivarais , and Brittany . The Revolution was already inthe making.

Contrasted with the pleasures and indulgence whichobtained elsewhere the divergence is most marked .

During the war of the Spanish Succession Saint - Simonnotes the beginning of the end in the army : The luxurythat had inundated the camp , he writes , prevented thegenerals from living with the officers , and consequentlyfrom knowing or j udging of their several merits . Therewas no longer that general converse respecting war, itsadventures , its science , triumphs and defeats , in whichthe young were wont to glean experience from the mouthsof the o ld . Now, the young could speak but of playand women , the old but of forage and equipments . Thegeneral officers l ived together or alone ; the Commanderin-Chief saw even them but in the crowd , whilst his privacywas consumed in writing and despatching couriers

,and

the details of the war were left to three or four subalterns ,who perhaps knew nothing about it. ” W e have notedthe strenuous endeavours of the sleepless Colbert forreform, but even he was unable to take a new broom andsweep clean the l itter of old laws, customs , and internalfrontier dues which encumbered the path of progress.There were literally scores of different legal systems , andso many and varied were the customs lines that Franceresembled a group of foreign countries rather than ahomogeneous State . For instance , customs lines separatedBrittany from the provinces of Normandy , Maire , Anjou ,and Poitou . All these survivals of mediaevalism hamperedcommerce and social intercourse . I s it small cause forwonder that Lady Mary Wortley Montague noted in a


letter describing a journey from Lyons to Paris in 17 18the miserable starved faces and thin tattered clothesof the peasantry ? Less than a generation later she wasable to detail a change for the better : “ France is somuch improved

,it would not be known to be the same

country we passed through twenty years ago . TheFrench are more changed than their roads ; instead ofpale yellow faces

,wrapped up in blankets , as we saw

them,the villages are all filled with fresh- coloured lusty

peasants,in good clothes and clean linen . It is incredible

what an air of plenty and content is over the wholecountry .

” Arthur Young had a very different tale totell during his tour in 17 8 7 , from which a brief extractm ay be made , although we shall have occasion to referat greater length to his entertaining and extremely valuable Travels. He is referring more particularly to theprovince of La Sologne , where “ the fields are scenes ofpitiable management , as the houses are of misery . Yetall this country highly im pro v eable , if they knew whatto do with it ; the property , perhaps , of some of thoseglittering beings who figured in the procession the otherday at Versailles . Heaven grant me patience while Isee a country thus neglected— and forgive me the oathsI swear at the absence and ignorance of the possessors

.

”

Again : “ Pass Payrac [Lot] , and meet many beggars,which we had not done before . All the country

,girls and

women , are without shoes or stockings ; and the ploughmen at their work have ne ither sabots nor feet to theirstockings . This is a poverty that strikes at the root ofnational prosperity , a large consumption among the poorbeing of more consequence than among the rich ; thewealth of a nation lies in its c irculation and consumptionand the case of poor people abstaining from the use ofmanufactures of leather and wool ought to be considered


new branch of the old faith which was causing the trunkso much trouble . Madame de Maintenon herself issuspect as having secured the Archbishopric of Parisfor Noailles , who had a decided leaning towards Jansenism . A Papal Bull , known as Unigem

'

tus , washurled from Rome, but it found determined Opponents,many of whom sought refuge in the United Provinces .The O ld Roman Catholic Church , founded by the sometime Professor of D ivinity at Louvain University , andBishop of Ypres , i s still a spiritual force, though a smallone numerically.

The lovable and independent Fenelon , and the eloquentBossuet , did much to humanise the iron m i le of theVatican . Fenelon , whose teachings had more lastingeffect , was tutor to the Duke of Burgundy , eldest sonof the Dauphin , whose passionate youth he trained to thequietness ofa lamb. Indeed , his protégé once astonishedthe Court by declaring that the King was m ade for hissubjects , and not the subjects for the King,

” a mostheterodox opinion when we remember the saying at

tributed to Louis XIV. Fenelon ’ s Télém aque, the maintheme of which is the adventures of the son of Ulyssesin search of his father, is also an argument against acentralisation of power, and a treatise on the right of anation to share in public affairs . In a way Fenelon maybe termed a precursor ofRousseau , although he did notgo nearly so far as that herald of the Revolution .

Hewas not the type which makes martyrs ; with him discretion was ever “ the better part of valour Thisaccounts for his meek acceptance of the Archbishopricof Cambrai , which meant exile from court. Fenelonand Bossuet, hitherto friends , became the most Violentantagonists , though their warfare was mostly conductedby pamphlets . Fenelon was a mystic

,Bossuet a man

THE SETTING OF THE SUN KING 5 5

of fact— the two seldom agree . There is a W insomeappeal about the former no t associated with the latter

,

and it is recorded that when Marlborough and Eugenewere marching to the field of Blenheim

,the estates

adjoining Fenelon’

s palace were left undisturbed by theirtroops . It was a fitting tribute of blood and iron to theapostle of Quietism , that “ soft and savoury sleep ofnothingness which alone enabled the Divine to pouro ut His effluence .

The Age of Louis XIV is one of the most brilliantannals of French literary history , and the King, Colbertlike , endeavoured to foster it . Corneille , Mohere , Racine ,La Fontaine , and Boileau are names which still l ive , andare likely to do so . Not that comedies and tragedieswere the only productions from facile pens . MotherChurch contributed her quota through Pascal

,Bossuet,

Fenelon , to mention a trinity of super- excellent writersand neglect a score of less well-known names .The closing years of the Sun King’s reign presaged

a stormy morrow . He had lived too long. S igns werenot wanting that the days of absolute monarchy werenumbered

,that the Splendour of France had been pur

chased at too great a price . The multi tude , howevermiserable , always applauds the conqueror— until he fails .There is something extremely pathetic in the King’sdying speech to his great ' grandson , a boy of five years,who may be forgiven if he did no t appreciate the fullvalue of the testimony .

“ Y o u are soon to be king ofa great realm

,he said .

“W hat I commend mostearnestly to you is never to forget the obligations youowe to God ; remember that to Him you owe all

you are . Try to keep peace with your ne ighbours : Ihave been too fond of war ; do not imitate me in that ,nor in my too great expenditure . Relieve the people


as much as you can . Try to do all that I have not beenable to do . Evidently Louis the Absolute was no t

blind to his own faults when it was too late to repair themischief he had wrought . In the following chapter weshall see the return swing of the pendulum .

W ith “the passing of the Sun King on Sunday , thel st September 17 1 5 , France took on new hope . To saythat Louis was mourned would falsify history . Ratherwas he applauded for having accomplished somethingworthy at last . This King, said Massillon during thecourse of his funeral oration in the Sainte Chapelle atParis , “ the terror of his neighbours , the amazement ofthe universe, the father of kings ; this King , greater thanhis great ancestors , more magnificent than Solomon in allhis glory, has also learnt that all is vanity .

CHAPTER IV

THE AGE o r DIS I LLUSION

We hold our Crownfrom God alone. The ’right ofm aking laws belongs to

ourseli es alone we nei ther delegate it nor share it." LOUI S XV .

THERE i s a certain amount of cold , matter- of- fact truthin the old saw that “ history repeats itself

,and there is

likewise a law ofretribution which is often a fitting corollary . L ouis XIV accepted the testament of Charles I Iof Spain on behalf of h is grandson and defied the Treatyof Partition , consequently the throne was gained bybreaking a most solemn promise ; scarcely was his bodycold before the careful arrangements he had made fo r hisown succession were set at nought by a flagrant breachof trust. According to the Royal will Phil ip , Duke of

Orleans , the heir-presump tive and nephew of the latemonarch , was to act as Head of the Council of Regencyduring the minority of Louis XV , a by no m eans robustchild . He was to be assisted in his task by a councilof the old ministers , the maj ority ofwhom belonged tothe party of the Duke of Maine , one of the late King’snumerous natural offspring by Madame de Montespan .

Legitimacy of necessity had a right over the claims ofthe bastard even when officially legitimated ,

” but Louishad arranged that Maine should be the child king’s guardian and have command of the Household troops . Inaddition

,he had issued an edict in 17 14 , declaring the

Duke of Maine and the Count of Toulouse heirs to thethrone should h is direct line become extinct . Everythingwas done with a V iew to the continuance of his own policy .

5 7


Orleans, ambitious and unscrupulous , cared nought forwills and wishes , royal or otherwise . By means of aj udiciou s distribution of money and vague promises of arestoration of some of its confiscated rights , the Parlem ent of Paris was persuaded to place what was virtuallysupreme power in his hands . So much for the behests ofadead monarch however powerful he may have been whenthe rich warm blood of life coursed through his veins .The Regent was a man spoiled in the making . His

tutor had been of ill-repute . On reaching manhood hewas not allowed to exercise to any extent whatever abilityhe possessed ; and his wife , an illegitimate daughter ofMadame de Montespan , had been chosen for him . Fondof pleasure , he plunged into reckless dissipation . Hede l iberately mocked at religious Observances , and whensober preferred to dabble in science rather than to thinkseriously ofthe welfare of the kingdom . Dame Rumourwhispered that the death ofLouis’s only son, ofthe Dukeof Burgundy and his wife , and also of the succeedingDauphin was due to poison administered by him ; an

allegation entirely without proof, and consequently all themore popular with a certain section ofthe nation .

Notwithstanding his preliminary high - handed poli cy ,Orleans had certain liberal instincts in marked contradiction to those of Louis XIV . These he chose to displayat the beginning of his regim e . State Secretaries gaveplace to half a dozen councils in which m en of all shadesof opinion found a place , to the gratification of thenoblesse ; and he released the imprisoned Jansenists indefiance of the Jesuits . But religious difficulties anddifferences were as nothing compared to the complexproblem offinance . At the end of the glorious reignof le Roi S o leil France was over livres indebt . Almost every subterfuge had been tried to raise


livres . This was accepted . Things went onin great style for a time , paupers becoming rich men andeverybody seemingly pleased with the altered aspect of

affairs . Eventually the enterprising Scotsman was madeController—General of Finance, a post w hich an exilefrom his native land

,on account of a duel which had

terminated fatally for his opponent, could scarcely haveanticipated in his wildest dreams . There was a boomfar and away exceeding anything known in the twentiethcentury . Then the bubble burst , as did England

’s SouthSea Company , and the bank stopped payment . Francewas left worse off than before the coming of Utopia.Law went down with his house of cards, dying in Venicenine years after , a pauper , still unconvinced ofthe futilityof his mighty proj ects and assuring himself that none ofhis schemes proceeded from dishonest motives .Spain , under the guidance of another adventurer ,

Alberoni by . name , seem ed to have recovered somewhatfrom her anaemic ways and policy . Alberoni saw achance of placing Philip V or his little son D on Carloson the throne ofFrance , and worked in and out. of seasonfor the furtherance of his ambition . Unfortunately forhim the Regent was served by Dubois , his o ld tutor

,

whose lack of morals was balanced , from a worldly pointof view, by a wonderful tenacity of purpose. Largelythrough his instrumentality a Triple Alliance betweenFrance, England , and Holland was formed in January17 17 . This was followed a little later by the seizureof the ministry of Foreign Affairs by Dubois after hehad secured the dismissal of the Councils . It was notlong before the Emperor Charles VI j oined the otherPowers to resi st Alberoni

’

s ambitions , Sardinia and Sicilyhaving been seized by him as a preliminary to furtheraggrandisement. A set-back was experienced by Spain

THE AGE OF DIS ILLUSION 61

in the defeat inflicted on her navy by Byng in the summerof 1 7 1 8 . In the following April a French army crossedthe Pyrenees . The year 17 19 also saw the nullifyingOf the Spanish naval power by the English and Frenchfleets and the occupation of S icily by the Austrians .Alberoni fell with his adopted country , and on thedeclaration of peace his royal master joined the Coalition . W hen , in July 1721 . the insistent Dubois , nowArchbishop of Cambrai , secured the Cardinal

’s red hat,

he felt that his am bition was consummated . He did

not live long to enj oy the distinction which he hadcoveted most, for he fell from his horse, and died on the10th August 1723 , predeceasing his patron the Regentby four months .Louis XV was then thirteen years old ,

“ of age,

according to royal reckoning in France , but scarcelycapable Of assuming the reins of the kingly office —a

statement which might be applied with equal truth toh is later years . He never grew up in the real, manlysense . The vacant post ofFirst Minister was occupied bythe Duke of Bourbon , a great -grandson of the illustriousCondé. The laws Of heredity certainly did not obtainto any marked extent in this particular case . His j ealousdisposition soon manifested itself. At whatever cost thegreat rival

,house of Orleans must be debarred from the

throne . The solution of the problem depended on theKing having an heir. As he was engaged to the Infanta

ofSpain , a tiny tot of six , no consummation of this hopewas likely for som e years . Evidently the Spanish matchmust be broken Off, and a more suitable arrangementmade . Bourbon

’s choice decided on Maria, daughter ofStanislas L ecz inski, the exiled king of Poland . Thissubtle plan seemed likely to offend none save Spain .

At the time of his marriage Louis XV was sixteen


years of age , his consort twenty - three . The ceremonytook place in S eptember 1725 . Nine months afterwards Bourbon , notwithstanding all his intrigue andscheming

,was dismissed

,to give place to Fleury , Bishop

Of Frej us and the K ing’s tutor. The aged prelatehe was seventy - three— had hitherto preferred to fill theless conspicuous position of the “ power behind thethrone , but he was by no means devoid of ambition ,and when he became First Minister he speedily provedthat he possessed an am az m g stock of reserve force . Hewas popular, and the country recognised whatever meritshe had

,although in directions other than those of diplo

macy his talents verged on mediocrity . Either as adirect cause of his arbitrary rule , or because he had theassistance of such keen and able financiers as the famousbrothers Paris , the sluggish blood of commercial Franceagain began to flow a little less languidly . In one respect

,

however, even Paris Duverney failed . I n 1 725 he hadendeavou red to make both the privileged and non—privileged orders pay a tax of two per cent . on all revenues .The outcry against it proved that the patriotism of bothclergy and nobility had no cash basis , with the resultthat the cingaantiém e had to be withdrawn by Fleury .

Voluntary contributions , never stable at the best Of

times , were substituted . I f the prelate offended theParis Parlem ent by refusing to support its claims in ecclesiastical matters , and sent into exile no fewer than 139

magistrates— whom he afterwards pardoned,be it added

he unquestionably displayed considerable skill in hismanipulation of such foreign affairs as directly affectedthe prestige ofhis country .

Philip V of Spain was deeply offended at the insultlevelled at him by the rej ection Of his daughter

.He

entered into an alliance with Austria,hitherto regarded

THE AGE OF DISILLUSION 63

as his arch - enemy, with the direct intention of alarmingFrance and securing the eventual success ion of his sonDon Carlos to the Duchies ofTuscany and Parma. TheEmperor was not averse to such an arrangement

,more

especially as his maritime ambitions had aroused thedislike of England and Holland . The schemes outlinedin the ensuing Treaty of Vienna were very far reachingin extent, and involved the recovery of the Netherlands , Alsace , Franche Co m te, and Lorraine on the partof the Empire , and of Roussillon

,Cerdagne , Lower

Navarre , and Brittany on that of Spain —a fairly extensive programme . The Pragmatic Sanction declaringMaria Theresa, daughter of Charles VI , the Emperor

’sheiress was supported by Philip , who exacted , among aplethora of other promises , the recovery of Gibraltarand Minorca, two most important strategic positions , fromEngland . Ere long the all ies secured the ass istance ofRu ssia and Prussia, although the latter at first supportedFrance , and prepared to encounter France , England ,

Holland , Denmark , and Sweden , a truly formidablecoalition . The Emperor’s ruling passion was the Pragmatic Sanction , and he broke his alliance with Spainbecause he saw that if war was averted England andFrance might conceivably guarantee it . Such ungenerous conduct was simply playing into the hands ofFleury .

Philip speedily came to terms with France and England ,two ofthe Powers he had hoped to crush . On the deathof the Duke of Parma in 173 1 , Charles seized the muchcoveted Duchies , but was prevented from occupying thempermanently by the tim ely interference of England andHolland . The se Powers guaranteed the succession of

Maria Theresa provided Piacenza and Parma were handedover to Don Carlos , wh ich was done .Two years later Poland lost her king, and Stanislas


was reinstated by an overwhelming majority , the m On

archy being elective . The exile was not to find the pathofa popular hero strewn with roses ; rather was it l itteredwith thorns . Another candidate was in the field , namelyAugustus I I I , Elector of Saxony , the late King

’

s son, whohad gone skilfully to work by meeting Charles VI in thematter of his pet hobby , the Pragmatic Sanction , and bypromis ing Courland to the Empress Anne ofRussia whenhe was safely on the throne. Such connivance on thepart ofAustria and Russia simply meant that they wouldbe embroiled with France , which was , of course , attachedto the candidature of the King’s father- in- law . Fleury ,never at any time an advocate of war , preached peace ;Chauvelin , the M inister of Foreign Affairs

,advocated

war . The latter won his case , but failed to supportStanislas ; as a consequence Augustus secured Poland .

In her war with Austria France was far more successful .Aided by Sardinia and Spain , both countries beinganxious to gain territory in Italy at the expense of thecommon enemy , she made good headway on the Rhine

,

and under Villars , Coigny, and Broglie won severalbattles in the north of Italy , although the vacillating andtwo - faced policy of the King of Sardinia prevented anything approaching a decisive v ictory . Naples and Sicilyfe ll easy prey to Spain . France and her allies scoredheavily by the subsequen t adjustment ofinterests in 1738 .

Francis , husband of Maria Theresa, surrendered hisDuchy ofLorraine and received the revers ion ofTuscany ;Stanislas was so laced to some extent for his loss ofPolandby the dukedom of L orraine and Bar, with the provisothat on his decease it should be ceded to France ; Don

Carlos secured Naples , Sicily , and Elba on the understanding that they were to be independent of Spain

;Fauna and Piacenza went to Austria

,and Sardinia was

THE AGE OF”

DISILLUSION 65

rewarded with te rritory in the M ilanese . The Powers ,

In the“ next chapte r we shall be able to appreciate thevalue of the pie ! crust promises so cordially extended to

CHAPTER V

TWENTY YEARS OF WAR

What are fatigue, illness, and dangers in com p ari son with glory I t is

so m ad a passion that I canno t conceive why it does not tu rn the brains ofei e'rybody.

”FREDERICK THE GREAT .

BOTH the Emperor Charles VI and King FrederickWilliam died in 1740 , but it is something more than amere coincidence that Austria and Prussia were to besworn enemies for the two fol low ing decades . The twodominating personalities in the arena were the imm ediatesuccessors of the dead rulers . Maria Theresa , a spiritedyoung woman of twenty—three years Of age , inherited theHabsburg territories as Queen of Hungary and ofBohemiaand Archduchess of Austria ; Frederick I I , an equallyenergetic but far more unscrupulous individual, had notyet celebrated his thirtieth birthday when he ascendedthe throne of the monarch whose valuable services hadsecured the guarantee Of the Pragmatic Sanction by theEmpire . That the recognition ofMaria Theresa’ s claimsby the Powers was so much waste paper soon becameabundantly evident . Spain , Saxony , Bavaria, and Sardiniaall had alleged claims to the Austrian possessions

, and

the new King of Pruss ia regarded himself as entitled toa part of Silesia. That he was in no humour for negotiations , altho ugh he actually did make certain overturesto Maria Theresa, i s borne out by a letter he pennedto Voltaire six days after the decease of the Emperor

.

“ This death , he writes , deranges all my pacific intentions , and I believe that in the month of June we shall

66


liminary stages had only Russia and Hanover to relyupon for support . The Empire , with the exception ofthe last-mentioned State, preferred neutral ity . Soon theheiress of the Austrian throne found herself alone , forFrance saw to it that Hanover remained quiet , andSweden kept Russia suffi ciently occupied . But thisarrangement existed for a short time only . England ,hitherto the ally of France , supported Maria Theresa,as did Holland . George I I was , of course , Elector ofHanover. As such he had some reason to fear the ambition of Frederick , and in addition Hanover had longsupported the House of Habsburg. The Empress Eliz abeth , who had come to the throne a few days after MariaTheresa, was also approached by England , with the resultthat Russia threw in her lot with Austria.In September 174 1 , Maria Theresa ceded Lower

Silesia to Prussia, and Frederick and Saxony withdrew,

followed by Sardinia. Maria Theresa had now an important ally in the field , for her Hungarian subjects,hitherto considered almost more trouble than they wereworth , took up arms in her . behalf after she had arousedthem to enthusiasm by the restoration of certain of theirpolitical privileges. Belle- I sle , when not engaged indiplomacy , conducted the campaign with spirit, but theFrench were driven from Bavaria . When his arm yrecro ssedthe Rhine at the beginning of 1743 , it was a miniatureprecursor of the ragged rabble which survived the disastersof the Russian expedition of 1 8 12, and Maurice of Saxonyoccupied much the same position as Ney on that occasion .

Only one-fifth of the Frenchmen who had started out todo such brave things survived the sword and the severewinter and returned to tell of their humiliation . During1742 things had also gone badly in Italy , Sardinia deserting the alliance, as mentioned above , and Spain making

TWENTY YEARS OF WAR 69

no headway whatever . The new year opened with thedeath of Fleury , who had no successor, because Louis XV,

in a momentary flash Ofenthusiasm and energy,announced

that he would be h is own First M inister. It witnessedHolland thrown into the balance with Austria and herallies , saw the defeat Of the French by the English ,Hanoverian , and Dutch army at Dettingen , at whichGeorge I I was present , and the retreat of Louis

’s troopsfrom Germany. I t directly led to Sardinia and Saxonycementing an alliance with the noble daughter of thelate Emperor. This arrangement was by no means toFrederick ’s liking , who saw in it, am ong other possibleprojects , a likelihood of the reconquest of Silesia. Theimmediate result was a rival league consisting of France ,Prussia, the Emperor Charles VI I—who had been electedand crowned on the 24th January 1742— Sweden , HesseCassel , and the Elector Palatine . The new campaignwas carried on in the Netherlands , Bohemia, and Italy ,but it was Frederick who fought the great battles . Peacewas made between him and Maria Theresa by the latterceding Silesia to him on his acknowledging her husband ,

Francis , Grand Duke of Tuscany , as Emperor of the HolyRoman Empire— a triumph for both prompted by England . France still pursued her course , conqueringBelgium , Savoy , and Nice . Yet when a congress forthe discussion of the articles of peace was Opened atAix - la-Chapelle in the Spring of 1748 , she gained butlittle

,although France and England restored their colonial

conquests . Parma, Pia Guastalla went to

Don Philip of Spain ; ared in the spoil byabsorbing certain Milane icts, and Frederick, as wehave noted

,definitely secured the province he desired

“ more than much fine gold , plus Glatz . Once again

the Pragmatic Sanction was guaranteed , as was the


Hanoverian Succession by the French King, who alsoundertook to befriend Charles Edward no longer. TheEmperor Francis I was recognised by all parties .Here we must note a peculiar and significant fact .

At the beginning of the campaign of 1744 , Louis , havingawakened from his dreamy ways for the nonce , decidedto accompany the two French armies under Noailles andMaurice of Saxony into the Austrian Netherlands . Hissudden burst of energy must be attributed to the enthusiasm of his latest mistress , the Duchess of Chateauroux

,who went with him . Success attended the early

exploits of the French arms , alloyed by the disconcertingintelligence that Alsace was being devastated and thatthe Hungarians had crossed the Rhine. This meant thattroops must be detached at once to guard the Frenchfrontier. Louis therefore made his headquarters at Metz,where he was stricken by disease . His death appearedimminent , his true repentance not so sure . The Queenleft with haste for her husband ’s bedside ; the Duchessdeparted , much to the King

’s chagrin . That the majorityof the French nation knew of their monarch’s indolenceand vice is doubtful . However that may be, the saintswere invoked for his speedy restoration to health . W henHeaven answered their prayers , they bestowed on Louis theambiguous title of le bien aim e

’

. That he did nothingto deserve even respect is proved by his whole career.

“The dev il was ill,The devil a saint would be .

The Old couplet applies with much force to the successor

‘

of le roi soleil. He speedily forsook the paths ofrighteousness for the embraces of the Duchess

.Who

was the chief sinner no mortal man can say,but by the

strange irony of fate, his mistress died in the following

TWENTY YEARS OF WAR 7 1

December . He mourned her loss les s than three months ,and then found consolationin Madame d’Etio les , a womanof charm and discernment despite her humble origin ,who afterwards became Madame de Pompadour.I t is a dam ning and terrible indictment which a

modern historian makes against the woman who betrayedher honour for ambition , and yet one feels , after a prolonged study ofthe period , that it is perfectly j ust. Sheruled for twenty years , says Kitchin

1 under her balefulinfluences what little vigour the monarch had shown whilehe was guided by Madame de Chateauroux died utterlyaway : the king became a mere cypher in the State ; menwould have forgotten his existence , but for some horriblescandal which now and then , like poisonous bubbles ris ingin a still and noisome pool, betrayed the foulness underneath . Silently, but none the less surely , corruption anddeadly vices were working out the ruin of France . Thecountry , in the words of Professor Grant, never knew amore fatal female influence .

” 2

A lthough peace had been restored in 1748 , the intenserivalry Of France and England overseas continued . InIndia France was the rising power ; in America she hadCanada and claimed Louisiana, while England had anenormous sweep of territory, including Baffin Land ,Rupert’ s Land , Newfoundland , and the coastline fromLabrador to the south Of Georgia. Unfortunately theBritish possessions were extremely narrow, and did notextend into the interior.This expansion westwards the French endeavoured to

prevent by fortresses placed at intervals along the riversOhio

,Mississippi

,and the Saint Lawrence . Louisburg,

1 A History of F rance . By G. W . Kitch in, D.D., F.S .A. (Oxfo rd, 1894, third

cd. ,revised) , vol. iii. p . 427.

2 The FrenchMonarchy (1483 ByA. J . Grant, M.A. (Cam bridge ,vol. 11. p. 203.


on Cape Breton Island , in the Gulf Of Saint Lawrence,had been captured in the year of Fontenoy and Of therevolt under the Young Pretender, which meant the lossof so impo rtant a strategic position on the part of theFrench that it has been called the Gibraltar of the New\Vorld . But the latter still continued to improve theirposition and to build forts . W ars and rumours ofwarsfilled the thoughts and determined the actions of thecolonists ; collisions constantly occurred . Nearer homethe islands of Santa Lucia, Dominique , St . Vincent ,Tobago , and the Antilles , all in the Caribbean Sea , werecons tant bones of contention owing to the pretentions ofthe French , who regarded them as their possess ions ,whereas they were supposed to be neutral.Like the Peace of Amiens which restored

something approaching harmony between France andEngland in the days “ when George the Third wasKing, the Peace of Aix- la-Chapelle was little morethan a truce . It was to the best interests of France thatshe should abstain from continental entanglem ents untilher struggle with England overseas was finished . Temptation came from the old quarter from whence had sprungthe celebrated Pragmatic Sanction , which had alreadycost so much in blood and treasure . In energy

,Maria

Theresa was a Frederick the Great in petticoats,and as

sincere a hater . The possible reconquest of Silesia o ccu

pied her thoughts mo rning, noon , and night , not to theexclusion of other m atters , but as the darling obj ect ofher life . The main difficulty was that Prussia was nolonger a collection of minor state s , but a highly - o rganisedstructure of consolidated interests . The stalwart Queencould no t hope to catch her arch - enemy off his guard

.

His army was always ready . England listened to herschemes , but preferred no t to entertain them .

By an


subj ect,but the result is intensely important , for it nu

doubtedly gave a fillip to the revolutionary ideas nowbeginning to permeate France.The struggle began in 17 5 6 by Frederick boldly invad

ing Saxony without any previous declaration of war , andif at first success seemed to attend his arms , it was no tlong before he found his Rhenish provinces overriddenby a French army and Prussia herself entered by Russiantroops . The battle ofRossbach (17 5 7 ) marked Frederick

’

sfirst important success , but his long campaign against theFrench , Austrian , Imperial , and Russian forces in Saxony,S ilesia,

Brandenburg,and Bohemia, was both hazardous

and difficult , especially when England’

s solid financialsupport of per annum was withdrawn in 1762owing to Pitt’s resignation and the pacific policy of

George I I I . Death proved a very good friend indeedto Frederick when , in the following year, Elizabeth of

Russia surrendered to the Universal Fo e . This relievedthe tense strain somewhat, because Czar Peter I I I , anadmirer ofFrederick’s skill and methods , concluded peacewith him , and left him one army less to fight . A littlelater the Russians were placed at his disposal

,to be with

drawn before long by the murder of Peter and the succession of Catherine , who preferred to be neutral . W ithwonderful energy the King of Prussia cleared S ilesia ofthe Austrians, and came to terms with Maria Theresa atHubertsburg on the 1 5 th February 1763 . Once againFrederick was reassured on the question of S ilesia

,and he

avowed that he would aid Maria Theresa’s son to sue

oecd his father as Emperor should such as sistance be necessary . In the same month and year the long struggle fo rcolonies and sea power waged by France and Englandalso ended . Under such sterling figh ters as Boscawenand Hawke the maritime plans of Choiseul were

TWENTY YEARS OF WAR 7 5

shattered , and as the command of the sea is all - importantin matters relating to colonial possessions

,the French

settlers in Canada were at a disadvantage in theirresistance . What the British admirals did at sea, theintrepid Wolfe and Amherst accomplished on land .

Montcalm supported the cause of Louis XV with.

magnificent daring, and perished together with his

worthy foe in the battle which preceded the fall of

Quebec (175 9 ) and the surrender of Montreal a yearlater . W hat Montcalm had endeavoured to do inCanada the brave but misgu ided and ill- used Lallywas undertaking in India, with results no more favourable . He besieged Madras with determination up to themoment of its relief by Admiral Pocock , and held out inPondicherry under the most trying conditions until faminehad so decimated his ranks that he was forced to surrender to S ir Eyre Coote in January 1761 . The lessercolonies fell to the all-powerful English navy , as didthose of Spain . The latter was now an ally of Franceby reason of the Family Compact, which guaranteedtheir respective possessions . Against her Great Britaindeclared war in January 1762.

By the Treaty of Paris , signed on the loth February1763 ,

France had some of her possessions in the W estIndies restored to her, as well as Belle I sle, Off the coast ofBrittany , which had been captured in 176 1 , but Canadaand the territory east of the Mississippi were surrenderedto England , and five trading posts were all that remainedto her in India. In addition , Minorca was given up , andit was agreed that the fortifications of Dunkirk were to bedemolished . France ceded Louisiana to Spain as com

pensationfor M inorca , which island she had agreed to

hand over to Spain when the alliance was formed ; thelatter ceded Florida to England . Five days later the .


of Hubertsburg gave peace to Austria, Prussia ,and Saxony .

The general balance of power in Europe remainedunchanged , but France had been bereft of her colonialchildren and much ofher prestige , and Great Britain hadgained America and India and establi shed her supremacyon the seas .

‘


archs . Public Opinion , or if you prefer it, the united m indof the nation , sometimes led by the still , small voice of athinker or ofa school of thinkers , is usually the source ofinspira tion in this direction . The statute rolls ofEngland ,the archives of continental Powers , the pages of contem

po rary records prove this patent fact. Nature works frombelow upward in the giant volcano and the tiny seed .

K ing John neither suggested fil agna Cartel. nor Pope LeoX the Reformation . I f we argue that there are fewmonarchs and only one Pope at a time , that they are inthe hopeless minority , there is the obvious retort thatunless the head of a temporal State or of a spiritualorganisation can be looked up to for guidance , he isworse than useless . So the French discovered . Thingsare changed in our own day . The position of a King inmost countries is now merely nominal . The true monarch ofthe realm is the nation .

It was in 1733 that F leury, doubtless imagining thathe was reinstating a measure which would eventuallyencourage the declining commerce of his country

,resorted

to the o ld - time corve’

e . This was a tax paid in labour,

the possible inheritance of the Romans , and was note ntirely confined to France . Good roads doubtlessfacilitate trade , but when the peasants had to placethemselves , their cart s and animals at the service of theState for nothing a week , it may be doubted whetherthe remedy was not considerably worse than the disease

.

There was no escaping the corve’

e ; the intendants sawto that, and rigidly enforced obedience . IVhile thepeasant was doing the work of a navvy

,he could not

attend to his own business , with the result that acres ofcultivated land went to ruin , and thousands starved . Freelabour is ne ither a sound commercial proposition for theState nor its members . As the so - called lower classes


why the clergy and other privileged persons should notbear a fair share of the burden by paying a propertytax

, to be called the vingtiem e. Other statesmen hadattempted much the same and failed , but Machault wasnot to be deterred by precedent, and he imposed themeasure . Mother Church , backed by the Parliam ent,

determ ined to waive nothing of her temporal power , andexerted the full force of her authority in Opposition .

No sooner was this matter settled by compromise and agenerous free gift ” on the part of the clergy , than theChurch made herself obj ectionable by persecuting theProtestants and the J ansenists . To the latter she refusedthe sacraments , the rites of burial all that men heldsacred and indispensable to salvation . In this the supportof the Parlem entwas not given , although the King utteredthreats and told its members to desist. They refused ,resigned, and were exiled . Louis thought better of his

action fifteen months later, and reinstated those who haddefied him . Public opinion was with them . There hadbeen riots no t long before , ominous and unpleasant , andthe monarch preferred that others should encounter theimpend ing de luge . The clergy won ; Machault lost . Hehad done much to repair the broken condition of thenavy , but that was not counted unto him for righteousnessany more than the continuation of the war- tax known asthe dia’iém e. The burgher class in the towns and citiesalone flourished . I t was ofthem that Voltaire was thinking when he wrote , Europe has hardly ever had a moreprosperous period than the interval between the PeaceofAix -la-Chapelle and 175 5 . Commerce flourished fromSt . Petersburg to Cadiz ; the fine arts were everywherein honour ; the nations corresponded freely with one

another. Europe seemed a large family which had quarrelled , but was reunited . Precisely the same kind ofth ing

THE SEEDS OF REVOLT 8 1

i s happening in the United Kingdom to-day . Textileand manufacturing trades go ahead ; agriculture marchesbackwards , due partly , no doubt , to the farmers

’ habitualintolerance of co -operation , but also to heavy traffi c ratesand the glamour of the towns , which denudes the countryof pastoral population . The cases are not exactly parallel ;very few are , but comparison is both interesting and instructive . I f history is worth anything , if it aims to beother than a mere record of the acts of prominent menand women long since dead , it is surely in the directionof affording object lessons for our edification and profit .I t may be stated as a general axiom that no two eventsare exactly s imilar , but this should not preclude us fromprofiting by the errors of the past .So far as the aristocracy is concerned , we arrange

things better than the French noblesse of the eighteenthcentury . I t was Louis XIV , you will remember, whointroduced that abomination ofabominations, the absenteelandlord , in France . Once the fashion was established ,it became the rule. Paris was henceforth the centre of thekingdom , the Mecca of the elect . It was more than the“ correct thing for nobles to put in an appearance atVersailles ; it was practically enforced by the intendantsacting on the King ’s instructions . One can readilyappreciate all that this meant . Chateaux fell into decay ,estates grew weeds instead ofwheat, many of those whoendeavoured to keep up two establishments found themselves hopelessly involved in debt or compelled to borrowmoney at usurious rates . Their condition reacted on thepeasantry . Not that there was no silver lining to the cloudwhich brooded so ominous ly from the I le de France toProvence . The peasant was enabled to buy a plot of land ,and if he had little or no capital to put into the venture ,the field on which he worked was at least his own .

F


The taxes , yearly increasing, were his bugbear, and itappeared that nothing he could do would shake it off.

Outlaws were ever on the increase ; highway robberybecame all to o prevalent . In 17 5 8 , three years after theboom mentioned by Voltaire ,1 the expenditure of la belleF rance was livres above her income . We findController-General Boulogne establishing State lotteries,his successor Silhouette struggling hard to make the privileged classes share the burden of taxation , and failing ashis predecessors had done. In 175 9 Government relieveditself by the simple expedient of refusing to pay certain ofits debts , the court of last resort where refuge had beentaken before. I s the condition of France to be wondered atwhen it has been computed that Madame de Pompadourcost the country some livres— a mere bagatellecompared to Du Barry , who squandered five times thatamount ? Perhaps it was j ust as well for Louis XV thatall the officers in the army were of noble rank , that noprivate soldier at six sous a day— frequently unpaid— hadthe shadow of a chance to command a regiment.It only remains to be said that of Louis ’s numerous

later ministers the only one who is conspicuous isChoiseul, who attacked the Jesuits to such good purposethat the Parlem ent of Paris decreed their suppression inFrance and the confiscation of their property on the 6thAugust 1762. Apart from this desirable transaction andthe improvement he brought about in the organisation ofthe army and navy , his interests were lavished mainly onaffairs outside of the kingdom . He did not shineconspicuously in the matter of Poland

,to whom he sent

money but no troops , preferring to use his influence topersuade Sweden and Turkey to take up the cause of

Stanislaus Poniatowski. He was certainly deceived in1 See ante

,p . 80.

8 4« THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

the recoil . As governor of the province of Brittany, thisworthy had been an unjust steward . He was now Ministerof War and the stalwart supporter of privilege . Oncemore the autocratic methods of Louis XV becameevident. He forbade the matter being investigated bythe Parlem ent of Rennes , which had issued a processagainst the nobleman , on the pretext that the Duke wasa peer of France , and transferred the hearing to Paris .In reality this was an unfortunate move , for that Parlem entwas in no happy mood . Things boded so ill forAiguillonthat the King stopped the trial . The magistrates retaliatedby suspending the Duke’s rights as a peer. There wasthe usual recourse to a bed of justice, the consequentannulling of the decree

,and a rebuke administered by

Louis to the “ Long Robes who wanted to be hisguardians . They were informed that “ the King holdshis crown from God alone , that the right of making thelaws by which his subj ects are to be guided belongs tohim only , without interference or participation . Theyare a posse of republicans ,

” Louis remarked on anotheroccasion . However, enough ofthat ; things as they arewill last my time . Could callousness go further ?

Cho iseul’

s enforced retirement from active politicsspeedily followed. The “ Long Robes suspended theirduties ; the provincial parlem ents resounded with cries fora meeting of the States-General . Never before

,perhaps

,

had the nation a greater interest in obtaining their convocation , or the p arlem ents in demanding it — thus theCourt of Normandy , which is typical of many similarassertions .

Cho iseul’

s disgrace was not entirely due to theAiguillon affair. He had fallen foul of M adame du Barry

,

the King’

s latest favourite , and she had retal iated .The

monarch , whom the Minister characterises in his M e’

m oz'

res

THE SEEDS OF REVOLT 8 5

as weak of spirit and shy of manner,

“ which arises ingreat part from his stupidity,

” did his best to patch up thequarrel , but to no good end . The instrument Du Barryused was the Chancellor Maupeou ,

formerly PremierPresident of the Paris Parlem ent, whose high positionwas due to Cho iseul’s friendship . The Chancellor in histurn was aided and abetted by the crafty Abbe Terray ,Controller-General of the Finances . He lied with suchsemblance of conviction as to Cho iseul

’

s measures , thatfiction was swallowed as fact by a King either to o lazyor unwilling to investigate matters himself. On the 2athDecember 1770 , a lettre de cachet was issued , and theworthy statesman banished from the capital. Perhapsthe splendid ovation he received at the hands of thepopulace of Paris as he departed from his hotel in the Ruede Richelieu fo r Chanteloup compensated him somewhatfor his fall from royal favour. This display of feelingand respect was a straw which showed which way thewind was blowing.

Aiguillon now came into his own by being appointedSecretary of State for Foreign Affairs in the succeedingMaupeou ministry . Their first act was one of vengeanceagainst the reactionary Parlem ent. When most of itsmembers had retired for the night, they were awakenedby gendarmes with the request that they would signifywhether they intended to resume their duties or not.W ith praiseworthy courage, by far the majority of themrefused ; those who were chicken - hearted and gave atardy consent retracted the following day . Nearly twohundred lettres de cachet were issued without further ado ,

and the magistrates were banished . So much for attemptsto resist the monarchy . W orse was to follow . The

parlem ents themselves were suppressed . Louis announcedthat the post of magistrate would no longer be heredi


tary,and that j ustice would be administered free by six

new legal bodies— crowded with Crown nominees , be itadded— which were to sit at Pari s , Arras , Blois , Chalonssur-Marne

,Clermont , Lyon , and Poitiers . These were

in addition to the central court at the capital .The Pacte dc F am ine , in which the King was interested,

made a corner in wheat and sent up the price , presumablyto Show their patriotism . But all things come to an end ,including the tyranny of kings , and it was an unhallowedgrave which , in the May of 1774 , received the mass ofcorruption known in life as his most Sacred Majesty KingLouis the Fifteenth . The Vicomte de Se

’gur relates hissurprise at the lack of sorrow on the part of the Court atVersailles : I everywhere found that indifference prevailed , or even a degree of gladness— in the palace, in thetown , in the gardens . The sinking sun was forgotten ,every worshipper turned towards the rising sun . N0 onethought of anything but the future ; old courtiers wereonly anxious to preserve their credit under the new reign

,

and young ones to supplant the old .

“ Here comes the ladies ’ charmer ! j eered the m ob asthe coffin passed.


asserted . They hastened the inevitable and helped toplan the campaign , embodying in their writings whatmany men felt who were incapable of clothing theirthought in words

,thereby liberating scientific and philo

sophic thought from the deep and gloomy recesses of amental fortress to which it had been confined . Theyheld a torch that others might see the path they themselves were never to traverse . Montaigne , Descartes ,and Bayle had already begun to undermine the citadel ;it remained for the philosophers mentioned to completethe investment and ensure the surrender.Although Jean Jacques Rousseau is rightly regarded

as the writer of the text- books of the Jacobins , it wasFrancois Marie Arouet (169 4 known to fame asVoltaire

,who blazed a trail by means of the cutting

satire and ruthless disregard of established spiritualauthority so evident in many of his poems , dramas ,novels , and historical studies . Like the celebratedmilitary free- lances of France of the fourteenth andfifteenth centuries , he spared none . I f on occasion hestooped to conquer at the feet of Louis XV with anOde to the King, brought to the remembrance of Madamede Pompadour his former friendship with her in orderto receive Court favours , and partook of the Eucharistin his chapel at Ferney, it must be conceded that theAbbe Desfontaines “ and other rascals ” had driven himhalf-mad by stigmatising his IlI ahonzet as impious . Heprobably imagined a relaxation of persecution wouldfollow his conformation . The only monarch at all toVoltaire

’

s liking other than 18 Grand Ilfonarqne wasFrederick the Great , with whom he afterwards quarrelled ,bequeathing to posterity much food for reflection as tothe idiosyncrasies of two of the most eminent men of

the eighteenth century . The first occasion on which he

FRANQO I s MAR I E AROU ET D E 0 1 TA IRJ' (1694—1 77 8 ) AT THE OF 24

(I va /u [he pa i n/1 11g h’

v [ a fgz l/h'z e the ll/u rr

’e Cw ua t a/rl )


all possible worlds — indeed Voltaire wrote his celebratedCandide to refute so unchristian ‘ like a maxim , which stillcontinues to hold sway in many unthinking minds . Theproof of this as furnished by Pangloss , one of the characters , is excellent, but we must cultivate our garden .

”

Voltaire ridiculed orthodox beliefs because his own obser

vation led him to assume that the majority of those whotaught them were altogether unworthy of their sacredoffice, that those who listened did so because it was thecorrect thing to do, that the Church when in operationwas often an instrument of vengeance rather than of for

givene ss , and from certain events and tenets in the Scriptures which seemed to him either contradictory, unj ust,or borrowed from other religions . That Voltaire sometimes went to o far in his war against the Infamous isnot questioned , and he might have charged his bombs withless explosive powder. But when we take into consideration the times in which he lived— different as they wereto the real or assumed tolerance of the twentieth centuryand remember that heretics were still burned , that thebody of an actress was denied the rites of Christian burial

,

that a Protestant was broken on the wheel so late as 1762,that a few years later a youth who merely showed irrev erence was tortured and afterwards executed , that Voltairehimself had incurred the displeasure ofHoly Church whena young man and been sent to the dreaded Bastille

,the case

against the author of the Poem on the Disaster ofL isbonappears less black At the worst

,the verdict must be

Not proven . If Voltaire ,” asserts one of his biogra

phers ,1 was often a mocker in form

,he was always

serious in meaning and laborious in matter . If he wasunflinching against theology , he always paid religion t e

spect enough to treat it as the most important of all1 Voltaire, by John Mo rley (London, p

. 9 .

CRUSADE AGAINST THE “ INFAMOUS 9 1

subj ects . What portion of the moral code that remainedwas to all intents and purposes bereft of its meaning bythe profligacy of the upper classes , including the prelacy .

One has merely to read half a dozen of the many Frenchmemoirs penned at the time to prove th is statement .Marriage was regarded in practice neither as a bond nora sacrament ; if there were children they were relegatedto the care of others until Rousseau ’s E m ilias became therage and indicated a more natural , if more obvious , wayof dealing with offspring . The bishops thought more ofcurrying favour at Versailles than of administering theirdioceses ; to be a temporal statesman was deemed moreworthy than to occupy so mundane an office as spiritual shepherd . What sincerity existed was to be foundin villages far removed from profligate Paris , wherepatient curés still administered the comforts of religionand taught what they thought was good for their flocksand the welfare of the Roman Catholic communion . Thegeneral attitude towards religion was that of Henry IVParis is worth a Mass 1In the words of Gaston Maugras , L

’

E sprit— a ready

wit—was the divinity of the day.

” Voltaire possessed itto the full

,and used it in and out of season , in subj ects

sacred and profane . I t was not in him to fight with fisticuffs ; nature provided him with a rapier, and he was notsparing in his usage of it . His favourite Opponent wasthe Church

,whose spiritual tyranny he shattered . When

he was not fighting he was clutching a sieve and siftingwhat he held to be superstitions from what others held tobe creeds . In doing so he helped to liberate the humanmind from both . Voltaire hated dogma and was manenough to say so . He was an inverted Luther.Let us look into this question of his alleged atheism a

little clo ser by referring to Voltaire’

s Philosop hical D ic


tionary, for it contains a lengthy article on the term so

basely associated with his name . After lashing profossioual “ confidants of the Divinity because they “ agreeso little among themselves and represent Him in manydifferent ways , he adds , It must be confessed that itseemed permissible to a reasonable man to doubt thereality of a Being so strangely announced , and to asympathetic man to imagine that a God who had volumtarily created so m any unfortunates could have no existence . A philosopher has been given to the world , whohas discovered by what simple and sublime laws all thecelestial bodies move in the abyss of space. 1 Thus thework of the universe

,better known , shows a workman ;

and so many laws , always constant , prove a legislator.Sound philosophy has thus destroyed that atheism towhich an obscure theology lent weapons . The philosopher who recognises a God has with him a crowd ofprobabilities equivalent to certainty, while the atheisthas nothing but doubts. Atheism and fanaticism aretwo monsters , which rend and devour society ; but theatheist , in his error, preserves the reason which cuts hisclaws , while those of the fanatic are sharpened in theincessant madness which affi icts him.

”

Those of VOltaire ’

s works which are particularly y ehement against the then accepted dogmas ofChristianity areThe F or and Against, or Epistle to Uranie andThe Voice ofthe Sage and of the Peop leUnlike Rousseau , Voltaire had no political propa

ganda, and tilted at no party save that of the Church,

which happened to have “a finger in every pie

,and

consequently was of paramount importance,for it domi

mated every nook and cranny of the kingdom.Now and

again , however, he made covert remarks which could not1 Sir I saac Newton(1642


that if Frederick the Great had not seized Silesia someother political highwayman would have done so , but thisdoes not j ustify the action according to the lights ofposterity

,even if his sharp practice laid the foundations of

a mighty nationality . The statecraft of the eighteenthcentury can be j ustified only on the assumption that“ might is right , a doctrine failing in appeal to thepeople who constitute a nation and have to fight itsbattles . Voltaire preferred to represent their point ofview.

That the Philosopher of Ferney was sincere in hisprotestations against the stifling of independent thoughtis beyond question , otherwise he surely would not haveallowed himself to be bandied from pillar to post in orderto keep from the clutches of would -be persecutors . His

works are not the products of a diseased imagination , andif they are occasionally splenetic , their writer was usuallykindness personified . He recognised good where he foundit ; witness his reference to the Q uakers in his Philosop hicL etters on the E nglish , published after a visit to theseshores in 1 726—9 . His keen intelligence speedily summedup the situation here , to the disadvantage of h is owncountry .

“ A lthough the Episcopal and Presbyteriansects are the two prevailing ones in Great Britain

,he

writes , “ all others are welcome, and all live fairly welltogether ; although most of the preachers detest eachother with all the heartiness of a Jansenist damning aJesuit . W ere there but one religion in England

,there

would be a danger of despotism ; were there but two,they would cut each other

’

s throats . But there arethirty , and accordingly they dwell together in peace.In France there was not the safety in sectarian numbers

,

but one all- embracing despotism,the medieval Roman

Catholic Church . There i s a fitting corollary to theabove passage in Voltaire ’

s voluminous correspondence,

C H A P T E R V I I I

THE FOE OF KINGS

Everyone has his own calling up on the earth ; m ine is to tell the public

harsh but useful truths. I have p reached hum aniti gentleness, tolerance, sofar as it dep ends up on m e ;

’

ti3 no fault of m ine if the world has not

listened . I have m ade it a rule to keep to general truths ; I p roduce nolibels , no satires ; I attach:no m an, but m en not an action, but a vice.

"

Rous seau.

SOCIAL reconstruction has ever been a favourite themewith knights of the pen . Plato, Sir Thomas More ,Campanella, and Morelly

— the last-mentioned the immediate precursor ofRousseau— had all contributed theirquota to a subj ect which has no finality . Some peopledespise and ignore everything which does no t comeunder the heading of fact. The evidence of things notseen ” is to them incognisable . Neither ideals nor ideasare of service to such folk. Everything must be as plainand straightforward as Carlyle , the epichistorian of the French Revolution , once overheard aconversation anent the ineffectiveness of such figm ents ofthe im agination , and he took occasion to interpolate fourpregnant sentences which it would do well for overpractical folk to commit to memory .

“ Gentlemen,

he said, “ there was once a man called Rousseau .He

wrote a book which was nothing but ideas.People

laughed at it . But the skins of those who laughed wentto bind the second edition of the book . The eighteenthcentury writings of Rousseau are not yet relegated to thelimbo of the done -with .

Consistency is the genipfis of mediocrity. You will

THE FOE OF KINGS 97

no t find it in the pages of the S ocial Contract or thelVew H e

’

lo'

ise , and it is no t evident in Rousseau’

s life .

Superactive mentality would seem to prevent anythingapproaching the stereotyped . Ideas flow rapidly , overlap ,contradict , seldom agree in the writings Of the Geneveseprophet

,who could not rest in one place fo r any length

of time , and made mor tal enemies of his best friends .

Like an amateur dete ctive , he suspected everybody .

“Then Burke , the arch - enemy of the Revolution , madeRousseau

’

s acquaintance , he averred that the philosopher“ entertained no principle either to influence his heart,or guide his understanding , but vanity .

” He wascertainly hyper- sensitive as a child and hypercritical asa m an, but “ vanity seems scarcely the correct word .

He was morbid ly introspective , and at the time of Burke’s

acquaintance with him a most convinced misanthrope,a voice crying in the wilderness , a disheartened manin ill -health who had been flattered by princes, visitedby celebrities , and applauded by Paris , but who couldno t forget that he had also been stigmatised as antiChrist, become w ith in an ace the victim of murderoushands , and a fugitive from the law . He had soundedthe depth s ofgrief and sealed the heights ofjoy. Experi

ch ee s such as these seldom engender happiness or a placidspirit. Rousseau , in a word , is a bundle of inconsistencieswhich defies the psychologist . The contemplative lifewhich he led he abjured in others . “ It is only anindolence of soul , he writes .

“ Man is no t made tomeditate , but to act . One has merely to read a fewpages of his Confessions to prove his lack of uniformity.

That book alone is sufficient to stamp him as no ordinarymortal .There are many contem porary pen—portraits of Rous

seau,some etched in vitriol , others highly coloured,

G


a few perhaps just . I t is difficult to paint so mercuriala subj ect , up in the seventh heaven one day , down inthe nethermost hell twenty - four hours later . Those whoadmire him perhaps prefer to visualise their hero in thedescription ofBernardin de St . Pierre , the creator of Pauland Virginia. This is how Rousseau appeared to hispupil in the sunny days of June 1772, when Jean Jacqueswas living in the Rue Platriere , Paris

W e mounted to the fourth storey . W e knocked ,and Madame Rousseau Opened the door. ‘Come in ,gentlemen

,

’ she said ; ‘

you will find my h usband .

’ W e

passed through a very small antechamber, where thehousehold utensils were neatly arranged , and from thatinto a room where Jean Jacques was seated in an overcoat and a white cap , busy copying music . He rose witha smiling face , Offered us chairs , and resumed his work ,at the same time taking a part in conversation . He wasthin and of m iddle height . One shoulder struck me asrather higher than the other otherwi se he was verywe ll proportioned . He had a brown complexion , someco lour on his cheek - bones , a good mouth , a well -madenose

,and rounded and lofty brow, and eyes full of fire .

The oblique lines falling from the nostrils to the extremityof the lips , and marking a physiognomy , in his caseexpressed great sensibility and something even painful.One Observed in his face three o r four of the characteristics of melancholy— the deep receding eyes and theelevation of the eyebrows ; you saw profound sadness inthe wrinkles ofthe brow ; a keen and even caustic gaietyin a thousand little crosses at the corners of the eyes ,of which the orbits entirely disappeared when he laughed .

Near him was a spinet on which from tim e totime he tried an air. Two little beds of blue and whitestriped calico , a table , and a few chairs , made the stock


birth on the 28th June 1 7 12 caused his mother’

s death ;when he was eight years Old his father, forced to go intoexile over an affair of honour , left the child in charge of

his uncle . In due course he began to study law, thenfo rsook the scales of justice for the too ls of the engraver.One night he found the gates of Geneva shut againsthim , and that incident , comparatively unimportant as itseemed , and in strict accord with precedent , determinedhis after life. A good -natured priest to whom he presented h imself sent him to Mme. de W arens , at Annecy .

She in turn passed him on to the Seminary Of the Catechum ens at Turin . There the Protestant was “ converted , and later became a footman to the Comtesse deVercellis . Many adventures followed , no t always to hiscredit nor that ofhis patroness . He fell in love and out ofit with am azing rapidity , took up music , went on tramp ,invented a new system ofmusical notation , and at twentynine was at Paris endeavouring to find a market for hisscheme . He was then fortunate enough to obtain thepost of secretary to M . de Montaigu , the FrenchAmbassador at Venice . His life during his stay in the“ great town half floated by a deluge was no t so irre

pro achable as he m akes it out to be in his autobio

graphy . He could not get on with his superior,was

found guilty of smuggling , and promptly left aftereighteen months

’

service . Unable to obtain his salarya not unusual happening— the iron entered into his soul .According to Rousseau

’

s own showing , it was during hissubsequent soj ourn in Paris that he recognised that“ germ of indignation agains t our stupid civil institutions , where the public weal and true j ustice are alwayssacrificed to I know no t what apparent order

,in truth

fatal to all order, and which only add the sanction of

public authority to the oppression of the weak and the

THE FOE OF KINGS 101

iniqu ity of the powerful . He planned a work to beentitled Institutions Politiques , which never saw thelight of day , but bore fruit years after in his politicalspeculations .

Rousseau ’s Confessions are inaccurate as regards dates ,a circumstance accounted for by reason of their no thaving been penned until circa 1762—70 , Lemaitre givingthe prev ious date as the beginning of the writings . It

i s quite probable that the embryo ph ilosophe r first eontem plated the committal of his opinions to paper afterhis unfortunate experiences at Venice

,but the re is cer

tainly a previous remark in his autobiography to his

hatred of the then order of things . The entry has

reference to his wanderings in the eastern part of Francein 1732, and affords u s a very good idea of the workingsof the hated tail/e . The incident took place near Lyons ,and is thus described by him

“ One day , among others , having purposely gone out

ofmy way to take a nearer View of a spot that appeareddelightful , I was so charmed with it, and wanderedround it so often , that at length I completely lo st myself,and after several hours

’ useless walking , weary , faintingwith hunger and thirst , I entered a peasant

’s hut , whichhad not

,indeed , a very promising appearance , but it was

the only one I could d iscover near me . I thought it washere , as at Geneva , or in Switzerland , where the inhabitants , l iving at ease , have it in their power to exercisehospitality . I entreated the countryman to give me somedinner

,offering to pay fo r it ; whereupon he presented

me with some skimmed milk and coarse barley bread, say

ing it was all he had . I drank the milk wi th pleasure,and ate the bread , chaff and all , but it was no t veryrestorative to a man sinking with fatigue . The countryman

,who watched me narrowly, j udged the truth of my


story by my appetite , and presently (after having saidthat he plainly saw I was an honest , good - natured youngman

, and did not come to betray him ) opened a little trapdoor by the side of his kitchen , went down , and returneda moment after with a good brown loaf of pure wheat,the remains ofa well-flavoured ham , and a bottle of wine,the sight of which rejoiced my heart more than all therest . He then prepared a good thick omelet , and Imade such a dinner as none but a walking traveller everenj oyed .

“ W hen I again offered to pay , his inquietude andfears returned . He not only would have no money , butrefused it with the most evident emotion ; and , whatmade this scene more amusing , I could not imagine themotive ofhis fear. At length he pronounced tremblinglythose terrible words

,Commissioners ’ and ‘Cellar- rats ,

’

explaining himself by giving me to understand that heconcealed his wine because of the excise , and his breadon account of the tax imposed on it ; adding , he shouldbe nearly ruined if it was suspected he was no t almostperishing with want . What he said to me on this subject

(of which I had no t the smallest idea ) made an impressionon my mind that can never be effaced , sowing seeds ofthat inextinguishable hatred that has since grown up inmy heart against the vexations the se unhappy peoplesuffer, and against their oppressors . This man , though ineasy circumstances , dared not eat the bread gained by thesweat of his brow , and could only escape destruction byexhibiting an outward appearance of misery ! I left hiscottage with as much indignation as concern

,deploring

the fate of those beautiful countries , where nature hasbeen prodigal of her gifts , only that they may become theprey of barbarous exactors .Rousseau

’

s mental meals as a young man consisted


sufficiently comprehensive theme for the most untried ofphilosophers . According to Rousseau , he lay on the grassfor half an hour and arrived at a solution of the problem.

This is admittedly quick work , seeing that it remains anOpen question to this day, and is likely to do so. Laharpewould have us believe that Diderot proved a useful ally .

Which side are you going to take ? he is supposed tohave asked when Rousseau mentioned the matter to h im .

I am going to demonstrate , was the reply , “ that theprogre ss of art and science purifies manners . Eh !that is the p ans asinorunz , re torted Diderot . Take theother side— you will make a noise da diable / The factthat Rousseau did “ take the other s ide is some evidenceofthe truth ofthe story , and in his Confessions the authorstates that he mentioned the matter on more than one

occas ion to the editor ofthe E ncyclopedic, who suggestedsome corrections . ”

His effort won the prize,was crowned by the

aforementioned Academy on the 23rd August 17 5 0 , and

what was vastly more important,it provoked discussion

in Paris . In it we can trace the idea, already a topic ofconversation by m any people , of a return to nature— notnece ssarily to barbarism . He avers that luxury

,dissipa

tion , and slavery have in all times been the punishmentofthe proud efforts we m ake to shake off the blessed ignorance in which eternal wisdom placed us . Accordingto Rousseau , “ this work , though full of force and fire ,absolutely lacks logic and order. Of all I ever wrote

,it

is the weakest in reasoning , and the m ost devoid of humour and harmony . W ith whatever talent a man may beborn , the art of writing is no t easily learned .

” Th reeyears later the learned savants of Dij on propounded aquestion as to the origin of inequality among m en,

andwhether it i s sanctioned by the law of nature Rousseau

Pho lo Bau chclal

JEAN JACQ U ES ROU SS EA U (1 7 1 2— 1 7 7 8 )

(From an erg/z lcen/lz -ren/lu y [ wm tm g m the [ll /(We ( G I


theatre was a pernicious pleasure for small towns . Asto large cities , their corruption made it of minor couse

quence . Of deeper significance was The New H eloise, aromance written in the form of letters and issued threeyears later. This Rousseau was busily engaged in penningat the Hermitage

,Montmorency

,while the public was

eagerly purchasing copies of the L etter. It is a curiousmedley of emotionalism and reason , ofpassion and self- control, interlarded with a plentiful supply of morals , not theleast being the suppression of discontent among the so

called lower orders of mankind by the dual qual ities ofsimplic ity and self- respect— one of Rousseau

’s favouritethemes . To give a detailed synopsis of the narrative , including the many philosophic tributaries which flow into it ,would occupy too much space , but the broad outline of

the plot may be of interest . Julie , the heroine , i s in lovewith her tutor, and confesses her affection fo r him after hehas made known the longings of his heart. The idyll isdisturbed by the visit ofM . de W olmar , whom Julie suspeets her father wishes her to wed , and , to quote her ownwords , “ I cannot marry without the approval of thosewho gave me life . She dare not confide her secret to herparents , but makes a confidante of her cousin Claire , whoinforms Julie that Lord Edward Bo m ston is also a candidate fo r the love already bestowed elsewhere . There isa dispute between the lord and the tutor following toomuch drink on the part of the former

,and a duel i s fore

shadowed . Julie write s to the young aristocrat that hewill slay with a single stroke two hapless lovers

.There

upon Lord Edward apologises to the man he has wronged,

and generally proves him self a most estimable fellow.

At the earnest entreaty ofthe amiable Claire , her loverM . d

’

Orbe and Lord Edward persuade the tutor to winfame in Paris and London . During the separation Julie ’s

THE FOE OF KINGS 107

mother dies , and her father insists on her marriage to M .

de W olmar . On being informed by Claire that amarried life is the only likelihood of saving his sweetheart from the depressed state into wh ich she has fallen

,

the tutor renounces all claims to her hand , and writes toher father to that effect . The distressed man then makesa tour of the globe with an English squadron under thecommand ofAnson .

On his return to Europe the erstwhile tutor is askedby M . de W olmar to stay with him and his wife , now themother oftwo charming children . Saint Preux consents ,and at the subsequent meeting pours out the travail ofhissoul to Lord Edward . Then one day the husband drawsJulie and her former lover aside , confesses that he knew thesecret oftheir love before his marriage , and asks his wife ifhe has succeeded in making her happy . My dear husband , replies Julie , in tears , “

you know you have succeeded .

” He goes on to say that the meeting had beenarranged as a test , and congratulates them both .

Some time afterwards Saint Preux dreams that Julieis dead

,but reassures himself by a surreptitious visit um

known to the obj ect of his affection . The end of theromance is at hand . M . deW olmar writes to inform himthat h is wife is dead after rescuing her youngest son fromdrowning

, and enclos ing a letter from Julie . Fulfil herlast requests

,he concludes “ There yet remains m uch

for you to do on earth . Julie’s little note runs as

follows“ All is changed, my dear friend ; let us suffer the

change without a murmur. I t was not well for us thatwe should rej oin each other.

“ For it was an illusion that my love for you wascured ; now,

in the presence of death , I know that I stilllove you . I avow this without shame , for I have done


my duty . My Virtue i s without stain , my love withoutremorse .

“ Come back to Clarens ; train my children , comforttheir noble father. Claire , l ike yourself, i s about to losethe half of her life ; let each ofyou preserve the other halfby a union that in these latter days I have often wishedto bring about .

Adieu. sweet friend , adieu.

The story , based on the romantic attachment and selfabnegation ofAbelard and Helo

’

ise, is not w ithout merit,but is interlarded with diffuse di scourses on a multitudeofsubj ects . Rousseau was administering sugar- coated pillsto the public .The year 1762 saw the publication ofE m ilias , a treatise

on education which is remarkable in many ways, no t

merely because it prophesied the Revolution , but becauseit led to certain practical reforms in the method of bringing up ch ildren . That it would deify the lowly was onlyto be expected by Rousseau ’s admirers, for that was theroot of his philosophy. The following passage may becited as a preliminary blast of the trumpet which was toherald the downfall ofaristocratic France :

“ It is the common people who compose the humanrace ; what is no t the people is hardly worth taking intoaccount . Man is the same in all ranks ; that being so,the ranks which are most numerous deserve most respect .Before one who reflects , all civil distinctions vanish : hemarks the same passions and the same feelings in theclown as in the m an covered with reputation ; he canonly di stinguish their speech , and a varnish more or lesselaborately laid on . Study people of this humble condition ; you w ill perceive that under another sort oflanguage , they have as much intelligence as you ,

andmore good sense . Respect your species : reflect that it


oblivious of the fact , or placed it far from them as of noconsequence

,that what might conceivably be utilitarian

in so small a republic , with com paratively few citizens,was not exactly the best basis of government for a kingdomnumbering more than a sco re ofmillions . Rousseau warnsthe legislator that if he is wise “ he will not begin bywriting down laws that are good in the abstract,

”but

by observing the people for whom he wishes to makethem ; to note whether they are “ capable of upholdingthem ,

” and paying special regard to half a dozen extremelyessential points , namely , “ the situation of the country,the nature of the soil

,the density of the population ,

the national history, occupations, and aptitudes . Thesepoints, it may be added , Rousseau himself usually failedto remember when in the throes ofcomposition . Amongthese considerations ,

” he goes on,

“one of the most im

portant is the area of the state . As Nature has givenlimits to the stature of a normal man , beyond which shemakes only giants or dwarfs , there are also limits beyondwhich a state is, in the one direction , too large to bewell—governed , and , in the other , too sm all to maintainitself. There is in every body politic a maximum offorcewhich cannot be exceeded , and from wh ich the state oftenfalls away by the process ofenlarging itself. The furtherthe social bond is extended , the slacker it becomes ; and ,in general , a small state i s proportionately stronger thana large one . That the Idol of the Revolution fullyappreciated the fatal centralisation bequeathed to Franceby le Grand M onarque is shown by his remark thatadministration becomes more troublesome with distance

.

It increases in burdensomeness , moreover, with the multiplication of degrees . Each town , district, and provincehas its administration , for which the people must pay .

Finally, overwhelming everyth ing, is the remote central

THE FOE OF KINGS 1 1 1

administration . W ith his love of paradox , he adds , Uniform laws are not suitable for diverse provinces ; yet

“

diverse laws among people belonging to the same statebreed weakness and confusion .

” A true democracy neverhas existed , and never will . It is against nature that themany should govern , and the few be governed . A peoplecomposed of gods would govern itself democratically . Agovernment so perfect is unsuited to men .

Again , drawing on the times in which he lived , thephilosopher avers that it is to the interest of the monarchto keep the people in a state ofweakness and misery, sothat they may be unable to resist his power

,

” that theimportant posts at the monarch ’s disposal are “ occupiedby burghers and rascals who win their promotion bypetty court intrigue . In an elective monarchy he seesa cause of disorder on the death of its representative , andan hereditary monarchy “ leaves the character of the king tochance . He proves nothing ; indeed , The S ocialContracti s more destructive than constructive , written as it isfrom the heart , and not from the brain. It discolourswhite and adds depth to that which is already black .

Honour to victorious Analysis ,” cries Carlyle ; never

theless , out of the Workshop and Laboratory , what thingwas victorious Analysis yet known to m ake ? Detectionof incoherences , mainly ; destruction of the incoherent.

That a new young generation has exchanged theSceptic Creed , What shall I believe ? fo r passionate Faithin this Gospel according to Jean Jacques is a further stepin the business ; and betokens much .

Robespierre and Mirabeau gloried in Rousseau ’sscreeds

,Kant and Schiller reverenced them. It would

no t be a difficult matter to compile an anthology at oncevitriolic and fulsome in detraction and praise anent thecitizen of Geneva . On the one hand, Morley and Mac

FRENCH REVOLUTION

on the other Lamartine and Lemaitre. Theis not yet finished , and historian and psycho

logist will continue to dissect the writings and the brainof Rou sseau . One thing alone is evident— the seed sownby him which ripened into the harvest of weeds and

thistles at the Revolution .


I belong to my country. The simile is excellent, withthe exception that Diderot was a renowned talker.Perhaps he was enjoying a j oke at h is own expense . Hiseducation in the tragedy of l ife came early , for as a miteof three he was taken to witness an execution , presumablyas “ a great treat . As a schoolboy he encountered themachinations ofthe Jesuits , when a priest endeavoured tocarry him off to Paris with a V iew to h is becoming amember of the society . His father suggested that Denisshould become a doctor, p rocureur, o r lawyer. \Viththat ready wit which never failed him , he replied that hedid no t wish to be the death ofany man , which precludedhim from accepting the first choice ; a procureur

’

s offi cewas difficult to fill with propriety , and as an avocat he

would have to meddle with other people’s business , whichhe resented . \Vhereupon the cutler stopped his son

’sallowance , and decided that he should either earn hisbread o r starve. Fortunately for young Diderot

,his

mother was more humane , and secretly sent him littledoles whenever she managed to save sufficient from hernone- too—plentiful supply of housekeeping money . Thesucceeding ten years were bitter- sweet ; sometimes heenjoyed a good meal , at others he wandered about withempty stomach and aching heart. He taught mathematies , for which he had a consuming passion , compiledcatalogues , did a few translations , even took to writingsermons . On one occasion he was reduced to a state ofstarvation , and was only rescued from his pitiablecondition by his landlady , who gave him toast steeped inwine to restore his failing strength . Diderot vowed thatif ever he saw a wretch in a sim ilar condition he wouldhelp him , provided he had the wherewithal , and he kepthis oath . At thirty he committed the sublime indiscretionof a young man with nothing a year by getting married

,

D IDEROT AND THE ENCYCL OPEDIE 1 15

the lady of his choice being Mademoiselle Cham pion , thedaughter of a ruined manufacturer who had turned seamstress to keep body and soul together. She and hermother nursed her happy-go - lucky lover through adangerous illness before she becam e his wife ; he rewardedhis pretty Antoinette’s devotion by giving his love tomistresses and breaking her heart. I t was the way of theworld in those profligate days , and is not unknown inthese .

Diderot did not console himself with other women atfirst ; Love did not immediately fly out of the window asPoverty entered . Denis worked as hard as a spasmodicnature would allow him on translating a history ofGreecefrom the English , and his mother- in- law and Antoinettestitched as he wrote. When he was earning nothing therewere always si x sous forthcoming from the self- sacrificingwomen for Diderot’s cup of coffee at the Cafe de la Régence , for he must needs enj oy a little society .

” Thenfollowed the E ssay on M erit and Virtue, Philosop hic

Thoughts , and a L etter on the Blind fbr the use of those

who S ee . One can imagine his Satani c Majesty grinningas D iderot’s pen covered sheets of paper with fine wordson merit and V irtue for the benefit of Madame dePuisieux , with whom he had formed an illicit attachm ent . His Philosop hic Thoughts were written with thesame end in view , the obtaining of money— in this casea matter of fifty louis— for his mistress . It also gainedfor him a certain amount of notoriety , for the pamphletwas burnt in public by order of the Parlem ent of Paris .A copy of the L etter on the Blind was sent to Voltaire ,and duly acknowledged by him in flattering terms . Fromhenceforth they were friends and fellow-workers in thecrusade for the liberation of ideas. This l iterary effortalso obtained for him a temporary residence in the fortress


of Vincennes , for it contained a none too covert referenceto a Court favourite who had relations with d ’

Argenson,

the W ar Minister. Diderot’s newly- formed friendshipwith Voltaire now bore fruit . The witty Madame duChatelet, the philosopher

’s autre caeur for two decades ,pleaded in the prisoner ’s behalf with the governor, andhe was removed to the castle and put on parole . AtVincennes he renewed his acquaintance with Rousseau ,with results already mentioned 1 “ I found him ,

” thelatter writes of Diderot, much affected by his imprisonment . The dungeon had made a terrible impression uponhis mind , and although he was very comfortably situatedin the castle, and at liberty to walk where he pleased inthe park , which was not enclosed even by a wall , hewanted the society of his friends to prevent him fromyie lding to melancholy . As I was the person most concerned fo r his sufferings , I imagined I should also be thefriend the sight ofwhom would give him consolation ; onwhich account, notwithstanding very pressing occupations ,I went ev ery two days at furthest , either alone o r aecom

panied by his w ife , to pass the afternoon w ith him .

I t would not be difficult to fill the remainder of thisvolume with the story of the Encyclop edic, with itsessentially modern view of things

,important and trivial .

It was ; according to the editor, a general picture of theefforts of the human Spirit in every field

, in every age,a suffi ciently comprehensive programme for the most enterprising of twentiethcentury publishers with all butunlimited resources . Diderot worked for twenty longyears with amazing energy for a sum which never exceeded £ 130 per annum , turning for relief from philosophy and metaphysics, the history of iniquitous taxesand statistics of industrial France , to help Grimm in the

See ante,p . 104 .


one volumes ofDiderot’s work stored away at the Trianon ,

and forthwith ordered them to be brought . Having satisfied himself that the subj ects under discuss ion were dealtwith at length , and incidentally discovered the rights ofhis crown set forth , he removed the ban .

Whatever faults are laid to Diderot’s charge , andhowever much we may differ from him in opinion , therecan be no doubt that he took his work very seriously andpossessed a noble ideal which he sought to attain .

“ Apleasure that I enjoy alone affects me but sl ightly, and i sof short duration , he says in a splendid passage of vividintrospection .

“ It is for my friends that I read , thatI reflect , that I write , that I meditate , that I listen , thatI look , that I feel . In their absence I am still devotedto them , I am continually thinking of their happiness.If I am struck with a beau tiful line , they must know it.If I meet with a fine passage , I promise myself to impartit to them . If I have before my eyes some enchantingspectacle , I unconsciously plan a description of it forthe ir benefit . I have consecrated to them the use of all

my senses and faculties ; and it is perhaps for this veryreason that everything becomes somewhat enriched inmy imagination and exaggerated in my discourse . Nevertheless , the ungratefu l creatures sometimes reproach me .

My life has not been stolen , I have given it away ;and what could be better than conferring a portion ofit on him who respects me sufficiently to solicit thispresentIn 17 5 9 Diderot was left to carry on his vast under

taking alone , for D’

Alem bert ceded because ofhis quarrelwith Rousseau in the matter of his article on Geneva

,to

which Jean Jacques retorted in Sur les Sp ectacles . W ithp en in hand and the sword of Damocles in the shape ofthreats and acts continually hanging over him

,Diderot

DIDEROT AND THE ENCYCL OPEDIE 1 19

continued his labours for six years . The concludingtomes appeared in 176 5 , although it was not until 1772that he was quit of the E ncyclop edic by the publicationof ten volumes of plates . W riting from Paris in 1766

Horace W alpole observes that “ the generality of themen , and more than the generality , are dull and empty .

They have taken up gravity,thinking it was philosophy

and English , and so have acquired nothing in the room of

their natural levity and cheerfulness .”

A little while later, having sold his library for some£700 to Catherine I I ofRussia to provide a dot for hisdaughter Angelique , Diderot was invited by the Empress,who was a great patron of literature and the arts , tovisit Petersburg. He went , and it is alleged that onmore than one occasion he emphasised his remarks bya prolific banging of the imperial knees , either mistakingthem for his own or in a spasm of excitement engenderedby a heated discussion . Diderot was always that way,

emphatic , careless of convention , a “ hail fellow wellmet . He died in his chair in his house in the Rue

Richelieu in 178 4 , having given expression to the beliefthat “ the first step towards philosophy is unbelief,

” acutting cynicism not altogether devoid of fact, and afitting parallel to the remark attributed to D

’

Alem bert’

s

foster-mother,who defined a philosopher as a fool who

plagues himself all his life that he may be spoken ofafterdeath .

”

A year before Diderot ate his way to death— for hebreathed his last after consuming a peach notwithstandingthat he had been warned not to do so— his collaboratorhad paid the GreatDebt . D

’

Alem bert was the illegitimate

son of Madame de Tencin and Chevalier Destouches , theformer of whom had sought to conceal her indiscretionby exposing the new- born babe on the steps of the


Church of St . Jean le Rond, where it was found by thewife of a poor glazier named Rousseau . In due courseMadame de Tencin was only to o proud to acknowledgeher offspring. It says much for Jean le Rond d ’

Alem bert

that he refused to listen to her entreaties . “ I am yourmother

,she told him .

“ You my mother, madame ?”

was his quiet reply.

“ You are mistaken ; I have nomother but her who took care of me in my infancy .

”

His devotion to the vivacious and pock-marked Juliede Lespinasse , once a reader to Madame du Deffand , butlater a leader of her own salon,

1 is one of the romances ofhistory . As though to prove that “ love is blind , hewrote to Hume , She is somewhat marked , but W ithoutbe ing disfigured the least in the world .

” The fact thatshe was also illegitim ate is eloquent ofthe lack ofmoralsat this period . However faithful the author of Philo

sop hical, H istorical, and Philological JVI iscellanies mayhav e been to his Julie, she was certainly no t true to him .

Unknown to her lover, the Marquis de Mora and GeneralGuibert shared her affections . Amongst the papersfound at her death in 1776 were several letters writtento her by the former , but no t a single one fromD

’

Alem bert. Marm ontel described her as possessing themost ardent soul since the far—off days of Sappho.D

’

Alem bert sadly missed her company , and endeavouredto assuage h is sorrow by becoming more and moreengrossed in his work as secretary to the French Academy , until his death in 178 3 . W riting of the littlegatherings which D ’

Alem bert held in his apartment inthe Louvre , Baron de Frénilly, who attended some of

them , says that the great mathematician’s “ small body

was buried in a large armchair,j ust as his keen eyes were

buried in his peruked head . He spoke only in sallies of1 See post, p.

122 TH E FRENCH. REVOLUTION

everybody who was anybody . Marm ontel and Thomaspatronised the salon of Madame Geoffrin ; at D

’

Holbach’

s

country seat Diderot and Grimm met their satellites andtalked science

,letters , and frivolity , while all three enjoyed

pleasant little suppers at M adame d’

Epinay’

s .

In the houses of M adame Geoffrin, of Barond

’

Holbach , of Helvetius , the philosophers were at homesays Thiers ; at Madame du D effand

’

s they found themselves in the presence of those whose minds they ledastray whilst preparing their ruin .

CHAPTER X

THE FIRST YEARS o r LOUIS xvr

I t was weakness , ‘sire, which laid the head ofCharles I on the block

THE King’

s face was no t agreeable , but very noble . TheQueen was fresh

/and radiant

,and her face was animated

with goodness -and gaiety . Dressed in white , they sat inone of those magnificent carriages which were monumentsof sculpture and chiselling, and which have since beenimitated so meanly . I was struck by the pacific

,elegant

,

alm ost gallant nature of the pomp . There was no thingmilitary about it . Everything was civil : the officers ofthe various niaisons , those of the stables , the companyof the royal chases , and the falconers . Even the CentSu isses , with their ancient ruffles , and the bodyguards ,in their handsome red and blue costumes , thickly coveredwith gold, awakened no warlike idea .

Thus writes Baron de Frénilly of the entry of LouisXVI and Marie Antoinette into Paris after the deathof “ the VVell—beloved . It was unfortunate for Francethat this youth oftwenty was called to occupy the throneat so critical a period . W hat the nation most wantedwas a man of strong character, a Napoleon with peacefulinstincts

,and that is exactly what Louis was not. Yet

there is som e thing noble about his character, somethingthat makes you admire the man and even love him in theclosing period of his life , when the m ob is at his throatand his power has been usurped by King Guillotine .I t is the nobleness of one who is brave in times of

stress and trial,and yet lacks definite decision in those

123


ordinary m oments so frequently fraught with extraordinary results . “ He was one of the best and kindestof men

,says Baroness Cecile de Courtot , “ and stood in

tellectually much higher than is popularly declared . Buthis m ind worked slowly , and he had great difficulty incoming to a decision in critical moments . Thus it cameabout that he soon depended on the Queen to decide forhim . But at the root of the matter lay the fact that itwas not in him to be a king , as we French understandthe term . W e are essentially a nation that demands arepresentation full of pomp and glory and splendour , andprides itself on being looked up to by other nations withadmiration and wonder. This pos ition it undoubtedlyheld under the hapless King’s two predecessors , LouisXIV , who thoroughly understood how to manage hispeople , and Louis XV, the W ell-beloved , though boththese monarchs tyrannised over and drained the nation atevery available point . And now , after these magnificentpotentates comes an unpretentious, almost puritanicallysimple prince who never offered the people any oppor

tunity for satisfying their craving for glory and display.W hat was Paris to do with such a man ?

He meant so w ell ; that is the pity of it . History,

indeed , goes to prove that such folk seldom achieveanything of consequence , and the tragedy of “ good intentions has been immortalised in a passage of l iteraturewhich has become a proverb . To State affairs Louisbrought “ to o little information and no will of his own,

”

as Mercy wrote to Kaunitz in 178 4 . Certainly the earlytraining ofLouis XVI was not calculated to broaden hismind o r give him that courageous self- reliance whichmight have saved his throne and his head

.His tutor

,

the Due de la Vauguyon, taught him little of the scienceof government beyond endeavouring to inculcate in him

THE FIRST YEARS OF LOUIS XVI 125

a hatred of Austria, the hereditary enemy of France ,initiated him into none of the lessons of history , and gavemarked preference to the study of foreign languages .Louis preferred geography , map- making , carpentering, andlock-making. He was also interested in religion , but in amorbid , introspective kind of way, which may accountfor his first remark to his courtiers when they informedhim of the death of his grandsire . My God I he cried ,“ guide us , protect us : we are too young to reign !

”

\/Vhat might have been a noble appeal was marred by theconfession of utter weakness with which it ended . Thismorbidity , increased by the knowledge of a certainphysical defect afterwards relieved by a simple operation ,marred the first years of his marriage to the beautifulMarie Antoinette .Portrai ts of Marie Antoinette abound in profusion

,

both in paint and ink , and they differ in splendour asthe planets in glory . It is no cause for wonder that“ the charming Dauphine of the people, who at leastrecognised and admired beauty , although they dislikedthe match , was considered anything but prepossessing bythe demirep Madame du Barry .

“ I see nothing at allattractive in the little red-haired thing , this impudentand tyrannical courtesan remarked to Louis XV when shefirst saw the impulsive daughter ofMaria Theresa. How

different the portraiture of Edmund Burke , writing withall the passionate ardour of a political pamphleteer andthe love of beauty inherent in every Irishman. Hestudied his model at Versailles , and surely never lightedon this orb , which she hardly seemed to touch , a moredelightful vision . I saw her j ust above the horizon , decorating and cheering the elevated sphere she just beganto move iii— glittering like the morning star, full of life ,and splendour, and joy .

” From such a fairy -like V ision


let us descend to the more detailed account of Bachaum ont

in his secret memoirs , which he calls an exact portraitThis princess is ofa height proportioned to her age, thinwithout being emaciated

,and such as a young girl is when

not fully formed . She is very well made, well proportioned in all her limbs . Her hair is a beautiful blonde ;I judge it will some day be a golden chestnut ; it is wellplanted on her head . Her forehead is fine ; the shape ofher face a handsome oval , but a little long ; the eyebrowsare as well marked as a blonde can have them . Her eyesare blue , but not insipid ; they sparkle with a V ivacityfull of intelligence . Her nose is aquiline , a little sharp atthe tip . Her mouth is sm all , the lips full , especially thelower one , which everyone knows to be the Austrian lip.

The wh iteness of her skin is dazzling, and she has anatural colour which dispenses her from putting on rouge .Her dignity and bearing are those of an archduchess ;but her dignity is tempered by gentleness ; and it isdifficult on seeing this princess to refuse her a respectmingled with tenderness .Those who believe in portents of disaster and the

signification Of inauspicious beginnings may reflec t ontwo coincidences in the career of Marie Antoinette

,

Archduchess of Austria. A few hours after her comingto life , on the 2md November 17 5 5 , betweenand folk went out to meet death by fall

,flood

,

and flame in the city and environs of Lisbon ; on

the night of her wedding a heavy thunderstorm sweptover Paris and the festivities were marred by a crushthat maimed and killed hundreds of people

.From

first to last she was the victim of political policy,

and although she seldom acted wisely when she reachedthe so—called “ years of discretion

,

” and Austria meantmore to her than France, thanks to family interference

,

THE FIRST YEARS OF LOUIS XVI 127

it was her misfortune , and not her choice , that she becameMadame la Dauph ine . She was the human cement usedto promote an alliance between France and Austria,which , in the Opinion of the imperious Maria Theresaand the dandy-genius Kaunitz

,her chief Minister

,would

bring untold blessings to both nations . The negotiationswere protracted , thanks to the lethargy ofLouis XV

,and

it would have been well for the girl of fifteen had theynever been concluded ; but he gave his tardy consent atlast , and the children were married in the May of1770 . I fthere be any truth in the assertion that Opposite naturesattract , the match from a purely personal point of viewshould have been a good one , as indeed it was after thebirth of the Dauphine ’s first child ; but several yearse lapsed before that event , and the nation , as usual , blamedthe wife . Allowed to run wild in the great ramblingpalace of Schoenbrunn , to the almost complete neglecto f her education , she attempted much the same thingin the stiff and formal Court ofher adoption . She playedcards for big stakes , showed a fondness for j ewels andd isplay , and was indiscreet and human enough to makefavourites , and consequently enemies . Her unconv en

tional ways , her open and often-repeated repugnance topreposterous but perhaps necessary etiquette , afforded aplentiful supply of gossip fo r idle tongues , which grewinto scandal , and was so frequently repeated that thegood folk ofParis and elsewhere, who had no Opportunity

of finding out the rights and wrongs of the intelligence

s o glibly and confidentially vouchsafed to them , acceptedthe wrongs as matter Of fact . This is why the ch ildren

o f the Revolution were told that Marie Antoinette wasa Messal ina in ferocity, an Agrippina in shamelessness .

”

Maria Theresa warned her daughter of her indiscretions ,and told her that unless she showed more prudence she


would lose her throne , and even her life . Similar advice ,plus the needs OfAustria, was continually dinned in herears by the impo rtunate Mercy , ambassador of her nativecountry at Versailles . She did no t learn her lesson untilit was to o late . That she held her imperious mother indeep respect is proved by her letters . W riting to hersister

, M arie - Christine , wife of the Stadholder of theNetherlands , in 178 5 ,

several years after the death of

the Empress , and when Paris was agog with the scandalof the diamond necklace , 1 she says Our mother is everpresent to me, and I do no t forget that the blood ofMaria Theresa flows in your veins and in mine . Youshall never hear anything of me unworthy the daughterof such a mother.In his choice of Chief Minister , in fact but not in

name , Louis was unfo rtunate . The Comte de Maurepas ,whom he recalled at the behest Of Madame Adelaidefrom his exile at Bourges , where he had lived fo r nearlya quarter of a century , was no statesman , and at seventythree could no t be expected to display over -much energy .

A politician perhaps— there were many— certainly a

courtier— almost as common as pigeons— and a makerOf witty epigrams , with whom the salons were crowded ,but little else. An admirer and friend of the EncyCIOpedists , Louis found in Turgot and Malesherbes menpledged to reform ; in Vergennes , a m an capable of astrong foreign policy . Turgot was appointed MinisterOf Marine inJuly 1 774 . This post he held for five weeks

,

and afterwards became Controller-General . Malesherbesentered into office in July 177 5 as head of the King’shousehold . The Maréchal de Muy became Minister forW ar in the place of D

’

Aiguillon, who had filled thatoffice and also conducted Fore ign Affairs since the down

1 See post, p. 1 5 2.


nobles cursed h im . To be sure , he had little time fo rliterary work

,and this was essentially the epoch of such

endeavour, but after meeting our own Adam Smith hewrote and published Reflections on the Reform ation and

D istribution of Wealth, which did no t altogether fallfallow . His reward came when he was appointedMinister of Marine at the suggestion of a former schoolfellow

,who had the supreme wisdom to approach the

wife ofM aurepas instead ofthe Minister h imself.It was scarcely to be expected that a man could bring

about any kind of reform , especially in a State department , in the short time of five weeks . It takes thatperiod fo r the average Government official to acco m m o

date himself to his surroundings , let alone to begin work .

No t so Turgot. He went through dossiers , interrogatedclerks , worked early and late in his endeavour to pierce tothe heart of things . Then, as ever , the lonely had hisfirst call . For instance , som e poor wretched workmen inthe shipyards of Brest had eighteen months’ arrears Ofwages due to them , and no amount of clamouring ontheir part had availed at Versaille s . Turgot paid them infull without further ado . W hen he was appointed to thefar more important post ofController-G eneral ofFinanceson the 24th August 1774 , his brain was teeming withplans for the colonies , schemes which he was never to putinto execution . He must have realised the hopelessnessofhis task , but the chief tenet ofhis creed was a firm beliefin growth and progress , inwhich the burden of original sin

,

hitherto the bugbear of the race , had little part . Sosanguine a believer in the essential goodness of mankindwas no t easily daunted , and he bent his shoulder to thetask , veritably that ofAtlas . In his control ofthe financeshe began on the assumption ofequality

,that all

,including

the classes hitherto exempt , should help in the support of

THE FIRST YEARS OF LOUI S XVI 1 31

the State . He abolished the hated corve’

e , substitutingfo r it a tax payable by all landowners

,the abolition of

privileges of those corporations and monopolies which hadoutlived their day , and whatever good they m ay have donein the past to fo ster industry now retarded it . He thussummed up his programme and his position to the KingW e will have no bankruptcies , no augmentation of

taxes , no loans . I shall have to combat abuses of everykind ; to combat those who are benefited by them , and

even the kindness, Sire , Of your own nature . I shall befeared , hated , and abused ; but the affecting goodnesswith which you pressed my hands in yours to witnessyour acceptance of my devotion to your se rvice

,is never

to be obl iterated from my recollection , and must supportme under every trial .Bribery and jobbery were to him anathema. He re

stored free trade in grain , fo llowing the plan he hadadopted as an Intendant . Voltaire applauded ; “ theInfamous saw in the some - time contributor to theE ncyclop e

’

die an arch - enemy , and in this it was supported by the nobles . The mooted removal ofProtestantdisabilities only incensed the hatred of the Church tothis brazen reformer . Turgot, gallant enough to provide Marie Antoinet te with pin-money , introduced e conomies wherever possible , but none could point the fingerof scorn at him and say that like most reformers he didnot begin on himself. He steadfastly refused the recog~

nised offerings of the Farmers -General , which custom hadordained and sanctioned as the due of the Controllerwhen he attested his signature to a new edict. TheCourt and the Queen began to hate him ;

“ vested in

terests commenced to murmur ; the King , to his everlasting honour, placed his faith in Turgot until he felth imself compelled to surrender to the majority, “ It is


only Monsieur Turgot and I who love the people , heexclaimed and the statement had in it more truth than isordinarily the case with a sweeping generality . Even thepoorer classes , excused by their ignorance , joined in thepopular clamour against the enlightened statesman whowas able and willing to do so much for them . There wasscarcity of bread

,due according to the m ob to the free

trade in grain ; in reality to the failure of the harvest andthe constantly decreasing number of acres devoted to cornrais ing because exportation and large stocks had been forbidden before the removal of the ban by the Minister .Riots took place

,and the too- accessible precincts of Ver

sailles itself were invaded by the m ob . W hen the angrymultitude had been dispersed Necker saw fit to publish apamphlet on The L egislation and Com m erce of Grain.

It was very plausible , and very adverse to Turgot’

s policy.

The Parlem e-nt, now re - established on the advice ofMaurepas and against that of Turgot , who regarded it asa hive of privilege and not likely to vote against its ownin terests , vetoed his proj ects , with the usual sequel of aL it de J ustice to enforce submission . The Minister evenpreached economy , which is always the last resort of aspendthrift nation already far on its way to bankruptcy,in his budget.Gradually the lu ng was weaned from his Minister .

By subtle suggestions , by the foolish printed vapouringsof Monsieur,1 by slander, by forged letters , the allegianceOf Louis was withdrawn . According to the popularbelief, the simple but comprehensive axiom of the detective service is , Find the woman ! I n this matter sheis not far to seek. Marie Antoinette had been offendedby Turgo t

’

s presumption in dismissing de Guines,the

French Ambassador in London, and a p rotege is always1 The Com te de Provence .

CHAPTER XI

SPENDTHR IFT FRANCE

All evils arisefrom the absence in Franc e ofa consti tution.—TURGOT.

AFTER Turgo t’

s dismissal in 1776 the finances wereentrusted to Clugny de Nuis . He only lived to occupyhis post for six months , during which he proved himself athorough -paced reactionary

,reinstating the hated corve

’

e,

and impos ing anew the restrictions on corn . He was succeeded by the zealous and vain Necker, who had m arriedSuzanne Curchod ,

the “ inestimable treasure beloved of

Gibbon,and was father of Madame de Stacl. In his

fascinating Autobiography the man who“sighed as a

lo ver and “ obeyed as a son pays a delicate compliment to the banker of Lausanne which might be copiedwith advantage by others in a like predicament . “ Ofthe merits and demerits of that state sman , he writes ,“ various opinions may be entertained ; but all impartialmen must agree in their esteem of his integrity andpatriotism .

Like Turgot , Necker was a reformer , but with strictlydefined limitations . His admiration of Rousseau knewscarcely any bounds , if we take his lette rs to his fellowcountrymen at their face v alue . A republican

,he yet

managed to serve a royal master without thought of inconsistency . In the commercial world his name was oneto be reckoned with , and as a banker he no t unnaturallypinned his faith to loans , wh ich he rai sed with successand on favourable terms , thus relieving the sorely - taxedtreasury and warding offthe inevitable evil day for a time .

134

SPENDTHRIFT FRANCE 135

A Swiss , he was a suspect to many ; a Protestant, he byno means enjoyed the good grace s of the clergy , and

because of his religion was never allowed to assume thetitle of Controller -General ; an eradicator of sinecureoffices and the pensions of idle favourites , he was theavowed enemy of the courtiers . Nevertheless Neckermanaged to steer the ship of State with considerabledexterity , and his success in negotiating successive loanswas to prove of the utmost value when public opiniondecreed that France should side with the American colom i sts in their effort to disown the Motherland . Alreadyarms had been sent to the insurgents and American privateers fitted up in French ports , so that when BenjaminFranklin , S ilas Deane , and Arthur Lee set foot in Parisfive months after the signing of the Declaration of Inde

pendence on the 4th July 1776 , these Commissionersappointed by Congress did not find themselves in hostileterritory . The reception accorded the former journeyman printer was particularly cordial , and the most exclusive salons opened their doors to him .

“ Figure me inyour mind as j olly as formerly , he writes from Paris onthe 8 th February 1777 , and as strong and hearty , onlya few years older ; very plainly dressed , wearing my thingrey straight hair, that peeps out under my only co zfiure,a fine fur cap , which comes down m y forehead almost tomy spectacles . Think how this must appear among thepowdered heads of Paris .Franklin ’s mission is thus detailed in his own words .

He had been sent by Congress “ to procure those aidsfrom European powers

,for enabling us to defend our

freedom and independence , which it is certainly theirinterest to grant ; as by that means the great and rapidlygrowing trade of America will be open to them all , andnot a monopoly of Great Britain , as heretofore ; a mon

136 THE FRENCH REVOLUT ION

opoly that , if she is suffered again to possess , will be suchan increase of her strength by sea , and if she can reduceus again to submission , she will have thereby so great anaddition to her strength by land , as will , together, makeher the most formidable power the world has yet seen ;and

,from her natural pride and insolence in prosperity,

ofall others the most intolerable .

The people of this country are almost unanimouslyin our favour,

” he writes on the l st May of the sameyear. “ The government has its reasons for postponinga war, but is making daily the most diligent preparations ;wherein Spain goes hand in hand .

The Declaration of Independence was in itself a com

plim ent to la belle F rance , for some of the theories item bodied were obviously Rousseauian , and French ideashad coloured the political outlook of the j ust men andtrue who had drawn up the document . In due coursethe success of the colonists was to fire the land of theiradopted and adapted creed with similar republican ambitions . W hat Voltaire , Rousseau , and the writers Of theEncyclop e

’

die did for the classes the returned soldiers didfor the masses , the m ajority ofwhom could neither writenor read , and had taken a long time to realise that theycould think. The troops who fought in America were invery truth heralds of the Revolution .

Young members of the aristocracy,such as Lafayette

,

1

burning with ardour to save the new republic whichcherished such lofty ideals , began to make preparationsfor crossing the water . A reference to Franklin’s le ttersproves that he by no means encouraged offi cers in their

1 The Chateau of L afayette at Chavaniac, which contains m any valuablesouvenirs ofhim , is still standing, although in 1909 it narrowly escaped destruction by fire . A bronz e equestrian statue of Lafayette, subscribed for by thech ildren ofAm erica, is to be seen in Paris . The re is also a statue at Ve rsaillespresented by the Am e rican colony ofthat place and ofthe capital.

138 THE FRENCH REVO L UT ION

will remember, sir, that this is contrary to my opinion .

Had the King been of a more determined dispositionhe would have risked temporary unpopularity and keptgood faith with England

,which had given him not the

s lightest cause for offence. The treaty was regarded bythat Power as tantamount to a declaration ofwar .Choiseul , who , it will be remembered , had entertained

the hope of doing something more practical than merelyfarm ing the flames of discontent, had concentrated hisattention on the navy, without the aid of which all thesentiment in the world was useless . His policy nowbore fruit . D

’

Orv illiers fought an indecisive battle withKeppel off Ushant , and made good his escape undercover of night owing to the British admiral ’s supineness ;D

’

E s taing’

s squadron sailed for America, eluded I-Iowe’

s

fleet by a lucky storm , and having made fo r the WestIndies , landed some of the troops in tended fo r the subjugation of S t. Lucia . These afterwards surrendered

,

and the island was won for England . Such deeds seemedto show that Great Britain had lost something ofher oldprowess on the element hi therto regarded as particularlyher own. Another pet proj ect of “ resolute Choiseu lwas realised in 178 9 when Vergennes , in accordance withthe Family Compact , summoned Spain to take part inthe naval contest. A second Armada prepared tothreaten England , did indeed appear off Plymouth

,to

the alarm of all the good VVe st- country folk,and with

like ill- fortune was scattered by the winds . It cameup wi th Admiral Hardy but did no t risk a fight

,and

the bad weather that ensued parted the allies and drovethem back in a shattered state . A much more seriousattempt was made against Gibraltar , whose possessionby England and the hOpe of securing it had contributednot a little to Spain joining the Family Compact in 1761 .

SPENDTHRIFT FRANCE 1 39

The siege lasted from 1779 to 178 3 ,and is one of the

greatest in modern history . During these years bothsides fought with praiseworthy determination

,and made

good the claims of Sir George Rodney and GeneralGeorge Eliott , afterwards Lord Heathfield ,

to a nichein the respective temples of naval and m ilitary fame .Rodney , in addition to capturing a valuable m erchantfleet and defeating a Spanish squadron in the early daysof 1 78 0 , also relieved and revictualled the Rock .

”

In the same year a determined effort was made byRussia , Sweden , and Denmark , j oined later by otherPowers , to frustrate England

’s right of search in respectof neutral vessels , and war broke out between GreatBritain and Holland . But so far as the making of the

French Revolution is concerned it had entered on a newphase. Necker, having borrowed large sums ofmoney tosupport the war, was really depleting the treasury andfondly imagining that at the conclusion of peace a“ boom in commerce and cu stoms would set affairsright . In 17 8 1 he issued his famous Comp te Rendu au

Roi. This national balance- sheet , hitherto intended fo rroyal and official eyes only , may have been necessary inorder to maintain confidence and raise further sum s , butit also had the effec t of stirring up strife in other thanfinancial circles . I t did not give a true account ofaffairs ,for it showed a balance which had no foundation in fact .The exemption of the privileged orders from practicallyall taxation was glaringly obvious , the sums realised bythe taille and such - like showed the large sums annuallyexacted from the common people , and the expenses ofthe Court were set down in figures that openly condemnedits reckless extravagance . The King certainly moderatedhis expenses

,the Queen not at all . Marie Antoinette

continued to tread on what she fondly imagined were


rose - leaves, when in reality they were hot cinders.Necker’s position speedily became untenable . Maurepaswas jealous of him , and showed it ; slanders were utteredand libels propagated which offended the susceptibilities ofthe statesman , who slaved like a bank clerk and enjoyedfew of the sweets ofoffice .

“ Never shall I forget , he tells us , with somethingapproaching self-pity , the long dark staircase of M . deMaurepas

,the terror and the melancholy with which I

used to ascend it , uncertain of the success of some ideathat had occurred to me , likely, if carried into effect, toproduce an increase of the revenue ; but likely , at thesame time , to fall severely, though justly , on some one orother ; the address , the expedients , I had to m ake use ofto succeed ; the sort of hesitation and diffidence withwh ich I ventured to intermingle in my representationsany of those great fundamental truths, those max ims ofjustice and of right, with which my own heart wasanimated . I was really like the ancient Sully when hestood surrounded by the young and ti ttering courtiers ofLouis XI I I .

The Parlem ent of Paris , a body of salaried j udgeswho purchased the ir appointments ,

” obj ected to Necker’screation of three provincial assemblies , for it was a mildexperiment in self-government , and as such loosened thespokes ofthe wheel of centralisation. Necker was firmlyofOpinion that his plan would aid adm inistrative reform

,

as Turgot had believed before him in the matter of

munic ipalities . The appo intment of members devolvedon the Government , and the Intendant was still supreme ,but Necker established a precedent which was no t forgotten at the time ofthe m eeting of the State s -General .The burgesses and unennobled proprietors of land composed one—half of the representative s, the noblesse and the


clergy a fourth each , thus making the commons equal

to the privileged classes .Towards the end of May 17 8 1 Necker , ambitious to

become a Minister of State and thwarted in his desire atevery turn by the equal ly j ealous Maurepas, resigned hisoffice . After vain attempts on the part ofJoly de Fleuryand Lefevre d

’

Orm e sson to fill it , the control of thefinances passed to M . de Calonne , one of the Queen

’s alltoo-numerous favourites . Meanwh ile important happenings had occurred abroad . Cornwallis had been forced tosurrender on the lgth O ctober 17 8 1 owing to the blockadeof York Town by the French and American fleets, andthe cutting off of his communications with New York .

In the W est Indies better fortune had attended theBritish . Many islands had been conquered by them ,

andDe Grasse ’s ambitious proj ect against Jamaica was foiledby Rodney on the 12th Apri l 17 8 2. On the other hand ,Minorca fell to the combined French and Spanish fleetsafter a siege of several months , and Suffren supportedHyder Ali and Tippo o Sahib in their war against theBritish dominion in the Carnatic . It was not until the3rd September 17 8 3 that peace was restored betweenGreat Britain

,the United States , France , Spain , and

Holland .

1 The advantages were certainly not w ithEngland

,which had piled up a debt of

sterling,more than double the amount the war had

cost France.Maurepas was now gathered to his fathers , and

Vergennes had become first favourite . In the department of finance Calonne

’

s policy was the exact opposite1 In 1910 Virginia presented to France a bronz e replica of Jean Anto ine

Houdon’s (1741—1828 ) m agnificent statue of Washington. It stands in the

Napoleon Hall ofVe rsailles , in wh ich palace the treaty of peace betweenGreatBritain and th e rebellious Am e rican colonies was m ade . In 178 5 the ar tistwent to Am e rica, wh e re he sculptured the first President ofthe United States .

1 42 THE FRENCH REVOL UTION

ofthat ofTurgot and Necker as regards their insistenceon the necessity for economy . Perhaps he flattered thelatter by having recourse to loans , and honoured thememory of the former by entertaining hopes ofequalisingthe taxes . Sir James Mackintosh ,

in his Vindicice

Gallicce , written to refute Burke , refers to the brilliant ,profuse , and rapacious career of M . de Calonne .

” Histerse summing- up is no t far wrong. Necker certainlyhad some reasonable hope that when the war ended comm erce would pro sper, but Calonne went on borrowingwhen the country was at peace

,and the annual deficit

steadily rising. He was hailed as a financial genius whenhe began to pay the dividends upon public securitiesalmost at the time they were due , a shock which presumably precluded the public from noticing that in order todo so he had raised a loan of livres , on whichinterest had also to be paid . He squandered moneylavishly , purchasing the goodwill of the courtiers , and

even of the King and his brothers,by enabling them to

pay debts and purchase palaces . Many people were deceiv ed , of course , even so acute an observer as Gibbon

.

At the beginning ofa peace , and probably a long peace ,he writes . I think (and the World seems to think ) theFrench funds as solid as our own . Calonne went on

borrowing with such reckless avidity that in December17 8 5 the Paris Parliam ent positively refused to register theedict for a loan of lim es until the King forcedit to do so. It was all so much wood stacked up for thetouch of the torch to set ablaze . The situation was notimproved by the extensive sale of Necker’s lengthyA dm inistration of t/16 F inances of F rance, which securedits author

’

s exile . He was fo rbidden the capital, and dared

no t approach within four leagues of it . The ControllerGeneral himself was fast riding to a fall

,for money he

144 THE FRENCH REVOLUTI ON

when many butchers were compelled to close theirshops .One need only take a hasty glance at the voluminous

despatches written by representatives of the Court of St.James at Paris in 17 8 6 to appreciate the fact that intheir opinion the extravagance of the Court had muchto do with the annual deficit .

There appears at present, writes Hailes , our MinisterPlenipotentiary , to Lord Carmarthen on the 24th August,“ no disposition whatever to economy in the finances ofthis kingdom , and I understand that it will be necessaryfor the Comptroller-General to have recourse to anotherloan this year . Purchases of great value continue to bemade , and works of immense expense to be carried on

in differen t Royal establishments . M . de Calonne,by

his unbounded liberality and complaisance to people ofhigh rank and distinction , supports h imself still in hismost important situation , but the eas ing the burdens ofthe people and the interests of the Nation seem to beas perfectly disregarded as they ever were by the mostcorrupt of his predecessors . It is diffi cult to reconcilethe idea of extreme profusion with that of the mostpinching necessity at the same moment.In an extreme ly lengthy communication

,dated the

25 th October , which is deserving of the most carefulstudy ,l Hailes sums up the information he has gatheredafter a residence of between two and three years in France

.

I t is to the Court, my Lord ,” he writes to Carmarthen

,

that yo u must look for the source of the present evil.

The Queen , no t only during the latter years of the reignof the late King , but even till after the birth of theDauphin , by which event the succession seemed in some

Despalches from Paris, 1784—1790. Edited by Oscar Browning

, M.A.

(London : Royal Historical Society, pp. 143—15 4.

D


measure secured , was very far from enjoying that degreeof power and influence which she is possessed of atpresent . Bu t that event decided all the courtiers

,and

they hastened with precipitation to the standard of favour ;whilst those who before had constituted her Majesty ’sintimate and circumscribed society , were soon consolidatedinto a formidable party in the State . The strong pro

pensity of th is Princess to every kind of pleasure andexpense has been improved with great advantage by allthose who have considered only their own elevation and

advancement . Her pretended friends, by administeringto her pleasures , are becoming the intimate participatorsof her secrets , and , having once got possession of them ,

they may , in fact , be said to be masters of the ir ownmistress

,and to have secured by that means to them

selves the permanence of that power, which o therwisethe changeableness of her disposition rendered extremelyprecarious .”

Of Calonne the writer says that “ No m an was evermore systematic in his corruption. No minis ter wasever more studious to increase the jealousy of the Courtwith respect to the privileges of the Parliaments . Thevoice of the people is now and then , indeed , faintlyheard indeed in their remonstrances , but as the avenuesto the throne are all secured by the profusion of theminister to all who are in credit and power, it has littleor no effect and dies away for want of being seconded .

He adds that L ouis is in receipt ofan income ofupwardsofsix hundred millions (lim e s ) , that a loan of“ to which the City of Paris was lately induced to setits nam e , for the ostensible purpose of new buildings andimprovements

,had been paid into the Royal Treasury ,

the Government,out of its pretended ease hav ing pro

m ised to issue annually for those public purposes the


sum of three or four millions , as the works proceeded .

Vast naval works were going on at Cherbourg, additionsto St. Cloud were est imated at livres , fifteenhundred workmen were busily engaged at Fontainebleau.“ Compiegne , Rambouillet, and other places have beenimproved in the greatest style of magnificence, and it issaid that Versailles is very shortly to undergo a thoroughrepair, the expense of which can hardly be calculated .

The establishments of his Majesty ’s brothers are equal,

perhaps,to those ofsome ofthe most independent Princes

in Europe . The inconsiderate people of the Capital are,however, constantly boasting the immense resources ofthe Kingdom , without reflecting that those resources arefound in the most wretched and oppressed class inmankind .

Hailes then draws attention to a marked change innational characteristics , which are so much altered

,he

says , “ that the French appear to be a different peopleto what they were before the beginning of the late war.W ith a touch of prophecy he adds , Different circumstances have concurred to produce this effect , and menof a speculative turn of mind do not fail to discern init, tho

’ at a distance , the most important revolutions.The intercourse of the French with the Americans whosemanners and opinions could not but have influence

,have

brought them nearer to the English than they had everbeen before. The almost unrestrained introduction ofour daily publications (tolerated indeed by the Government from the conviction of the impossibility of preventing it ) having attracted the attention of the people moretowards the freedom and advantages of our constitution

,

has also infused into them a spirit of discussion of publicmatters which did not exist before. But amongst themost disadvantageous effects of this intercourse may


of taxation , and that the best way to do this was bymeans of a general land - tax and stamp—tax . In returnhe would make various concess ions , such as the suppres

sion of the corve'

e, the internal customs—barriers , theinstitution ofprovincial assemblies , and so on . The p ar/em ents would , he felt , thwart his intentions , but it was absolutely necessary that something approaching the semblanceof national sanction should be given to his far- reachingreforms . Why not convoke the Assembly of Notables ,wh ich had las t met in 1 626—7 Certainly it had neitherthe power to make laws , nor was it representative incharacter, but partaking of the nature ofa genuine articleit might prove a useful sham fo r the purpose ofthrowingpo litical dust in the eyes of the people . The ThirdEstate was no t altogether ignored , although princes ,nobles , j udges , and Government officials formed themajori ty of the members . W hile the privileged classeswere unlikely to vo te against their own interests

,probably

they would be less difficult to manage than the comm oners , and might be induced to surrender something.

The first meeting took place at Versailles on the 22ndFebruary 17 8 7 , and was opened by the King.

Calonnelaid down the principle , true enough if workable

,that

it is not from economy that resources are to be expected,

but from an augmentation of the revenues.

On thesecond day the members broke up into committees

,each

having a Prince of the Blo od~ Monsieur, the Comted

’

Arto is , the Princes de Condé and de Conti,and the

Dukes d’

Orléans , de Bourbon , and de Penthievre— asPres ident .The gatherings speedily proved to Calonne that he

had stirred up a hornet ’s nest fo r himself. The Notableswere in critical mood , required facts and figures

,resented

the minister’

s gratuitous criticism of Necker’s administra

1 5 0 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

twenty leagues of the Capital— sixteen leagues farther offthan before . Pasquier, recently become a councillor ofthe Parlem ent of Paris , admits that “ there was perhapssome good ” in Galonne

’s plans, but the minister’

s “ levityof mind was an obstacle to his taking such measures aswere necessary for their adoption .

” He had not givensufficient attention to the composition of the Assemblyof Notables

,

“ and had,under a pressure which he knew

not how to resist, suffered men most likely to raisetroubles for him to enter it . It was in that assemblythat M . de La Fayette made his debut. The groundchosen by him was ofa nature to conciliate public opinion.

He prayed for the suppression of the lettres de cachet

and of state prisons . A little later he supplementedth is prayer with one that Protestants should have theircivil status restored to them , and with another callingfor the immediate convocation of the nation ’s representatives . As to M . de Calonne , his plans were not completelymatured at the time ofthe Opening of the Assembly .

This was known , and necessarily taken advantage of.Almost as ambitious as Talleyrand , whose assistance hadbeen invoked at the eleventh hour by Calonne in drawingup the programme of the Assembly which had aecom

plished his ruin , Brienne now found himself in a decidedlyawkward situation . If national bankruptcy were to beaverted a loan was indispensable. An appreciation of thetask undertaken by the man whom he had criticised withsuch damning effect— and some ofwhose plans he nowsaw fit to utilise— did not lighten the burden now shiftedto his own shoulders . Perhaps he lacked either the heartor the pluck to throw over his friends ; he certainly didnot scruple to follow the policy which h itherto had beencriticised by him . All his powers of persuasion

,and they

were no t inconsiderable , failed to secure the acceptance

SPENDTHRIFT FRANCE 1 5 1

on the part of the Assembly of the land - tax and thestamp- tax . Brienne had no other alternative but to dissolve the Notables , after they had approved a loan o f

lim es , and the man who had as weak a headas ever was covered by the peruque of a Councillor ofState , to u se the undoubtedly biassed expre ssion of DeSta

'

cl, who had both fought for and against privilege , wasleft to his own devices . The Revolution was drawingappreciably nearer. Calonne had stated that the abusesoffer a source of wealth which the State should appro

priate , and which should serve to re establish order inthe finances . ” The abuses , according to his definition ,included “ those which weigh on the labouring classes ,the pecuniary privileges , exceptions to the law whichshou ld be common to all , and many an unjust exemptionwh ich can only relieve certain taxpayers by embitteringthe conditions of others , and much more to the sameeffect . The Notables , far from assisting Calonne , wenthome full of “ righteous ” indignation against the treatment they had received , yet confident that the power ofthe King was on the wane . “ From this time ,

”says

Professor Montague , “ the deference for the Crown,for

merly so profound in France , began to disappear. TheK ing was still esteemed fo r h is gentleness and good -will ;but he was no longer thought competent to reform abuses.The Notables , by their manifest unwillingness to giveup privilege in taxation , had also embittered the peopleagainst the First and Second Estates ; and the beliefbecame general that France must have a new constitutionbefore the disorder ofthe finances could be redressed .

” 1

1 Cam bridge ModernHi story, vol. v iii p . 105

CHAPTER XII

QUEEN, CARDINAL, AND BAUBLE

Perhap s the death of the Queen datesfrom that tim e .—NAPOLEON.

WH ILE the citizens ofParis were enjoying L e llfariage dc

F igaro at the Comédie Francaise , and discuss ing publicaffairs at street corners and in the salons with an enthu

siasm and vigour as never before , a grim tragedy wasbeing enacted at the Court of Versailles . The majorityof the actors in the dram a are not inviting personalities

,

and the parts played by them would be sordid enoughwere it no t for the weighty events which their calumnybrought in its trail . The stage is occupied by perhapsa dozen persons , but the interest centres around two chiefcharacters , a vain , ambitious m an, and a reckless, pleasureloving woman , the one holding the highest honour in thenational Church of France , the other occupying a positionsecond only to the King— to wit , Prince Louis deRohan Soubise , Cardinal and Grand Almoner , and MarieAntoinette herself.The story of the Diamond Necklace has been told many

times , no t always with a due regard for truth . Thestatement that Rohan as Ambassador at Vienna had metthe Queen when she was an Archduchess of fourteenyears of age is frequently repeated

,whereas the Cardinal

did not fill that post until 1772. The first occasion on

which he saw her was at Mass in Strasburg Cathedral onthe 7th May 1770 , the day on which she left Germansoil for French territory . T

l

ls

i

z

e myth regarding Rohan and


acts was performed , and she also gave evidence at thetrial ofthe foolish Cardinal.Cardinal de Rohan was a man of fifty , cousin of

Madame de Guém enée , one of the Queen ’s most intimatefriends

,fonder of women and ambition than of A ve

lWarias and Pater nosters , and by reason of his officialconnection with the Court a frequent vis itor to Versailles .Although after-events proved him to be a particularlycredulous individual , he was by no means a fool . A s

Prince -Bishop of Strasburg , Abbé of Saint W aast andother places , and in receipt ofa bountiful income , h e entertained with a magnificence entirely worthy , o r perhapsunworthy , of his high position and of the proud old

fami ly whose name he bore . I t is to be feared that hisvisitors were more often sinners than saints , thoroughpaced representatives of the world , the flesh , and the devil.One of them was Joseph Balsamo, an infamous scoundrelwho posed as Count Cagliostro , alias the Marquis of

Pellegini. He was a charlatan w ith a persuasive personal i ty and a touch ofgenius , an evil combination . Balsamofound clients sufficiently credulous to bel ieve that in a

pre- ex istence he had conversed with Christ in the city

which welcomed Him with the waving of palms and thencalled for the release of Barabbas . In tho se intervalswhen the make -believe Count -was no t languishing in gaolhe had ridden in a sumptuous coach attended by postilions , had distributed money to the poor thieved fromthe pockets of the rich , told fortunes , and performedmiracles . It was through Cagliostro that Madame de laMotte , a descendant of an illegitimate son ofHenry II ,discovered the Cardinal

’

s passionate love for MarieAntoinette and his hope of playing the part of Richelieuin politics . Th is particular character has also a criminalinterest. As a girl in a poverty - stricken home she had

QUEEN , CARDINAL , AND BAUBLE 1 5 5

been fortunate enough to attract the attention of a ladyof rank , who adopted and educated her . In due course ,thanks to Madame, Comtesse de Provence , she succeededin securing a pension of some fifty pounds a year fromLouis XVI and then linked her life and her fortuneswith a man entirely wo rthy of her, the Comte de laMotte, an impecunious aristocrat ofChampagne . W henshe made the acquaintance of the Cardinal she at oncereferred to the Queen as her cousin , promised to use herinfluence with her royal relative in his behalf, and tookgood care to be seen at Versailles whenever the wearer ofthe red hat happened to be in the vicinity . This latterwas not a difficult matter . Young, visiting the palace in17 87 remarks on the extraordinary people he met there .In viewing the king’s apartments , he writes , which hehad not left a quarter of an hour , with those slight traitsof disorder that shewed he lived in it , it was amusing tosee the blackguard figures that were walking uncontrouledabout the palace , and even in his bed-chamber ; menwhose rags betrayed them to be in the last stage of

pov erty, and I was the only person that stared andwondered how the devil they got there . It is imposs iblenot to like this careless indifference and freedom fromsuspicion . One loves the master of the house , who wouldnot (Be bli rt or offended at seeing his apartment thusoccupied ,

if he returned suddenly ; for if there was danger

of this , the intrusion would be prevented . This i scertainly a feature of that good temp er which appears tome so visible every where in France .

W ith a woman’s ready wit Madame de la Motte secured

the services of a soldier named Rétaux de Villette toforge lett rs bearing Marie Antoinette

’

s signature , andher husband then induced Nicole Le Quay , alias Oliva,who bore a striking resemblance to the Queen , to pose


as the consort of Louis XVI for the purpose of an

interview with the Cardinal in the gardens surroundingVersailles . The ingenious ruse succeeded all too well .

“ It was the 1 4th of July says the Baronessde Courtot

,

“ and a marvellous summer evening ; a wellnigh tropical atmosphere lay over the Park ofVersaillesand the Petit Trianon , where we had been taking tea inHer Majesty ’s apartments ; and afterwards went out tobreathe the freshness under the portico . Besides theQueen there was the Princess de Lamballe , Mesde

m oiselles de Noailles , de Laval , and myself. The starsshone in dazzling brilliance , but in the bosquets and thebroad avenues of the Park the shades of evening werealready deep .

“ Presently the Queen left us in order , as was herfrequent custom , to take a l ittle exercise before retiring.

She strolled in the direction ofone ofthe avenues ,and weladies remained beneath the portico while Mademoisellede Laval went to fetch lights ; the Queen allowing nolacqueys at the Trianon . W e then seated ourselvesround a table and chatted about the events of the day.

“ Suddenly a shrill scream broke the sti llness , and aswe started up and ran in the direction from whence itcame, the Queen rushed breathless towards us . Whenshe came within the region of the light

,we noticed that

her beautiful face was ghastly pale and her eyes strangelyfixed and glassy . My Princess asked in terrified solicitude if she felt ill , whereupon she replied , in a voice wehardly recognised , that she had just encountered anapparition .

‘An apparition ? ’ we cried .

‘Yes,I can

call it by no other name ,’ she gasped . A figure glided

past me, so exactly resembling myself in every particular— even down to the dress I am wearing— that I could notbut take it for m y wraith . W hen , startled almost out of


the Cardinal , who doubtless regarded Marie Antoinette’

slove as won and his ambition fulfilled . At Versailles hehanded over the case containing it to Madame de laMotte , who in her turn gave it to her Majesty

’smessenger— Retaux ! Once secured , the gang broke upthe necklace . Some of the gems were sent to Holland ,then as now the centre of the diamond trade , La Motte

’shusband crossed the Channel to open negotiations for thesale of others in London , and a few were retained by theadventuress whose bold front had done so much to makethe coup possible .Madame ’s part in the odious business was not yet

over . When the time arrived for the first instalment ofthe payment to be made a letter came to hand for theCardinal begging him to use his utmost endeavours tosecure a reduction in price and a postponement of thepreliminary settlements. Rohan did his best to console thej ewellers by a substantial solatium

,but

,being suspicious ,

they interrogated Madame de la Motte. She confessedthat the signature Illarie Antoinette de F rance, which hadbeen shown to them by Rohan on the day the gems hadpassed out of their hands , was a forgery .

Boehmer and Bassange acted instantly . The formerpresented himself to Madame Campan

,reader to the late

King’

s daughters , and was informed that the whole business was a fraud ; the latter rushed Off to the Cardinal totell him of the swindle that had been perpetrated in hisname, news which Rohan refused to believe . Some timebefore this the Q ueen had received from the j ewellers,then anxious to push other wares

,an enigmatic communi

cation referring to the necklace which she did not understand , and probably did no t attempt to , until MadameCampan broke the news to her. On this occasion hercommon sense— a rare enough commodity with her— came

Tm : I ) I '\ MOND NECK LACE

(From an e /lgrd r'z ug 0/ 1 78 6 u rp l'

u i fl u /n l/ze o rig /m l ”m l /nee Til / i I nfla I t'd /1 I f cued /1n d .

[ iv /u l/Ic Hu m ”: Calla /fan , lav u/ th e F l am /1 (w t-U /l lm nl)


June 17 8 6 .

“ Mm e . de la Motte was brought out of herprison into the great Court of the Palais , where she

underwent the punishment of wh ipping and branding,acco rding to the sentence of the Parliament . Her behaviour on this occasion was conformable to that shownon her trial . She used the m ost reproachful languageagainst the Cardinal and her j udges , and made so muchresistance to the executioner that no less than four peoplewere emp loyed to hold her . Immediately after theinfliction

,which is more infamous than painful , Madame

de la Motte was conveyed to the Salpetriere . Theunprej udiced part ofthe public now begin to do j ustice tothe conduct both ofthe Court and the Parliament in thewhole affair of the Cardinal . The moderation of theformer , it is allowed , refle cts great honour on the Sovereign,and the im partial investigation and unbiassed decision ofthe latter will no doubt support the falling credit ofFrench j urisprudence . The late condemnation of threeinnocent persons to the wheel by the Parl iament ofParishad brought the criminal j ustice of the country into thegreatest disrepute , and it has fixed an indelible stain on thecharacter ofthat body .

The pity of it was that the unprej udiced part ofthepublic ” was in the minority— it usually is— and Haile s saysnothing ofthe Queen . IfRohan was innocent

,then Marie

Antoinette was guilty . Give a dog (or woman ) a badname 1

CHAPTER XII I

THE STRUGGLE WITH THE PARLEMENTS

What is the Th i rd Estate ? Everyth ing/ What ha s i t been hitherto in a

p oli ti cal sense Noth ingt ”7 t does i task To be som ethingI— SutYiss .

IN giving his consent to the assembly of the Council ofNotables , Louis XVI had travelled far from the theoryand practice ofle grand lil onargae , whose policy had beenL

’

e’

tat, c’

est m oi. He adm i tted , if not in actual words ,that the machine of which he was the axle had eitherworn out or was in urgent need of repairs , and thatneither he no r his ministers were capable of dealing withthe situation .

Brienne had now to face the Parle nzent of Paris . Atfirst his task was made easy by the pacific attitude of itsmembers . Edicts for free trade in corn , the creation ofnew provincial assemblies

,and a money tax in place of

the corve’

e were registered without trouble . This tranquil spirit encouraged the Minis ter to present edicts forlevying a tax upon landed property and for a duty uponstamps . The calm was immediately succeeded by astorm . It is practically impossible to state with anyexactness why these desirable reforms were refused . Thedefence of popular rights and liberties had been for longthe creed of the Parlem ent, but it is well to notice thatits resistance tgthe Crown usually appears to have beenbecause the so—called “ rights of the privileged were injeopardy. M ignet suggests that by vetoing these edictsa means of augmenting its power was afforded theParlem ent ; Smith asserts that “ these reforms were

L


resisted solely because they were proposed by the Courtand the Government . So long as they were combatingthe royal authority , the opposition leaders felt sure ofpopular sympathy and support , whatever might be thenature and real merits of the struggle .” ProfessorMontague , a more recent authority , i s content to putthe opposition down to the fact that all new taxeswere unpopular . Kitchen says that “ the French peoplewanted far more than they would give , and “ in thisfeverish and unwonted state of the public mind , the ideaof a convocation of the States-General somehow cameinto being.

”

Hailes , shrewd , observant , and writing from theroyalist point of view , saw in the action of the lawyersa deep - laid plot skilfully engineered . On the 1 6th

August 1787 he writes to Carmarthen that “ TheParliament ofParis , and indeed all the other Parliamentsof the kingdom , continue to be animated by the samespirit ofOpposition to the measures of the Court that hasm anifested i tself in so uncommon a degree ever since thedissolution ofthe Assem bly of Notables . The protectionof the people from an increase of taxes is the ground

that has been artfully chosen by the Parliament onwhich to rest their disobedience ; but I have reason tothink that the establishment of the Provincial Assembliesthroughout the kingdom (a measure which could not beopposed by them in an Open manner

,on account of its

extreme popularity ) is the real , tho’ concealed motive of

their conduct. That innovation , which however it maybe lightly treated with respect to its consequences to theConstitution of the French Monarchy by some indiv iduals , seems , in general , to be allowed to be a change ofgreat prospective importance . But if

,as it is imagined

,

these establishments should in future conduce to the

STRUGGLE WITH THE PARL EDIENTS 1 63

limitation of the authority of the Sovereign , there canbe no doubt but that they will affect in a more near andmore immediate manner the consideration ofthose Courtswhose existence is almost coeval with the monarchy itself.The Provincial Assemblies becoming hereafter the j udgesand regulators of every part of the administration thatimmediately affects the people , and of which they are toform so considerable a part , nothing can in future beeffectually opposed by the Parl iaments , as their sanctioncan never be withheld from such measures as may alreadyhave been adopted and agreed to by the nation at large .

The present struggle may therefore , I apprehend , beregarded as the last gasp of the Sovereign Courts consider

’

d in the light of checks upon the power of theCrown , should the States General, so loudly called for bythem , not be convened ; and there will remain , of course,nothing Of their so long maintained consideration withthe public , but the simple formality of registration andthe ordinary dispensation of j ustice . In such a state oftheir affairs , Your Lordship will not be surprised to learnthat their protest against their own constrained Act atthe Lit de Justice should have been followed by a form al

interdiction of the printing and distribution of the Declaration of the Stamp Duty , and the Edict for theLand Tax .

Public opinion in the middle class unhesitatinglysupported the Parlem ent. The Abbé Sabathier, a memberof that body , called for the States-General in a wittyremark that was repeated throughout Paris : “ It is note’

tats dcfinance that we want, it is Etats généraux .

”

Hiscolleagues declared the latter institution to be the onlyone with power to authorise a permanent tax , and passeda resolution to that effect. In due course the edicts were

1 Despatchesfrom Paris, 178 4—1790, pp. 231—2.


registered by a bed ofju stice , as mentioned in the abovedespatch . This despotic proceeding at Versailles , atwhich Monsieur and the Comte d

’

Arto is , the King’

syounger brother , were present , was as oil on flames to themagistra tes , who vehemently declared the registrationillegal . The populace tried to fight the ir way into thecourt

, and cheered the black robes on the ir return tothe city until they were hoarse . Copies of the edicts andregistration were burnt in front of the palace . Louisretorted by doubling the patrols , suppressing many of thepolitical clubs , and exiling the Parlenzent to Troyes. Anattempt was then made by the magistrates to secure thearrest of Calonne for fraud in connection with thefinances , a proceeding which must have made a numberof other individuals quake in their shoes . The exMinister, evidently thinking discretion the better partof valour, and distance of more importance than eitherin sudden emergency , sought refuge in England

,as

thousands of em igres were to do a few years later.Reform was in the air. Riots in the capital and theprovinces , and protests from the different Parlem entsagainst the exiling of the magistrates of Paris at

tested the fact in no uncertain way . Many printedcopies of the letter were seized by the police to preventthe ir getting into the hands of the people , but nothingcould arrest the desire for a political reformation

.The

Archbishop still retained the confidence of Louis,and

with a magnificent belief in the great abilities of hisfamily , secured the appointment ofthe Comte de Brienne,hitherto in command at Bordeaux , to the Ministry ofWar. This post had been vacated by Segur because hewas unable to obtain support for his proj ected measuresin the matter of Holland , where c ivil war was rife. Asa consequence the republican party , which it was the

STRUGGLE WITH THE PARL EMENTS 1 65

policy of France to support , was shattered by a Prussianarmy marching into the country and securing the powerfor W illiam V, Prince ofOrange .Meanwhile j ustice was suspended

,finances were run

ning low , and the people were ranged on the side of theexiled Parlem ent. I t became increasingly necessary forsome kind of compromise to be arranged if the deadlockwere not to endure for ever. This was brought about bythe withdrawing of the provoking edicts on the one part,and by the promise to register an ed ict prolonging forfive years an existing tax known as the deuwiém e vingtiém e on the other ; “ an incomplete victory,

” as Hailesterms it . A royal session of the Parlem ent, l ittle lessarbitrary than a [it dc justice, was therefore held forregistering a new loan of livres , spread overfive years , and an edict for the restoration of the civilstatus to Protestants , for which Malesherbes was mainlyresponsible . The King promised to convoke the StatesGeneral in 179 1. During the debate that followed , theDuke of Orleans , cousin of the King and formerly Due

de Chartres , Freteau de St . Just, and Sabathier raisedopposition . This gave Louis considerable umbrage, andas a sequel the Duke was banished to his chateau atVillers- Cotterets , and the others were imprisoned . As theParlem ent continued to resist, and petitioned the Kingfor the reinstatement of Orleans and the two magistrates ,a courp le

’

niére, composed ofpeople of rank chosen by theCrown , was suggested for the special purpose of registering royal edicts, thus abrogating the j ealously-guardedprerogative of the “ long robes and their right toprotest . The plot was discovered by d

’

E sprém énil,

who disclosed the intention of the Court to his colleagues . The Parlem ent of Paris issued a counter-strokeby declaring that it was the right of the nation to grant


subsidies through the States -General , that the provincialcourts could not order the registry of the King

’

s edictsunless they were in conformity with the constitutionallaws of the province they represented and the fundamental laws of the State , and that citizens could not bearrested by lettres dc cachet, which secured arrest andimprisonment without trial .It was determined that d

’

E sprém énil and Goislard

,another of the spokesmen of the Opposition ,

should be seized without delay . Troops were sent tocarry out the order. “ Where are Monsieurs d ’

Espré

menil and Goislard ? asked the commanding offi cer inperemptory tones , as he entered the hall . W e are alld

’

E sprém énils and Go islards : since you do not knowthem , take us all ! yelled the m agistrate s . On thefollowing day the two men surrendered .

The new Provincial Assemblies , on which the publichad set much store , proved of some value , but as all theoriginal members were nominated by the King

,they were

suspect . Many of the provincial Parlem efl ts followedthat of Paris , and flatly refused the duty of registration .

Busy pens and busier presses poured out pamphletsagainst privilege and despotism as never before . Louispromised reforms in abundance to his indignant subjects

,

and although they were urgently wanted and altogetherdesirable , there was no confidence in the source fromwhence they emanated . Recourse was had to the clergy

,

who promptly refused any increase in their voluntarygrant , and joined in the cry for the States -General . Atlast the Archbishop of Toulouse deigned to listen tothe popular clamour . “ Are you not afraid to hold theS tates ? he was asked .

“ Sully held them,

” was hisreply . Could egotism go further ?

Let us turn from the turmoil of Court and Parlem ent,


you pass at once from beggary to profusion .

’ Nantesis as enflam m é in the cause of liberty as any town inFrance can be ; the conversations I witnessed here provehow great a change is effected in the minds ofthe French ;no r do I believe it will be possible for the present Government to last half a century longer , unless the cleverestand most decided talents are at the helm . The American revolution has laid the foundation of another inFrance

,if government does not take care of itself.

At Toulouse the mob built barricades of paving- stoneswith the object of resisting the entry of the commissioners ;at Bordeaux the proclamation of the new laws was readamidst intense excitement and under the protection ofbayonets the Parlem ent of Dauphine declared itself permanent until the edicts were withdrawn , and passedvarious liberal resolutions regarding the estates of theprovince , and the city of Grenoble , where the Parlem entusually met

,was placed in a state ofdefence . In vain

,

says Pasquier , “ did the King’s commissioners and themilitary commanders make a display in the provincesof all the powers placed at their disposal ; in vain didIettres dc cachet rain upon the most recalcitrant ; resistance went on increasing from all quarters . In orderto restore peace to the public mind, the only resourceleft to the Government was to renew its pledge to calltogether the so ardently prayed—for States-General .A valuable contemporary View ofaffairs at the capital

is afforded us in a letter written in the early days of 1789by Gouverneur Morris to the Marquis de Moustier

,the

official representative of France in America. “ Yournation , he says , “ is now in a most important crisis

,

and the question , Shall we have a constitution,or shall

will continue to be law ? employs every mind and agitatesevery heart in France. Even voluptuousness itself arises

STRUGGLE WITH THE PARL EMENTS 1 69

from its couch of roses and looks anxiously abroad atthe busy scene to which nothing can now be indifferent .Your nobles , your clergy , your people , are all in motionfor the elections . A spirit which has lain dormant forgenerations starts up and stares about, ignorant of themeans of obtaining, but ardently desirous to possess theobj ect , consequently active , energetic , easily led , but ,alas , eas ily, to o easily, misled . Such is the instinctivelove of freedom which now boils in the bosom of yourcountry , that respect for his sovereign , which forms thedistinctive mark of a Frenchman , stimulates and fortifieson the present occasion those sentiments which havehitherto been deemed most hostile to monarchy . Fo r

Louis the S ixteenth has himself proclaimed from thethrone , a wish that every barrier should be thrown downwhich time o r accident may have opposed to the generalfelicity of his people . It would be presumptuous in mee ven to guess at the effect of such causes , operating onmaterials and institutions of which I confess to you themost profound ignorance .

I feel that I have already gone too far in attemptingto describe What I think I have perceived . But beforeI quit the subj ect I must express the wish , the ardentwish , that this great ferment may terminate not onlyto th e good but to the glory of France . On the sceneswhich her great theatre now displays , the eyes of theuniverse are fixed with anxiety . The national honour isdeeply interested in a successful issue . Indulge me also,I pray , in conveying the opinion that until that issue i sknown

,every arrangement both foreign and domestic

must feel a panic. Horace tells us that in cross ing thesea we change our climate , no t our souls . I can say whathe could not ; that I find on this side the Atlantic astrong resem blance to what I left on the other— a nation


which exists in hopes , prospects , and expectationsthe reverence for ancient establishments gone , existingforms shaken to the foundation , and a new order of

things about to take place , in which , perhaps even to

the very names,all former institutions will be disre

garded .

“ To judge of the present turmoil I can give you no

better standard than by telling you , what is seriouslytrue

,that when I took up the pen it was to give you

news ofyour friends , and to describe the impression madeon my mind by the obj ects which necessarily presentthemselves in this great capital , I will no t say of France,but of Europe . And have I done it ? Yes ; for the onegreat object in which all are engaged has swallowed up,like the rod ofAaron in Egypt , every other enchantmentby which France was fascinated .

At last Brienne , unable to resist public Opinion anylonger

,forced to issue paper money because of an ex

hansted treasury, scoffed at by the people and beloved ofthe King

,advised Louis to offer no further resistance

to the almost united wish of the nation . The StatesGeneral must be summoned . They should assemble on

May-day of the following year. The official announce

ment to that effect was made on the 8 th August 17 88 .

On the 25 th inst . the Minister resigned .

The last meeting of the States had taken place in16 1 4 ,

nearly two centuries before . N0 living personcould remember it , few had anything but the most fragmentary knowledge of its constitution , consequently therewas a great ransacking of cupboards and garrets fordocuments likely to be of service . Precedent must befollowed , even though it was the besetting sin of the age.Municipal officers and learned bodies were called uponto hunt through their archives for useful particulars

,and


to face with famine ; the State was face to face with ruin.

The two combined formed practically the sole topic ofconversation . W hen Brienne offered liberty of the Press,so far as regarded the States-General, he opened the floodgates of a literary deluge . No fewer than 2700 pamphletsappeared . Many of these were indifferent , a few useful,but all must have had some kind of effect, even allowingthat only a very small percentage of readers assimilatedtheir teaching . That of the Abbé Sieyes , Vicar-Generalat Chartres , had an enormous vogue . I t was entitled

Q u’

est- cc-

qae le Tiers Etat ?1 and openly advocated that

at the National Council the Third Estate should have twiceas many representatives as the privileged classes , whereason the previous occasion clergy , nobility, and Commonshad sent an equal number ofdeputies . They had not sattogether , and a single vote was cast for the whole orderafter an agreement had been arrived at . I f reform werereally desired , the point argued with so much force byS ieyes seemed absolutely essential, for the simple obviousreason that the clergy and nobility were scarcely likely todeprive themselves of their privileges . There were plentyofpatriots amongst them , but no t enough to go roundin respect of securing a maj ority for reform . Deliberation in common and individual voting were insisted uponby the Abbé.

In August 178 8 Louis wisely dropped the pilot,

now one ofthe most unpopular men in Paris,if no t in the

whole of France , and recalled Necker, thereby provingthe correctness ofthe forecast ofthe Duke ofDorset, whohad written fifteen months before : Monsr. Neckar (sic)has many powerful friends , and the time may come whenhe may be call

’

d upon by the general voi ce of the Nationto take again the direction ofthe Finances

.

”

1 What is the Ward Estate ?

STRUGGLE WITH THE PARL EMEN TS 173

His resumption of office restored confidence in thefunds , and at his request the Parlem ents were reinstated .

In November 17 8 8 , after the edict convoking the Stateshad been registered on the understanding that the ordersshould vo te separately , the Minister called together theNotables for the purpose ofdiscussing the make—up ofthefor thcoming assembly . They decided that the Commonsshould no t have representatives equal in number to thoseofthe two other orders combined ; but they negatived theproposition that the possession of landed property shouldbe an indispensable qualification , and declared that henceforth there shou ld be no exemptions from the payment oftaxes . Necker thought it well to overrule the first decision. A council at Versailles , at which Marie Antoinettewas present , concurred . The solution of the problem ofthe mode ofvotingwas indefinitely postponed . That, afterall, was the crucial point , for if the voting of the threeEstates was to be by Orders and taken separately , thenobility and clergy need fear nothing ; if they were tovote together and according to the decision ofthe maj oritythere were suffi cient reformers in the first two Estates

,

especially of the clergy, to sway the balance in favour ofthe Commons . Necker had a good heart , as was provedby the magnificent way he came to the rescue of thestarving in Paris during the winter of 178 8—9 , but hehad no head for statesmanship . Instead ofgu iding publicopinion

,he was led by it.

Mallet du Pan , whom Lord Acton terms “ the mostsagacious of all the politic ians who watched the course ofthe Revolution , and “ a liberal , independent , and discerning observer , notes in November 178 8 that “ thereare no two schemes , ideas , or proposals alike : assembliesare held in the provinces with or wi thout orders , or con

trary to orders . Every brain is heated . W e have reason


ings and counter- reasonings ; and instead of show ing thedifferent orders in the S tates how their interests agree ,men are only occupied in showing them the contrary , insetting them against each other , and in creating a schismbetween the T28 7 8 E tat and the other two orders . Theyhave succeeded .

'

I he excess of the abuse of power hasrought on an acute crisis , and this crisis will produce nogood

,owing to the extravagance of what is required and

demanded . France is on the ev e of seeing the times ofHenry I II renewed , where the King had to combat onehalf ofthe nation with the other.


“ The inhabitants of this parish have no other complaints to make than those which are common to folk oftheir rank and condition , namely that they pay too manytaxes of different kinds already that they would wish thatthe disorder ofthe finances might not be the cause ofnewburdens upon them , because they were not able to bearany more

,having a great deal of trouble to pay those

which are now levied,but that it much rather belonged to

those who are rich to contribute towards setting up theaffairs ofthe kingdom .

As for remonstrances , they have no wishes nor otherdesires than peace and public tranquillity that they wishthe assembly of the Estates -General may restore the orderof the finances , and bring about in France the order andprosperity of the State ; that they are no t skilful enoughabout the matters wh ich are to be treated in the saidassembly to give their opinion , and they trust to theintelligence and good intentions of those who will be sentthere as deputies .

Finally , that they know no means of providing forthe necessities of the State but a great economy in expensesand reciprocal love between the King and his subjects .It must be remembered , for the fact is often over

looked , that at this stage there was no talk of a republic .The nation sought the right , through an assembly , to take

par in the business which directly affected it. TheMinisters , under the control of Louis , would carry outthe wishes of the legislature . The vital question of themoment was , W ould the three Orders succeed in adj ustingtheir somewhat varied interests for the benefit ofall ?

The busy pens of pamphleteers grew busier.Periodi

cals such as Jean Paul Marat ’s L ’

A m z

'

da Peup le, foundedin 17 8 8 as L e Pnbh

'

cz

'

ste Parisien,expounded revolutionary

socialism . Clubs for the discussion of needed reforms

MEETING OF THE STATES -GENERAL 177

sprung up almost with the rapidity of mushrooms . Someof them , like the Cordeliers

’

ofParis , had their foundationin the bringing together of the voters of the variousdistricts , who established themselves as a permanentinstitution . This movement in the capital of France gavea rough organisation to Paris which was to prove of valuein the July of 17 8 9 . The gardens of the Palais -Royalsheltered the more dissolute politicians and agitators ,and eventually became the head—quarters of v iolent revolutionaries of the lowest type. W ithin the memory ofmany men living at the time of the calling of the StatesGeneral its ornamental flower- beds and avenue ofchestnuttrees had been the pride of Paris . I t was the most fashionable of fashionable resorts , where the aristocracy took theair and discussed the Opéra. In 17 8 8 the garden remained,but the chestnuts and the blue- blooded folk who walkedbeneath them had disappeared , to give place to shops anddemagogues . I t speedily became the Hyde Park andTrafalgar Square of the capital . To the west stood thepalace erected by Richelieu , and now the resort of themalcontent and the seditious . What the Cardinal hadsought to build its present owner hoped to destroy , forthe intention of the Duke of Orleans was to supplantLouis on the throne of France . There was money inplenty for those will ing to assist him— the ne’er—do -wells ,the criminals

,the famished , the agitators by choice as well

as by instinct the lees of the people , as S cott callsthem . Every riot was not the work of Orleans or hisagents

,but many of the popular movements emanated

from the palace,the garden , or the cafés . At the Palais

Royal political clubs,public gambling -houses, firebrands

and prostitutes flourished like green bay trees .Thousands of peasants, driven by distress from the

land,turned their shambling footsteps towards the city

M


by the Seine as hungry wolves to a carcass . Relief workswere opened for them , a pol icy which drew still more inthe direction of Paris . Everything was tending towardsa revolution,

but perhaps few people realised it . Certainlythe King did not .

The Edict for the assembling of the States -Generalis an interesting document , and runs as follows

“ W e have need of the concourse of our faithfulsubj ects to aid us in surmounting the diffi culties arisingfrom the state of the finances , and establishing , in con/

formity with our most ardent desire , a durable order inthe departments of Government which affect the publicwelfare . W e wish that the three Estates shall confertogether on the matters which will be submitted to theirexamination they will make known to us the wishes andgrievances of the people in such a way that by mutualconfidence and exchange of kind offices between theKing and people the public evils shall as rapidly aspossib le be remedied . For this purpose we enjoin andcommand that imm ediately on the receipt of this letter

you proceed to elect deputies ofthe three Orders , worthyof confidence from their V irtues and the spirit with whichthey are animated ; that the deputies shall be furnishedwith powers and instructions sufficient to enable themto attend to all concerns of the State

, and introduce suchremedies as shall be deemed advisable for the reformof abuses , and the establishment of a fixed and durableorder in all parts of the Government worthy of thepaternal affections of the King and of the resolutionsof so noble an assembly .

”

Louis apparently acted in all good faith when heissued the order that every man whose name appearedupon the list of taxpayers was entitled to v ote forthe election of deputies of the Third Estate

,but the

MEETING OF THE STATES -GENERAL 179

precedent of 1 6 1 4 was not lost sight of for one moment.He was not for allowing the monarchy to pass out of hishands , nor were the people disposed to do anything buthave a voice in their own affairs . The curés , loathing thearchbishops, bishops , and abbots who waxed fat at Versailles , elected men of their own rank to the extent oftwo -thirds of their representatives . Practically universalmanhood suffrage was allowed in the Third Estate

,pro

v ided taxes were paid , but the elections were indirect,and often took place amid great excitement . In smalltowns and country parishes one elector, in large townstwo electors , for every hundred voters was chosen by themto act in the selection of deputies , each bailh

'

age, intowhich France was divided

,sending one cleric , one noble,

and two members of the Commons to the States . Anybeneficed clergyman , and every noble holding a fief wasan elector for his Order . The following list of deputieswill give some idea of the com position of the StatesGeneral of 178 9 z— Clergy : Archbishops , 1 1 bishops , 33 ;vicars

,1 8 8 ; canons , abbots , priors , rectors , 76 . Total ,

308 . Nobility (not including that of Brittany ) : Princesand dukes , 21 ; counts, 7 8 ; marquesses , 73 ; viscounts ,1 6 ; barons , 29 ; gentlemen , magistrates , &c . , 68 . Total ,28 5 .

Commoners : Magistrates , 106 ; advocates , 19 1 ;

physicians, 1 5 ; merchants , 6 1 ; landed proprietors , &c .

244 ; l iterary men , 4 . Total , 621 . Total number of

deputies , 1214 .

In a letter of considerable interest, Gouverneur Morristells W ashington , on the 29th April 17 8 9 , that “ Theelections are finished throughout this kingdom , except

in the capital , and it appears from the instructions givento the representat ives (called here [es cahz

'

ers ) that certainpoints are universally demanded , which when grantedand secured will render France perfectly free as to the

180 THE FRENCH REVOL UT ION

principles of the constitution— I say principles , for one

generation at least will be required to render the practicefamiliar

.We have

,I think , every reason to wish that

the patriots may be successful . The generous wish whicha free people must form to disseminate freedom , thegrateful emotion which rej oices in the happiness of abenefactor

,and a strong personal interest as well in the

liberty as in the power of this country , all conspire tomake us far from indifferent spectators . I say thatwe have an interest in the liberty of France. The leadershere are our friends ; many of them have imbibed theirprinciples in America

,and all have been fired by our

example . Their opponents are by no means rej oiced atthe success of our Revolution , and many of them aredisposed to form connec tions of the strictest kind withGreat Britain . The commercial treaty emanated fromsuch dispositions

,and

,according to the usual course of

those events which are shaped by human wisdom , it willprobably produce the exact reverse ofwhat was intendedby the projectors . The spirit of this nation is at presenthigh , and M . Necker is very popular, but if he continueslong in administration it will be somewhat wonderful.His enemies are numerous, able , and inveterate. Hissupporters are uncertain as to his fate , and will protecthim no longer than while he can aid in establishing aconstitution . But when once that great bus iness isaccomplished he will be left to stand on his own guard.

The Court wish to get rid of him , and unless he showsvery strong

_

in the States -General they will gratify theirw ishes . His ability as a minister will be much contestedin that assembly, but with what success time only candetermine .

“ The materials for a revolution in this country arevery indifferent . Everybody agrees that there is an utter


The “ little riot mentioned by Gouverneur Morrisis called by Dorset “ a very serious tumult. I t tookplace on the 27th and 28 th April , was the first popularrising in Paris , the preliminary flutter ofthe straw whichshowed which way the wind was blowing , and it issignificant that it took place at the time of the elections . M . Réveillon , a wealthy Paris elector whosechief claim to fame is in having introduced patternedwall - papers into France

,owned a paper-mill employing

several hundred hands in the Faubourg Saint-Antoine.It was commonly reported that he had not only statedthat fifteen sons a day was a living wage , but that hecontemplated a reduction at his establishment . The mob

,

armed with sticks , stones , and other weapons , first burnthis effigy and then pillaged both his house and the m ill,completing their fell work by setting fire to them . Theythen turned their attention to the house of M . Henriot ,a manufacturer of saltpetre , which they treated in asimilar manner. Pasquier

,who saw the affair at close

range , says that it came as a surprise to Parisian Society,whose members had gone to the Bois de Vincennes towitness the races . He is probably correct in his assum ption that the upris ing was an artificial one ; “ the poorwretches who took part in it knew neither what theywanted nor what they did , and it was clear that theirfury was of the manufactured -to - order kind . It wasstated that those who were killed were well suppliedwith money , but whether the largesse was distributedby the Court Party in an attempt to make Louis disgusted with the populace and thus retard reform

, or

by the hirelings of the Duke of Orleans,who wished

to set Paris aflam e for the purpose of overturning thethrone , is one of the uncertainties of history .

“ Youwould hardly believe how little it cost the Duke of

MEETING OF THE STATES -GENERAL 18 3

Orleans to excite that tumult at Réveillon ’s ,” says

Cham pfort. The latter contention is supported to acertain extent by the English ambassador . “ No othermotive than the dearness of bread, he writes , “ has beenassigned by the unhappy wretches who were engagedin these excesses , most of whom were intoxicated to avery great degree ; though some are disposed to suspectthat the friends and supporters of the Parliament havesecretly fomented the disturbance .

”

In at least one important particular Pasquier is mostcertainly wrong. He says that two or three companiesof the Swiss Guards and of the Gardes Franpaises

marched against the Faubourg with cannon and soonquelled the disturbance , and that the display had a greateffect . “ It has been seen ,

” he writes , “ that the Gardes

F ranpaises were still to be depended upon, but the sightoftheir loyalty became a warning to the party which wasw orking to bring about the Revolution . It saw that thetime had come to begin tampering with the spirit of thatbody . The truth is that the Swiss Guards performed the major part of the unpleasant work of firingon the people . The Gardes F ranpaises showed theirsympathy with the m o b by carrying out their ordersin an ex tremely perfunctory manner . Several peoplewere either killed or wounded during the four hours ’

fighting , two of the rioters were caught red~ handed whenengaged in pillaging and hanged , and a number ofprisoners were thrown into gaol . The affair was neverinvestigated officially, and those who had the misfortuneto spend a few days in durance vile were liberated , doubtless to carry on their nefarious practices when Opportunitypermitted

,which soon became increasingly frequent.

Louis received the deputies at Versailles on the 2ndMay 17 8 9 . Although the whole ceremony was carried


out according to precedent , which augured ill for anydeparture from it when the States were in session , thedistinction m ade between the three Orders was particularly noticeable . W hile the represen tatives of privilegehad no cause for complaint , the marked contrast betweenthe three classes was no t lost on those who stood for thepeople. An hour before noon the clergy assembled ,followed two hours later by the nobles , each beingadmitted to the King ’s private cabinet. I t was not

until four o ’clock that the black - robed Commons foundthemselves in the cham bre de p arade , from the balconyof which the monarch had addressed a hungry mobexactly fourteen years before , but they go t no further.There they were presented to Lou is , after being dulyarrayed in the order of the ir bailliages by the GrandMaster of Ceremonies . The whole business savoured ofthe sorting out of his pupils by a schoolmaster beforeentering the presence of a distinguished V isitor. Whatever geniality was lacking on the part of the father ofhis people ” was amply atoned by the cordial receptionofthe crowd which pressed in.

1

On the 4th— the intervening day was a SundayKing , Court , and the three E states attended a solemnservice in the church of St. Louis , marching there inprocession from Notre Dame de Versailles

,a d istance

of less than half a mile . Many descriptions of the scenehave been left to u s , but none is more graphic than thatof the Marquis de Ferrie res .

I recall with pleasure , he write s , “ the impressionwhich this august and touching ceremony made uponme . The nobil ity were dressed in black coats

,waist

coats , and breeches , richly embroidered with gold,silk

1 From the Monarchy to the Republic in France. By Soph ia H. MacL ehose

(Glasgow, pp . 65 - 6.


Place d ’

Arm es , and down the Rue Saborg to hear mass,the mere mention of which religious ceremony was tocall forth ridicule in a few short months . The youngerwoman

, who inherited or inculcated Necker’

s predilectionfor liberal measures and was less diplomatic in revealingher feelings

,enthused at the sigh t.

“ You are wrong torejoice

, said Madame de Montmorin , viewing from quiteanother mental point ofV iew , this event forebodes muchmisery to France and to ourselves . One other spectatoris worthy of mention , although the interest is morepathetic and sentimental than historical . A little ladof seven and a half years , propped up by pillows so thathe might see his father and mother pass , bent his headand peered from the balcony of the Petite Ecurie . It

was the Dauphin , already marked by Death .

IVithin the magnificent church there was a slightdifference of opinion between the Grand Master of

Ceremonies and M . de L arév elliere - L épeaux , a deputyfrom Anj ou , known to fame as a patron of The0 philanthropy . The difficulty arose over the accommodationof the Commons , who seated themselves in the placesreserved for the clergy and nobles . L arévelliere ~L épeaux

resented “ the deputies of the nation , to use his own

words , being hidden away behind two small privilegedbodies . The Marquis de Dreux—Breze, clad in gorgeousapparel typical of the Orders which incurred the wrathof his inte rrogator , replied that he was following theprecedent of 16 1 4 What ! cried the representativeof the people , “ have you been so unobservant of theprogress of ideas as no t to know that the Etats -Generalof 1 6 14 count for nothing here ? ”

It was not a propitious beginning, but the thirdOrder shuffled to their allotted places in the side aisles ,and the ceremony began . The Bishop ofNancy uttered

MEETING OF THE STATES -GENERAL 187“

the timehonoured formula used on previous occasions , andthereby struck exactly the wrong note , for L arévelliereL épeaux had spoken truth . Receive , 0 God , thehomage of the Clergy , the respects of the JVoblesse, and

the humble supplications of the Third Estate ” ; suchwas the supplication . It was as though the Almighty,l ike previous monarchs of France , allowed the privilegedclasses to stand , but demanded that the Commons shouldkneel before Him ! A murmur ran through the sacredbuilding, but the feelings of the congregation were calmedby a flood of oratory regarding the miseries of the people,the poverty ofthe peasant , and the unscrupulous methodsof those whose duty it was to collect the excessive taxes .The great god Precedent again ruled the opening of

the States . I t took place the following day in the Salicdes Jlfenus Plaisirs , which had been specially prepared forthe Commons at Versailles . The deputies wore costumessimilar to those which clothed their forefathers at theprevious meeting one hundred and seventy -fiv e yearsbefore . On the right of the throne sat the clergy , oppos ite to them the nobles ; the Commons faced the Kingimmediately in the rear of the ministers . A brilliantassembly of courtiers occupied stalls , and every inch ofthe galleries was crowded by spectators , to the number of

“

perhaps two thousand . I t was noticed, however, that theCommons remained with their heads covered— an innovation . The Duke of Orleans , Mirabeau , the deputies of theCommons ofDauphine, and Necker received enthusiasticapplause as they entered the hall , as did Louis when heslowly mounted the raised da

'

i'

s covered with violetcoloured velvet patterned with lilies, and took his placeon the throne beneath a magnificent canopy . TheQueen was received in silence . In his speech themonarch referred to the “ new force called into bei ng.


The indebtedness of the State , according to him theresult of “ an expensive though glorious war, was alsotou ched upon , as was the disposition of the clergy andnobles to renounce their privileges . His most ardent wishwas that th is epoch might be for ever memorable inthe annals of French prosperity . The former part of

his desire was gratified in a way he did not antic ipate ; ittook a greater despot than Louis XIV to restore theglory and wealth of the nation .

Barentin,the Keeper of the Seals, then gave what has

been described as“a kind of political homily , and was

followed by a wearisome financial statement by Necker,which took him three hours to deliver. W hen the

assembly dispersed at half-past four o’clock in the after

noon the sole topic of conversation was not the thingswhich had been said , but those to which no referencewhatever had been made . How were the Orders to vote ?

W ere they to be united or separate Neither Louis norNe cker had referred to this , the supreme question ;Barentin had merely touched on the problem and left itunsolved .

“ The King ,” he said , “ left it to the States

to consider the be st manner of collecting the votes, thoughthe vote by head appeared , by giving one general result,to evidence better the general wish . As two smallerhalls had been prepared for the clergy and noblesse, itcertainly looked as though the sittings were not to beheld in common .

On the day following the opening of the States theclergy by 1 33 to 1 1 4 , and the nobles by 1 8 8 to 47 ,

decidedto sit as separate Houses . The remaining representatives,declining to regard themselves as a separate Order, sentdeputations to the others to j oin them and awaited events.Having come to this determination they could notproceed to business , because to do so would be to acknow

MEETING OF THE STATES -GENERAL 1 89

ledge themselves as a chamber apart . The public sidedwith them , and so of course did a great many of theclergy, as was proved by the small maj ority obtained in thatsection . Legal precedent was on the side of the privilegedclasses , but the conciliatory character of the King and thefairly liberal principles of Necker led the latter at the beginning ofJune to bring forward a scheme which he hopedwould be acceptable to all . I t was rej ected , and Sieyestherefore proposed to the assembled members of theCommons that the deputies of the other Estates should beinvited to the hall to take part in the verification ofpowers

,

namely the admitting and registering of each member inthe presence and to the satisfaction of the others .W hether the clergy and noblesse attended or not was tomake no difference , for the measure would be proceededwi th either way . By a majority of one the motion wascarried . Courteous messages came to hand that theproposition would be discussed , but no definite replyhaving been received by the Commons at seven o’clock inthe evening, the roll of the whole States- General wascalled , and Bailly , one of the deputies of Paris and laterher first Mayor, was elected provis ional Chairman of theTiers Etat.On the 17th June, by a maj ority of over 400 , the

members constituted themselves the National Assembly .

The title was chosen after a lengthy discussion , and owedits origin to Legrand , a deputy from Berri. W ithout anyauthority other than its own the Assembly willed and decreed that all taxes or imposts levied without its express ,formal

,and free concurrence , shall instantly cease through

out the whole Kingdom on the day onwhich the Assemblyis dissolved . Until then all such contributions shouldremain in force, even though illegal in origin as nothaving been sanctioned by the nation . The idea, of


course,was to preclude the dissolution of the National

Assembly until it had accomplished its purpose , for publicop inion was such that the King dare not go against it.“ In concert with the King — the phrase is extremelyim portant, for it shows the temper of the Assemblyit would “ fix the principles of a national regenerationand “ devote itself to the consolidation of the NationalDebt

,the creditors being placed “ under the safeguard

of the honour and loyalty of the French nation . Inaddition it would “ instantly proceed to the considerationof the causes which have produced the present scarcitywhich affl icts the nation , and the investigation of the m ostefficacious means which may contribute to its removal ;for which purpose a committee shall be instantly appointed .

”

Matters are every day growing exceedingly critical,

Dorset writes to the Duke of Leeds on the 1 8th , “ yetthe King ’s authority is still paramount, but if hisMajesty once gives his decided approbation of the proceedings , such as they have h itherto been , of the TiersEtat , it will be little short of laying his Crown at theirfeet. The two first Orders , it may be expected , would mcase of so marked a preference to their detriment secede.If, however , his Maj esty on the other hand should espousethe cause of the Clergy and Nobility

,the people

,

tenacious of the footing to which they find themselvesalready advanced , and encouraged by the further advantages they have in view , would , if one may judge by the

p resent temper of the times , be ready to support theircause by force , in which case the contest might at theoutset be strongly disputed , but the army whose zeal andac tivity are derived wholly from the Nobility

, m ust soonthrow the balance into the King’s hands . The army last

y ear was certainly lukewarm in the King’s interest

,but

CHAPTER XV

HOW ROYAL AUTHORITY WAS LOST

Bayonets can do nothingagainst the will of the p eop le .—MIP.ABEAU.

WHILE perhaps it would be incorrect to say that con

sternation reigned at Court , the usurpation of the King’s

authority by the self-constituted National Assembly wasregarded as an extremely serious proceeding. Louis,always slow to make up his mind , hesitated as to the bestcourse to be taken in this sudden emergency . His indecision was certainly not helped by the advice gratuitously tendered by Barentin and Necker, both ofwhomhad an audience with him on the day following themomentous decision arrived at by the deputies in theSalle des Menus Plaisirs . The Keeper of the Seals,entirely disregarding the spirit of the times or of the menwith whom his master had to deal, was all for keepingthe Orders separate ; Necker , as usual , wished Louis torun with the hare and hunt with the hounds . He wasof opinion that the members of the Third Estate shoulddeliberate with the Nobility and Clergy when generaltopics such as those oftaxation and national interests werebeing discussed , but that questions which affected therespective Orders should be dealt with by them individually. He had already taken the opportunity to informthe King that it was extremely improbable that the troopswhich had been sent for in case of emergency would actagainst the Commons . He counselled him to accede tothe reasonable wishes of France .

” In anticipating the192

TH E CLERGY J O IN W ITH THE TH IRD E STATE

An a atm t o fth e day in the Hennin Olle c t io n A pm s ant savs S hake hands

M o ns it in le L uré , I kno w tha t yo u are o n o ur s id s

(By spen d / perm i ss i on of the f irm /z Gov ernm ent )


Ifwe can believe that British peers of the realm willsome day pass a Bill advocating the dissolu tion of theHouse of Lords , we shall have no difficulty in believingthe sincerity of the rights which the nobility pretended toguard in the interests of the nation as apart from thosepersonal to ourselves .”

On the 1 9 th June the Council met to consider thesituation , the outcome ofwhich was a decis ion to hold aRoyal Session on the 22nd , when the King would makeknown his will . This is the ostensible reason why theCommons found their hall closed on the morning of the

2oth . A little slip of paper nailed on the door informedthem that the buildings set apart for the use of thethree Orders were shut on account of the necessarypreparations for the forthcoming ceremony . The Gardes

F ranpaises were stationed about the place , thereby arousing suspicion in the minds of the assembled deputies.They saw in it an astute move, a coup d

’

e’

tat. It wasunfortunate that the communication sent to Bailly

,the

provisional President, regarding the interruption of thesittings did not reach him until after the discovery hadbeen made . Bailly and his two secretaries observed theworkmen moving about the place when they were grantedpermission to remove certain papers , and in ordinarycircumstances this would have suffi ced to prove that thecause of the lock-out was not a subterfuge . W ith a grimirony not unknown to history , Dr . Guillotin , a Parisdeputy whose name is associated with the decapitatingapparatus which was to be the principal instrument ofterror in the near future , suggested that a meeting shouldhe held in an adj oining tennis- court in the Rue St

.

Francois , a bare building without seats, but useful asproviding a shelter . The suggestion was taken up withavidity, and the deputies , followed by a mob of people wish


closed on the following day , business was conductedin the church of St . Louis, where 1 49 of the clergy, andtwo nobles threw in their lot with the Commons .There was much coming and going at Marly , where

the King was now in residence . Louis certainly did not

fl W a. h enn a)

Wet/M

FACS IM ILE SIGNATURES TO THE OATH on THE SAL LE DU J EU DE PAUME

(Thefirst th ree lines are an exactfacsim i le of the original docum ent in ArchivesNationales, Paris . The rem ainder are selected s ignatu res )

find wisdom in a multitude of counsellors . Ministers ofre ligion saw the Church overthrown . The Cardinal de laRochefoucauld and the Archbishop of Paris made out astrong case to the King. Marie Antoinette , the Comted

’

Arto is and the Comte de Provence pleaded with him todisband the rebels ; the Parlernent of Paris requested thedis solution ofthe States -General . Necker was for reform ;Barentin would not have common deliberation at anyprice .

On the 2lst Young confides the following to his diary

HOW ROYAL AUTHORITY WAS LOST 1 97

It is impossible to have any other employment at socritical a moment , than going from house to house demanding news, and remarking the Opinions and ideasmost current . The present moment is , of all others , perhaps that which is most pregnant with the future destinyofFrance . The step the Commons have taken ofdeclaringthemselves the national assembly

,independent of the

other orders , and of the King himself, precluding a dissolution , i s ih fact an assumption of all the authority inthe kingdom . They have at one stroke converted themselves into the long parliament of Charles I . It needsnot the assistance of much penetration to see that if sucha pretension and declaration are not done away , king , lords ,and clergy are deprived oftheir shares in the legislature ofFrance . So bold , and apparently desperate a step , full inthe teeth of every other interest in the realm

,equally de

structive to the royal authority , by parliaments and thearmy , can never be allowed . If it is not Oppo sed

,all

other powers will lie in ruins around that of the common .

W ith what anxious expectation must one therefore waitto see if the crown will exert itself firmly on the occasion ,with such an attention to an improved system of liberty ,as is absolutely necessary to the moment ! All thingsconsidered, that is , the characters of those who are inpossession of power , no well digested system and steadyexecution are to be looked for.

”

The royal sitting had been announced to take place onthe 22nd , but was postponed until the following day , “ for

particular reasons,” as Dorset wrote to the Duke ofLeeds .

In the same letter the former mentions that althoughParis was quiet , the political situation was discussed witha marked anxiety and interest in the coffee housesand the garden of the Palais Royal . In the neighbourhood of Versailles the peasants had committed great out


rages in the King’s game preserves, and several keepershad either been inj ured or killed in their attempt toprevent poaching . Young, the most interested of oh

servers and the most interesting of narrators , notes thatthe persons who lived about the royal residenceare to the last person in the interests of the commons ;remarkable

,as this town is absolutely fed by the palace,

and if the cause of the court i s not popular here , it iseasy to suppose what it must be in all the rest of thekingdom .

According to the great agriculturist , the anxiety of theParisians was also evident in the faces of those who metin the cathedral church ofSt . Louis and in the streets , sothat the importance of the moment was written in thephysiognomy ; and all the common forms and salutationsof habitual civil ity lost in attention . In the eveninghe dined with the Due de Liancourt and a large party ofnobility and deputies of the commons ,

” including the Due

d’

Orle’

ans , the Abbé Sieyes , and Raband St . Etienne.The difference in their demeanour was most m arked , forthey eat

,and drank

,and sat , and walked , loitered and

smirked and smiled , and chatted with that easy indifference , that made me stare at their insipidity . Perhapsthere is a certain nonchalance that is natural to people offashion from every habit , and which marks them from thevulgar , who have a thousand asperities in the expressionof their feelings , that cannot be found on the polished surface of those whose manners are smothered by society , notworn by attrition . Such an observation would thereforein all common cases be unj ust ; but I confess the presentmoment , which is beyond all question the most criticalthat France has seen from the foundation ofthe monarchy,since the council was assembled that m ust finally determine the King

’

s conduct , was such as might have accounted


be levied , nor those already in force prolonged without theconsent ofthe deputies , and such as existed were only toextend from one session to its immediate successor . ABudget was to be presented , so that the financial affairs ofthe State cou ld be examined , the taille was abolished , thenobles and clergy were no longer to be exempted fromtaxation

,and provincial assemblies were to be established .

Important concessions no doubt , but there was a rift inthe lute that trilled such sweet music . You now see,

”

concluded the King , “ the result of my wishes and myviews ; they are agreeable to the lively anxiety I feel toeffect the public good ; and if, by a fatality which is thefurthest from my expectations you abandon me in so noblean enterprise , I willmyself accomplish the welfare ofmypeople— I shall consider myself their sole and true repre

sentative and , knowing as I do the instructions you havereceived and the unison that exists between the wishes ofthe nation and my own intentions , I shall proceed to effectso desirable an end with all the courage and firmness bywhat I ought to be inspired .

“ Remember , gentlemen , that none of your plans ,none of your schemes can become law without my express approval . It is thus that I am the natural guaranteeofyour respective rights .

All Orders of the State may rely upon my justimpartiality ; any distrust on your part wou ld be to methe highest inj ustice . It is I that have

,till now ,

givenmy subj ects all their happiness , and it is very rare thatthe only ambition of a sovereign has been to obtain fromhis subjects a disposition to receive his benefits .Louis commanded the representatives to disperse at

once . “ To -morrow you shall come each into the hallassigned to his Order . ” He had already told them thatfor the present session only they might on occasion

HOW ROYAL AUTHORITY WAS LOST 20 1

deliberate in common on matters ofpublic interest , withthe exception of those which regard the ancient and con

stitutional rights of the three Orders,the forms of con

v oking the next States-General , the feudal and seignorialrights , and the patrimonial rights and honorary titles ofthe two first Orders .

Exit the National Assembly, enter Privilege yet again .

Likewise exit the King , the majority of the noble s , andmany ofthe clergy on the conclusion of the address

,but no t

so the Commons . They sat on stolidly , indignant atthe rebuke they had received , and by no means sureo f the policy of half-measures outlined to them by themonarch .

Mirabeau was the first to break the silence , or ratherto address the representatives . “ Gentlem en , he cried ,I admit that what you have just heard might be for thewelfare of the co untry were it not that the presents ofdespotism are always dangerous . W hat is this insultingdictatorship ? The pomp o f arms , the violation of thenational temple are resorted to— to command you to behappy ! “7ho gives this command ? Who makes theseimperious laws fo r yo u

? Your mandatory ; he whoshould rather rece ive them from you , gentlemen ; fromus , who are invested with a political and inviolableprie sthood ; from us , in a word , to whom alone twentyfive millions of men are looking fo r certain happiness ,because it is to be consented to, and given and receivedby all . But the liberty of your discussions is destroyed ;a military force surro unds the Assembly . W here are theenemies of the nation ? Catiline is at our gates ! Ipropose that

,proceeding with becoming dignity , you act

up to the spirit of your oath and refuse to separate till

you have completed the constitution .

The Master of the Ceremonies , clad in cloth of gold ,


entered the hall . “ Gentlemen, you have heard theKing ’s orders 1”

“ Sir, answered the President , “ the Assembly wasadj ourned until after the royal sitting. I cannot separateit without its own consent .Yes , sir,

” put in Mirabeau , assuming the spokesmanship of the rebellious Commons , “ we have heard theintentions of the King ; and you , who have no seat orvoice in this Assembly , are not the person to remind usof his speech . Tell your master that we are here by thepower of the people , and that nothing but force will expelus . This sentiment was heart ily applauded .

You are to - day,added Sieyes in his slow, deliberate

way , “ what you were yesterday. Let us proceed withour deliberations . The decrees of the 1 7th and 2othJune were ratified , and the personal inviolability of themembers of the Assembly was declared . W hen BrezetoldLouis what had happened , the King meekly surrendered,and m erely said , Let them stay.

” On that day,

”writesM ignet , the royal authority was lost. The initiative inlaw and moral order passed from the monarch to theAssembly .


mob , to withdraw his threat of resignation . The Kingdid not urge a sacrifice of conviction on the part ofhis “ faithful clergy and noblesse from any high moralconviction . That he was capable of heroism will beevident as the story proceeds , but at the moment hisadvice was dictated by expediency . He merely wishedto gain time to gather a formidable force of troops tocircle Paris , ostensibly for the purpose of suppressingprobable riots ; in reality to be ready to secure the dismissal of the deputies should it be thought politic todo so. Those immediately at hand were the Gardes

F ranpaises , a local auxiliary force . They were alreadytainted by revolutionary doctrines , and one of the com

panies had gone so far as to swear that although theywould defend the King and were willing to shed theirlast drop of blood fo r him , they would lay down theirarms if ordered to fire on the people . As Germanand Swiss mercenary regiments would constitute a certainproportion of those about to arrive , they were notsuspect. Indeed , many of them were tot ally ignorant ofthe language of the coun try . Those at Court had littleidea that armed public Opinion was possible .The clergy who had not already joined the Commons

did so without hesitation , and although there was som ecavilling on the part of the nobles

,they duly fulfilled the

wishes of the m onarch . The occasion was marked bypolite speeches , and a honeyed , but doubtless sincerespeech from Bailly . This day will be celebrated in ourannals , he averred .

“ It renders the family complete ;it for ever clo ses the divisions which have so profoundlyafflicted us ; it fulfils the desires of the King

,and now

the National Assem bly will occupy itself without distrac tion or intermiss ion in the great work of nationalregeneration and public happiness .

”


reactionaries as the Baron de Breteuil and Maréchal deBroglie

,the former as Chief M inister and the latter as

Secretary for ‘Nar. Both were cordially detested 111 thegood city ofParis —Breteuil because he was a friend ofMarie Antoinette ; Broglie as general ofthe troops in thevicinity of the capital . On the following day , whichhappened to be Sunday , the news was in everybody

’

smouth . Camille Desmoulins , young, fiery , and soon tobe known as the first apostle ofLiberty ,

”harangued the

throng which gathered in the garden of the Palais Royal ,telling them that the dismissal of the popular Ministerwas the ringing of the tocsin which meant “ a SaintBartholomew to all patriots ,

” and inciting them to activeresistance . So many versions of his speech have beenprinted that it is wellnigh impossible to give his actualwords , but according to the Marquis de Ferrieres , a deputyof the nobility , he said : Citizens , I am just come fromVersailles ; there is not a moment to be lost . MonsieurNecker is dismissed ! His dismissal is the tocsin thatsounds a Saint Bartholomew to all patriots . This veryevening the Swiss and German battalions are to comefrom the Champ de Mars to butcher us . To arms !To arms ! W e have no other resource .

” W ith trueoratorical effect he plucked a twig off a near-by tree andplaced it in his hat , which improvised cockade receivedpublic approval by many others following his example.Green , he told his followers , represented Hope .Some of the French Guards

,together with many

thousands of people , paraded the streets with laurelcrowned busts of Necker and Orleans

,which they obtained

from the waxworks of M . Curtius , Madame Tussaud’s

uncle , situated on the Boulevard du Temple . They cameinto collision with the hated Swiss and German mercenarysoldiers , with the result that several people were wounded

CAM ILLE DE SMOULIN S (I 760—I 794 )

(From the p ortra z t by Bos e in the Cha rtres {11 1/ sea m )


hitherto carried on by nominees of the Crown . TheAssembly of Electors had been confirmed in their actionby a crowd wh i ch met in the Place de Greve in the earlyhours of the 13th and constituted itself an assem ble

’

e

generate , an old-time institu tion which had controlledlocal affairs centuries before . The committee endeavouredto arrange for protection not only against the possibleassaults of the army , but also against the lawless throngswhich might contemplate its sack

, for it was obvious thatthe police , which numbered scarcely more than a thousand , and were no t altogether untainted , wou ld be next touseless . They speedily organised a militia of citizensprovisionally fixed at men , exclusive ofthe Gardes

Frangaises , which were incorporated in the newly- formedbody . This was the origin of the famous National Guard ,so named on the suggestion of Lafayette. The volunteerswere furnished by the sixty districts into which Parishad been divided by the HOtel de Ville for electoral purposes , 8 00 men from each , and those not definitely enrolledwere liable to arrest if found armed . The insignia of

authority was a red and blue cockade,the colours ofParis ,

the choice of Camille Desmoulins being rej ected becausegreen was associated with the Comte d’

Arto is .

The promptness with which the Parisians organised atonce th is provis ional magistracy ,

” says Bertrand de Moleville , an observant and reliable contemporary

,

“ thebourgeois militia, and the sixty district assemblies

,has

been made too much a wonder . To M . Necker ’s im prudence belongs the honour of this melancholy miracle

,

without which the city of Paris would have been underthe necess ity of submitting to the King’s authority , andof imploring his protection against the plunderers . It wasthe innovating genius of that minister which engenderedthe Assembly ofElectors , and that division of the Capital

THE PEOPLE PATRO L THE STREETS o r PAR IS ON THE NIGHT o r JU LY 1 2,I789

(From a [ream /fu l aqua/m t in colour by S erge i/ t, 1 789 ,the Bib/zu/h i‘we A

'

atzona/u)


m andeered every available weapon . The people and notthe m ilice bourgeoise armed themselves that day. Littleblame attaches to the Governor for not having resistedsuch overwhelming numbers . It would have been bothfutile and foolish .

The capture of the Bastille , the grim fortress-prisonwhich was the symbol of tyranny and despotism , was thenatural corollary of the mental contagion now raging inParis , but the immediate cause ofthe attack can be tracedto a rumour that its cannon were trained on the FaubourgSaint Antoine . I t is also said that a courier was intercepted bearing an order to the Governor to hold out tothe last extremity if the place were attacked . Althoughmany contemporary pens were busy at the time , theaccounts vary so much that we cannot be sure as towhich is the most authentic of them . For instance

,

Pasquier , who was present at the fall of the place whichhad served R ichelieu and his successors in such goodstead , tells u s that W hat has been styled the fight wasnot serious , for there was absolutely no resistance shown.

W ithin the hold ’

s walls were neither provisions norammunition . It was not even necessary to invest it.The regiment of Gardes F ranpaises which had led theattack , presented itself under the walls on the Rue SaintAntoine side , opposite the main entrance , wh ich wasbarred by a drawbridge . There was a discharge of afew musket shots, to which no reply was made

,and

then four o r five discharges from the cannon.It has

been claimed that the latter broke the chains of thedrawbridge . I did no t notice this , and yet I wasstanding close to the point of attack . W hat I did seeplainly was the action of the soldiers

, invalides , or others ,grouped on the platform of the high tower

,holding

their muskets stock in air , and expressing by al l means


produced a sudden surrender of that fortress . M . deLaunay

,the principal gunner

,the tailor, and two o ld

invalids who had been noticed as being more active thanthe rest

,were seized and carried to the HOtel de Ville

where,after a very summary trial before the tribunal there,

th e inferior objects were put to death , and M . de Launayhad also his head cut off in the Place de Greve , but withcircumstances of barbarity too shocking to. relate .

THE PEOPLE’S REVENGE

Th e beads of De Launay , Governor of the Bas tille , Foulon, Councillor of State ,and th e faceless h ead and th e h eart ofBerth ier de Sauv igny,

Intendant ofthePalace , on p ikes . Drawn by Girode t, wh o m ixed Wi th th e c rowds , notebook inhand . The Bas tille fell on July 14 : Foulon and Sauvrgny were killed by the

people on th e 23rd . From th e original drawing in th e Biblrothéque Nationale .

M . Huber, writing to Mr . Eden 1 on the l 6th July17 8 9 , tells a somewhat similar story . In his narrative heasserts that De Launay “ made some faint resistance

,

and afterwards “ hoisted out, it is said , a white flag.

He suggests that perhaps two or three hundred of the1 Afte rwards first Lord Auckland.


the Palais Royal , where persons were now put on trial,and his head cut off and placed on a pike as a stern warningto would -be traitors . His office at the Hotel de Villewas filled by Moreau de Saint-Mery , who with feverishenergy sent off a vast number of despatches before thefollowing morning.

Thus we see that there were several opposing factionsin Paris . The citizens had confirmed the Assembly of

Electors in its work on their behalf, and demanded acom z

'

te’

p er-m anent and a m ilice bourgeoise. These were con

sidered essential to the safety of the city , and probablywould have been but for the lawless bands which got outofcontrol . Twice in one day they had proved themselvesstronger than the bureau de la ville, whose methods werefar too slow for them . They recognised the authority ofthe municipality , or pretended to do so ,

but were notcontent to abide by its decisions . De Corny had counselledpatience at the Invalides , and the m ob had sacked theplace ; people from the Faubourg Saint -Antoine had voicedtheir fears regarding the guns ofthe Bastille at the Hotelde Ville , and a deputation as well as a representative ofthecommittee of the district had been sent to wait on theGovernor . A promise had been given that the cannonwould not be fired unless the place was attacked

.Prob

ably De Launay regarded the dem and of the mob forthe arms which were in his custody as an attack .

” Theweight of evidence is in favour of the supposition that hewas the first to Open fire , but those who helped to capturethe place erred in taking the law into their own hands

.

W ithin a few days several hundred workmen werebusy with pickaxe and shovel razing the Bastille to theground . Crowds ofpeople flocked to the place , overjoyedthat the conqueror had been conquered

,and seeing in that

event the dawn ofa new era . One of the visitors has left

THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE 21 5

us his impressions . “ I could not help shuddering, hewrites , “ as I passed over the drawbridges which used tobe let down to receive the prisoners , and drawn up them oment they had passed . W e proceeded into the interiorcourt , which is so narrow and surrounded by such highwalls that I doubt whether the rays of the sun ever enteredit . The whole prison— its dark staircases, its mysteriouspassages

,its triple doors plated with iron and fastened by

eno rmous bolts ; its cells , which resembled graves preparedfo r the reception of living bodies ; its dungeons, gloomy,damp, and unwholesome, with walls eight feet in thickness ;the great stone in the mids t of each , which served thedouble purpose of a bed and a chair ; the chain in themiddle o f the stone, which from its thickness seemedintended to bind a wild beast and no t a man— in short ,every obj ect which met our eyes inspired us with sentiments of dread and horror. W e saw many instrumentsof torture , the names and the uses of which were entirelyunknown to us . Among others , we observed an iron suitof armour made to press upon all the j oints , and to seize ,as it were, with one grip, the knees , the hips , the stomach ,the arms and the neck of the wretch onwhom it was fixed .

It may be considered as a pre cious relic of tyranny . Iknow that it is a long time since these abominable engineshave been used , but they were once used ; and it is notuninstructive to remember what torments have beeninvented by slaves to revenge themselves on those whorefused to share their slavery and disdained to partake ofthe infamy oftheir honours .”

The Assembly had not been silent. Its members hadmet after the public holiday , and very soon began to feeluneasy about the troops which were arming in the vic inity

ofParis . Mirabeau moved that a petition be presented tothe King praying for the removal of the troops, and that


a guard should be raised in Paris and Versailles for thesuppression of any disorder that might arise . In thepetition

,which was not the work of Mirabeau but of

Dumont , his understudy , occurs the following : “ W e

cherish o ur King ; we bless Heaven for the gift it hasbestowed upon us in his love Louis had been misled,but “ the danger is pre ss ing , it is universal : it is beyondall the calculations of human prudence . W hat willre strain the people of the provinces when once they arealarmed fo r their l iberties Distance will magnify everything

,exaggerate every disorder, embitter every feeling.

The danger is for the capital The presence of thetroops will produce a universal ferment ; and the first actof violence committed under the pretext of keeping thepeace will lead to a horrible succession of misfortunes .”

The peril , as the petition rightly said , was for the troops.Being so near to the centre of discussion , “ sharing inthe pass ions , as in the interests ofthe people , they mayforget that an engagement has made them soldiers torecollect that nature has made them men . A similardanger threatened the Assembly W e shall be besiegedwith violent, unmeasured counsels ; and calm reason ,tranquil wisdom , do no t deliver their oracles in the midstof tumult , of disorder, and of faction Great revolutions have sprung from causes less considerable ; morethan one enterprise, fatal alike to nations and kings , havebeen announced in a manner less sinister and less form idable . W e beseech yo u , sire , the document concludes ,“ to send back the troops , to dismiss to the frontiers theartillery intended to protect them ; dismiss above all thosestrangers whom we pay , not to disturb , but to defend ourhearths . Your Majesty has no need o fthem . A monarchadored by twenty -fiv e millions of Frenchmen can desireno additional support from a few thousand foreigners

.


that the King was bent on flight , that the arms of theInvalides had been secured by the populace, and theBastille besieged . A little later representatives of the permanent committee at the Town Hall entered with the intelligence that the prison-fortress had fallen . A deputationhad already waited on the King, and a second deputationwas about to start

,when the first entered with the news

that Louis had acceded to their request for a citizen -guardand the removal ofthe troops on the Champs de Mars .It was decided , however, that the twenty - four deputies

should wait on Louis . “ Tell him , thundered Mirabeau , that the hordes of strangers who invest us receivedyesterday visits , caresses, exhortations and presents fromthe princes , princesses , and favourites . Tell him thatduring the night these foreign satellites , gorged with goldand wine

,predicted in their impious songs the subj ection

of France and invoked the destruction of the NationalAssembly . Tell him that in his own palace courtiersdanced to the sound of that barbarous music , and thatsuch was the prelude to the massacres of Saint Bartholom ew . Tell him that the Henry whose memory isuniversal , him whom of his ancestors he said he wouldmake his model , sent provisions into rebellious Pariswhen besieging it in person , while the savage advisersof Louis send away the corn which trade brings into hisloyal and starving capital .”

It was Louis who came to the Assembly,and not

the Assembly to Louis . He came without pomp andceremony , accompanied only by his brothers, to deliberate with “ his faithful deputies . I declare myselffor ever united with the nation , he averred duringthe course of his short speech , “ and

,relying on the

fidelity of the National Assembly,I have given orders

to remove the troops from Versailles and Paris ,

THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE 219

and I authorise you to make my instructions knownto the Capital . So great was the relief at th is pro !

nouncem ent that the legislators formed a guard of honouras the King returned to the palace . Obedient to hisrequest, a deputation hastened to Paris . According toDorset , the coolnes s wi th which this news was receivedseems to have thrown everybody again into the utmostconsternation

, and , to j udge by circumstances , thediffidence of the people is greater than ever

,for all the

barriers are doubly guarded . The disposition ofthe people at this moment is so unfavourable to the Courtthat I should not be surprised if the States-General , byappearing to give too much credit to the King’s professions , should lose the consideration in which theyhave hitherto been held by the Nation . The Populacewill not easily forgive the removal ofM . Necker ; for theyseem determined to push their resentment to the utmostlength s : but God forbid that should be the case , sincethey have already go t the upperhand , for who can trustto the moderation of an offended multitude ? The regularity and determined conduct of the populace upon thepresent occasion exceeds all belief, and the execration of

the nobility is universal amongst the lower order of

people . Everybody since Monday has appeared w itha cockade in his hat : at first green ribbons were worn , butthat being the colour of the Comte d

’

Arto is’ l ivery , red

and white in honour of the Due d’

Orleans have beensubstituted . The writer adds that “ the greatest Revolution that we know anything of has been effe cted with ,comparatively speaking , if the magnitude of the event isconsidered

,the loss of very few lives : from this moment

we may consider France as a free Country ; the King avery limited Monarch , and the nobility as reduced to a ,

level with the rest of the nation .


Events were to prove that the summarising ofLeedswas entirely wrong. The Revolution as an active organisation had scarcely begun its work , France was neithera free country nor was it destined to be for several decades ,and the 720616336 were reduced to a far lower level than thepeasan ts who fired the Chateaux of their former mastersand made bonfires of the feudal deeds which had beenresponsible for the misery of generations .Marbot , whose M

'

c’

m oz'

res are usually reliable when heis not relating his own adventures on the battlefield , tellsus how the peasants , “ hounded on by ringleaders fromBeaulieu , visited his father

’ s chateau , and “ with all thede licacy in the world , and with even some show of politeness , told my mother that they were under the necessityof burning such title-deeds of feudal dues as we still had ,and also of satisfying themselves that the ém z

'

gre’

s , herbrothers

,were not hidden in the chateau . My mother

rece ived them with admirable courage , surrendered thetitle-deeds , and pointed o ut to them that as they knewher brothers to be men of intelligence , they must see thatit was no t likely they had emigrated only to return toFrance immediately and hide in her chateau . Theyadmitted the j ustice of the argument ; and after drinking,eating, and burning the title—deeds in the middle of thecourtyard , they went offwithout further damage ,

shoutingVive [a Nation cl le CitoyenM arbot ! and charged my

m other to write and tell him that they loved him verymuch , and that his family was perfectly safe among them .

In Franche Com te many splendid house s weredestroyed ; fights attended by bloodshed took place atRouen ; in Brittany soldiers refused to obey their officersand made common cause with the people

, and a NationalGuard became general throughout the kingdom . Rumourof mysterious “ brigands sent by the aristocrats to cut


nameless individuals who assemble every morning andevening at the Hotel de Ville de Paris . The Court ofVersailles is no t only in appearance but in fact in a stateof imprisonment . The nominal Ministers of the countryavow without reserve that they are merely nominal .”

Baron de Frénilly,always inclined to be cynical , has

given us a somewhat unfavourable portrait of Bailly ,whose chief claim to fame was as author of L ’

H z

'

stoz'

re dc-l’

A stronom ie : “A member of the Academy of Sciences,

and rightly so, fo r he was a savam‘of the first order— a

m ember of the French Academy , and again with justice ,for he was a writer of great talent, he veiled this doublehonour with a gentle , serene modesty , an absolutelyunaffected sim plic ity . W hen in the drawing- room hewas merely a man of affectionate good manners , unpretentio u s , never disputatious , full of pure sentimentsand noble aspirations— a splendid model ofV irtue , honour,and true philosophy . He had neither enviers norenem ies . W hen the States -General came , this man , whoasked for nothing , was overwhelmed with votes , and whenit was necessary to appoint a Mayor of Paris he againreceived them . That day of triumph , however, was hisruin . His modesty capitulated , he thought h imself agreat man , and he became ridiculous . D z

’

gnus imp erii Si

non imp erasset. Heaven had granted him a wife who wase xactly proportioned to his little m ire $01 in the Louvrea good housekeeper and nurse who adored him ,

atalkative, common , ignorant , stupid woman , but tenderand devout , as is necessary , in fact , for an Academician.

Behold her, through a stroke of the wand,seated in an

immense gilded salon thronged with citizens and courtiers ,and you may imagine what a powerful auxil iary she wasto the sarcasms which were already showered on her poorhusband .

”

j iz AN SYLVA IN BA ILLY (i 7 36—r79 3) , Frns r l\IAY OR OF PAR IS

(From Me pam z‘Z /zg a Z/rzb/z terl (0 f F Garnen zy Zn. i/ a, ’ 1l[ 11 .v(c Ca rm w alct)


On the night of the 1 6th July— a memorable date ,because the deputies of the Assembly had debated ifthey had the power to demand the recall of Necker,and Louis had forestalled their wishes— a courier arrivedin Paris to announce that the K ing intended to cometo his capital on the morrow . This visit was not altoge ther voluntary on the part of Louis . Fifty deputieshad driven into the city fo r the purpose of seeing atfirst hand what had happened . They had been greetedwith shouts of “ Long live the National Assembly !followed by the ugly question,

Where is the King ?

Taking the ir cue from this , the deputies had appealedto Louis to show himself in Paris as evidence of hisgood faith , and as a kind of personal guarantee thathe wo uld no t take summary vengeance on its inhabitantsfor their lawless behaviour .Louis was uncertain as to h is reception , and went so

far as to confess and receive the sacrament , as thoughfearful of the result of the j ourney . He duly arrivedin his state coach drawn by eight horses

,and there

the pom p and pageantry of royalty ended on thisoccasion .

His escort was no t the army , but the newly-bornM

’

ilice B ourgeoise , which lined the way from the barrierat Passy to the Town Hall

,Lafayette riding a few

yards in front of the coach . W hen Louis reachedthe Place de Louis XV, cries of Vive la IVatz

'

on !

Viva A’ecker ! Vivent [es Gardes F ranpaz

’

ses / burstfor th from the assembled multitude . A correspondentwriting from Paris at th is time calls the King ’ s entryone of the most humiliating steps that he could possiblytake . He was actually led in triumph like a tamebear by the deputies and the City Militia. “ Sire

,

said Bailly as he received the monarch at the gates


his return to Versailles , after having confirmed thenominations of Bailly and Lafayette by the Comte deLally -Tollendal, he was met by the National Assemblyand escorted to the palace . A very general opinionhad been expressed at Court that his assassination wascontemplated . The passionate way in which MarieAntoinette greeted Louis on his return showed that shehad entertained serious misgivings during his absence .The mob secured a victim in Foulon , the Minister

of the King’s Household . It was asserted that he had

remarked during one of the frequent periods of scarcitythat the populace was fit for nothing but to eat hay.

The mere fact that he was connected with finance wassufficient to make him a suspect . He had warning of

what was likely to happen , and caused it to be an

nounced that he had died suddenly , to which everyappearance of truth had been given by his familyand servants appearing in mourning attire . Somebodyfound that the old man had merely retired to a friend’scountry house . He was traced , seized , and brought tothe Town Hall Of Paris for trial . Bailly did his bestto get him sent to the Abbaye ; the m ob shouted himdown , dragged the helpless man out of the building , andhanged him on the support Of a lantern at the cornerof the Place de Greve , afterwards stuffing the mouthof the victim with hay . Berthier de Sauvigny , his sonin- law and intendant of Paris , was disposed of in similarfashion . He was arrested at Compiegne and conveyedin a carriage to the HOtel de Ville

,where he saw the

head of his relative on a pike . As he was leaving thebuilding in custody Of a guard, some of the more desperate characters clutched at him , tore him away , andspeedily put an end to his life . Lafayette

,justly indig

nant at these examples of mob law,sent in his resignation ,

THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE 227

which was rej ected . Having perfo rmed the fell deed ,the mob attempted to bring the head on a pike forthe inspection of the j udges

,but were refused admission

because the committee was sitting.

“ In these terriblemoments , writes Bailly in his ll'I ém o z

'

res , pretexts wereto be made use of to escape from these atrocities ; therewas a real danger— it was useless to brave it— to thosewho attempted to speak the language of justice and

humanity ; the people would hear nothing ; whoeverthought no t with them was supposed a traitor. ”

Thus both the King and the municipality appearedto be at the none- to o - tender mercies of the populace,and the National Assembly , bent on drawing up aconstitution according to the Tennis Court Oath , wasunable to proceed with its task because of the suddenwild alarm s ” which continually reached Versailles . Asto the Parlem e-nt of Paris , its power was to all intentsand purposes abrogated by the Assembly. France asa whole , however, remained loyal to Louis .

“ There were perhaps ten of us republicans in Parison July 1 2, 1 7 8 9 , writes Camille Desmoulins . “ Theserepublicans were for the most part young m en, who,nourished on the study ofCicero at college, were therebyimpassioned in the cause of liberty . W e were educatedin the ideas of Rome and Athens , and in the prideOf republicanism , only to l ive abj ectly under a monarchy ,in the reign

, so to speak , of a Claudian or a Vitellius .

Unwise and fatuous Government, to suppose that we,filled with enthusiasm for the founders of the Capitol ,could regard with horror the vam pires of Marseilles ,o r admire the past w ithout condemning the present ;ulteriora m im rz

’

, pnesentz'

a secutum .

”

CHAPTER XVI I

THE RIGHT S OF MAN

What a scene i s France PVhile the Assem bly i s votingabstractprop ositions, Pari s i s an indep endentRep ubli c thep rovinces have nei ther authoritynorfreedom , and poor Necker declares that credi t i s no m ore, and that the

p eop le refuse to pay taxes .

" GIBBON .

ON the 19th July 178 9 Mirabeau pictured in glowingcolours the extrao rdinary changes which had occurredwithin so sho rt a period . The capital passing fromde spo tism to liberty , from terror to perfect security,was one of the phrase s he used— doubtless picturesque andas ce rtainly untrue . The establishment of the NationalGuard , the taking of the Bastille , the recall of Necker,the King “ restored to confidence

,were events aston

ishing in themselves” that would produce incalculable

effects which are beyond the reach of human foresight todivine . There was , however , a deep shadow aslant thispicture , as we have partly seen . As July drew towardsits close , the grim spectre of famine appeared . Businesswas practically at a standstill

,artisans and labourers

go ssiped , but refused to work , and many tradespeople whodepended on wealthy clients were speedily ruined becausetheir customers thought it advisable to put as manyleagues as possible between Paris and themselves . Themunicipality , or rather the committee to whom thework had been delegated, did its best to cope with thegrowing demands of the wageless people for bread . Thistask was all the more difficult because the farmers nolonger brought their provender to be sold for fear ofthecarts being looted . The Committee had therefore to28


are published and propagated among the people . Themost positive assertions , the most minute details of facts ,the strongest appearance Of probability , are made toaccompany the grossest falsehoods . Foulon and Besenvalwere the victims of pretended letters , of which athousand copies have been seen, but no original . Theconvent of Montmartre has been twice beset by twentyor thirty thousand men , who threatened it with destruotion for having monopolised the food of Paris ; it wassearched , and there was scarcely found provisions enoughto supply the house . At one moment it is affirmed thatthe aristocratic conspirators have thrown a great quantityofbread into the Seine at another, that they mowed thegreen corn . The public is overwhelmed with lies andcalumnies .”

One has only to follow Arthur Young’s itinerary toappreciate the fact that scarcity of bread and riots almostinvariably went hand in hand . At Nangis

,where Young

was the guest of the Marquis de Guerchy at his chateau,

the entertaining author of Travels in F rance was told bythe hairdresser who attended on him that distress wasvery prevalent , that those who had work made insufficientmoney to keep body and soul together in anythingapproaching comfort, and that many were entirely without occupation . He also notes that

,by order of the

magistrates , no person was allowed to purchase m ore thantwo bushels of wheat at a market : “ Being here on amarket -day , I attended , and saw the wheat sold out

under this regulation , with a party of dragoons drawnup before the market-cros s to prevent violence . Thepeople quarrel with the bakers , asserting the price s theydemand for bread are beyond the proportion of wheat

,

and proceeding from words to scuffling,raise a riot

,and

then run away with bread and wheat for nothing : this

THE RIGHTS OF MAN 231

has happened at Nangis and many other markets ; theconsequence was , that neither farmers nor bakers wouldsupply them till they were in danger of starving, and ,

when they did come,prices under such circumstances

must necessarily rise enormously,which aggravated the

misch ief, till troops became really necessary to givesecurity to those who supplied the markets . Youngfound similar trouble at Coulomm iers : “ Conversationhere , as in every other town of the country , seems moreoccupied by the dearness of wheat than on any othercircumstance . He was at Nancy when news wasreceived of the confusion at Paris consequent on theremoval of the ministry and of Necker . The effect onthe people “ was considerable . “ \Vhat will be theresult at Nancy ? he asked of several citizens

,and

invariably received an answer to the effect that W e area provincial town , we must wait to see what is done atParis ; but everything is to be feared from the people ,because bread is so dear , they are half starved , and areconsequently ready for commotion .

” In this matterYoung makes one Of his usual shrewd comments .“ W ithout Paris ,

” he says , “ I question whether thepresent revolution , which is fast working in France,could possibly have had an origin . At Strasburg “ theParisian spirit of commotion was everywhere evident ;a m ob shattered the windows Of the houses of unpopularmagistrates

,clamoured for meat at five francs a pound ,

and broke into the Town Hall and destroyed whateverthey could lay their hands on, including so much Of thefabric as was possible . At Be lfort the people demandedthe arms in the magazine , and at L

’

Isle—sur- le—DoubsYoung found it necessary to secure a cockade, “ whichI took care to have so fastened as to lose it no more .At Besancon he notes in his diary that “ The mischiefs


which have been perpetrated in the country , towardsthe mountains and Vesoul (Haute SaOne ) , are numerousand shocking. Many chateaus have been burnt, othersplundered , the seigneurs hunted down like wild beasts ,their wives and daughters ravished , their papers andtitles burnt , and all their prope rty destroyed ; and theseabominations not inflicted on marked persons , who wereodious for their former conduct or principles , but anindiscriminating blind rage for the lo ve of plunder.Robbers

,galley- slaves , and villains of all denominations

have collected and instigated the peasants to commit allsorts of outrages . In the inn at Dij on where the genialagriculturist stayed he m et a seigneur, his wife , family,three servants , and a baby who had escaped from theirburning chateau . At several places he was taken for afriend of the Queen sent to measure the fie lds for thepurpose of doubling the existing taxation . Nothing wasbad enough to say of Marie Antoinette , who was everywhere regarded as the enemy Of la belle F rance. Itwould be quite easy to multiply these instances of

insurrection , but every student of the period is bound toread Young’s Travels 1 if he wishes to obtain first-handevidence ofthe distress and disorder which were graduallyspread ing throughout the country . Letters and memorials were frequently sent to the Assembly regarding thedestruction Of property , the burning of Chateaux and

convents , the pil laging of farms , and so on. A report tothe Assembly submitted on the 3rd August by one ofits numerous committees mentions that “ the laws arewithout force , the magistrates without authority , and

j ustice is no longer m ore than a phantom,which it is vain

to seek in the courts . ”

On the 4 th August one of the most memorable1 The e

'

dition edited by M iss Betham -Edwards is th e bes t.


seconding of the Viscount’s proposal , but a thunder of

applause followed the speech of Leguen de Kerangal , aBreton deputy who was clad in the picturesque costumeof the peasant . He gave a lurid account Of men tied tothe plough

,and of men beating the ponds lest the croaking

ofthe frogs should disturb my lord ’s slumbers . W ho isthere in an enlightened age like this , he demanded , thatwould not make an expiatory bonfire of these infamousparchm ents , who that would no t seize a torch and offerthem up as a sacrifice on the altar of the public good ?

There is no peace for France until there is an end ofthesethings . Tell the people that you acknowledge theinjustice of these rights acquired in times of ignoranceand darkness . You have not a moment to lose . The fallOf empires has often been announced by less noise than

you now hear. Do you mean to give laws to France onlywhen in a state ofdevastation

The nobles were followed by the clergy , the clergy bythe Third Estate . Everyone

,Dumont says

,

“ hastenedforward to lay a sacrifice on the altar of the country bydenuding himself or someone else . There was not amoment for reflection ; a sort of sentim ental contagionswept away every heart . ” PrOpo sals were made for theabolition of the game laws

,the rights of the chase

,mili

tary pensions , the casuel, the gabelle, the aides . It wassuggested that offices in the Church

,the army

,and the

Civil Service should be open to all , that tithes should becommuted , that the nation had the right to dispose Ofecclesiastical property . A decree of nineteen articlesembodying these various reforms was drawn up by acommittee , and as tithes w ere held to come under thedesignation of feudal vassalage they were abolished , notwithstanding the fierce denunciation of the Abbé Sieyes .The clergy assumed the position of salaried offi cials , and


m any valuable and long-descended rights, these m ultipliedsacrifices had a certain air of magnanimity which madeone forget the indecency of this heat and precipitation ,so l ittle suited to the character of legislato rs . 1 saw thatnight good worthy deputies who wept for joy in findingbusiness advance at such a rate , and their utmost hopesexceeded , at every new spring of the endemic enthusiasm .

I t is,however

,true that all were not hurried away in the

prevailing sentiment . The member who felt himselfruined by one proposition which had been unanimouslyadopted took his revenge by making another whichensured him com panions in calamity .

Dumont ’s concluding remarks regarding the night ofsacrifices are valuable as showing the point of view of acontempo rary wh ich must hav e had its counterpart inthe minds of many others besides the Genevese authorof the S ouvenirs sur M

'

irabeau . The decrees stoppedneither brigandage nor violence , but afforded the populace the finishing evidence oftheir strength

,and convinced

them that all their outrages on the nobles would at leastremain unpunished— if even they were not rewarded . Irepeat , that which men do out of fear never attains itsobject . Those whom you think to disarm by concessions only redouble their confidence and audacity .

It was decreed that a medal be struck to commemoratethe night of the 4th August 178 9 . The obve rse bo re thehead and shoulders of “ L ouis X VI Restaurateur de

la L iberte’

F ranpaise , to quote the inscription , and thereverse represented the deputies sacrific ing the ir privilegeson the altar oftheir country . The wording is

, Abandon

de tous les p rivileges . A sse-m blee JVationale , I V Aofit,

BIDCCL XXA’

IX . A solemn Te Deum was orderedto be chanted , and the title of “ Resto rer of FrenchLiberty was conferred on the King, although What Louis


had to do with this particular affair is not evident . Manygifts of money were also made to the Assembly bycitizens and their wives for the relief of the poor andtowards the extinguishing ofthe national debt .W itty and cynical Horace W alpole , who regarded

the Revolution with almost as much abhorrence as didEdmund Burke , and the horrors of which , according toh is friend Miss Berry , “ made h im a Tory, anticipatedwhat actually occurred . W riting on the 4th August ,he states his conviction that The Etats Géne

’

raua" are ,

in my opinion , the most culpable . The King had restoredtheir old constitution , which all France had so idolised ;and he was ready to amend that constitution . But theEtats , with no sense , prudence , or temper, and whomight have obtained a good government, and perhapspermanently, set out with such violence to overturn thewhole frame , without its being possible to replace it atonce with a sound model entirely new , and the reverseof every law and custom of their whole country, havedeposed not only their King, but, I should think , theirown authority ; for they are certainly now trem blingbefore the p op ulace, and have let loose havoc throughevery province

,which sooner or later will end in worse

despotism than that they have demolished .

On the 7th of the same month Necker broached thesubj ect Of finance . As was expected , he gave a dismalaccount of the misfortunes of the country .

“ Desolationcovers a part of France , terror the whole, due in hisopinion to “ the total subversion of the police and ofall regular authority .

” He called up on men of propertyto unite and save the State . The deficit in therevenue amounted to some livres ; a loan

of livres was incumbent. He proposed thatthe latter should bear interest at five per cent ; the


Finance Committee advised that it be reduced to fourand a half per cent . The issue was floated at the lowerfigure

,and to all practical intents and purposes was

boycotted.Towards the end OfAugust the Idol of the

Nation sought permission to raise a loan of

livres at five per cent . , but only a little over a half wassubscribed . Thus matters went from bad to worse, andthe State drew nearer and nearer to bankruptcy .

The constitu tion was now proceeded with in earnest.

In the early days o f July a preliminary committee hadissued its first report. It regarded it as an essential thata Declaration of the Rights of Man— in other words , ofthe individual citizen— shou ld precede the principles ofgovernment

,a suggestion made in many of the calziers,

as a second committee appointed for the purpose of exam ining them very soon discovered . This importantdocument

,which is seldom quoted in general h istories

of the French Revolution , was accepted on the 27th

August 178 9 . It runs as follows“ The representatives of the French people, organised

as a National Assembly , believing that the ignorance,neglect , or contempt of the rights of man are the solecauses of public calamities , and of the corruption of

governments , have determined to set forth in a solemndeclaration, the natural , inalienable , and sacred rightsof m an, in order that this declaration , being constantlybefore all the members Of the social body

,shall remind

them continually of their rights and duties ; in orderthat the acts of the legislative power, as well as thoseOf the executive power

,may be compared at any moment

with the ends of all political institutions and may thus bemore respected ; and , lastly , in order that the grievancesof the citizens , based hereafter upon simple and incontestable principles , shall tend to the maintenance of the


prisoned except in the cases and accord ing to the formsprescribed by law. Any one sol ic iting , transmitting,executing

, or causing to be executed any arbitrary ordershall be punished . But any citizen summoned or arrestedin virtue of the law shall submit without delay, as

resistance constitutes an Offence .8 . The law shall provide for such punishments only

as are strictly and Obviously necessary , and no one shallsuffer punishment except it be legally infl icted in virtueof a law , passed and promulgated before the commissionofthe Offence .

9 . As all persons are held innocent until they shallhave been declared guil ty , if arrest shall be deemed indispensable , all severity not essential to the securing of theprisoner

’

s person shall be severely repressed by law .

“ 10 . NO one shall be disquieted on account of hisOpinions, includ ing his religious views , provided theirmanifestation does not d isturb the public order establishedby law .

1 1 . The free communication of ideas and opinions isone of the most precious of the rights of man . Everycitizen m ay, accordingly , speak , write , and print withfreedom , but shall be respons ible for such abuses of thisfreedom as shall be defined by law .

12. The security of the rights of man and of thecitizen requires publ ic military force . These forces are

,

the refore , established for the good of all , and not for thepersonal advantage of those to whom they shall be entrusted .

“ 13 . A common contribution is essential for themaintenance of the public forces and for the cost ofadministration . This should be equitably distributedamong all the citizens in proportion to their means

.

14 . All citizens have a right to decide,either person


ally or through their representatives , as to the necessity Ofthe public contribution ; to grant this freely ; to know towhat uses it is put ; and to fix the amount , the mode ofassessment and of collection, and the duration of thetaxes .

1 5 . Society has the right to require ofevery publicagent an account of his administration .

1 6 . A society in which the observance ofthe law isno t assured , nor the separation of powers defined, has noconstitution at all .

17 . Since property is an inviolable and sacred right ,no one shall be deprived thereof except in cases wherepublic necessity, legally determined , shall clearly requireit , and then only on condition that the owner shall havebeen previou sly and equitably indemnified .

Various Opinions have been expressed by modernh i storians on the Declaration of Rights . 1 ProfessorMontague calls it “ a curious mixture of law , morals ,and philosophy . Dr . J . Holland Rose admits - that the“ ‘Rights of Man ’ seemed to summon all peoples to anew political life. ” Professor Paul Viollet particularlyemphas i ses the fact that articles 1 and 10 were directlyinspired by America, the first by the Declaration ofthe Rights of Massachusetts (1779 and in a minordegree by documents having a similar purport and issuedby Pennsylvania (1776 ) and Virginia the secondby the Bill of Rights ofNew HampshireDo not these principles of 17 8 9 represent the most

commonplace assumptions of European Governments today ? ” asks Professor James Harvey Robinson 2 “ Andyet every one of them was neglected by every EuropeanGovernment in the eighteenth century , if we except Eng

1 See Cam bridge ModernHistory, vol. viii. , pp. 201, 5 5 6, 728 , 749.

2 The NewHistory (New Yo rk , p . 232.


land . M . Seignobo s reminds us that when a Frenchmanturned his attention to political questions in the eighteenthcentury, most of the institutions in the midst Of which helived appeared to him to be abuses contrary to reason andhumanity .

’

Now , if we are not prej udiced against theDeclaration of the Rights of Man by careless and hostilecritics

, and by the suggestions made during the debates bySieyes and others— which certainly reached a degree offatuity rarely exceeded in the most futile of parliamentarydiscussions— and if we neglect one or two oratoricalflourishes , do we not find it to be , after all, simply adignified and succinct repudiation of les abus ? I s it nota concrete and positive , although general , statement ofthe practical reforms which the Assembly was in dutybound to real ise ? Was there not back Of each articlesome crying evil of long standing , in V iew of which thenation might expect a comprehens ive constitutionalguarantyHaving enunciated certain principles , the next item on

the programme , and assuredly the more difficult , was toembody them in a constitution . W eeks were spent indiscussions , oftentimes carried on in an uproar, buteventually several preliminary matters were decided . Thelegislative body should be permanent and consist of asingle chamber only , and the King should not have theright of absolute veto as hitherto. He could use h is prerogative fo r two sessions , but no longer— a compromiseengineered by Necker.It is now that definite parties begin to form in the

Assembly. The Right, so called because its members saton the right hand ofthe President’s chair

,was the party

of reaction and obstruction , supporters of the throne andof the Church , such as Cazales and the Abbé Maury.

The ultra - conservative amongst them were known as the

CHAPTER XVI I I

A BANQUET AT VERSAILLES AND ITS SEQ UEL

Who can regulate the imp ulse of a greatpeop le when once put in m otion7

MADAME DE STAEL .

THE question of the royal veto caused a tremendousagitation throughout the country . Sieyes termed it a“ lettre de cachet against the will of the nation . The

Palais Royal , a revolutionary centre of constantly -growingimpo rtance, threatened to let loo se an army of men forthe purpose of burning the houses ofdeputies who maintained that the King

’s prerogative was a safeguard againstpo ssible tyranny . Newspapers and pamphlets continuedto agitate ; lies about the wanton waste of the noblessewere propagated with sedulous care . Deputations waitedon the Assembly to assure the legislators that if Louiswere given the absolute veto the country would s ink intodespotism of the worst possible character . Thus intimidated , the legislators were able to bring anything but aclear and dispass ionate mind to bear on the subj ect oftheir deliberations . In vain Mirabeau told his fellowconstitution -makers that he would “ rather live in Constantinople than in Paris if laws could be made in Francewithout the royal sanction . His courage seems to havefailed him when his opinion was put to the test , for hedid no t vote at the final division on the 1 1 th September.Four of the deputies who had served on the comm itteecharged with the drawing - up ofthe constitution

,men who

at least were true to their convictions on this occasion,

resigned when the result ofthe voting was made known .

244

A BANQUET AT VERSAILLES 24 5

They were Mounier , Lally—To llendal, Bergasse , andClermont-Tonnerre . A new committee , which includedTalleyrand , Sieyes , and Le Chapelier, who had filledpositions in its predecessor, together with Thouret , Target ,Tronchet , Rabant-Saint—Etienne , and Desm euniers con

tinued the work .

Although Paris was still in a ferment , Lafayette andthe National Guard had succeeded in dispersing variousseditious meetings and in restoring something approaching a feeling of security to the citizens , although breadwas daily getting scarcer , and the people were beginningto tire Of the indecision of Versailles . Empty or halfempty stomachs , combined with an ugly rumour thatLouis intended flight

— in actual fact some Of his ad

v isers, including Marie Antoinette, endeavoured to persuade him to do so— and the appearance of the Regim entde F landres at Versailles , apparently to assist him in hisintention , or perhaps to overturn the Assembly, weresufficient to inflame the hungry populace . Why had theKing taken so long to assent to the Declaration of theRights of Man and the abolition of feudal dues ? theyasked ; and, more important than either, W hy had thenewly- arrived regiment been fated ?

There was really not the slightest need for uneasinesshad the m ob stopped to think , but mobs never ponderpros and cons

,and that is why they are apt to do such

mad things . They had some idea , and it was certainlynot an altogether unreasonable one , that if the royalfamily cou ld be persuaded to take up their residence inParis

,their presence would be some guarantee that the

city would not be left to starve. Likewise it would notbe so easy for the King to escape , should he meditate suchan action

,which the majority assuredly believed was the

case . The Gardes da Corp s at Versailles merely carried


out a timehonoured custom , hitherto unobserved by them ,

it is true,when they entertained the newly-arrived Regi

ment of Flanders , the strength of wh ich was swollen tomammoth proportions by the scaremongers and gossipsof the capital . It totalled not more than 1 1 00 men and afew guns . Undoubtedly there were indiscretions in themanner and matter ofthe coming of the troops and Of thesubsequent entertainment and its aftermath . There wasplenty of pomp and circumstance connected with theirarrival on the 23rd September which it would have beenj udicious to avoid

,and it was deemed significant that

the banquet on the l st October was held in the Salled

’

Hercule , an apartment associated with important Statefunctions . That the officers of the National Guard stationed at Versai lles were invited and fraternised with thesemi -foreign Officers of the Regiment of Flanders wasfurther cause for agitation .

W hat had actually happened was this : A suitablehall no t being available for the entertainment , leave hadbeen granted to use the theatre in the palace. It wasbeautifully decorated for the occas ion , and there is indirectevidence that part of the expenses was borne by theCourt . It has been pointed out that while the hosts paida sum equivalent to about fiv e shillings a head , the dinnermust hav e cost eight times that amount for each individual , exclusive of wine , two bottles of which wereplaced before each m an. Success ive feasts were given onthe two following days to which the ordinary soldierswere invited . There was a sound of revelry by night ”

on the l st October 17 8 9 as we ll as on the 1 5 th June 1 8 15 .

It does not seem that either the King o r the Queen hadseriously entertained the thought ofputting in an appearance at the festivities . According to Ro cheterie ,

a lady- inwaiting suggested that it would gratify the little Dauphin

A BANQUET AT VERSAILLES 247

if he were shown the brilliant spectacle . The Queen , lowSpirited and the victim of a hundred terrible thoughts,consented , and it is more than likely that she welcomedthe respite as a means offorgetting her anxieties for a fewbrief minutes . Louis , who had been indulging in thetraditional sport of the Bourbons , notwithstanding thecrisis through which he and the nation were pass ing , j oinedthem booted and spattered with mud . Together they entered the royal box . Their appearance was made the o ccasion ofa fervid outburst ofloyalty . Cries of Vive leRoi !

Vive laReine ! Vive JlI onsieur leDauphin! were repeated

again and again . They then walked round the tables .The orche stra struck up 0 Richard, 0 m on Roi, l

’

univers

t’

abandonne— O Richard , O my King , by the world fo rgotten— from Gretry ’s Richard Cceur de L ion, which hadbeen played at the Theatre Italien a few months before,and the troops sang it with boisterous enthusiasm . Ac

cording to somewriters , it was no t until after the royal familyhad left that the Guards, walking to the Cour de Marbre,tore Off the white cockades of the Bourbons and gavethem to the officers of the National Guard . Others saythat ladies ofthe Court made cockades of white paper andthrew them down from the boxes , which m akes it easy tobelieve that the guests donned them from a sense of

chivalry . Fitz Gerald , writing to the Duke Of Leeds,asserts that “ in the height of imprudence and mistakenzeal they all tore the national cockade from their hatsand trampled them underfoot, with many oaths against allthose who wore them and whom they considered as traitorsto the King . The Garde du Corps supplied themselves withblack cockades [for the Queen] in the room of those theyhad thrown away in such disdain , and this circumstance however trifling it sounds , was of lamentableconsequence

,and proved the ruin of that fine corps ofmen .


The news of this day soon reached Paris , and general illhumour spread visibly throughout.Since the 1 4th Ju ly the district of the Cordeliers,

perhaps the most democratic of the sixty , had met dailyand secured a large following. Its guiding spirit wasDanton

,

“the typical figure , as Hilaire Belloc terms him ,

of the Revolution in action . The dinner at Versailleswas given on a Thursday , and on the following Sundayplacards emanating from the Cordeliers and urging aninsurre ction appeared in conspicuous places . This was notdifficult

, for there had been considerable commotion aboutthe Palais Royal on the previous day . Early on Mondaym Oining the tocsin was rung in the district , and thedistrict battalion turned out . A huge concourse of

women had already gathered in the Porte Saint-Antoine,

determined to carry a petition to the King because theyhad been given rice instead of bread . A young womansecured a drum and made an unholy din as she passedthrough the streets shouting “ Bread ! Bread ! T0 Versailles ! Men , women , and children speedily gathered , andthe motley army marched to the Hate] de Ville . Theydemanded to see Bailly , but neither the mayor no r thepermanent committee had entered upon their work for theday. Maillard , who had been present at the siege of theBastille , happened to be there , and seeing a go lden Oppor

tunity offurther di stinguish ing himself, placed himse lf atthe head of the m o b with the intention of marching tothe National Assembly . Many of the people had providedthemselves with whatever weapons they could put theirhands on , and preceded by two unloaded cannon - presum ably to give the necessary m ilitary touch to theirragged array— set out on the twelve miles ’ walk that separated Paris from Versailles . Their strength was probablybetween five and six thousand

,increased by enthusiastic


the free circulation of corn , but omitted to sign it . Something like panic seized the throng when they were shownthe paper, and those who had been in the King

’

s presencewere roughly handled and sent back , this time returningwith the s ignature duly attached . The deputation madeall speed forParis the rest remained .

Louis then held a meeting Of the Council . W e do

not know exactly what took place , but it is generallyunderstood that some of the King

’s advisers endeavouredto persuade him to fly to Metz , where a cons iderable bodyOf troops under the command of the Marquis de Bouille’

was stationed , and where he would have an Opportunityto make plans fo r the re - conquest of his kingdom . Themonarch was obdurate , and would no t listen to anysuggestion fo r the removal of the Queen and theirchildren . Meanwhile Mounier waited fo r the uncon

ditional acceptance by the monarch of the Declaration ofRights and the first nineteen Articles ofthe Constitution,

for he had previously sanctioned them only on conditionthat the executive remained entirely in h is hands . Thiswas eventually given , but when Mounier returned to theSalle des Etats he found that most of the deputies had left.They had grown tired of waiting

,and the public which

thronged the hall had made the place so untenable thatthey had been glad to escape . The President did hisbest to appease them by securing what food he could ob

tain , which was eagerly devoured in the chamber . Themunicipality of Versailles also ordered rice to be cooked

,

and issued instructions that the bakers were to continuetheir work throughout the night . In an effort to allaythe agitation of the people

,the Body Guard was with

drawn . Mud , ofwhich there was abundance,was flung

at some ofthem , and shots were fired,fortunately without

loss ofl ife.


The municipality of Paris had done what it could toassuage both Court and people . It had sent messengersto Versailles to warn the former, and ordered detachmentsof the National Guard to secure corn from the countrydistricts around the capital— instructions which were no tobeyed , because a second crowd was already gathering inthe Place de Greve intent on marching to the royal town .

Lafayette , who was very popular, did his best to persuadethem no t to do so , but feeling that nothing he could sayor do would deter them from their fixed purpose , he wasgiven permission by the municipality to conduct thepeople to their desired haven .

W ith some of the National Guard , two representativ es of the municipality , and a more o r less orderlym ob, the commander set off when the hour hands of theclocks of Paris were moving towards six . It took thembetween four and five hours to traverse the muddy roads.W ithout unnecessary delay Lafayette and his twocolleagues Ofthe municipality were given an audience bythe King . The commander had unlimited faith in his“ army , who at his request had taken an oath to befaithful to the monarch and to respect the palace. Hesuggested that the majority Of the regular troops m ightbe withdrawn and the exterior posts given to the NationalGuard , which was done . Having seen that all was secure ,and fondly imagining that the storm was spent , Lafayette ,worn o ut by an exceedingly arduous day, retired to restfor a few brief hours . The Queen had long since goneto her apartment in the southern wing ; the King alsoslept . The crowd had dispersed , to find shelter where itcould . Versailles was tranquil .Some of the women were awake early and began to

gather in the Place d ’

Arm es . The rain had ceased andthe wind fallen . A gate leading into the Cour des


Ministres stood open,and with the curiosity which is

alleged to be a predominant feature of the sex , they passedthrough , undeterred by the sentry of the National Guard .

A handful of women could have done little harm , butthey were soon joined by a ho rde of ruffians armed withcrude weapons and apparently under the command of

a man named Jourdan . They reached the Cour Royale,where one of the Body Guard, alarmed at the m ob,

endeavoured to prevent its further progress . He darenot draw his sword

, fo r Louis had ordered that no bloodshould be spilt . He was speedily overpowered , and , together with another soldier who tried to stop the invadersat the top of the marble staircase , was dragged to thePlace d

’

Arm es and killed. W hen the motley arraycame to Marie Antoinette ’s apartments , one of theGuards opened a door and shouted to her Majesty

’

s maidto Save the Queen .

” His act was seen , and he receiveda blow which was within an ace of ending his days . Thefrenzied men and women gradually forced their way, butthe Queen and her attendants managed , with extremedifficulty , to reach the King

’s bedroom , he having meanwhile rushed along the secret passage which connectedthe two apartments and found it empty . He returnedto his cham bre a coucher to find all the family gatheredthere. The mob was now outside the (Eil-de - Boeuf ;the Body Guard and three rooms alone separated itfrom the persons they sought . Fortunately the yellingwhich seems the natural accompaniment of a crowd hadbeen heard by a detachment of the National Guard madeup of the Old Gardes F ranpaises posted near the palace.They marched to the point of danger

,and with the

troops cleared the chateau . Lafayette was not far behind , and with a party of grenadiers rescued some of thetroops which were being roughly handled in the Square.


How can one explain this new move on the King’

spart ? ” asks the Comte d

’

E spinchal, a royal ist e’

m igre’

.

Only an hour earlier he had behaved with great courage,and had made all arrangements for defending the palace.He knew himself to be surrounded by faithful servantshe could count upon the Swiss , and even , if he chose totake a decided line , on some of the National Guards .

Yet he went out to face hum iliations of every kind , toincur inevitable dangers, and to put himself at the mercyof his worst enemies . It was almost certain , moreover,that his actions must entail the death of the handful ofbrave men who had sworn to defend h im , for theirsentiments were not fluctuating nor easily disguisable,like those of the National Guard . The same fate, too,seemed likely to befall the Queen ’s ladies , the waitingwomen , and the other servants It is deeply distressingit wrings the heart— to inquire too deeply into our unfor

tunate Sovereign'

s inexplicable character . It is unique inthelong line of kings that have governed an ancient monarchyand , indeed , I doubt if the world has ever seen its like .The stormy dawn had subsided . The Father of his

People was returning to the capital which the fourteenthLouis had shunned for the stately palace and gardens ofVersaille s . The Queen , with the intuition of her sex,was no t to be deceived by the lumbering cannon whichthe women had decorated with greenery

,the threescore

waggons of grain which formed a conspicuous feature of

the queer procession , nor the loaves of bread which weredistributed to the National Guard and many of thewomen . Before setting out she had endeavoured toexact from her husband a promise that when next hissubjects foisted their unwelcom e attentions on him hewould “ fly while yet there is time.She received no such promise.


I f the Comtesse de Bo igne i s to be relied upon as awitness , and there is every reason for doing so because herfather was concerned in the matter , it had been arrangedthat Louis and his family should go to Rambouillet on

the night of the 6th October. It was the Comte deSaint-Priest , Minister Of the King

’s Household inNecker’sprevious administration, who informed De Bo igne of thechange of plans . My friend , he said , M . Necker haswon the day, and the King and the monarchy are alikeruined .

“ The King’s departure for Rambouillet had beendecided , the Comtesse states in her M em oirs ,

“ but theorders for the carriages had been given with all the fullfo rmalities usually in force . The rumour had thus goneabroad . The grooms had hesitated to harness the horses ,the coachmen to drive them . The populace had gatheredbefore the stables and refused to let the carriages out .

M . Necker, informed of these facts , had gone to discussthem with the King, who was persuaded to stay rather bythese Obstacles than by the Minister

’s arguments . Thoughhe was accusto m ed to ride twenty leagues while hunting,to go to Rambouillet on a troop horse would have seemedto him an inconceivable resource. There , as later atVarennes , the chance of safety had been destroyed bythose habits of formality which had become second natureto the French royal family.

It was afternoon before the lu ng, Queen , the royalchildren , Monsieur, Madame, and Princess Elizabethentered the lumbering coach which was got ready forthem . Other carriages followed containing many of thedeputies of the National Assembly. The returning mobwas met by a vast concourse of people marching fromParis to welcome the royal captives . W e shall not die

of hunger now ,was the sentiment and belief of the


p oissardes,“ for here is the baker , his wife , and the little

apprentice .This is how the journey was made according to Weber,

who was at Versailles and rode on horseback close to theroyal carriage. I t m ust be rem embered that he writesfrom the point of V iew of an ultra—royalist, whichdoubtless distorts his sense of proportion to some extent,but there is certainly more fact than fiction in hisaccount

“ First went the main body of the Parisians , herelates

,

“ each soldier with a loaf on his bayonet ; thencame the p oissardes , drunk with fury , exultation , and wine,astride on the cannons, mounted on the horses of theBody Guard

,surrounded by the brigands and workmen

who had come from Paris ; waggons of flour and grainformed a convoy

,followed by the grenadiers , who still

kept under their protection the Body Guard , whose liveshad been purchased by the King ; these captives were led,one by one , disarmed , bare - headed , and on foot, some ofthem with the grenadier caps instead Of their hats ; thedragoons , the soldiers of the Regim ent of Flanders , andthe hundred Swiss Guards then surrounded the carriage ofthe King, where were seated his Majesty, the royalfamily, and the governess . I t would be difficult todescribe the confusion and tediousness of a procession likethis , wh ich lasted s ix hours : it began with a general discharge of musketry at Versailles ; halts were m ade fromtime to tim e to give Opportunity for new salutes : the

p oissardes on these occasions descended from the cannonsand the horses , to dance around the carriage of the King,and to sing their songs . But the horror of this dreadfulday , cold and rainy as it was this infamous soldiery , wadingin the mud these harpies, these monsters in human form ;and in the middle ofhis captive Guards a monarch dragged


along thus ignominiously with his family , altogether formeda Spectacle so terrible , a mixture Of every possible afflictionand shame so piteous

,that my imagination cannot to this

hour recall the remembrance without an almost instantoversetting and annihilation ofmy faculties . No idea canbe formed ofall that was said and uttered by the populaceas we went along . Fo r three parts of the whole time Ikept myself at the right door of the carriage , and theirMajesties had the goodness to express to me, by theirgestures and their eyes cast up to heaven , their profound astonishment at the state to which the people haddescended .

Bailly , as on another celebrated occasion , presented toLouis the keys Of his good town of Paris . ” After proceeding to the HOtel de Ville to show themselves , theroyal fam ily were allowed to enter the Tuileries . Thegreat place was all but totally unprepared , and had notbeen inhabited by royalty since the maj ority ofLouis XV.

Monsieur and Madame took up their r esidence at theLuxembourg.

“ This is an ugly place , murm ured theDauph in . Louis the Fourteenth thought it good enoughfor him ,

replied his mother .On the following day the gardens of the Tuileries were

crowded with people anxious to see their Majesties , andthose members Of the Paris Parlem ent who had remainedin the capital presented their respects to them . Pasquierwas one ofthe representatives ofthis nearly obsolete bodywho made their way to the palace , and his quick sympathywas touched by the growing misfortunes ofLouis and hisconsort : It seemed that ten years had passed over theirheads in the space of ten days .The appearance of the household was cast-down and

disheartened of the National Guards , haughty andtriumphant ” and there was evidence of confusion . The

R


King’s face, he says , “ bore the imprint of resignation .

He understood that he had not reached the end of his

misfortunes . Indignation shone through the Queen’

s grief,which displayed somewhat more firm ness . Her son wassitting in her lap

,and in spite Of the courage ofwhich she

had given so many heroic proofs during the past fortyeight ho urs , one could not but feel that that son was forher a safeguard to the protection of which she committedherself. When she received us , it was plainly to be readin her eyes that she clearly saw in ours to what an extentthe sorrowful congratulations which we brought were incontradiction to the feelings of our innermost hearts,and how we suffered at having to speak those meaninglesssentences , consecrated by usage in days of happiness, andat not being able to speak others .The 8 th O cto ber was given up to the reception of

foreign Ministers . The Palace , says one who was there,“ seemed in the utmost disorder , was crowded with allsorts Of people without distinction , and the dignity of

Majesty was confounded in the chaos . The King wasmuch dej ected and said little. Her Majesty

’s voice faltered,and the tears ran fast down her cheeks as she spoke , andall their attendants seemed impressed with the deepestmelancholy and concern : during this time altho

’

the second day since their arrival , the gardens were stillthronged with people , and nothing was heard but repeatedscreams and shouting , and , from the marked pain and

distress on the countenance of all the Court, I do notdoubt but that they all , from what they had so latelyexperienced at Versailles , considered themse lves in a mostprecarious situation and by no means secure from popularV iolence— which , indeed , it is impossible for anybody tosay they are . The people pressed so thickly this day onall sides the Palace that Mons . de La Fayette judged proper


motion of Mirabeau that it was inseparable from themonarch . The deputies , interrupted and coerced , flatteredor threatened whenever measures did not happen to meetw ith the approval of the people who thronged theirm eeting- place in the riding- school of the Tuileries

,

gradually became permeated with democratic Opinions.As the method of voting was by standing or sittingthe former indicated in favour, the latter against— andon occasion by word Of mouth , those who repeatedlyvetoed popular measures speedily became marked men,and doubtless many a deputy cast his vote against hisconscience . The names of those who voted in oppositionto the democratic side were posted up at the Palais Royaland elsewhere whenever possible .

Happily,” Camille Desmoulins admits in the

L anterne,“ the incorruptible galleries are there which

always stand on the side of the patriots . They represent the capital , and , fortunately, the constitutionis framed under the batteries of the capital .Arthur Young makes some interesting comments on

the method of proceeding in the States,and although his

remarks are based on what he saw at Versailles,similar

scenes took place when the Assembly removed to Paris.

“ The spectators , he says , “ are allowed to interfere inthe debates by clapping their hands , and other noisy expressions Of approbation : this is grossly indecent : it isalso dangerous ; for, if they are permitted to expressapprobation , they are , by parity of reason

,allowed ex

pressions of dissent ; and they may hiss as well as clap ;wh ich , it is said , they have sometimes done —this wouldbe , to overrule the debate and influence the deliberations.Another circumstance is the want of order among themselves ; more than once to- day there were an hundredm embers on their legs at a time

,and Mons

.Bailly

BANQUET AT VERSAILLES 26 1

absolutely without power to keep order. This arisesvery much from complex motions being adm itted .

During a debate on the 8 th April 1790 , the deputiesused such abusive language that the people pelted themwith apples and oranges , and the guard had to be calledin to clear the galleries . It was not long ere the Assemblywas dominated by extremists .

CHAPTER XIX

THE CLUBS AND THE CHURCH

A great error was theunfortunate invention ofa constitutional clergy.

To exactfrom ecclesiastics anoath at variance with thei r conscience, and , onthei r refus ing it, to p rosecute them by the loss of a p ension, and afterwardseven to transportation,was to degrade those who took the oath, to which temp oral advantages were attached .

” DE STAEL.

THE attack on Versailles rid France of at least one notorious undesirable

,namely

,the Duke ofOrleans . Lafayette,

who had very good reason fo r doing so , advised him toleave the country

,and Louis, with a greater show Ofwisdom

than he usually displayed , sent him on what was understood to be a private miss ion to England . Consideringthe infamous part he had played , it might have been ex

pected that his disappearance would have“ cleared the

air, to use an expressive colloquial phrase. No doubtit did to a certain extent , but at the same time thenumerous political clubs for the discussion of past andpending measures , some of which had been founded bydeputies in the early days of the States-General , werebecom ing formidable . They sprang up with the rapidityof mushrooms

,some to stay , others to d isappear in a few

months . For this and other reasons we find prominentmen on the roll- calls of more than one club , either becausethey were members Of several or had ceded at some timeor other, perhaps to help in the organisation of a bodythat would represent m ore clearly their own political bias.The foremost of these was the Breton Club . It was

started , as its name indicates , by deputies from Brittany,who kept up a correspondence with comm ittees in the

262


was , of course , the common ground of the royalist party,and Mounier

,Lally-To llendal, Be rgasse , and Malouet

were members at some time of its existence . Althoughit sought to ingratiate itself in the favours of the lowerclasses by philanthropic measures such as the sale ofbreadbelow the market price , it signally failed to do so. Otherinstitutions which supported the Right were the Club deValois and the Club de 17 8 9 . In the latter , which hadroyal support and approval, were to be met such men asL afayette , Sieyes , La Rochefoucau ld , Le Chape lier, Bailly ;andM irabeau was President for a short time . Pasquier,whowas attached to the Valoi

'

s , admits that the deputies oftheLeft managed their affairs far better than their adversaries .In his opinion , “ Everything , or nearly everything, wasdone by the party Opposed to the Revolution in the excitement ofthe moment nothing was the result ofreasoning.

”

The Cordeliers Club , with the fiery Danton as President , came into being as the immediate result of the replacing of the districts by the sections in 1790 . It wasavowedly democratic , and very soon came to regard anhereditary monarch as incompatible with liberty . In thesame year L a S ocz

'

e’

te’

F raternelle was founded , and soonhad many affi liated societies w orking in the J acobin cause.Clubs frankly literary o r philanthrOpic like the L yce

’

e andthe Société (les Arm

'

s des rVoirs took on a political complexion .

1 Even the lowest ofthe lower classes met togetherand discussed the affairs of the nation over glasses of

cheap wine , but the leading personalities of the more important clubs were invariably men of education

.

The Assembly continued its appointed task of springcleaning the State , a formidable business made a thousandtimes more complicated by the extraordinary way in which

1 A s tory of the F rench Revolution. By H. Mo rse Stephens (London,vol. i. pp. 11 1—12.


official representative at Paris notes on the 1 9th February1790 ,

that “ two - thirds of the m ayors elected areof noble families , which proves that the nobility ,contrary to the intentions of the National Assembly ,have no t lost all influence with the people . Eachdepartment had a criminal court , each district a civilcourt

,and each canton a police court . The p arlem ents

were abolished , and that most hated of all officials, theintendant , was dispossessed of his autocratic sway . Trialby j ury in criminal cases was introduced , and the lawregarding arrest and so on considerably improved .

The deficit in the national finances for 17 8 9 amountedin November to no less a sum than livres ,

although many of the provinces had paid their taxespromptly , and the desertion of sold iers and reductionsin the naval yards had eased matters a little . The nobleshaving se t a good example on the Night of Sacrifices

,

a patriotic fund was opened to which all might contribute.Louis sent some of his plate to be melted down , and

a contemporary engraving depicts a number of societydames casting their j ewels into the contribution box

.

This , it should be added , had more foundation in factthan many of the effusions of knights of the pen andpencil . A tax of a fourth of one year ’s income

,payable

in three yearly instalments by those whose annual increm ent was over 400 livres was decreed

,but as the

matter was left very much in the hands of the contributors , those whose patriotism did no t extend to thepocket , or who had lost heavily owing to the depreciationof the public funds , found little difiiculty in assessingthemselves at as small an amount as was desirable .There was one great institution in France which

,de

spite the deprivations already suffered by it,was still enor

m ously wealthy , namely the Church . As its concerns


The concessions made by the clergy on the memorable4th August were followed almost immediately by thetotal deprivation of tithe s without compensation , therebyenriching landowners and agriculturists to the extentof a considerable sum per annum . This was only thethin edge of the wedge that was to force Open thecoffers of the Church . I t was , perhaps , ironic that ane cclesiastic was the first to voice a proposal which musthave occurred to many of the laity long before

_

it was

mooted in the Assembly , and which the Church herselfcou ld have scarce ly failed to surmise would happen asthe last resource ofa financially-famished State . Talleyrand , Bishop of Autun,

“ polished , cold , tricky , am

bitions , and bad,according to Gouverneur Morris , and

whom Napoleon afterwards characterised as “ a silkstocking filled with excrement ,

” held that as the landsof the Church were originally given by kings o r nobles ,they “ may now be resumed by the nation which hadsucceeded to its rights . He proposed that beneficeshav ing no charge upon them should be immediatelyconfiscated , and that the support of incumbents , themaintenance of hospitals and colleges , become the burdenof the State . The majority of the higher ecclesiasticshad been against the suppression of tithes , but manyof the lowe r clergy were quite content to surrenderrevenues which never came their way . The laity heartilyapproved Talleyrand ’s measure . Maury and S ieyes ablysupported the unpopular side , but Mirabeau he ld firm tothe idea that the Church lands , wh ich amounted to aboutone-fifth of the kingdom , were the property of the nation.

By a decree made in November 17 8 9 , they were confiscated , and the clergy became dependent on the State,which also undertook to provide the cost of maintainingreligious services and the succour of the needy . A little

THE CLUBS AND THE CHURCH 269

while later perpetual monastic vows were not legallyrecognised , the Orders which required them were abolished , and monks and nuns could leave at will and securea pens ion . Certain domains of the Crown were alsoseized , and in the following month Crown and Churchproperty valued at several hundreds of millions of livreswas earmarked for sale during the course of four years ,the idea be ing that if it were spread over a considerableperiod it would not suffer the depre ciation that wouldcertainly follow if it were offered at once . A papercurrency was sanctioned on this security , and a firstissue of assignats to the value of te

'

ures ,

bearing interest at five per cent , was ordered . Theland itse lf was apportioned out to the municipalities ,who usually sold it on the instalment principle withimmediate possession . This method of doing businesshad two opposite effects . It tended to encourage rogueryin that many a m an, after having secured an estate ,dispo sed ofwhatever was on it and promptly decamped ;and it helped to keep the country districts occupied

,

because the peasants were able to appease their insatiableland -hunger. They found it considerably more rem uner

ative to till a field than to burn down a chateau . Alittle bundle of assignats in the hand was worth moreto them than a pile of their lords ’ archives in theflames . At first both lands and houses reached a figurein excess of their valuation , sometimes so much as athird higher, but the price speedily dwindled .

During the debates in the Assembly the people manifested a feverish interest in the various ecclesiastical topicsthat were discussed

,and a priest who walked the streets

in clerical costume did so at considerable risk of beingmobbed

,so bitter was the revulsion offeeling. Although

a Riot Act,based on that of England , was introduced


by Mirabeau in the middle of October , it was foundnecessary for the guards and patrols to be doubled andevery bake -house guarded . Rumours of conspiracies and

p lots kept the capital at fever -heat , and some of thefaubourgs threatened to rise owing to the continuedscarci ty of bread . In the country several of the townsrefused to admit troops which were changing their quarters,and desertions became all too frequent .Having dispossessed the Church of her property and

m ade the clergy paid servants of the State, the next stepwas to reorganise it on democratic lines , in accordance withthe system obtaining throughout the kingdom . Everything now being chosen by the people— or rather the taxpaying section of the people— and conducted on linesapproaching uniformity

,the idea of reducing the number

of bishoprics from 134 to 8 3— one fo r each department— was a fairly obvious no tion . The King wasno longer to be consulted in the matter of high ecclesiastical appo intments , and the Pope

’s confirmation wasdeemed unnecessary . Prelate and priest alike were tob e chosen by the people ; the form er by the electors ofthe department, the latter by the ele ctors of each district.In this matter , of course , there were obvious advantagesand disadvantages , particularly as Protestants and um

b e lievers had a voice in the matter,but it had one good

effe ct in that the stipend of a cure’

, which differed according to his sphere of labour, was never to be less than1200 francs , an amount considerably in advance ofwhathad been hitherto paid .

I t is conceivable that in time this new plan of operations might have found favour with all concerned

,espe

c ially as there was no intentional malice towards theChurch as an institution,

and no purely theological

q uestions were raised. W hatever v irtue it possessed

THE CLUBS AND THE CHURCH 27 1

in the estimation of the clergy was entirely negativedby a decree , signed with great reluctance by Louis ,that all ecclesiastics should swear to be “ faithful tothe nation , the law, and the King , and to m aintain withall their power the constitution decreed by the NationalAssembly and accepted by the King. Th is was knownas the civil constitution of the clergy . It al ienated theChurch from the Revolution , and caused Louis suchspiritual anguish that he broke faith with his peOple .

1

In November 1 790 prelates and priests alike were givenone week in which to decide whether they would takethe oath or be dismissed and sacrifice their pensions , withthe additional risk of probable prosecution should theycontinue their ministrations . It is to the everlasting creditofthe Gallican Church that every beneficed bishop , with theexception of four, including Talleyrand and Lome

’

nie deBrienne , refused to take an oath which committed themto uphold a constitution still in the making . About twoth irds of the “ inferior clergy did the sam e . In theBrie f known as Caritas it was denounced by the Holy Seeearly in the New Year of 179 1 , and from henceforth themajority of the priests were the steadfast enemies of thecons titution which was to herald the Day of Be tterThings . This grave error of the Assembly was to leadto such terrible insurrections as that of La Vendée on theone hand and to persecution on the other. The non-j uring clergy— that is to say , those who refused to acknowledgethe civil constitution— declined to accept the sentenceof deprivation , and entered upon bitter warfare with thenew spiritual shepherds . Malice , hatred, and all uncharitableness were evident in almost every parish , with the inevitable result that the people knew not whom to serve ,and many drifted into a dull and hopeless materialism .

1 See post, p . 302.

CHAPTER XX

THE PETE IN THE CHAMP DE MARS

We have com e at last to such a p ass that we can neither bear our ills northei r rem edies .

” LIVY.

IN order to deal with the affairs of the Church as a whole ,we have forestalled events a little , and we must nowrevert to the second month of 1790 . At that timeLouis was still held in high esteem by the majority of

his subj ects,but it was constantly noised abroad that

he me rely sanctioned the decrees of the Assembly anddid not actually identify himself with their purport.It was doubtless for this reason that he appeared without cerem ony in the Salle du Manege on the 4th

February to associate himself “ more closely and moreopem y w ith all that the deputies had proposed for thewelfare of France . He promised to defend and maintain that constitutional liberty whose principles are sanctioned by the will ofthe nation and by my own,

”and the

Queen and himself would educate the Dauphin “ inaccordance with the new order of things . At theconclus ion of the speech , which was received with cheersand the clapping of hands , each deputy on his part sworeto be faithful to the nation , the Law , and the King, andto uphold with all my might the constitution decreedby the National Assembly and accepted by the King.

They were , of course , committing themselves to a constitution still unfinished . The example thus set wascopied throughout the country .

Notwithstanding this outburst of patriotism,the re

272


which now loomed so large in the public eye , becameamazingly significant when it decreed , on the 22md May,

that although the initiative in the m atter Of peace andwar belonged to the King , it was the right Of theAssembly to ratify it o r no t. The que stion arose overa threatened resort to arms on the part of England andSpain with reference to Nootka Sound , Off the westcoast Of North America , which meant that if hostilitiesbroke out, France, by virtue Of an Offensive and defensivealliance signed nearly thirty years before , would be calledupon to assist Charles IV with munitions and men.

Louis was asked to do so , but wh ile the deputies werewi lling to negotiate a defensive treaty , they resentedthe fulfilment Of the Old Family Compact . Spain , findingherse lf forsaken, conceded the points at issue , to thedisappointment of the French aristocrats , who saw inthe war an opportuni ty to deflect the minds of the peoplefrom the Revolution .

A few weeks later , titles Of nobility , armorial bearings,l iveries , and orders of knigh thood were abolished . ManyOf those who possessed them went to swell the rapidlygrowing army Of éznigrcis across the frontier.

Thedeputies , fully convinced that they were com petent todecide international issues , found themselves hopelesslyunable to prevent the gathering Of an armed fo rce Oftheir own countrymen intent on arous ing the s lumberingPowers of Europe for the purpose Of the invas ion of

France and the restoration of the Old order.Since the autumn Of 17 8 9 it had been the custom

Of the National Guards and of the inhabitants Of neighbouring districts to swear friendship to each other andpledge themselves to uphold the decrees Of the A ssembly.

These “ federations , as they were called,were usually

preceded by a feas t, and naturally helped on the cause

THE FETE IN THE CHAMP DE MARS 275

Of union to which the nation was now committed . Theidea of a mammoth celebration

,at which deputies from

the new departments , electors , pres idents of districts ,representatives of corporations , the Church , the army,the navy , and the National Guard throughout the kingdom should be present , was first mooted by the municipality Of Paris . I t gratified the newly - awakenedpatriotic instincts Of the people , it typified the unityof the country

,and it would be some recognition Of

the labours Of the many thousands of men who wereworking towards a common end , namely the entirereconstruction Of the government Of the country fromdepartment to commune . More important than all , itwould afford a suitable Opportunity for the troops , manyof whom were getting more and more tainted withdisloyalty and insubordination , to renew their oath of

fidelity to the King, the nation , and the cons titution .

W h ile many Of the popular orators of the day , bothinside and outside Of the Assembly, were ever ready toenforce their pleading by apt quo tations from the classicsand to recall the heroes of past ages in their search forexamples

,they were endeavouring at the same time

to shatter the traditions and historical continuity Of the

kingdom . W hat others had done was Of less conse

quence than what they themselves had accomplished or

helped to bring about . The great landmark of history,the one outstanding event so far as they were concerned,

was the fall Of the Bastille. W hat more fitting datefor the federation than the first anniversary of the v ictoryOf the people over the forces Of the Old despo tism asrepre sented by the fight with De Launay Who a morefitting prelate to preside over the religious part Of thefunction than Talleyrand , the holder Of the see ofAutun and the apostle Of reform in ecclesiastical pro


perty ? That the blessing of the Church should havebeen sought is some indication that the people had atleast a superstitious regard for her Observances ; thatthe tim e- serv ing man Of the world over whose selectionL ouis had long pondered before nominating him to abishopric was chosen to Officiate at the altar is a cynicalcomment

,in the light of after events , on the sincerity

of the proceedings . W hatever may be the truth OfTalleyrand ’s reported utterance when he was still atthe sem inary , “ They want to make a priest Of me , butthey will have an unpleasant time of it ,

” it is entirelyworthy of the egotist who ruined the Gallican Church .

Despite the liberal whitewashing of his character bycertain modern historians , the many phases Of his careershow him to have been a political weathercock . It wasthe erstwhile Abbé de Perigo rd who consecrated thefirst Of the non - j uring bishops . In his M e

’

m oires he makesno mention Of the part he played on the 1 4th July 1790 .

No t without a certain sense Of fitness the Champ deMars was chosen as the scene Of the great national fete.

This vast open space without the walls Of the city hadbeen the natural stage for many a display at which thedead and gone Kings of France had discussed gravematters with their lieges . Twelve m onths later it wasto be the scene Of a demonstration against the Assembly

,

and blood was to flow .

It was dec ided to turn the place into an amphitheatre capable Of accommodating over delegatesand spectato rs , and workmen were engaged on theformidable undertaking. As the weeks flew past it became increasingly evident that the work would not becompleted in time . The National Guards volunteeredtheir services , and on Sundays several thousands Of thebourgeoisie lent a willing hand . SO great was the interest


was followed by the taking Of the oath by Lafayette ,commander Of the National Guards , on behalf Of himselfand the troops : W e swear eternal fidelity to the nation ,the law ,

and the King ; to maintain to the utmost of

our power the Constitution decreed by the NationalAssembly

,and accepted by the King ; and to hold our

selves bound to our countrymen by the indissoluble bondsofbrotherhood . Cannon , trumpets , drums , and cheers ofVice le Roi Vive [a nation ! greeted Lafayette as heturned from the altar , and each federate raised his righthand and shouted J e lejure ! He was followed by thePresident of the National Assembly , and the deputiesrepeated the oath after him . I , King Of the French ,

”

said Louis,

“ swear to employ all the power delegated tome by the constitutional law of the State to maintain theconstitution decreed by the National Assembly and accepted by me , and to enforce the execution Of the laws .As a fitting conclusion Marie Antoinette held up theDauphin in her arms , and is stated to have exclaimed ,“ Behold my son ; he unites with me in the same sentiments .” W hether she actually expressed herself in theseterms or no t scarcely signifies , for she implied by herdramatic action that they were meant .After the ceremony in the Champ de Mars was over

the weather cleared , and the three or four hundredthousand spectators moved on to enjoy the illuminationsor to take part in one o r other of the various festivitieswhich had been go t up to celebrate the event . On thesite ofthe Bastille people danced .

On the following day the d iplomatist in pontificalrobes who celebrated mass before the representatives ofwhat appeared to be a united France wrote to his friendthe Comtesse de Flahaut , “ the supreme being whom Iadore , regarding yesterday ’

s ridiculousfete.

” It does


body Of carabineers handed him to his pursuers . Thetwo French regiments signed their submission , but againrebelled ,

necessitating Bouille, commander Of the Armyof the East , to collect all the troops and the NationalGuards upon whom he could rely to enforce Obedience .The rebels surrendered , but their cause was supportedby many people Of the town who had Obtained weaponsfrom the arsenal , and used them against Bouille 5 men .

The prisoners , seizing the Opportunity , managed to getback , and a fearful scene ensued fo r several hours . The

refractory soldiers and their well-wishers were eventuallyforced to surrender, but no t before over four hundredmen and forty Officers had been laid low . The NationalGuards and the troops , as well as Bou illé, received a voteofthanks from the King and the Assembly for the way theybehaved in this affair. At the court-martial twenty - twoOfthe Swiss were sentenced to be hanged by order Oftheirown Officers , and over forty were sent to the galleys forthirty years , but were released twelve months later. TheFrench regiments were disbanded .

Had the outbreaks in the army been the only signs Ofa want Of discipline they would have been suffi cientlydisturbing, but unfo rtunately much the same unhappystate Of affairs Obtained in the navy . A recurrence Oftheriotous scenes enacted at Toulon in November 178 9seemed not improbable in October 1790 ,

while at Brestthe temper Of the sailors was as changeable as theweather. At Angers there were bread riots ; in Languedocdamage was done to the canal in order to interrupt thefree circulation Of grain ; in Paris the Due de Castries’

house was pillaged because he had wounded the democratic and therefore popular Charles de L am eth in a duel,and the gaming- houses about the Palai s Royal had to besuppressed because they harboured thieves and pickpockets

.


Far more important than the withdrawal from publicl ife Of the Genevese banker was the suppression of the

parlem ents . That Of Paris , whose magistrates , form ing thevacation court

,were allowed to sit in j udgment upon both

civil and criminal cases until October 1790 , was the lastto be closed . Remonstrances had already been madeagainst the decree which annihilated the Old j udicature ,‘

but it was determined to make one last plea. Theseventeen magistrates Of the cham bres dc vacation declaredon the 1 4th inst . that as they had never intended to ratifythe decrees which they had registered , every registrationis thereby rendered null and void .

” I n addition , LePeletier de Bosambo , Duport , Dupuis , and those associatedwith them in the memorial stated that they did not regardthe results of the deliberations of the self-constitutedNational Assembly as in harmony with the general wishOf the nation.

” They protest ,” runs this document, and

will not cease to protest , against everything which hasbeen done , or which may be done by the deputies Of theEstates -General , who in their mock assembly have, inviolation of their express instructions, exceeded theirpower, which consisted chiefly in arranging for the payment Of public debt , in providing for necessary expensesby means Of an equitable apportionment of taxes , andlastly by effecting a wise reform in the different branchesOf the administration . But the deputies have not onlyexceeded , but have abused their powers by violating therights Of property Of every kind ; by the despoil ing of theclergy , thus encouraging contempt for religion ; by theannihilation Of the nobility , which has always been one Ofthe chief supports Ofthe monarchy by the degradation ofhis Royal Majesty by the attacks upon his authority

,

which has been reduced to a vain shadow,and

,lastly

,by a

1 See ante,p . 266.

THE PETE IN THE CHAMP DE MARS 283

confusion Of powers destructive Of the true principles Ofthe monarchy .

” The protest had not the slightest effectin dissuading the Assembly from proceeding with its plans .A change Of Ministry followed Necker’s resignation .

Mirabeau had hoped and schemed that it might be antiLafayette , for the commander of the National Guardwas considerably more revolutionary at heart than hisrival , and had refused all overtures on the part ofMirabeau to anything approaching a mutual understand ing.

In this matter the great Tribune was grievously disappointed . Although the popular hero of the Ameri can\Var was cordially detested by Marie Antoinette, hisOpinion carried considerable weight, and his friend Duportdu Ter tre

,a bourgeois , became Keeper of the Seals , an

office merged some little time afterwards in the MinistryOf Justice . Duportail , also a nominee of Lafayette ,succeeded Latour du Pin as Minister OfW ar, Claret deFleurieu became Minister Ofthe Navy , Valde c de L essarttook charge Of the Finances , and subsequently of theInterior

,and Montmorin , the only one Of the o ld Minis

ters who did not resign , continued as Minister Of ForeignAffairs .

CHAPTER XXI

M IRABEAU , THE MAN OF POWER

I twas by [Mi rabeau that the peop le were first m ade tofeel theforce of the

orator first taught what i t was to hear spoke nreason an dsp okenp assi on

and the Si lenc e of ages in those halls was first broken by the thun der of hisvoice echm ng th rough the lofty vaults now cover ing m ulti tudes of excited

m en.

” BROUGHAM .

HE was tall,but at the same time stout and heavily

built . His unusually large head was made to appearlarger by a mass Of curled and powdered hair . Hisco at buttons were of some brightly - coloured stone , andthe buckles Of his Sho es enormous . His dress was anexaggeration Of the fashion Of the day and in bad taste.In his eagerness to be polite , he made absurdly low bows ,and began the conversation with pretentious and rathervulgar compliments . His manner wanted the ease ofgood society , and this awkwardness was most conspicuouswhen he addressed the ladies . It was only when theconversation turned upon politics that his eloquencepoured forth , and his brilliant ideas fascinated hisaudience .This is the pen - portrait of Honoré Gabriel Riqueti,

Comte de Mirabeau , bequeathed to us by his intimatefriend La Marck . Evidence of that “ great quality ” Ofboldness which so much appealed to Bailly has beengiven on many Of the preceding pages

,but it was not

until the autumn of 17 8 9 had set in that M irabeau became a really powerful factor in public affairs . As thisdisciple Of Montesquieu is now to play an impo rtant partin the development of the Revolution

,some knowledge


in Switzerland and Holland , and earning what little hecould by his pen . The abduction of Madame Monnier,which Mirabeau in h is sublime optimism had believed tohave “ blown over

,

” led to his arrest and an exhaustingimprisonment in Vincennes extending over three years,and helping to undermine his sturdy constitution. In 178 1he was released , and in 17 83 crossed to England . Herehe renewed his acquaintance with S ir Gilbert Elliot ,afterwards Lord Minto , met Lord Shelburne , W ilkes,and the Lansdowne House coterie, and was befriended bySamuel Romilly , then a briefless barrister. M irabeau

’

s

extraordinary talents , the last-mentioned avows in hisfil em oirs ,

“ the disorders Of his tumultuous youth , theexcesses he had committed , the law- suits in which he hadbeen engaged , the harsh treatment he had experiencedfrom his father, his imprisonment in the dungeon of

Vincennes , and the eloquent work he had written , withthe indignant feelings which so unj ust an imprisonmentinspired , had already given him considerable celebrity inEurope ; but it was a celebrity greatly inferior to thatwhich he afterwalds acquired . He brought with him

,to

this country , a short t1 act which he hadb

written againstthe order of Cincinnatus ,1 lately established in America,w hich it was his Object to publish here . He was desirousthat an English translation Of it should appear at thesame time with the original . He read his manuscript tome , and seeing that I was very much struck with theeloquence of it , he proposed to me to become his translato r, telling me that he knew that it was impossible toexpect anything tolerable from a translator who was paid .

I thought the translation would be useful exe rcise for1 \Vashm gton was the head of th is m ili tary o rde r

,which was o rganised in

1783 “ The Cincinnati,”said M irabeau

,

“th en are nobles

,aristoc rats

,ve ritable

patricians .

"In th is way the woul “aristocrat

,so frequently heard during the

Revolution,was b0 1 11 His pam ph let was publish ed in L ondon 111 1788 .

MIRABEAU, THE MAN OF POWER 287

me . I had suffic ient leisure on my hands , and I undertook it.Mirabeau

’

s favourite resort during his stay in Englandwas the House ofCommons , where he listened to debateswith profound interest. His study of our constitutionand how it worked in practice had a marked influence onthe policy he adopted regarding the relative parts playedby the King and his subj ects in h is subsequent po liticalcareer .

In 178 6 Mirabeau was sent by Vergennes on a secretmission to the Court of Berlin . Suffering from hischronic complaint of shortness of money , he threatenedto publish his official communications unless Montmorin

,

the Minister of Foreign Affairs , paid him an amountequal to that which he could secure from a booksellerfor issuing them . Montmorin consented and handed overthe gold on condition that M irabeau should no t seekelection in Provence for the States -General . The authorkept neither half of the bargain ; he printed the lettersand sought to represent the nobles of Provence in theNational Assembly . They rejected his overtures , but notso the Third Estate . Both Aix and Marseilles elec tedhim . He chose Aix .

“ In every company , of everyrank , writes Young in June 17 8 9 ,

“ you hear of theCount de M irabeau

’

s talents ; that he is one of the firstpens of France , and the first orator ; and yet that hecould no t carry from confidence six votes on any question in the States .”

To briefly review the various phases of Mirabeau’

s

work in the States -General , let it be said that although inthe first days of the ir meeting be had urged delay in them atter of the verification oftheir powers by the deputiesin common,

he shortly afterwards importuned the Th irdEstate to proceed irrespective of the other Orders . He


showed a similar hesitancy in signing the declaration of

the Tennis Court, as though uncertain as to its aftereffects . He founded the pioneer of the political organsof the French Revolution , and L es Etats Gé néraux , asthe first two issues were called , had not been in the handsof its subscribers more than forty -eight hours before itwas suppressed , to be revived under the title of L ettres

a m es Com m ettants . He was successful , however, inestablishing the liberty ofthe Press .Mirabeau took a leading part in the debate which

ended in the adoption of the designation NationalAssembly , although his motion for calling the deputiesRepresentatives ofthe French People was lost . Oh , myfriend , he declared to Dumont on his dying bed , “ howright we were when we endeavoured at the first to preventthe Commons from declaring themselves the NationalAssembly It is this that has been the source of all ourevils . From the mom ent they carried that victory theyhave never ceased to show themselves unworthy of it.On the occasion o f the Seance m yrtle, it will be re

membered , he had more or less politely informed theGrand Master ofCeremonies when the latter asked if theyhad no t heard the King

'

s command to separate,that

“ no thing but force will expel us . W hen Louis subm itted to the union of the three Orders

,it was Mirabeau

who burst forth into raptures about a Revolution whosebattles were mere discussions , and concluded by sayingthat there is now reason to hope that we have begun thehistory of man, the history of brothers who , born formutual happine ss , agree when they vary , since theirobjects are the same , and their means only are different .W hen the troops were gathering about Paris and Versailles

,

Mirabeau had said that the presence of the NationalAssembly was “ the best pledge of order

,and his reply


States -General . This was delivered on the 1 5 th October178 9 . In it Mirabeau urged the necessity fo r immediateaction . He felt that the position of the King in Pariswas obviously prej udicial to the success of the Revolution . The capital , he said ,

“ swallowed up the taxesof the kingdom . Paris is the seat ofthe financial régimewhich the provinces loathe . Paris has created the debt.Paris by its miserable stock—gambling has destroyed publiccredit

,and has compromised the honour of the nation .

Must the National Assembly , to o , regard this city onlyand sacrifice the whole kingdom for it Several provincesfear that the capital will dominate the Assembly and

direct the course of its work . Paris demands only certainfinancial measures , while the provinces care only for agriculture and farming. Paris cares only for money , theprovinces require laws . The dissensions between Paris andthe provinces are clearly recognised , and will break forthon the least excuse . Paris is lost if she is notbrought to order and forced to moderation . The necessityof supplies places her at the mercy of the rest of thekingdom , and her inevitable ruin would result from aprolongation o f the anarchic tyranny in which only herdeceiving and deceived leaders , who are forced into apolicy of unmeasured innovation by their own excesses

,

have any interest.W hat measures should be taken to ensure the King’s

safety and the restoration of his rights ? Mirabeau wasconvinced that if matters were allowed to slide themonarchy would be shaken to its foundations and probably dissolved .

“ It is easy to foresee what is to beapprehended by what has already happened .

” Mirabeauwarns the King not to w ithdraw to Metz

,or upon any

other frontier ,”

which would be to declare war upon thenation and abdicate the throne .” Equally foolish would

M IRABEAU, THE MAN OF POWER 29 1

it be fo r Louis to go to the interior of the kingdom andcall the nobility around him

, for the nation looked uponthe gentry as their implacable enemies . In M irabeau

’

s

opinion , Louis should retire to Rouen , “ because it is inthe cen tre of the kingdom , because a military pos itiontaken up at just this point commands a wide range ofwaterways , controls the food supply ofthe only centre ofresistance which need be considered , and may change thisresistance into benedictions if the beneficence of the King,his efforts and personal sacrifices , should succeed in

restoring plenty. Rouen is further to be selected , inasmuch as such a choice proclaims that there is 11 0 intentionof flight, and that the only object is to conciliate theprovinces . Everything should be done Openly , theTuileries should be left in broad daylight , and the nationtaken into confidence by means of proclamations . TheAssembly would then be called to Rouen to continue itswork, and later a new convention summoned “ to j udge ,confirm , modify and ratify the work of the first assembly .

”

The only point,” Mirabeau concludes , upon which

the King should be inflexible is the refusal to enter intoany plan which has not for its s ingle aim the peace andsafety of the State and the inseparability of monarch andpeople . This inseparability is felt in the heart of everyFrenchman . It must be realised in action and in theforces of the State .Nothing cam e of the overtures at first , but eventually

the fears of the Queen that she and Louis would be“ reduced to the painful extremity of seeking aid ofMirabeau became a neces s ity. On the understandingthat his debts should be paid and a pension grantedto him he wrote his first Note to the Court on theloth May 1790 . He asked for two months in which tobring back to reason all prudent citizens.” From


henceforth he devoted his life with a fixity of purposeentirely inconsistent with the years that had gone before,although a superficial study of his policy would lead oneto presume that he ran with the royal hare and huntedwith the democratic hound . Thus we find him a leaderof the J acobin Club and secret adviser of the King atone and the same time . He was playing a double rolewith deliberate intention .

I t was a considerable time before Marie Antoinettecould persuade herself to meet this Don Juan in love andpolitics . However, in the early days of June 1790 , whenthe Court had mo ved to the summer palace of St. Cloudby virtue of permission granted by the Assembly at thebehest of Mirabeau , she consented to waive her objections.An audience was arranged for the 3rd July , whenthousands were digging in the Champ de Mars, and Pariswas agog with the coming Federation . He saw her inthe company of Louis , the while his nephew pacedoutside with a note from his uncle to be handed to thecaptain of the National Guard should the writer notreturn in forty-five minutes . For Mirabeau was a littleuncertain of coming events ; he might be assassinated .

He was immensely impressed by the dulness of Louis , bythe “ lofty soul and intelligence of the Queen , who onher part declared that he made her ill . He endowed herwith many attributes she did not possess . She , for instance , was all for salvation from the Powers ; he washeart and soul for a constitutional monarchy with a

strong executive. France was to work out her ownsalvation. He saw four enemies “ at the charge : thetaxes, bankruptcy , the army , and winter.

” He wasof deliberate Opinion that civil war— the most terribleof all resorts to arms— was far prefera ble to the Kingbeing held a virtual prisoner by Paris , and that it would

MIRABEAU, THE MAN OF POWER 293

restore the monarchy by annihilating anarchy .

“W hatwill Paris be three months hence ? ” he asks ; “assuredlya poorhouse , perhaps a theatre of horrors . I s it to such aplace that the head of the nation should entrust hisexistence and our only hope ? ” Again , “ W hy shouldwe fear civil war C ivil war will be the means of savingthe King, who will be lost without hope if he con tinue s inParis . He was dissatisfied with the present Assembly,looked forward with eagerness to a successor which wouldrevise some of the less satisfactory features of the con

stitution, and to a healthy public opinion that wouldsuppo rt such a measure . Rouen , he thought, was sufficiently far removed from the clamour of factions to makean admirable resting—place for both King and Assembly,and they should go there with the full cognisance of thepublic . Tr0 0 ps must be distributed at a safe distance,ready for concentration if necessary . Should the Assemblyrefuse to move from the capital , a new one should besummoned . The food supply of Paris could be stoppedif Lafayette showed fight , which would mean that thestarving populace would soon have finished with thatpopular soldier, and Louis could pose as the Father ofhis People by relieving their distress .I t was worse than folly , Mirabeau assured the King ,

to approach the frontier, which would cause the nation tobelieve that an alliance with the ém z

'

gré princes andnobles was contemplated

,for they were relying on outside

interference . Had Louis seriously entertained M irabeau’

s

projects he might have saved his crown , but while helistened to them he was not only negotiating with theKing of Prussia and the Head of the Holy RomanEmpire fo r armed intervention

,but also planning a secret

flight to the frontier, Where Bouillé, a staunch royalist, heldcommand .


When it had been mooted a few months before thatM irabeau was likely to be introduced into the Ministry,it was decreed that no deputy could hold office and hisseat in the Assembly , and that should he resign , he couldnot accept such a position until s ix months had elapsed .

There can be no doubt that almost immediately afterM irabeau became Chairman ofthe Diplomatic Committeeofthe Assembly in July 17 90 he assumed the managementof foreign affairs , although Montmorin was nominally thehead of that important department . The result wascompletely satisfactory . Disposed at first to maintainthe Family Compact, he came to the conclusion , aftercareful consideration , that a foreign war would be harmfulto the cause of the monarchy , and advised peace. In thedebate on the right of declaring peace and war

,it was

Mirabeau who saved the situation for Louis by means ofa skilful compromise . 1

“ The great quality of Mirabeau , s ays Bailly , “ wasboldness ; it was this that fortified his talents, directedhim in the management of them , and developed theirforce . W hatever m ight be his moral character

,when

he was once elevated by circumstances he assumed agrandeur and a purity , and was exalted by his genius tothe full height of courage and of virtue .” Madame deStael, who cannot be accused of over-fondness for Mirabeau , admits that the whole appearance of him gave anidea of some great irregular force and power

.

” “ TheFriend of Man

”

had early discerned the mental avoirdupois of his son.

“ Since the late Cae sar,

” he writesof him ,

“ never was there such audacity seen as inhim . He says that he has his star. He has perhaps lessgenius , but he certainly has every whit as much esp rit.

Whatever he had to say in the States-General and the1 See ante, p . 274 .


It needed little more than a few words from Barnave,

who suggested in the Assembly , that the fortress shouldbe demolished to send an angry m ob to the castle of

Vincenne s with the fixed intention oftearing it down stoneby stone as the symbol of tyranny had been razed afterthe stirring days ofJuly 17 8 9 . Certain repairs were beingcarried out at the fortress which made it evident to manythat the King was about to use it in his endeavour toleave the capital , the idea being that Vincennes and theTuileries were connected by an underground passage.Tho se who thought such a notion worthless were confident that it was about to become a second Bastille , andthat the work going on was being done to strengthenthe old walls , wi thin which State prisoners were stillinterned . Lafayette and his National Guards speedilyfollowed the mob , and together with Santerre , the popularand notorious brewer of the Faubourg St. Antoine ,quelled the infuriated mass .While this was going on in the south of the city

,

an extraordinary scene was being enacted at the Tuileries .In the higher circles of society it was believed that themob would attack the King’s palace . This seemed notimprobable , because noisy scenes had taken place in thegarden and an attempt made to enter the chateau fourdays before because of a belief that Mesdames Adelaideand Victoire had smuggled away the Dauphin . Themob wanted to make sure that the fraud of substitutionhad not been perpetrated . Several hundred royalists

,

armed with short daggers , made their way to the royalapartments . Louis at once ordered them to disarmthem selves, and many baskets were filled with weapons ,which on the arrival of Lafayette were handed overto him and distributed to the National Guard .

Writing from Paris to London on the 2sth March

MIRABEAU , THE MAN OF POWER 297

179 1 , George Hammond tells the Under Secretary of

State for Foreign Affairs , a post which the correspondenthimself held in later years , that “ No party in theNational Assembly seems to be actuated by an adherenceto a regular , well-defined system , which is , I think , prettyclearly proved by the contradictory decrees that areevery day issuing out to answer the emergency of themoment

,and even if there was a system , there does

no t appear to be any m an of abilities so transcendent ,o r of patriotism so unsuspected , as to be capable of

giving direction and energy to the movements of anycompact concentrated body of individuals . This is acircumstance which separates the French Revolutionfrom every preceding one in any other country , andrenders it impossible to discover a clue to the presentand future operations ofthat body , in whom all authorityis at present centred .

Had Mirabeau been shown this communication , hewould have admitted the truth of the gloomy statementsand prognostications it contains . He who had labouredprodigiously and with amazing Optimism to reconstructFrance and to underpin the tottering throne knew thathis days were numbered .

“ I carry with me the ruinof the monarchy . After my death factions will disputeabout its fragments . I t was thus that he summedup the situation on the day of his death .

The size of his heart, or rather of its generousqualities

,was in keeping with the ample proportions

ofhis bulky frame. Less than a week before he breathedhis last

,and two days after the above letter was des

patched,the question of the mineral wealth of the

kingdom was raised in the Assembly . Mirabeau , al

though in great physical anguish , insisted on puttingin an appearance and speaking in opposition , mainly


because his friend La Marck had certain mining rightsin France . “ It is his swan- song, said Lafayette ; “ heis sacrificing what remains in him of life to his friendship .

On the 2md April 179 1 the great Tribune was dead .

The Jacobins ,” writes Gower

,will no longer be curbed

by Mirabeau , and the friends of Government will feelthe loss of his abilities , for, as Mr. de Montmorin wellobserved to me yesterday , men of great talents withoutprinciple may be of service to their country , but littletalents with little intrigues are sure to be the bane of it.They gave him a magnificent funeral , and buried him

in the unfinished Pantheon,the national Valhalla.


Jacobins , began to regret some of its acts and slackenits pace . The mass of the population was inactive ;agitation existed only in the silence of the Palais Royaland amidst the uproar of the clubs . A foreigner mighthave thought France was the most peaceable countryin Europe , and perhaps he would not have been wronghad it been possible for Henry IV or Louis XIV toawaken in the bed of Louis XVI ; for I have everhad little faith in the power of events , and a good dealin that ofthe man who directed them.

Far from shaping the course of affairs , the Kinghad seen his power dwindle until it was nothing morethan a travesty . He began to distrust the Assembly,and the feeling was recipro cated . I t decreed that whenthe Assembly was sitting the King must not be fartherremoved from it than twenty leagues . Should he leaveParis and not return for three months , it would beunderstood that he had abdicated . Considerably morelatitude was granted to Monsieur, who could visit anypart of the kingdom , but could no t pass the frontierwithout permission of the deputies .On Holy Monday , April 1 8 , 179 1 , Louis had further

proof of the power of the people as opposed to his own .

It was formerly held by historians that the incident aroseout ofthe determination of the King to receive the sacrament from the hands of a priest who had no t assentedto the civil const itution of the clergy. It now appearsthat th is was no t the case . ll Apparently the only reasonwhy the royal family desired to go to Saint Cloud wasin order to obtain a little more personal l iberty

,although

it is possible that it may have been a preliminary to fl ightIn support ofthe former contention

,Gower

,in his official

1 See,for instance

,Mam e Antoinette, by H. Belloc, p 25 8

,as opposed to

A History of the French Revolution, by H. Mo rse Stephens, vol. i. p . 440.

THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES 30 1

despatch of the 1 1th March , attributes the indispositionfrom which Louis was then suffering to indigestion andlack of exercise . The King ofFrance , he says , naturally Of a full habit of body , has never been suffic ientlyabstemious in his diet ; but, while he remained atVersailles , a constant course of hard exercise preventedthe bad effects which an excess of food would otherwisehave produced : at Paris he has been debarred the advantage ofexercise to this cause , and perhaps , in some degree ,to agitation of mind in consequence of what happenedlately at the Thuilleries , is to be attributed a fever underwhich he has suffered for some days past .W hatever the cause of the monarch ’ s decision to visit

Saint Cloud may have been, the results are certainlyno t conjectural . All the arrangements were carried out

with the full approval of Bailly and Lafayette . The royalfamily and the Marquise de Tourz el, the royal governess ,were allowed to enter the carriage , but they go t nofarther on their journey . Members of the NationalGuard seized the reins of the horses, and received theplaudits ofthe crowd which had collected in the Carrousel .For nearly two hours they remained in this unhappyposition , during which the Queen must have heard thecoarse remarks that were passed about “ the Austrian .

Both Bailly and Lafayette were powerle ss . It is strange,

avowed Louis, thrus ting his head out of the window tospeak to the Mayor, that , having restored liberty to thenation , I should not myself be free . At last the prisonersreturned to the palace— there was no other alternative .Lafayette , feeling that he had the shadow of authoritywithout the substance, tendered his resignation , but waspersuaded to withdraw it. How naughty all thesepeople are , exclaimed the Dauphin , “ to cause papa somuch pain , when he is so good . The King complained


personally to the Assembly , which l istened attentivelyand did nothing . W ithin a few hours Marie Antoinettewas putting her plans of escape into channel for furtherdevelopment . So , indeed , was Louis , who instructedthe Minister of Foreign Affairs to send a circular tothe diplomatic agents

,ambassadors , and ministers of

France at foreign courts which was a tissue of liesfrom beginning to end . It was the most explicit wish ”

o f Louis that h is sentiments regarding the Revolutionand the constitution should be made known .

“ Theenemies of the constitution , runs one passage , “ nevercease repeating that the King is not happy ; as if a Kingcould have any other happiness than that of his people ;they say that his authority is diminished , as thoughauthority founded on force were not less powerful andmore uncertain than the authority of the law ; finally

,

that the King is not free , an atrocious calumny,if it

is thereby impl ied that he has been forced to act againsth is will , and absurd if people see an infringement of hisliberty in his Maj e sty ’s consent , given more than once,to remain in the midst of the c itizens of Paris : a consent which he owes to their patriotism

,even to their fear

,

and above all to their love. This communication wasread to the Assembly on the day it was despatched

,

namely , the 23rd April 179 1 , and was applauded .

Professor Aulard, whose political history ofthe periodis invaluable to students , attributes the flight of Louislargely to a troubled conscience over religious matters

.

He says On the day when the Pope , on the day whenthe bishops told him that in sanctioning the c ivil constitutionof the clergy he would endanger his salvation

,he was

very profoundly troubled , and went in very fear of hell.Between July 12, 1790 , the day on which the Assemblyfinally voted the civil constitution , and August 24th,


living at Brussels , and was in frequent communicationwith Louis and his consort through Fersen , a handsomeSwedish officer, the son of a field -marshal and a leader ofthe Liberal party , who had seen service in America andconceived a passionate regard for Marie Anto inette . Thisregard rumour enlarged upon until it was generally belie ved that he was her lover, although there is not theslightest evidence that such was the case . He seems tohave been a chivalrous young man with a liking foradventure and rather apt to wear his heart on his sleeve.He had certainly been in love with at least two womensince he had made the acquaintance ofMarie Antoinettein January 1 774 , while doing the grand tour wh ich wasthen regarded as indispensable to the education of agentleman, and before he left to j o in the French forces atYorktown, more or less as a protest against the baseinsinuations m ade against him , particularly by the Comtede Provence .

“ I must confide to your Majesty,

” theenvoy of the lu ng of Sweden had written , “ that theyoung Count Fersen has been so well received by theQueen that various persons have taken i t amiss . Iown that I am sure that she has a liking fo r him . Ihave seen proofs of it too certain to be doubted . Duringthe last few days the Queen has no t taken her eyesoff him ,

and as she gazed , they were full of tears .”

His first flame was Miss Lyel,later Countess Delawarr,

and the second a Mrs . Sullivan,an intimate friend of

the Prince ofW ales , and destined to change her nameto Crawford .

1 Upon Fersen devolved the carrying o ut ofa multitude of details large and small essential to thesuccess of the plan so far as the actual flight from Pariswas concerned . One fairly obvious mistake was madeat the very beginning . The Baroness Korff, a Russ ian

1 H. Mo rse Stephens, vol. 1. p . 442.

THE F L IGHT TO VARENNE S 305

acquaintance , was the possessor of a cumbersome berlinecapable of holding half a dozen persons , and this hesecured for the j ourney . The fact that it was new andpainted yellow was likely to attract attention as it passedalong the road , and the white upholstery was also an evilchoice , for it served as an excellent background to showup the forms and features of the travellers . I t wouldhave been wiser had the royal party been split into twoand travelled separately

,as Marie Antoinette had wished ,

but of this Louis would not hear.’

They were to perishor escape together. In another direction Fersen

’

s friendsh ip with the Baroness stood him in good s tead , for shehad no difficulty in obtaining passports for herself andsuite , which were duly handed over for the use of theKing and Q ueen of France , Princess Elizabeth , theMarquise de Tourzel, and the two children— six in all .It was Fersen who carried the luggage to the vehicle , andwho was to drive them in a cab to the berline near theBarriere Saint-Martin , the eastern boundary of Paris .The j ourney was to begin on the night of the 2oth June .

In her narrative of the flight which Madame Royalesubsequently penned , she says that during the whole of

the hours of that day my father and mother seemed verybusy and much agitated , but I did no t know the reason .

After dinner they sent my brother and me into anotherroom

,and shut themselves up alone with my aunt . I

have since learned it was then that they communicated toher their intention to escape . At five o’clock my mothertook my brother and me and two ladies to Tivoli . W hilewalking there my mother took me aside and told me notto be alarmed whatever might happen ; that we shou ldnever be long separated , and would meet again soon .

My mind was confused , and I did not understand whatshe meant. She kissed me, and said that if the ladies

U


should ask me why I was so agitated , I should tell themshe had scolded me , but that we had made it up again .

”

The governess,henceforth to pose as the Baroness

Korff and the mother of the two children , MadameRoyale and the Dauphin

,dressed as a girl , managed to

reach Fersen’

s cab in safety , although their hearts musthave thumped a great deal as they saw the NationalGuards on duty in the courtyard . They drove about thequays

,and at the appointed time they were in the Rue de

l’

Echelle , where the remainder of the party joined themafter a considerable delay . Before they came Lafayetteflashed by . There was a further loss ofprecious minuteswhen once the barrier had been passed owing to a misunderstanding as to the exact spot at which the travellingcarriage was to be met . However , it was found in duecourse , with two loyal Gentlemen of the Guard waiting toact as postil ions , and the Count

’s servants seated on thebo x, which Fersen himself mounted . In this way Louisthe Sixteenth stole out of Paris as the valet de c/ram bre

of his children ’s governess ; Marie Antoinette , the prouddaughter of the Caesars , as the servant of a RussianBaroness ; and her sister-inlaw as a maid .

At Bondy, where horses were changed , the captain ofthe enterprise left them . He had completed his task .

W e shall soon meet again , I hope , Monsieur le Comte,”

said the King . The Gentleman of the Guard who hadridden ahead in order to ensure a relay offresh horses hadalso done his work well. There was not the slightesthitch , and the cabriolet containing the Queen

’s waitingwomen— she had foolishly insisted on their coming— j oinedthem a little later . At Meaux , the next posting- station

,

no delay occurred , and although they were still far fromtheir destination , Baroness Korff

’s party doubtless beganto congratulate themselves on the good fortune that was


way so characteristic of the monarch himself, and werecons iderably behind time .

At the very first post where Louis had expected to bemet by troops he found they had failed him . SommeVesle

,which was to have been garrisoned by the grand

son ofthe famous statesman who had suppressed the orderof the Jesuits in France , was absolutely devoid of soldiers .Having waited several hours for the coach which did notappear, and succeeded in arousing the curiosity of thepeasants as to the reason why they had been favouredby the hu ssars , Choiseul decided that either the berlinehad not started , or it had , perhaps together with its ocenpants , met with misfortune on the way . For some reasonbest known to himself he left no one at Sornm e -Vesle toinform the King, should he appear , of the arrangements he had thought well to make , but contented himself with scribbling a note for the information of theofficers at Sainte Menehould and Clermont - en-Argonne .This , wh ich was to the effect that the treasure

” was notcoming that day, he handed to L eonard, the Queen

’

shairdresser, who had been entrusted with some of herjewels . and with whom he had j ourneyed from Paris .‘vVhen the royal fugitives reached the abandoned po stfurther time was lost by waiting to see if the soldierswould make their appearance . They then pushed on toSainte Menehould . Captain d

’

Ando ins , of the RoyalDragoons , who was stationed there, had received Cho iseul

’

s

message and bidden his soldiers unsaddle . Some of the

men were standing about chatting and smoking,others

were gossiping over glasses of wine when the royal equipage drew up .

The Dauphin had suffered greatly from the heat ; forthis reason the w indows had been lowered so as to catchthe passing breeze , and before the post-house at Sainte

THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES 309

Menehould was reached , by some mischance Louis hadomitted to draw the blinds . The King,

” says a con tem

po rary who imparts the information from one who had itdirect from Marie Antoinette herself, saw a man leaningagainst a wheel ofthe carriage , looking at him attentively.

He stooped down under'

the pretext of playing with hischildren,

and told the Queen to draw the blinds in a fewmoments, without any show of haste . She obeyed , butwhen he arose the King saw the same m an leaning uponthe wheel on the other side of the carriage , and examininghim closely . The man was holding a coin in his hand , 1

and seemed to be comparing the two profiles , but he saidnothing. The King said , W e are recognised . Shall webe betrayed ? It is in God’s The inquisitiveindividual was Jean Baptiste Drouet , a retired soldier , andby the grim irony of fate he recognised Louis by themoney handed to him by M . de Valory, one of the Gardesdu Corps , in payment for the new horses . That chanceglance ,

” said Napoleon , changed the face of the world .

The following is the account ofDrouet’

s subsequentproceedings as he related them to the Assembly

I am the postmaster of Sainte Menehould , formerlya dragoon in the regiment of Condé ; my com radeGuillaume was formerly a dragoon of the Queen ’s regiment . 2 On the 2lst of June , at half- past seven o

’clockin the evening, two carriages and eleven horses baited atmy house : I thought I recognised the Queen ; and ,perceiving a man at the back part of the carriage on theleft

,I was struck by the resemblance of his countenance

to the King’

s effigy on an assignat of fifty livres .

These carriages were conducted by a detachment of

Accordm g to Drouet'

s own account it was an assignat. See unde r .2 Like Drouet, Guillaum e was an inn-keepe r . His house was the “ Boar’s

Head.

"


dragoons , which succeeded a detachment ofhussars , underpretence of protecting a treasure . This escort confirmedme in my suspicions ; particularly when I saw the commander of the detachment speak with great animation toone of the couriers . However, fearing to excite falsealarms , being alone , and having no opportunity of consulting anyone, I suffered the carriages to depart ; but,seeing immediately the dragoons making preparation tofollow them , and observing that after having asked horsesfor Verdun the carriages took the road to Varennes , Iwent to my comrade and told him what I had seen , andthat I proposed to follow them . He readily offering toaccompany me , we instantly mounted our horses , andtaking a cross road , arrived before them at Varennes .It was eleven o

’

clock at night,very dark

,and everyone

gone to bed . The carriages were stopped in the streetby a dispute which had taken place between the postilions and the postmaster of the town . The postmasterwas desirous for them to stop and refresh their horses

,

according to custom ; the King, on the contrary, wishedto hasten his departure .

“W e stopped at the sign of the Golden Arm,and

calling for the landlord , M . le Bianc , I took him aside,and said to him ,

‘Are you a staunch patriot ?’ ‘Don ’t

doubt me ,’

replied he . ‘W ell said I , ‘the King is atVarennes ; he must be stopped . W e then alighted

,and

reflected that in order to secure success to our plan it wasnecessary to barricade the street and the bridge by whichthe King was to pass .

My companion and I then went to the bridge ofVarennes . Fortunately we found a carriage there loadedwith furniture . We overturned it, so as to render theroad impassable . In the meantime Le Biane had beento the p rocureur de [a com m une, the mayor , and the


commander of the National Guard ; and in a fewminutes our number was increased to eight men , whowere all hearty in the cause .

The commander of the National Guard , accompaniedby the proc ureur, approached the carriage , asked thetravellers who they were , and where they were going.

The Queen petulantly answered they were in a hurry .

A sight of the passport was then demanded . She at lengthgave her passport to one ofthe Guards , who alighted andcame to the inn .

W hen the passport was read some said it was suffi

cient . W e combated th i s Opinion because it was notsigned by the president of the National Assembly , as itshould have been . If you are a foreigner,

’ sa1d we tothe Queen , ‘how came you to have suffi cient influenceto have a detachment to follow you ? How came you ,when you passed through Clermont, to have sufficientinfluence to be followed by a first detachment

“ In consequence of these reflections and our perseverance , it was determined that the travellers should notproceed till the following day. They alighted at the houseof the p rocureur. The proc urem

' then produced a pictureof the King , and asked him if that was not his portrait.His Majesty , then throwing off his disguise , replied‘My friends , I am indeed your King . I have fled fromParis

,from poignards and from bayonets ; I have deter

m ined to take refuge in the provinces , where I hope tofind loyalty and respect. My route is for Montmedy ;I have no intention of leaving the kingdom , I entreat

you no t to impede my journey . These are my wife andchildren ; we conjure you to treat u s with that respectwh ich the French have ever shown their kings .

’

“ The National Guards immediately came in crowds,and at the same time the hussars arrived , sword in hand .


They endeavoured to approach the house where the Kingwas ; but we let them know that if they persisted intaking him away they should not tear him from us

alive .

“ The commander of the National Guard had the

precaution to bring up two small field-pieces , which heplanted at the upper end of the street , and two others atthe lower end ,

so that the hussars would be between twofires . They were summoned to dismount . M . Jonglasrefused . He said that he and his troops would guardthe King . He was answered that the National Guardwould protect him without his assistance . He persistedin his resolution ; upon which the commander of theNational Guard gave orders to the gunners to form theirranks and to fire . They took the matches in their hands,but I have the honour to ob serve to you that the cannonswere not then loaded . In a word , the commander of theNational Guard

,and the tro ops under him , acted so

j udicious ly that they contrived to disarm the hussars .The King was then made a prisoner.VVhen it was fully appreciated at Sainte Menehould

that the stout m an of bourgeois appearance who sat sostolidly in the berline was the monarch of the realm , andthat the stately lady who had drawn the green curtainswas the Queen , the town oflicials began to act . Thecavalry— save one man— had their horses and accoutrements taken from them ; their captain was placed underarrest . The exception was Lagache , the chief quartermaster , who performed a deed entirely worthy of theswashbuckler Marbot. He saddled his horse , chargedthrough the crowd , fired at those who endeavoured tooppose him as he clattered over the bridge , and succeededin following the royal carriages . I t does not say muchfor the loyalty or bravery of the royalist army of France


asked it made it their business to find out. The firstintimation they had was when the tocsin was rung at theinstigation of Sauce , the p rocureur, when Drouet andGuillaume rode into the town after their famous ride.At first Sauce was inclined to allow the Baroness Korfl"

and her party to proceed . The passports were in order,

and he saw no reason for detaining the travellers.Drouet

’

s insistence won, however, and some of those whohad come up and now surrounded the berline shouted

,

It i s the King ! ” The mystery of the post-horses wascleared up ; the secret was common property . In orderto make quite certain the m ayor dragged out of bed alawyer named D este z , celebrated as having been toVersailles and seen the royal family . W hen he wassomewhat roughly introduced into the King’s presence hefell upon his knees Ah , sire ! he exclaimed . Afterthat Louis no longer dissembled . He confessed as to hisreal identity .

Sauce , in addition to being a grocer and p rocureur ofthe commune, was a gentlemen . He placed his houseand his household at the disposal of the fugitives . W henLouis ascended the wooden stairs which led to the upperroom he had lost hope the Queen nearly so

,for she had

already done her best to win over Madame Sauce to hercause in the vain expectation that perhaps she would havesuffi cient influence over her husband for him to conniveat their escape ere dawn should break .

The two l ittle “ girls , no longer Amel ie and Aglaébut the Dauphin of France and Madame Royale , fellasleep , Louis chatted with the p rocureur and seemedmore at ease in his presence than if he had been at theTuileries discussing affairs of State with a Minister

,and

Marie Antoinette sat listening for the sound ofhoofs thatwould be at once Bouille, his troops , and victory . The


cries of the populace, and perhaps the tumbling of timberas the National Guards raised a barricade were the onlysounds that reached her ears

,now attuned to discord

rather than to harmony. The Comte de Damas , theDue

i

de Choiseul , and his forty hussars who had failed at

Somme-Vesle, and a handful of other Officers , includingthe Baron de Goguelat to whom was due the confus ionin the matter of relays , reached the King and made whatpreparations they could to defend the place should it beattacked . A small body of hussars from Dun , numbering in all no t more than a hundred men , also made itsway to Varennes , but the barrier erected at the bridgewas so strong that no attempt against it was made .Damas at once mooted a plan of escape to Louis . I twas that the party should mount horses

,the King and

the Dauphin being together on one animal , and that hismen should surround them , and if necessary fight theirway through the crowd . He urged speed , believing thatin an hour or less his troops would be contaminated bythe prevailing popular opinion .

“ Can you answer forit, said his Majesty, “ that in this unequal scuffle of

thirty against seven or eight hundred a shot might no tkill the Queen , one of the children , or my sister ?

The municipality does not refuse my passing on , but saysI must wait till break of day . Young Bouille set off

,

j ust as I got here , to apprise his father to put the troopsin motion ; they , no doubt, are ready . W ere I herealone, I would do what you advise , and make my waythrough ; but there are the Queen , the two children , mysister

,and their ladies , and it is impossible to venture so

many with a party so small as yours , a party that mustbe made still less , for I cannot leave behind me thesethree gentlemen of the Body Guard . It is now almostone : Bouille went at half-past eleven ; you , too, des


patched someone when you came}l Bouillé has no doubt

placed his troops at different distances ; those nearest willbe first informed of what has happened by his son : theywill be here one after another .2 It is not e ight leagues toStenay

,a distance that a man on horseback will go in

two hours and a half. Detachments will be comingup all night ; Bouillé himself will be here by four orfive , and then , without the family

’s running any risk,

and without any violence of any kind , we shall get awayin safety .

Damas and I calculated that the Marquis would bethere between five and six , continues the Due deChoiseul in h is account ofwhat happened , but my fortyhussars having seen their sixty comrades j oin the people

,

I expected they would soon do the sam e ; and as Dam asand I perceived that the trying moment would be whenthe general and his troops arrived , we made our calculations and arrangements as well as we could to defend thehouse , and more particularly the staircase, and to contrivethat the troops should get possession of the town beforewe could be all cut down . In this manner we passed thetime till it struck five , but with an anxiety that wasintolerable . W e went out from tim e to time to observewhat the dispos ition of the people was . On one of theseo ccasions M . de Goguelat was engaged in a scuffle withsome ofthe National Guards , and was severely wounded ;but he got dressed , and appeared again (though sufferingextremely ) before the royal family .

” According toChoiseul , the commander of the troops from Dun had forsome reason o r other incurred the displeasure of Bouille’

,

and when he was admitted , the King merely said that hecould give no orders . Yo u see I am a prisoner. Youmust

1 Aubriot.3 Those unde r Roln ig had been sent.


let . Falling on her knees , she wept. An old woman’

sblessing had become an aged saint ’s prayer .Meanwhile the Comte de Raigecourt and Bouillé

’

s

son had made their way to the Marquis , who was then atStenay . The commander seems to have exerted himselfwith commendable decision, but there was considerabledelay in starting the troops , and the roads were extremelybad and hilly. As a consequence of these misfortunes,which a novelist dealing with creatures of the imaginationwould attribute to fate , Bouillé and his troops arrivedwithin sight of Varennes two hours after the royal familyhad left the town which had sealed the destinies of threeof them . Bouillé was met by the offi cer who had comm anded at Dun , from whom he heard that although heand his men had made an attempt to get into the place,they had been unsuccessful , and that the garrison of

Verdun was siding with the people in their desire tosend Louis back to Paris . Tired out with their march ,his offi cers failed to support him in his hope of effectinga rescue , and the force returned to Stenay .

“ I shallnever forget , says the Chevalier de Bouillé, “ the affliction painted in my father’s countenance ; I shall neverforget the heart-breaking tone (I had often talked tohim of his successful life ) , the accents of complaint andw retchedness with which he broke the silence

,and the

grief in which he rode along .

‘W ell , now,

’ he said tome , ‘will you still talk to me of my good fortune ?

The Marquis then took leave of his men and rode overthe frontier into Belgium . After service with the e7rzzg7

'és

as a hum ble volunteer, he , like Dum ourie z , made his wayto London , that home of leaders of lost causes , where hedied in the year of Marengo .

On that same night , so fatal to the King, the fortunesofMonsieur, afterwards Louis XVI I I , and Madame— the

THE FLIGHT TO VARENNES 319

Comte and Comtesse de Provence— were in the ascendant.W e gather from the Narrative of a J ourney to Brussels

and Coblenz in 179 1 , published in 1 823 by the successorof Napoleon , that the document which his brother hadleft behind was read by him and corrected in severalplaces , but that some of the suggestions were not adopted .

His manner of escape was not unlike that of Louis,but

he disguised himself as a servant the w ig was a littleto o light — and with the Comte d ’

Avaray, his trustedChamberlain

,and an English groom named Sayers

,had

no difficulty in leaving the Luxembourg.

“ My joy athaving escaped from my prison , a joy which D

’

Avarayshared , turned all our thoughts towards gaiety, and ,accordingly , our first impulse after crossing the thresholdwas to sing a verse of the parody of the Opera of Penelop e.

Thus with a light heart Monsieur left Paris , to reachBrussels on the 22nd June . Of all the fugitives , Louisand his family were alone unfortunate .

CHAPTER XXII I

THE MASSACRE OF THE CHAMP DE MARS

Though the rage of rep ublicaniwn m ay be overcom e,it unll be d zfiicult to

conquer the disgus t the K ing’

s conduct has insp i red .

”GOWER .

THE re turn journey partook somewhat of the nature of amilitary process ion , for at each town the National Guardsins isted on carrying out what they considered to be theirduty by guarding the route until the next stopping-placewas reached . Ill news travels apace ,

”

and although thecapital was anxious for the return of the King, whosepresence had been regarded on a former occasion as asure antidote to famine , the people who came to gazeat him in his humility showed that they had lost faithin “ the Father of his Country . At Sainte Menehouldhe was hissed ; at Chalons there were signs of loyalty,and Louis heard mass ; at Epernay, near which theywere met by Pétion, Latour-Maubourg, and Barnave ,who had been sent by the Assem bly to bring him backsafely , it was quite the reverse ; at Dormans , where thenight of the 23rd was spent , the hours befo re the dawnwere rendered hideous by a howling m ob. Their lastresting- place was Meaux , where they slept at the Bishop

’spalace .The Queen made a great impression on Barnave ,

hitherto an acknowledged enemy of the Court . Fromthenceforth he endeavoured to play the part of a Mirabeau , advis ing her on this , counselling her on that, andshowing by his conduct a chivalry no t unworthy of

320


of the public opinion of Paris ; but from the remarks Ihave personally heard on my journey , I am convincedhow necessary it is for the support of the Constitutionto give strength to the established au thorities fo r themaintenance of public order . The happiness of thepeople has always been the object of my des ires . I shallwillingly forget all the trouble s I have experienced if Ican promote the welfare of the nation .

Instead of a howling m o b awaiting them when theyapproached Paris on the evening of the 25 th , there weresullen faces and silence . Placards announcing thatW hoever applauds the lu ng shall be flogged ; whoeverinsults him will be hanged , had been liberally postedthroughout the ci ty , and had the desired effect, saveonly in the garden of the Tuileries , into which someof the people managed to force their way. Madame deStae

'

l calls it “ a mournful entry ,” and adds that “ the

clothes of the King and Queen were covered with dust ;the two ch ildren of the royal family looked with surprise on the mass of people who came forth with an airof command into the presence of its fallen m asters.Madame Elizabeth appeared in the midst of this illustrious family like a being already sanctified and whichhas no longer anything in common with the worldIt was thus that the King returned to the palace of hisancestors . Alas , what a sad presage , and how trulywas it fulfilled ! ”

Prudhomme , in his newspaper Revolutions de Paris ,

tells us that at seven o’clock on the morning of the 2lst,the news of the King’s flight was being circulated frommouth to mouth throughout Paris . A crowd flockedto the Tuileries and to the hall occupied by the NationalAssembly , only to find that what many had believed amere canard was an accomplished fact . None of the

MASSACRE OF THE CHAMP DE MARS 323

sentries stationed in the palace attempted to preventthe people from rushing helter- skelter through the roomsand the long corridors to satisfy themselves that therewas no mistake . The people , says Prudhomme , “ contented themselves with making sport , in their own way,of royalty and of the man who was invested with it .The portrait of the King was taken down from its placeof honour and hung on the door . A fruit woman tookpossession of Antoinette ’s bed , and used it to display hercherries , saying, I t

’

s the nation ’ s turn to be comfortable . ’

A young girl refused to let them put the Queen ’s bonneton her head , and trampled on it with indignation andcontempt. They had more respect for the Dauphin

’sstudy— but we should blush to report the titles of thebooks which his mother had selected .

” 1

The National Guards were ready to cope with anytrouble that might arise— ln one faubourg 2000 pikemenwere enrolled— and the women helped the m en to guardthe city gates , saying, “ It was the women who broughtthe King to Paris , and the men who let him escape .But do not boast too loudly , ladies , i s Prudhomme

’switty comment ; “ it was not much of a present

,after

all . He adds that busts of the King were destroyed,and that pictures or shop—signs having on them thewords King,

” “ Queen,

” royal , Bourbon,

” Louis,

Court,” Monsieur, and so on , were efl

’

aced.

Pasquier call s the news of the flight “ unexpected,

which is not strictly correct , and he says that at first“ no one entertained any doubt as to the successful result of the undertaking ” because it was believed thatsteps had been taken to ensure it. Whether it was Louis ’sintention to cross the frontier or not made no difference

1 A gross canard, of course . Marie Antoinette was particularly careful inthe choice of reading m atte r for the Dauph in.


to the citizens of Paris , who “ considered their positiona most critical one . They had always looked upon thepresence of the King in their midst as a guarantee againstthe danger and the acts of vengeance which mightthreaten them .

The President of the Assembly at the moment— thepost was held for a fortnight only— was Alexandre deBeauharnais , the husband of the beautiful Creole whoafterwards became the Empress Josephine . He it waswho officially info rmed the deputies that Louis had leftthe Tuileries . The meetings of the Assembly were declared permanent , and the Ministers were immediatelysummoned to attend and to carry on their duties in anadjoining apartment . Shortly afterwards the manifestoleft by the King was handed in and read to the deputies .In it Louis cancelled his assent to the decrees of theNational Assembly made since the Royal Session (June23 , because his signature had been given underpressure and when he was not a free agent , and he urgedthe necessity for a modified constitution . The reply ofthe deputies was to despatch couriers to various municipalitie s authorising the detention of the King shouldhe pass through their towns , the handing over of theSeal of State to the Minister of Justice , the decisionthat the monarch

’

s sanction to decrees should be dis

pensed with , and the sending of a note to the Powersthat as regards foreign affairs France remained as before

.

The Assembly, the Department, and the Municipalityworked in perfect harmony .

On the evening of the 2l st June Pasquier dined withBeauharnais , Barnave , Menou , L am eth ,

and Saint -Fargean. Their conversation , the first-mentioned informsus in his valuable Jll em oz

'

rs , bore all the characteristicsof absolute discouragement . They did not know which


to the awaiting and perfectly calm Assembly. Threecom missioners , charged with the safe return of the monarch

,were at once appointed , with what result we have

already seen . The doors of the Tuileries were sealed,the King’s papers secured , all communications that cameto hand for those concerned in the plot were retained . Amilitary officer was sent off post -haste to examine thefortresses of the frontier— his report was anything butpleasing— and some of the National Guard wereto be en activité. Paris itself was like a besieged city,from which none could make exit unless by order of thecommanding officer. The barriers were closed ; Beauharnais alone had the right to give permission to gowithout the gates . About the same time as the Kingwas hearing mass at Chalons , Lafayette and his NationalGuards were swearing “ to obey no orders save thosegiven in accordance with the decrees of the NationalAssembly .

”

W ithin a few hours of his return , the King’s exercise

of executive power was provis ionally suspended untilthe completion of the constitution , his person was securelyguarded , and three commissioners— namely , Adrien Du

port , Tronchet , and D’

André— were appointed to interrogate him and Marie Antoinette . The frustrated flightof the King was an excuse, and a very logical one , forthe believers in republicanism to renew their strength.Some regarded the revocation of the decrees by Louisin his manifesto as synonymous with abdication ; themore rabid j ournalists of the type of Prudhomme , Marat,and Brissot openly preached republicanism and the paramount importance of the sovere ign will of the people .Condorcet , the disciple of Voltaire , espoused the samecause. Yet it was not the fiery Marat , his equally inflammable Am i da Peup le , nor even the Jacobin Club

MASSACRE OF THE CHAMP DE MARS 327

that voiced , in a m anner which compelled offi cial attention ,the growing demand of a certain section of the populacefor a country without a monarch . The Cordeliers Clubdid that in an address presented to the Assembly on the22md June . In its Opinion a king, above all an hereditary king, was incompatible with liberty . It was confidently anticipated that the members of the JacobinClub wou ld support this petition for the abolition of themonarchy hip and thigh . They did nothing of the kind .

W hen an endeavour was made to read it to them theyhissed and passed a vote in favour of the constitutionand the King. Two days later people met inthe Place Vendome to petition the Assembly to consultthe departments in the matter of the King’s position .

It soon became evident that Duport, Barnave , andCharles L am eth , the acknowledged leaders of the Left ,and known as the Triumvirate , were adopting a farless democratic policy than they had hitherto pursued .

They seemed to be bent on supporting the King. Gowernotes with a cynicism unworthy of him , although theremay be a substratum of truth in what he suggests , thatthey had shown “ before the late event, an inclinationto change their system of politics , in order to preservetheir importance : the present state of things has affordedthem an opportunity of adopting a new line of conduct ,and a sort of coalition has taken place between themand the aristocratic party which will probably not lastlong. Marie Antoinette recovered something of her oldbuoyancy of disposition when she came to see that theKing had not altogether forfeited the respect of hiscountry , and declared at the end of July that the aspectof affairs was much more hopeful .” Although the clubsand the people had influenced the voting of the deputies ,the Assembly as a whole had never shown itself attached


heart and soul to the aspirations of democracy. Itrefused to take further notice of the petition of theCordeliers

,and when the committee entrusted with the

drawing up of a report on the flight to Varennes statedthat they neither recommended that Louis be broughtup for trial nor dethroned , it would have noth ing todo with the demand of the club that the matter shouldbe referred to the nation . Robespierre argued that toadmit the inviolability of the King for acts which werepersonal to himself was to establish a god upon earth ;Barnave that the trial of Louis would be the proclamation of a republic and the destruction of a constitutionwhich had been framed with so much care. Be assured ,he said ,

“ that those who now propose to pass sentenceon the King will do the same to yourselves when youfirst thwart their ambition . If you prolong the Revo lution it will increase in violence. The worldhitherto has been astounded by the powers we haved eve loped ; let it now be charmed by the gentlenesswh ich graces them . The report was adop ted by anoverwhelm ing majority , but it was decreed that shouldLouis fail to accept the constitution , if he put himselfat the head of an armed force fo r u se against the nation ,o r consented that anyone else should do so in his behalf,he would be considered as having abdicated , and wouldbe he ld responsible for his acts as an ordinary citizen.

These provisions in the contract between the monarchand his people , or rather between the people and theirKing, were sufficiently stringent for those , mainly ofthe middle class, who believed that the motto of theRevolution should be moderation . The Cordel iers werenot of this persuasion , and the ir friends of the Jacobinsshowed themselves perfectly willing to co - operate withthem in requesting that the departments , and no t the


impaled on pikes , and together w ith their bodies weretaken in proce ssion .

W hen the Mayor was informed of these happenings,

the red flag was flown from the B étel de Ville andmartial law proclaimed . Bailly , together with Lafayetteand some of the National Guard , made their way tothe fie ld consecrated to fraternity . The people werewarned that if they did not disperse the Guards wouldfire . I t is said that Bailly did not succeed in makinghimself heard above the hubbub , which is not surprising,but it is obvious that the red flag was conspicuou s tosome at least of the frenzied folk who pushed and j ostledeach other in an endeavour to find out what was happening, fo r there were frantic yells of “ Al bus 16 drap eaurouge ! 44 bus [es baz

‘

onnettes ! Some contemporaryaccounts relate that the Guards were pelted with stonesbefo re the order was given to them to fire above theheads of the dense mass , and a statement to that effectwas made in the Assembly . O thers protest that it wasvice versé . W e know for certain that muskets werelevelled on this memorable Sunday

,and that some twenty

men and women were killed , wh ile many others werewounded or taken to prison . The people

,now fully

realis ing that Lafayette and Bailly were in earnest,began

to scatter in all directions . In the mad rush to ge t

away between two and three hundred of them ,including

little children , met their deaths or were inj ured . In thewords of M ignet, the disturbances of the 17th July179 1 were the prelude of the popular movements whichled to the loth AugustLouis , writes an observant Englishman who was in

Paris at the time , “ has irretrievab ly forfeited whateverhold he had ofthe confidence and affe ction of the people,and, at the same time , encouraged the Jacobins entirely


larger in the public eye , Buz ot , Petion , Ro ederer, Boyer,and Corroller alone remained at the moment . TheCordeliers was shut by authority , and the busy pen ofCamille Desmoulins had perforce to take a rest on accountof the suppression of the Radical newspapers . Seditionceased to be preached in the Palais Royal , not becausethe orators failed to put in an appearance , but on accountof the unwelcome presence of the National Guard . TheDuke of Orleans paraded , but got no further to beingproclaimed regent than the humblest peasant in Brittany.

Now , if ever, was the psychological moment for theentrance into the political arena of a statesman bent onthe preservation of law and order , a second Mirabeau . Hecame in Georges Jacques Danton , “ the King of theMarket Place ,

”and be it was , in the words of Lord Acton ,

who wro ught the greatest change in the modern world.

”

Born at Arcis - sur—Aube , in Champagne , a decade save afew months before Napoleon , he had been intended forthe Church , to become in turn a successful lawyer, amember of the Directory of the Department of Paris

,

the moving spirit of the Cordeliers , one of the leadersof the Jacobins , a herald of the Republic

,and a prime

mover in the establishing of the Revolutionary Tribunal.As he said on the first day of his trial , a little less thanthree years later, he was “

not unknown among therevolutionaries . His face , uglier than that ofMirabeauand pitted with the small—pox

,was radiant with inte llect,

says L am artine u a statement far more truthful than thatof Madame Roland , who called him illiterate , which hemo st certainly was not , unless a Frenchman who has aknowledge of English , Italian, Latin , and Greek com esunder that category . He it was who ,

by the magic ofhiseloquence , proved that the tongue can be a mightierweapon than pen or sword , and by his fervid enthusiasm

Pho to Bou t/uteri

GEORGES JACQUE S DANTON (17 5 9—1 794 )

(From a paw /ing the Ca / m z z 'a let Alm a /m )

CHAPTER XXIV

THE CONSTITUTION AND THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBL'

i

Wh i le everyone is p estering us with new p rine ip les of all kinds, how is it

overlooked that stabili ty i s also a prim ip le ofgovernm ent DUPORT.

THE constitution which was the hope of France , and

on which so many weary months had been expendedby the various commi ttees charged with this importanttask

, was to all intents and purposes finished . Recentevents had inclined the Assembly to take a somewhatmore conservative view of things , and to endeavour,if poss ible, to allay the fears of those who discerned inthe mach inations of the Jacobins , the Cordeliers, andkindred organisations , the eventual triumph of disorder.It was therefore decided that the work of the constitu

tion -makers should be read before the deputies that theymight make any revision deemed necessary before thecomplete article was presented to the lu ng for his acceptance .

Barnave , Duport , and the L am eth s seized the opportunity in a well—meant but entirely unsucces sful wayto strengthen the executive , to restore the absolute vetoof the Crown, and to place some kind of restrictivemeasure on the freedom of the Press , promulgated inthe previous year , and which had been used to such

conspicuous advantage by the advanced revolutionists.“ You are inclined to efface some blemishes ,

” counselledMalouet go a step further, and correct some deformities .The greatest victory— partial , short- lived , but still avictory— was that won by Le Chapelier over the political

334

THE LEGISLAT IVE ASSEMBLY 335

clubs . He demanded that in future they should not

be allowed to form close alliances,and if they sought

to influence public Opinion on elections or to interferewith the concerns ofthe nation , they should be immediatelysuppressed . Most ofthe concessions made , however, werehalf—measures , and as such almost worthless . LallyTo llendal, with the example of England ’s legislature before him , had warned the States -General before the laststones of the Bastille had been torn down that “ withone chamber yo u can destroy everything ; without twochambers you can found nothing The hint was disregarded , though afterwards it was remembered in sorrow .

The work oflaw -making was to be carried on by one Houseonly , elected for two years by those who had a propertyqualification , which , of course , excluded a considerable proportion of the population . Thus , in the words ofDuport.France was “ exposed every two years to a revolutionin her laws and Opinions .”

I t is unnecessary to repeat the decrees passed bythe Assembly and embodied in the constitution , for reference has been made to them in previous pages . I tsmain features were equality and decentral isation— the veryantitheses of the age of Louis XIV . The weakeningof the executive power was regarded as of paramountimportance to the freedom of the deliberations of theAssembly . Its prerogatives had already been encroachedupon by the various committees , and were to become practilly nominal . NO deputy was allowed to hold Office underthe Crown

,although the King’s Ministers , who continued

to be named by him ,could sit in the chamber. W hen it

is remembered that these legislators of the ConstituentAssembly

,as the National Assembly had been called since

the 9th July 17 8 9 , were absolutely inexperienced , thatthey had no precedent on which to base their method of


procedure,that the times were like sweet bells jangled

,

ou t of tune and harsh , that their deliberations were undoubtedly affected by outside influence, it is praiseworthythat they succeeded in formulating a system of government at all . Many of the evils of the ancien regim e

were abandoned,and a new Refo rmation which was to

affect many other countries had begun . At the gathering in the Tennis Court at Versailles the NationalAssembly had regarded itself as called upon to establishthe constitution of the kingdom , effect a regenerationof the State , and maintain the true principles of monarchy.

It had created a constitution,which it decreed could not

be su spended for thirty years , but no t established it , carriedout many important reforms , and would perhaps havefulfilled the last-mentioned proposition— obviously anabstract one— had there been more sympathy betweenLouis and the Three Estates .

“ Its labours ,” says Chateaubriand in his Autobio

grap hy, are like those of the great physician of anti

quity , which at the same time removed farther forward andfixed anew the limits of science . W hile the results ofthe labours of the Assembly may be condemned

,writes

Professor H . Mo rse Stephens in his truly great , butunfortunately incomplete

, H istory of the French Revolu

tion,

“ and the faults and mistakes of the men who satthere m ay be clearly visible to modern eyes , yet all duecredit must be given them for good intentions and areal longing to do what seemed to them right and just.Much that they did has never been undone

.France

can never again become a conglomeration of provinces,each with its own dialect and its own laws ; and it wasthe Constituent Assembly which began the great workof making the inhabitants of France Frenchmen

,and

not Provencals or Picards , which first gave to all France

THE LEG I SLATIVE ASSEMBLY 337

one common system of laws , and one just repartitionoftaxes

,and

,above all

,which guaranteed to every French

man of every class , as long as he did not break the laws ,the priceless boon of personal freedom . This issom e indication of how far we have travelled on the roadof historical research and right judgment since EdmundBurke gave it as his opinion in his Reflections that

“ theimprovements of the National Assembly are superficial ,their errors fundamental . “ The glory of heroism ,

”

replied his great protagonist in Vindieice Gallieoe ,“ and

the splendour of conquest, have long enough been thepatrimony of that great nation . It is time that it shouldseek a new glo ry , and a new splendour, under the shadeoffreedom , in cultivating the arts of peace , and extendingthe happiness Of mankind . Happy if the example ofthat‘manifesto of humanity,

’ which has been adopted by thelegislators of France into their constitutional code , madean adequate impression on surrounding nations . ” Inwhich m atter James Mackintosh was most emphaticallymistaken .

A question fraught with some anxiety still remainedto be answered on the completion of the Aete Constitu

tionnel. W ould Louis, whose provisional suspens ion wasnow rescinded, accept it ? The sixty members of theAssembly who formed the deputation charged with itspresentation to the King must have left the TuileriesW ith mixed feelings . He assured them that he intendedto remain in Paris , and would examine the Articles withoutunnecessary delay . At the reception ofthe representativesof foreign Powers , Gower noticed that although MarieAntoinette welcomed them with her u sual dignity ,

” herdeportment and appearance discovered a mind sufferingunder affliction , but no t easily subdued . A little over aweek after having received the document of regeneration ,

Y


Louis wrote to the President o f the Assembly that heaccepted it

,and engaged to maintain it at home , to defend

It from all attacks from abroad , and to enforce its executionby all the means it placed at his disposal . W ith greatgood feeling, and as a happy augury of the new era, heexpressed the wish that a general amnesty should begranted to all who had been arrested or imprisoned on

account of acts committed in connection with theRevolution or the flight to Varennes , and that e

’

m igre’

s

who returned should also be pardoned . This was decreed,

and we find Danton reappearing at the Jacobins in thesecond week of September . On the lath of that month

,

179 1 , Louis formally accepted the constitution in thehall of the Assembly . His going and return weremarked by immense enthusiasm on the part ofthe citizensas the coronation coach in which he was seated wendedits way along a route chosen with the idea of enabling thegreatest number of people to see him without undue discomfort . W hen his Majesty entered the Salle du Manege ,the deputies received him standing and uncovered

, and

they continued in this position during part of the time hewas taking the oath . A slight disturbance made him lookup , to find that they were all seated . He did the same

,

and concluded his testament reclining in the chair that hadbeen placed for him to the left of the President

,the

while Marie Antoinette , Madame Royale , and the Dauph inwatched him from a neighbouring box . The Tuilerieswere illuminated , fireworks were let off in the ChampsElysees by order of the municipality

, and the King andQueen once again took an interest in the social affairs ofthe capital by going to the Opera .

“ Their entrance into the house , says one who waspresent, was the signal fo r sincere and universal plaudits .The piece was The Ballet of Psyche ; at the time that


example you shall afford of your love of order and ofsubmission to the laws . Tell them all , he urged , thatthe King will always be their first and most faithfulfriend

,that he needs their love , that he can only be happy

with them and by their assistance . The hope of contributing to their happiness will sustain my courage , as thesatisfact ion of having succeeded will be my sweetestrecompense .

History,says Madame de Stael , ought to consider

the Cons tituent Assembly from two points of view : theabuses destroyed , the institutions created . Seen fromthe first point ofV iew,

the Constituent Assembly has verygreat claims to the gratitude of mankind from the second,the most serious faults may be obj ected to the Assembly.

”

Under the latter catego ry Necker’

s talented daughter moreparticularly refers to the gradual usurpation of theexecutive power

,the question of the absolute veto , and

the failure to form a second chamber.

As to the constitution , so good in its foundation , andso bad in its superstructure, it was to last a little over ayear. Had some of those who had helped to frame itbeen allowed to sit in the forthcoming LegislativeAssembly

,some degree ofstability might have been given

to the ship of S tate . Most of the 7 «I O deputies had notentered their thirtieth year

,and were , of course, in

experienced . Youth is usually inclined to liberal opinions ,and there can be no question that the Jacobin clubsscattered throughout the country had considerableinfluence on the elections . Yet at their first meeting onthe 1 st October 179 1 , the more advanced parties , whichincluded the Jacobins— known as the Mountain becauseof the high seats they occupied— and the Girondists , whorepresented the better side of the revolutionary movement,and were so called because several of their leading lights

THE LEGI SLATIVE ASSEMBLY 341

came from the department of the Gironde were fewer bysome twenty that the constitutional Feui llants and theout-and-out Monarchists . The Feuillants and the supporters of the monarchy now formed the Right , and werelooked upon with favour by the bourgeoisie , and to acertain extent by the National Guards . It was theCentre, made up for the most part of deputies having aleaning towards m oderation , and Whose opinions weretherefore not sufficiently definite to warrant their j oininga distinct party, that was to decide the issue .Almost from the first it was evident that the Left was

destined to become paramount , because it had a definitepolicy which it rigidly pursued , whereas the Right wasdivided into different camps . Both parties had theirorganisations outside the Assembly , but while the Jacobinsand Girondists waxed strong , the Feuillant Club soon fellfoul of Petion , the Radical Mayor of Paris who had succeeded Bailly , and its members were turned out of thebuilding they occupied by order of the Assembly .

Although Barnave, Duport , and Alexander L am eth didtheir utmost to influence the King, their advice receivedless serious attention than did that of Mirabeau beforethem . The Right had clever men in Dumas

,Bigot

,

Vaublanc , Jaucourt, and Ramond , but they were morethan balanced by Brissot , the most popular ofthe leadersof the Girondists and editor of L e Patriote F ranpais ,

Vergniaud, Gensonné, and Guadet, young barristers ofBordeaux , Isnard , Chabot, Condorcet , Valaz é, Fauchet,Couthon,

and Merlin de Thionville of the Left, some ofwhom were so eloquent that their oratory won many avote from the Centre that might otherwise have gone totheir Opponents . Madame Roland , who had carried hercopy of Plutarch ’s L ives to church when she was nineyears old , and had brought herself up on the republics of


classic antiquity , was the l ife and soul of the party . Atthe democratic clubs Robespierre, Camille Desmoulins ,Danton, Billaud Varennes , Collot d

’

Herbo is , Fabred

’Eglantine , Marat, and others , including Santerre, thewealthy brewer, aided and abetted the pro - revolutionaryfaction .

CHAPTER XXV

THE ENEM IES AT THE GATE

The em igration and not decrees , destroyed the no bili ty.—FRENILLY .

Two pressing problems , that of the e’

m igrés and of thenon—juring clergy , claimed the immediate attention of theLegislative Assembly . I t will be remembered that soonafter the meeting of the States-General , many of thenobles , instead of supporting Louis , had shaken the dustof France from their feet and settled in such congenialplaces as Turin , Brussels , Spa , and London . Thesearistocrats included the Comte d

’

Arto is , the King’

s

youngest brother, and later Monsieur the Comte deProvence, who had fled at the time ofthe ill- fated journeyto Varennes and established a Court near Coblentz . AtW orms the Prince de Condé was concentrating a more orless nondescript army of some men , which now

gave cause for some alarm because its movements m ightat any time precipitate war. Unsupported the énzigréscould achieve nothing, and realising this they had alreadybegun a long course of intrigue with various Powers andthe petty princes of Germany in the hope of gettingthem to interfere with the course ofevents in France .Let us get some idea of the condition ofEurope at the

moment . Not a few monarchs had begun , even before178 9 , to put their houses in order, either of their ownaccord or through the influence of an enlightened Ministerof State . The fundamental difference in their case wasthat reform came from above— in other words , it descended

343


from the sovereign to his subjects— whereas in France itwas volcano- like , and worked upwards . Frederick the

Great , who had died in 1 7 8 6 , was a reformer ; the re igning monarch , Frederick W illiam I I , was a reactionary.

Joseph I I,who

,with all h is absolutism , had ameliorated

the condition of the peasantry in Bohemia, Moravia,Hungary , and Galic ia, was a benevolent despo t . In 1790

he was succeeded by his brotherLeopold , who had alreadycarried o ut a number of sane l iberal projects in his dukedom of Tuscany . W hen Charle s IV came to the throneof Spain in 17 8 8 he fo llowed a far more able m an whohad struggled to save his country from decay . Influencedby his consort, Marie Louise of Parma, and her loverGodoy, the reign of Charles was retrograde , and wasterminated by the mailed fist ofNapoleon . The Em pressCatherine of Russia , whom Diderot had profe ssed toadmire , was fully occupied with her own affairs , and gavebu t little attention to revolutionary France . She had toomany ofthe characteristics of a m an, and an unscrupulousone at that , to grieve over the misfortunes of so weakm inded an individual as Louis The King , she wroteon one occasion , “ is a good sort ofm an, and I would liketo aid him , but one cannot help a m an who will not behelped . As for the National Assembly , she called it “ ahydra with 1 200 heads , and cynically recommended therecall of the Jesuits as a coun ter - irritant . Poland

,

patriotic enough in a certain sense,was torn by internal

dissensions . In Holland the Stadholder was the avowedenemy Of France , but many of the people ruled by himwere strongly in sympathy with the Revolution until itcarried war into their own territory . Of all the Europeansovereigns Gustave I I I of Sweden alone showed realsym pathy with Louis , whom he regarded as a comradein misfortune . He went so far as to endeavour to form


warm support of republican principles , Pitt told Burkethat he did not fear a revolution in England . Dependon it

,he assured the philosopher ofGregories , we shall

go on as we are until the day of j udgment.”

The unwieldy Holy Roman Empire , with its freecities and ecclesiastical principalities , its Chamber, AulicCouncil

,and Diet, was really made up of a number of

States which recognised the Emperor but were to allintents and purposes practically independent . It was ,indeed , almost within a decade of dissolution , and thefeudatories rather welcomed the Revolution than otherwise . As King of Bohemia and Hungary Leopold ruledover a conglomeration of States and peoples almost asdisunited as the Empire , and Belgium was a constantsource ofuneasiness .The ém igrés wished to return to their old privileges

on the wave of a counter—revolution . The maj ority of

them were willing to concede very little , and utterly failedto real ise that the upheaval in France was somethingmore than a pass ing phase . They were far more anxiousfor the restoration of the ancien regim e than for thestability of the throne , the source of the prerogativesthey enjoyed , and their policy consisted of continuallybelittling Louis to one and all with whom they came incontact . I t is true that Marie Antoinette had reliedupon the assistance of her brother Joseph I I in extricat

ing the royal family from their plight,but neither the

Queen nor the Emperor was disposed to allow the Comted

’

Arto is to interfere . Immediately after the fall of theBastille Marie Antoinette had urged upon the King thenecessity of putting as many miles between him andParis as was possible— Metz , soldiers, and civil war wereher antidotes . A few months later , in O ctober 178 9 ,Artois wrote to Joseph on the need for helping the King

,

AN ALLEGORY O F 1 79 1 ON THE GE RMAN HOS PITALITY To THE EM IGRIES

(Engraved and fi zz /ill rh ed’

at Ala in/hu m [w [Z r/zels t , engraver to th e E lec to r Pala tine From a

print in {he I leru u'

u c aller/10 h , gin /1 by spec ia l (y th e I v

u-nah G ov ernm ent )


granted to them by the Treaty ofW estphalia . On theNight of Sacrifices , 17 8 9 , they had been shorn of theirfeudal rights

,and the loss was confirmed by the decree of

the 1 5 th March 1790 , by which time the province hadbecome the departments of Haut and Bas hin . The

Em peror took up the matter and demanded that thedispo ssessed nobles be compensated , a l ine of conductwhich he pursued when the Pope suffered the loss of

Avignon and the Venaissin in September 179 1 . Asthe predecessors of the Sovereign Pontiff had enjoyedposse ss ion of the territory since 1228 it seemed rather latein the day for France to resume her rights .

” The who leaffair was a cynical comment on the resolution passed bythe A ssembly on the 22nd May 17 90 renouncing allenterprise s for the sake of conquest and the use ofmilitaryforce against the liberty of any nation . I t affo rded thee’

m igres a golden Opportunity to point out the obviousmoral that with France in its present state no neighbouring country was safe, particularly as the union withFrance was celebrated by a hideous massacre .At length the Emperor bestirred himself. A sugges

tion had been made by Mercy , his Ambas sador at Paris,that the fortresse s near the frontier might be garrisonedby Aus trian troops . After some cons ideratio n this wasregarded as far too risky a plan , and like ly to arouseinternational jealousy . Leopo ld I I preferred the lesspractical and less troublesome m easure of moral pressure .He wrote to all the principal Powers with the exceptionof Sweden , whose King was discussing affairs with thee‘m igres , suggesting a conference . The result was a

meeting of the Emperor and the King of Prussia atPilnitz , near Dresden , at which Artois , the Elector ofSaxony , Bouille, the Archduke Francis , and Calonne werepresent. A declaration was then drawn up and sent to

THE ENEMIES AT THE GATE 349

England , Russia, Spain , the two Sicilies, and Sardinia,requesting their co - operation .

The manifesto runs as follows

His Maj esty the Emperor, and his Majesty the lu ngof Prussia, having given attention to the wishes and represcutations of Monsieur and of M . le Comte d ’

Arto is ,

j ointly declare that they regard the present situation of

his Majesty the King of France as a matter of commoninterest to all the sovereigns of Europe . They trust thatthis interest will not fail to be recognised by the Powers

,

whose aid is solicited , and that in consequence they willnot refuse to employ, in conj unction with their saidMajesties , the most efficient means in proportion to theirresources to place the King of France in a position toestablish , with the most absolute freedom , the foundationsof a monarchical form of government which shall at oncebe in harmony with the rights of sovereigns and promotethe welfare of the French nation . In that case theirsaid Majesties the Emperor and the King of Prussia areresolved to act promptly and in common accord with theforces necessary to ob tain the desired common end .

In the meantime they will give such orders to theirtroops as are necessary in order that these may be in aposition to be called into active service.

LE OPOLD. FREDERICK W I LL IAM .

I’ILNI 'rz , August 27,

Such an appeal naturally elated the but in theBland -Barges Pap ers there is an abstract from a document copied by Mr. Burges , who was England

'

s UnderSecretary of State for Foreign Afi

'

airs , which puts a farless rosy complexion on the aspect of affairs , and showsthat Austria and Prussia were already intent on plunder.The Emperor and King of Prussia, it runs , engage


to co - operate in the re - establishment of the monarchy ofFrance , under limitations similar to those proposed by theConstitutional Articles ofthe first National Assembly .

“ The other Great Powers to be invited to becomeparties to this treaty .

By way of indemnification , Alsatia and part of

Lorraine to be ceded to the Elector Palatine in exchangefor the Duchies of J uliers (Julich ) and Berg, and what iscalled Lower Bavaria.

Prussia to have J uliers and Berg, and part ofBrabant .Austria to have Lower Bavaria, the remaining part

ofLorraine , and French Flanders .”

The effect of the declaration on the ém z'

gre’

s i s madeclear in the following communication from Lord Malmesbury to the Duke ofPortland . It was not until February1 792 that the Emperor and the King of Prussia, for themoment forgetting the long- standing grievances that hade xisted between their respective countries , concluded adefinite alliance.

Conw xz, October 20, 1701 .

MY DEAR LORD,—I promised you in my last, to

give you some account of what the swarm of French,now living here , are about, and what is likely , from myo bservation , to be the result of their operations . It isno very easy matter to make this clearly out , or to follow,

with any degree of perspicuity , a plan conducted bypeople under the influence of almost every pass ion whichcan agitate the human mind .

The most steady and reasonable amongst themappear to be the two Princes . Monsieur eminentlyd eserves this character, and the Count d

’

Arto is i s verymuch reclaimed from that dissipated and fligh ty reputation he once deserved . The two Princes are supposed to

THE ENEMIES AT THE GATE 35 1

be at the head of the noblesse, and they are assisted by aCouncil composed of Mons . de Calonne , the MarshalsBroglie and Castries , Jaucourt, Haseland, and Vaudreuil,Lieutenant-Generals the Prince '

of Nassau and thePrince Xavier of Saxe , commonly called Le Comte deL u sace .

Calonne is the active and leading man , and all theirschemes are strongly marked with the impression of hisown imagination and sanguine character. Their objectgoes to interest all the different Sovereigns of Europe intheir cause , to obtain according to the position or facultyof each Court , pecuniary or military assistance, and toenter France at the head of an army , preceded by a newproj ect of constitution in the form ofa manifesto .

“ They here consider the friendly assurances comingfrom almost all the different Powers of Europe , as somany sure means of recovering their ground in France ;but they seem to have forgot, that, as yet, they haveobtained nothing but professions ; that each of theseCourts is actuated by different interests ; that they arejealous of each other ; that there is no coalition betweenthem , and no union of measures ; no convention how theassistance of each is to be given, or in what proportion ;and that to bring about such a concert , so as to make ituseful, requires time , and , I fear , abilities much greaterthan belong to anyone here .In the Legislative Assembly I snard told the deputies

that the audacity of the dispossessed clergy and thee’

m igv'

e’

s had “ risen in proportion to your forbearance.They will never cease to injure till they lose thepower of doing so . Emigration was an offence thatthreatened the horrors offoreign war

,said Brissot. How

was it possible,he asked , to control internal factions when

the ém igre’

s were allowed to escape with impunity ? Con


dorcet , replying on behalf of the Constitutionalists,counselled the Assembly to pursue a policy of laisser

faire, to treat with contempt “ those assemblages ofdiscontented spirits on the frontier, as the ConstituentAssembly had done . Those whom he addressed , however,were in no mood for conciliatory measures , fo r no noticehad been taken of the amnesty granted when the Kinghad accepted the constitution. Monsieur was com

m anded to return to France or suffer the loss of hiseventual right to the regency should Louis die before theDauph in had reached his maj o rity , and it was decreedthat the property of all ém jgw

'

s who remained in foreignterritory after the l st January 17 92 would be confiscated ,and the absentees render themselves liable to punishmentby death . Even harsher m easures were used against theremaining non-j uring clergy , who were commanded totake the oath to the constitution within a week or sufferthe loss of their salaries and be regarded as suspects .For the most part they absolutely refused to act againsttheir convictions and in direct opposition to the Pope.In May 1792 those who still held out were ordered to bedepo rted . No more foolish decrees were ever issued , forthey involved far more than the hostility ofa class whichhad done much to foster the Revolution in its milderstages . Many of the flocks followed their spiri tualshepherds , and lost all confidence in an age of enlightenment that required a severance from the faith of theirfathers . The clergy , on their part , used all their influenceto stir up a fanatical “ holy war against the con

stitutional priests , whom the bishops declared were unableto administer the sacraments to the good of those whopartook of them . In a word

,they were apostates .

The Church mili tant sowed seed that ripened to a tragicharvest .

THE ENEM IES AT THE GATE 35 3

The e’

m z'

grc’

s had not been slow to show themselvesthe champions of the non-j uring priests when the c ivi lconstitution of the clergy had been decreed, and theirpretens ions were now received far more kindly than theyhad been hitherto regarded . Although the King sanctioned the demand for the return of M onsieur , hemade use of h is royal veto and positively refused tosanction those against h is brother ’ s confederates andthe clergy . In this way he played into the hands of theGirondists and the J acobins , who were pleased to regardthe monarch ’s action as further evidence of the riftbetween him and the nation . A further blow was aimedat the throne when Lafayette , now retired from thecomm and ofthe National Guard , endeavoured to becomeMayor of Paris in succession to Bailly , whose term of

office had expired . Lafayette had the support of theConstitutionalists , but had lost a great deal of his formerpopu larity by reason of the affair ofthe Champ de Mars .The plaud its of the people were now enjoyed by thedemocratic Petion , the stern denouncer of the militarybanquet at Versailles, one ofthe three commissioners whohad been charged with the welfare of Louis on his returnfrom Varenne s , and an ardent supporter ofthe Girondists .

He was elected by an overwhelming majority , the votesin his favour being more than double those recorded forthe former hero ofParis .Towards the end of 179 1 changes were made in the

Ministers , whom the Girondists and J acobins had treatedwith studied disrespect as representatives of the monarchy .

The Comte de Montmorin was succeeded in the ForeignOffice by the incompetent and unpopular Valdec deL essart, hitherto Minister of the Interior ; Louis Duportail ,Minister of W ar, resigned and gave place to the Comtede Narbonne, an ambitious royalist with a fixed belief

z


in the arbitrament of the sword, and whose first appearance in the Assembly as a Minister was made on the14th December, to announce the King

’s willingness toplace an army of ready fo r active service ; Cahierde Gerville became Minister of the Interior ; Bertrandde M oleville Minister for the Navy and Colonies ; LouisTarbe retained his office ofMinister of the Finances , andthat of Justice still remained in the hands ofDuport duTertre . By far the greater number of these men hopedthat there might be no resort to arms , but the mostpersuasive personality was Narbonne , who speedily alliedhimself with the Girondists . They were anxious fo r war,not only because they resented the interference of theEmperor and the King of Prussia, as revealed in theDeclaration ofBilnitz , but because they believed it wouldhave the effect of hastening the coming of the republicand the spreading of revolutionary opinions throughoutEurope . The Electors of Treves and Mayence and theBishop of Spires also incurred their indignation by aidingand abetting the machinations ofthe ém igre

’

s in allowingthem to remain on their territory .

“ Let us tell theKing , cried Isnard from the tribune of the Assembly,“ that it is his interest to defend the constitution ; thathe only reigns by the people and for the people ; thatthe nation is his sovereign , and that he is subject to thelaw . Let us tell Europe that if the French people oncedraw the sword they will throw away the scabbard

,and

will no t take it up again till it may be crowned with thelaurels of V ictory ; that if cabinets engage kings in a waragainst the people , we will engage the people in a mortalwarfare against kings . The nations will embrace inthe presence of dethroned tyrants— of the earth consoled ,of Heaven satisfied . It was an inflammatory speech ,and it fired the enthusiasm of the deputies

,who sent a


couraged by the municipality , although they are morecalculated for pillage than for the protection of the property of citizens . The royal family become every daymore unpopular. ”

A month later h is report shows that France was againlapsing into a state bordering on madness . The generalanarchy , he writes , “ which has been for some time increasing in this country , seems at present to be nearlyarrived at its greatest he ight . From the northern departments accounts are daily received of riots and disturbances,the pretence for which is the monopoly of corn the priceof it, however, is , in that part of the kingdom , far fromdear ; the real cause is a total dissolution of government.In the markets , even in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, the farmers are obliged to sell their corn at a pricefixed by armed peasants in large bodies . In the department of the Eure there i s a body of them consisting ofno t less than six thousand . At Estampes the mayor hasbeen massacred . In order to quell the disturbances inthat town six hundred National Guards with cannon havebeen sent from hence (Paris ) , and another party of twohundred have also been sent with cannon into the neighbourho od ofVersailles . But the proceedings in the southare still more Violent and alarming : it is a singular eventthat a mixed body of two thousand people should arrivefrom Marseilles at the gates of Aix so unexpectedly thatthe inhabitants should not be able to make any defenceagainst them. The fact is that the National Guard ofthat town was unwilling to Oppose them

,and the com

manding officer having, through pusillanimity , ordered thesoldiers ofthe Swiss Regiment d ’

Erne st to surrender theirarms to the brigands , that regiment has given a painfulproof of its good discipline .I t was on the 25 th January 1792, that Brissot at

TH E E LE CTOR O F J'

R i‘

rvns LEARN S THAT HE MU ST NOT

PROTECT run EM IGRES

H is rage and d espair at the threat ofwar(From a satuw a l / n

‘

u z t m the Hem / m Caller/loft , gale/z {Jy spa m ]

em /u ri z un if I/w F irm /L Gow n /m en! )


The simplicity of his manners , his frankness , hisnatural negligence , seemed to me in perfect harmony w iththe austerity ofhis principles ; but I found in him a kindof lightness both of mind and character not altogetherbecoming the gravity ofa philosopher ; this always painedme , and his enemies made the most of it. For all that,the more I saw of him , the more I esteemed him . Itwould be impossible to find a more entire disinterestednessunited to a more whole- hearted zeal for the public welfare,or to give oneself to well- doing with a greater forgetfulnessof self. His writings have all the authority of reason,j ustice , and enlightenment, though as a man Brissot isentirely lacking in dignity . He is the best ofmen , a goodhusband , a tender father , a faithful friend , a virtuous citizen ;his society is as agreeable as his character is obliging ;confiding to the verge of imprudence , gay , naive,disingenuous as a boy offifteen , he was made to live withthe wise , and to be the dupe of the wicked . A learnedpublicist, devoted from his youth to the study of socialquestions , and ofthe means of furthering the happiness ofthe human race , he understands man perfectly , but knowsnothing ofmen . He recognises that vices exist

,but can

not believe him vicious who speaks to him with a fairtongue ; and when at length he recognises any one assuch , he pities him , treats him as one would do an insaneperson , but without distrusting him . He cannot hate ;we might say that his soul, sensitive as it is , has not

sufficient solidity to entertain such a vigorous sentiment.

W ith wide knowledge , he has an extreme facility ofwork,and composes a treatise as another would copy a song

.

By a strange coincidence , both the time- l imit for theEmperor

’

s reply and the monarch himself expired on thel stMarch . It was while Leopold was lying on his deathbed that the Assembly read his answer. There can be no

THE ENEMIES AT THE GATE 35 9

question that it was inspired by Marie Antoinette, but itwas soon noised abroad that it was the work of Barnaveand Duport . It had been sent to the Count de MercyArgenteau , the Austrian Ambassador, who was then atBrussels , and forwarded by him to Kaunitz . It containedmatter deeply offensive to the Jacobins . They werestigmatised as “ a pernicious set and the cause of theEmperor ’s preparations . A week later , and a day afterNarbonne had been dismissed , Brissot and Vergniaud

attacked De L essart, the Foreign M inister , who had swallowed what many of the deputies called Leopold ’s insultsbecause he had sought to bring about a peaceful settlement .Thirteen articles of accusation were levelled at his head ,and he was charged with treason and brought for trialbefore the High Tribunal Of the State at Orleans. Theresignation of the remaining ministers followed . Theyhad held Office fo r almost a minimum time , but had managed to put in the maximum amount of quarrellingamongst themselves , and entirely forfeited what little confidence the Assem bly was disposed to place in the executive .

M ignet , careful in the extreme in most matters,attem pts to justify the King

’ s choice of a Girondist Ministryby saying that he had no resource but to select his newministers from amongst the victorious party , and suggeststhat an alliance with the actual rulers of the revolutioncould alone save liberty and the throne by restoringharmony between the Assembly, the supreme authority ,and the municipality . Professor H . Morse Stephenspoints out that the matter “ has never satisfactorily beenexplained , and he hazards the opinion that M irabeau

’

s

plan of forming a ministry among the Opponents of theKing in order to teach them sobriety by giving themresponsibility , may have been the motive . On one ortwo occasions only had Louis seen fit to resist the popular


will,and it may have been that he did not consider it

politic to Oppose the national cry for war, a demandseconded by many of the Constitutionalists because theythought it would strengthen the monarchy . DoubtlessFrancis I I , the new ruler at Vienna and a young m an

,

would support his aunt ’s cause , although possibly with lesssentimental interest— and that was limited enough— thanhad obtained with his father. Obviously his words wouldcarry less weight in the Courts ofEurope .The two most able men in a Cabinet not conspicuous

for ability, and termed by the royalists 16 Sans on-lotto,were Dum ouriez , Minister for Foreign Affairs , andRoland , Minister of the Interior , whose chief claim tofame is as his wife ’s husband . Claviere, Lacoste , andDuranton were appointed to Finance , Navy, and Justicerespectively. De Grave remained as Minister of “far.

W ith much self- satisfaction Duranton boasted to theA ssembly that he had spent twenty years in studying theworks ofRousseau and other political writers .The character of Dum ouriez is not easy to diagnose.

He has been vilified by most of his biographers as at raitor ; a few others 1 have attempted to show that therewere extenuating circumstances when he went over tothe Austrians after his defeat at Neerwinden . Born in1738 , his earliest ambition was associated with the rosary,and he determined to become a Jesuit missionary . Thisphase did not live to take deep root. He turned to thesword , fought in the Seven Years

’ “far and in Corsica,became a diplom atist and author, wore the Cross of St .

Louis on his breast, was stigmatised as an “adventurer ”

by Choiseul, sent as an emissary to Poland by D’

Aiguillon,spent a short time in the Bas tille , and eventually became

1 Notably Dr. J . Holland Rose and M r . A. M . Broadley in Dum ouriez and

the Defence of England agam st Nap oleon (London,


chief ofthe Girondists . His brilliant qualities , shecontinues , “ and his interest to win glory , caused thebelief that he would be useful in the republican armies ;and perhaps he would have kept straight if the Conv ention had been wise ; for he is too prudent not to actwell when his reputation and his interest lead him thatway .

In his despatch Of the 23rd March Gower notes thatMr . du Mouriez spent many hours with Mr. de laFayette during the previous week before the latter leftfor the frontier, and had attended a meeting of theJacobin Club , made a patriotic speech wh ich was muchapplauded by the members , “ and worked so stronglyupon Mr. Robespierre ’s feelings that he could no t resistembracing the minister. The Jacobins that evening , butnot till after Mr . du Mouriez had worn one , put a stop tothe newly - adopted folly of wearing red caps , which hadalready been attended with some disagreeable circumstances to individuals ; a letter from Mr . Péthion (Petion )corresponding with the sentiments of Mr. Robespierreupon that subject, the Society agreed that the nationalcockade was a sufficient token of the love of liberty .

” TheConvent dos J acobins , the same correspondent informs us ,“m ay now undoubtedly be called the Ministerial Club .

”

In the matter of the scarlet headgear so inseparablyassociated with the Revolution , it may be of interest tonote that when Lafayette was staying at Chavaniac inthe previous October the arms of the Marquis on thedoor had been replaced by a huge painted representationof the cap ofliberty .

The frequent exchange of notes between the Court ofVienna and the French Government failed to settle thedifferences between them. Finally the Council ofMinisters requested Louis to propose to the Assembly a


the deliberations the deputies threw their hats in the air,

and that day, the first of the sanguinary struggle whichhas distracted Europe during twenty - three years , that daydid no t, in most minds , produce the slightest disquietude .Yet ofthe deputies who voted fo r this war , many fell bya V iolent death , and those who rej oiced at it the mostwere unconsciously pronouncing their own doom .

CHAPTER XXVI

THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT WAR

I call God to t ness that I desire only the happ iness of France.

LOUIS XVI .

THERE was scarcely a statesman in Europe who thoughtthat the hostilities thus lightly entered upon by theFrench were likely to prove other than disastrous tothe aggressors . Diplomatists surmised a speedy collapse .The internal dissensions of the country , the e

’

m z

’

gre’

s

without the gates , the constantly- changing executive atParis

, and the weak and uncertain condition of themilitary and naval services , were handicaps that wouldmilitate against success . France believed that, given noBritish interference , she would not only thrash the allies,but the remainder of Europe as well . “ This notion

,

”

said England’s ambassador, “ is encouraged by a persua

sion that the influence of the Jacobins and an inoculationof their principles will occasion an insurrection , which ,according to their language, i s 16 p lus saint des devoirs , inevery country whose Government shall dare to opposethem in arms .”

A great deal depended upon the attitude Of GreatBritain. At the opening Of the sessio n of 1792 Pittdeclared in a speech that has now become classic onaccount of its amazing lack Offoresight , that unquestionably there never was a time in the history of this countrywhen , from the situation of Europe , we m ight morereasonably expect fifteen years of peace than we mayat the present moment , and he asked the House to reducethe military and naval forces. Dum ouriez was all for an

365


alliance,for which purpose he sent Talleyrand to London

on a special mission ; Pitt was equally determined onnothing more than strict neutral ity . Nor was Englandthe only coun try with whom the French Minister forForeign Affairs coquetted . He paid particular attentionto the Netherlands , where of necessity the first blowwould be struck against Austria, because they were theweakest and most access ible of her possessions . Maretwent arm ed with specious promises as to a forthcoming“ federal republic ,

” for the provinces and the bishopricof Liege had shown that they were not altogetherunfavourable to the Revolution , and indeed Dum ouriez

relied upon the practical sympathy of the Belgians whenonce the army was moving. Fersen had likewise beenbusy . At the request of Marie Antoinette , he hadforwarded certain information to Vienna which enabledthe authorities to be on their guard , but did not prove agreat incentive to effort , see ing that whitecoatswere considered sufficient to protect Belgium frominvaders .According to the plan Of campaign

,Biron

,formerly

Duc de Lauzun , was to make Valenciennes his base andmarch on Mons , supported by the Maréchal de Ro chambeau , the commanderin- chief. Lafayette was to advanceupon Namur, and from thence upon Brussels or Liege ;Dillon was charged with the fall Of Tournay . Thecampaign was ably conceived , but the soldiers who wereto carry it out were not submiss ive to discipline

,there was

a serious deficit of m en in the artillery,the commissariat

was bad , Officers were scarce , and on the first occasion of

Dillon’

s divis ion being under fire, some of the troops tookto their heels . The attack was made when it was leastexpected , there was suspicion of treachery, and a belief onthe part of the men that they had been led into a trap

THE BEG INNING OF THE GREAT WAR 367

intentionally. Dillon was murdered in cold blood in thestreets of Lille , to which city his division fled in wilddisorder. At first Biron’s troops behaved tolerably well,although their good conduct after entering Quievrain ,which was abandoned by a small force of Houlans ontheir approach , was marred to some extent by signs of aninordinate fondness for strong liquor . He pushed on

towards Mons , but finding Beaulieu well posted , he had aslight skirmish and retraced his steps towards Quievrain .

Here he found that the French garrison had been drivenout. After some difficulty he succeeded in worsting theHoulans , but reinforcements coming up to the assistance ofthe enemy , he was forced to abandon it, together wi th hisbaggage and military stores , and retreat on Valenciennes .Lafayette had also to stay his advance by reason Of thebreakdown of the invasion . Rochambeau , disgustedwith the whole business , and offended because De Gravehad seen fit to communicate direct with Biron

,his in

ferior officer, tendered his resignation to the King. I t wasaccepted , and his command given to Luckner, who atonce proceeded to the seat Of war. There was little orno co—operation between the Ministry and the generals

,

corruption was rampant , and after the ill- success ofDillon and Biron many of the Officers resigned theircommands . Shortly afterwards De Grave , on whoseshoulders a great deal of the responsibility for defeat wasfoisted

,vacated the Ministry of War to Servan, a man

of considerably more energy , and withal a Republican .

Rochambeau blam ed Dum ouriez , but both he andLafayette acknowledged that too much reliance had beenplaced on the goodwill of the Belgians .Although these initial military disasters nearly Over

turned the Girondist Ministry , the accession of the selfreliant Servan and the continued enthusiasm for war saved


it. Desertions from the army were plentiful , but so toowere accessions to the volunteers , and the free—will giftsand addre sses sent to the capital showed that the love ofglory was by no means lost to the nation . The Assemblyfully appreciated the difficulty of the task it had undertaken . The Constitutional Guard , as already mentioned,was disbanded ; the non- j uring clergy , liable to stir upstrife at home , were condemned to exile : and in order toprovide for the safety of Paris in case of invas ion,

whichwas be lieved to be highly probable , it decreed the formation of a camp outside the city of men from allthe cantons of the kingdom . This , of course , was

regarded in the light of an insult to the National Guard.who bitterly resented the treatment meted out to them.

It was Servan’

s notion , and it was carried , desp ite con~

siderable Oppos ition , through the Assembly .

Louis resolved not to sanction the orders for thebanishment of the orthodox priests and the form ation Ofthe camp , notwithstanding that those who wished to helphim in his dilemma earnestly counselled him that Opposition was in vain and was m ere ly playing into the hands ofhis enemies . This defiant attitude brought matters to aclimax w ith his ministe rs . M adame Ro land took it uponherself to soundly rate him in a letter which pointed outin no uncertain language that if he used his prerogativehe would be regarded by his subj ects as a “ friend and

accomplice of conspirators .

” Such an attemp t at petticoat government made him more obs tinate than ever, andhe forthwith d ismissed Roland , S ervan, and Clavierew ithout a shadow of regret . Dum ourie z was retainedand given the portfolio of W ar, to keep it fo r five days .He resigned his new post because he was unable , despitehis mo st earnest pleadings and far- s ightedness , to persuadethe King to accept the decrees which had already brought


in Paris with the object of assisting the enemy werepersistently prevalent . Marie Antoinette was openlyreferred to as Madame Veto , and as a traitor who wasbetraying plans to Austria ; and the sections whichexecuted the orders of the municipal ity grew m ore revolutionary, and frequently disputed the superior authority.

The removal of the patriot ministers and a letter fromLafayette at Maubeuge read before the Assembly on the18 th June put the match to the powder . In his comm unication the hero of the American W ar openly accusedthe Jacobin faction of having caused all the disorders.The reign of clubs should be ended and give place tothe “ reign of law ; their usurpations to the firm andindependent exercise of the constituted authoritiestheir wild fury to the calm and persevering courage of anation that knows its rights and defends them . Inaddition he appealed for an increase in the army , to enablethe country to resist “ the conspiracy of kings . ” It wasLafayette

’

s hope that he might restore power to Louisand also further his own ambition .

Preparations had already been made by the leaders ofthe faubourgs , by Santerre the wealthy brewer , Legendrethe butcher, Rossignol the jeweller, and Alexandre , also adealer in precious stones , to celebrate the anniversary ofthe Tennis Court Oath on the 2oth , and amongst thevarious items of the programme was the planting of atree of liberty and the presentation ofan address to Louisand to the Assembly , praying for the recall of the dismissed ministers . TO carry these plans into effect , it wasfirst of all necessary to obtain permission of the munici

pality, which under the new order of things now sharedthe government of Paris with the Directory of theDepartment. The municipality , or commune , as it wasfrequently termed , had charge of all arrangements for

THE BEG INNING OF THE GREAT WAR 37 1

securing the peace of the c ity,and could call out the

National Guard and the regular troops fo r that purpose .The council- general , scenting danger for the King ,refused its permission for the demonstration , and Petionwas ordered to take extra precautions to guard theTuileries and the Salle du Manege . A pretended wayout of the difficulty was suggested by one ofthe commandants whom the mayor took into his confidence . If heand the National Guards of the Faubourgs Saint Antoineand Saint Marceau accompanied the petitioners , surely noObjection could be raised ? To this Petion assented , andsent word to Ro ederer, the recently-appointed Procureurgeneral—syndic of the Directory . For a second time thearrangements were cancelled

,but the mayor took no

further steps beyond sending instructions to the Officersthat the National Guard was not to accompany thepeople . Ro ederer was despatched post -haste to theAssembly . While the matter was being discussed , thepetitioners made their appearance . Very soon the crushbecame so great that the King gave his permission for thegarden of the Tuileries to be Opened . Still the deputiescontinued their deliberations . “ It would be wrongingthe citizens who now request to pay their homage to youto suppose that they have evil designs , said Vergniaud.

Eventually it was decided that the motley m ob should beallowed to march through the Assembly . All sorts andconditions of men and women were represented , sober,drunk

,well- dressed , ragged, armed , unarmed , peaceful,

quarrelsome . Muskets and swords , agricultural im plements roped on poles , pikes and sabres , cutlasses andaxes

,knives and bludgeons , were in the collection of

weapons ofthis burlesque army .

A pair ofbreeches bearing the motto, Vévent [es Sans

culottes !” was the standard of one section . A calf

’

s


heart inscribed as “ The heart of an aristocrat was bornealoft on a pike , and represented the playful humour Of thefaubourgs . These people were come , said their petition,to assure the Assembly that they were alert and ready toavenge the majesty Of the outraged nation . Seek outthe cause of the evils which menace us ; if they arise fromthe executive power, let it be annihilated . Such was itsportent . On the whole

,the m ob was orderly and in good

humour,and after the people had finished their business

with the Assembly they trooped out.

I t would not be diffi cult to write a lengthy chapteron the many vexed questions that have been raised regarding the events that followed immediately after thepetitioners had vacated the old riding—school . The important fact is that the gates of the palace were Opened,and the search began for the King . They discoveredhim after considerable trouble to themselves and damageto door-panelling in the (Eil de Boeuf, and some ofthemat once began speechifying. There were cries of To thedevil with Monsieur Veto,

”Recall the patriot m inisters ,

“ Traitor , and similar epithets . The King sat in therecess of one of the windows and showed that extraordinary courage in the face of danger which affords sucha violent contrast to his lamentable indecision in thepractical affairs of everyday life . Someone asked him todon a red cap with tricolour ribands ; another suggestedthat he should drink to the health of the nation in a glasspreviously used by a soldier . He complied with bothreques ts . In the Council Chamber Marie Antoinette , theDauphin , and Madame Royale stood behind the table andhad to listen to the scoffs and jeers of those who hatedthe Austrian . Like his father, the child was compelled towear the red cap of liberty . Madame Elizabeth , who hadbeen with Louis and got separated from him in the crush ,


behaved with the greatest sang-froid , evenwhen a pike wasplaced within an inch of her bare throat . “ Y ou do not

want to hurt me , she remarked to the insolent fellow atthe other end . Put away your weapon ! It was notuntil the m ayor arrived that thec r ow d c ons e n t e d t o d i s p e r s e .Pétion ’s folly was mildly rebukedby the King ; the Directory oftheDepartment of the Seine dealt outsterner j ustice. Both Petion andthe procureur of the municipalitywere suspended . It was the latterwho said when he heard that Louishad donned the Phrygian cap , I tmust have a droll effect , that redbonnet which we have mountedon the head of the King .

Sitting in a restaurant in theRue St . Honoré was a small , darkcomplexioned man of twenty - three .

He saw the mob approaching inthe direction of the market—place ,and estimated them at from fiveto six thousand m en, which facttestified to his alertness of mindin mathematical matters . In his LOUI S WEARS THE RED

BONNETq Ck , abrupt “ray he turned to After a satirical p rint published

cc on th e m orrow of June 20,h is com panlon and said,Let

1792 In the Bibliotheque

us follow the rabble. I he two Natlonale

took up a position of vantage on the terrace borderingthe river. “ I t was there , his friend tells us, “ thathe was an eye-witness of the scandalous scenes thatensued ; and it would be difficult to describe the surpriseand indignation which they excited in him . Such weak


ness and forbearance, he said , could not be excused ; butwhen the King showed himself at a window which lookedou t upon the garden

,with the red cap which one ofthe

m o b had just placed upon his head , he could no longerrepress his indignation . W hat madness ! he loudly exclaimed ; ‘how could they allow that rabble to enter ?

W hy do they not sweep away four or five hundred Ofthem with cannon ? The remainder would take themselvesoff very quickly ! ’ W hen we sat down to dinner, hediscussed with great good sense the causes and conse

quence s of this unrepressed insurrection. He foresaw, anddeveloped with sagacity, all that would follow ; and inthis he was not mistaken .

The young man who predicted the l oth August wasdestined to take the place ofthe fat , good—natured , easygoing monarch who was at that moment discussing theoutlo ok with a deputation from the Assembly . It wasNapoleon.

W hile Gower is doubtless correct in saying that theattempt to intimidate Louis failed entirely ,

”and served

only to impress more strongly on the minds of those whowish for order and good government an abhorrence oftheir (the Jacobins

’

) principles and practices , the re

action in favour of the Constitutionalists was not lasting.

Lafayette followed up his letter by appearing at the bar ofthe Assembly , believing that his personal interventionwould save the situation . It only made it worse . The

clubs referred to him as traitor ,” dictator , and Crom

well,and what was said behind walls was echoed in the

streets .The house was packed with deputies and spectators

when Lafayette was given a hearing. He began hisspeech by assuring his listeners that his presence in Paris

in no way j eopardised the troops he had the honour to


unfortunate Belgians “ had nothing to remember us bybut the conflagrations which lit up our retreat . ThePrussians were menacing the Rhine . Yet this momentwas chosen to dismiss the patriot ministers and to deliverthe empire into inexperienced hands . He then referred tothe King’s veto ofthe decree against the non -juring priests,which ensured the continuance of religious dissensions ,and the refusal of Louis to allow the formation of areserve force outside Paris “ I t is in the name of theKing

,

” cried Vergniaud ,

“ that the French princes haveendeavoured to raise all the Courts of Europe againstFrance ; it is to vindicate the dignity of the King that theTreaty of Pilnitz was concluded , and the monstrousalliance made between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin ;it is to defend the King that the former companies of theBody -guard have hurried to Germany to serve beneaththe standards ofrebellion it is to come to the help of theKing that the ém igrés ask for and Obtain employment inthe Austrian arm ies , and prepare to tear the bosom oftheir fatherland ; it is to j oin these gallant defenders ofthe royal prerogative that other gallants of the most scru

pulous honour are abandoning their posts in the presenceof the enemy, are breaking their oaths , are stealing themilitary chests

,are labouring to corrupt their soldiers ,

and are thus setting their glory in cowardice , perj ury,bribery, theft, and assassination ; it is against the nation orthe National Assembly alone , and for the maintenance ofthe splendours Of the throne that the King of Hungaryand Bohemia is making war upon us , and the King of

Prussia marching towards our frontiers ; it is in the nameofthe King that liberty is being attacked , and if it shouldbe overthrown the empire would soon be dismembered toindemnify the allied Powers for their outlay ; for thegenerosity ofkings is well known , as well as the disinter

A SATIRE ON LAFAYETTE ’

S ATTEM PT To SECURE THE JAc o niNs

(From a [ Wt /i t 1 71 l/lc [fem /m Co llect/0 72 g i v e/7 11V i/ ez z i z l per /1775 5 10 11 of t/16

( l ow / m u ent)


election of the états m ajors ofall corps ofNational Guardsin tho se towns which had a population of andupwards . As the majority of the Offi cers then servingwere Feuillants , the design is Obvious, and the organisation of the Jacobins was fully utilised to ensure the re

turn Ofthose in sympathy with their aims .On yet another occasion was the way opened for the

King’s return as the real Father of his People . Ap

prOpriately enough , it was brought about by a prelate ,Lamourette , the constitutional Bishop of Lyons . Howis it

,

” he asked during the course of his remarks , that thetwo parties of the Assembly mutually reproach each other ?

The one accuses the other of wishing to modify the con

stitution by the intervention of strangers , and the latteraccuses the former of aiming at the overthrow of themonarchy for the establishment of a republic . Let us putan end to these reproaches let us hurl the same anathemaagainst a republic and the two chambers ; let us devotethem both to common execration by a final and irrevocable oath . Let u s swear to be unanimous and accordantin our Views and sentiments ; let us solemnly bind ourselves in the bonds of an eternal brotherhood . Let theenemy know that we are only animated by one will , andFrance is savedA scene Ofenthusiasm only to be compared with that

of the celebrated Night of Sacrifices then took place.Deputies of the Right fraternised with those of the Left

,

abandoning their conflicting ideals and interests in anecstasy ofemotion.

As of Old , a serpent found its way into this fair Edenof legislators . It cam e in no personal form

,but in the

announcement that the Department of Paris had determined to suspend both Petion and Manuel from theirrespective duties . This decision , in addition to casting a


stigma on the most popular man of the day,virtually

condemned those who had taken part in the affair of the20th June . Within a week the Assembly restored boththe mayor and procureur- syndic

.

Paris was now agog with the forthcoming annualcelebration of the 1 4th July , and there were some whopredicted that heads on pikes would form part of theSpectacle , as had those of De Flesselles and GovernorDe Launay on the day that had witnessed the fall of theBastille. 1 They based their sanguinary prophecy on thedeclaration Of the Assembly in the second week of thatmonth , and five days after the news had been received of themobilisation of Prussian troops , that the country was indanger . Volunteers were enrolled in enormous numbers

.

Those who had already served in the National Guard wereagain placed on active service, pikes were handed o ut tothose who did not possess weapons , and the remainder wererequired to report what arms and munitions they had .

W ith a keen sense of the dramatic, and as a constantreminder of the patriotism that was required Of them

,

citizens were ordered to wear the red , white , and bluecockade

,the symbol -Ofthe Revolution .

Compared to the first anniversary of the 14th July inthe Champ de Mars, that of 1792 was quite a tame affair.There were no untoward happenings , to the intense reliefof Marie Antoinette , who fully expected the King

’sassassination . Thefe

’

dere’

s present were com paratively fewin number, and did not exceed 3000 , but Gower tells usthat special care was taken by the Jacobins to secureaccommodation for them where they would be leastinfluenced by the hated Feuillants . Bertrand de Moleville ,one of the so—called Austrian Committee, was so pleasedwith the tranquil nature of the proceedings that he

1 See pp. 212—13.


thought the monarchy might yet be saved if the plan ofthe factions could be counteracted “ sufficiently to preventthe execution of it till the combined armies had enteredFrance

.Of the ceremony itself little need be said.

The altar of the country gave place to a broken column ;the first stone of a monument to mark the spot where theBastille had stood was laid , and a

“ tree of feudality”

was erected and set on fire to mark the extinction of

aristocracy and all its works . In 1790 the populace hadcheered Lafayette as their great hero ; that favour wasnow Pétion

’s . It was “ Pétion, Vive l’étion !”

frombeginning to end. A few of the National Guard alonecheered the King and the pale- faced , overwrought Queen,whose every action betrayed intense anxiety as to whetherthey would be suffered to return to the Tuileries otherthan as victims .On the 28 th July it was known in the capital that a

proclamation bearing the signature of the Duke ofBrunswick

,commander of the Prussian army , had been

received . That the insulting terms of this document didnothing to assuage the war fever then prevalent in Parisis undeniable

,although the full force of the sting was not

at once realised . Gower , writing on the 3rd August, saysthat it “ produced very little sensation , and gives as hisreason that “ the aristocrates are dissatisfied with it, andthe de

’

m ocrales affect to despise it. The ambassadorhaving been handed his passports , Mr. W . Lindsaycommunicates much the same news on the 27th inst , butadds with deep significance tha The public declarationsof his Serene Highness have only ser ved to irritate

,and

nothing can exceed the unanimity and confidence whichprevails through the country .

” “ The factions,says

Bertrand de Moleville ,“ did not fail to attribute to the

suggestions of the King all the menaces respecting the


To these great interests another obj ect of equal importance must be added

,and one that is near to the heart

of the two sovereigns : it is that of ending the domesticanarchy of France , of arresting the attacks which aredirected against the altar and the throne , ofre - establishingthe legitimate power

, ofgiving back to the King the free

dom and safety of which he is deprived , and of giving himthe means to exercise the lawful authority which is his due.

Convinced as they are that the healthy part of theFrench people abhors the excesses of a party that enslavesthem

,and that the maj ority of the inhabitants are

im patiently awaiting the advent of a relief that will permitthem to declare themselves openly against the odiousschemes of their oppressors , his Majesty the Em peror andhis Maj esty the King of Prussia call upon them to returnat once to the call ofreason and justice , oforder , ofpeace.It i s in V iew of these things that I , the undersigned ,General Commander- ih -Chief of the two armies , declare

1 . That, led into the present war by irres istiblec ircumstances , the two allied Courts propose no object tothemselves but the happiness ofFrance , and do not proposeto enrich themselves by annexation.

2. That they have no intention of meddling withthe domestic government of France , but only wish todeliver the King, the Queen , and the royal family fromtheir captivity , and procure for his Most Christian Majestythat freedom which is necessary for him to call such acouncil as he shall see fit , without danger and withouto bstacle , and to enable him to work fo r the good of hissubj ects according to his promises and as much as may behis concern .

3 . That the combined armies will protect all towns ,boroughs , and villages , and the persons and goods of allthose that will submit to the King, and that they will

THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT WAR 383

help to re -establish immediately the order and police ofFrance .

“4 . That the National Guards are ordered to see to

the peace of the towns and country-sides provisionally , andto the security of the persons and goods of all Frenchmenprovisionally— that is , until the arrival ofthe troops oftheirRoyal and Imperial Majesties , or until further ordersunder pain of being personally responsible ; that, on thecontrary , the National Guards who may have foughtagainst the troops of the allied Courts , and who arecaptured in arms , shall be treated as enemies , and shall bepunished as rebels and disturbers ofthe public peace .

“5 . That the generals , officers , non- commissioned

officers,and privates of the French troops of the line are

equally ordered to return to their old allegiance , and tosubmit at once to the King, their legitimate sovere ign.

6 . That the members of departmental , district , andtown councils are equally responsible with their headsand property for all crimes , arson , murders , thefts , and

assaults, the occurrence of which they allow , or do no topenly and to the common knowledge try to prevent intheir j urisdiction ; that they shall equally be bound tokeep their functions provisionally unti l his Most ChristianM ajesty , reinstated in full liberty , has further decreed ;or until , in the interval, other orders shall have beengiven .

“7 . That the inhabitants of towns , boroughs , and

villages who may dare to defend themselves against thetroops of their Imperial and Royal Majesties by firingupon them

,whether in the open or from the windows ,

doors, or apertures of their houses, shall be punished at

once with all the rigour of the laws of war , their housespulled down or burnt . All those inhabitants , on thecontrary

,of the towns , boroughs , and villages who shall


hasten to submit to their lu ng by Opening their gates tothe troops of their Majesties shall be placed under theimmediate protection of their Maj esties , their persons,their goods

,their chattels shall be under the safeguard of

the laws,and measures will be taken for the general safety

ofeach and all of them .

The town of Paris and all its inhabitants withoutdistinction shall be bound to submit on the spot , andwithout any delay

,to the King , and to give that Prince

full and entire liberty , and to assure to him and all theroyal family that inviolability and respect to which thelaws ofnature and ofnations enti tle sovereigns from theirsubj ects . Their Im perial and Royal Majesties renderpersonally responsible for anything that may happen , underperil of their heads

,and of military execution without

hope of pardon , all members of the National Assembly asof the districts

,the municipality , the National Guards,

the Justices of the Peace , and all others whom it mayconcern . Their aforesaid Maj esties declare , moreover, ontheir word and honour as Emperor and King, that if thePalace of the Tuileries be insulted or forced , that if theleast Violence , the least assault , be perpetrated againsttheir Maj esties , the King, the Queen , and the RoyalFamily , and if steps be not at once taken for their safety ,preservation , and liberty , they , their Imperial and RoyalMaj esties , will take an exemplary and never—to - be - fo rgotten vengeance by giving up the town ofParis to militaryexecution and to total subversion , and the guilty rebelsto the death they have deserved . Their Imperial andRoyal Maj e sties promise , on the contrary , to the imbabitants of Paris to use their good offi ces with his MostChristian Maj esty to obtain pardon for their faults and

errors , and to take the most vigorous measures to ensureMarie Antoinette inspired this particular clause .

CHAPTER XXVII

THE ATTACK ON THE TU ILERIES AND THE

SEPTEMBER MASSACRES

I t is ourwish that this znsurreclwn in the cause of liberty should be m aj es

tw,as 23 L iberty herself, holy, as are the rtghts which she alone can ensure

,

and worthy to serve as an exam p le to every p eople, who , to break the feltersof their tyrants, have only to show them selves .

” BARBAROUX.

Allons , enfants de la patrie ,L e jour de gim re est arriv é '

Contre nous , de la tyranni e ,L

'

étendard sanglant es t levé .Entende z -VOus dans le s cam pagnes

Mugir ces féroces soldats ?Ils v iennent jusque dans v os brasEgorger vo s fils , v os com pagnes l

Aux arm e s , citoyens .

Form e z vos bataillons

Marchons , m arch ons ,Qu

'

un sang im pur abreuve nos sillons .

COME , now , Rouget , you are a poet , write and composeus something worth singing . I t was Baron FriedrichDietrich , Mayor of Strassburg, who spoke , the occasion abanquet, and the date the 24th April 17 9 2. The personaddressed was a captain of Engineers , by name ClaudeJoseph Rouget de Lisle , by political faith inclined toroyalism , and by birth the son of an avocat an parlem ent.It is said with some pretence to authority that afterRouget left the house he walked back to his lodgingsobsessed by the idea of a song that would cheer thetroops on their lonely march to resist the invaders of

la belle F rance . He found his theme , seized his fiddleand played it over . Then he sat down and wrote the sixstanzas of which it originally consisted . I t was this

Que l’

am itie, que la patrieFas sent l

’

objet d e tous nos voeux lAyons toujours l’am e nourrieDes feux qu

’

ils inspirent tous

deux.

Soyons unis , tout est po ssibleNos VllS ennem is tom berontAlors les Francais ces serontDe chanter ce refrain terrible .

Aux arm es , citoyens .

THE ATTACK ON THE TUILERIES 387

stirring hymn , now known as the JVI arsez'

llaise, that wassung by half a thousand National Guards of Marseilles asthey marched into Paris on the 3oth July with Barbarouxat their head and dragging their cannon behind them .

Together with other fede’

re’

s , these volunteers from thesouth were to be stationed at Soissons to help swell thecamp of men originally intended to guard Paris ,but which the King’s veto had forbidden . Those whohad come to the capital for the F et e de la Federation

had been entertained by the municipality according tothe orders of the Assembly until the 1 8 th July . Aidedand abetted by the Jacobins , some of them decided thatthey could best serve the interests of France by remainingamidst their present surroundings , for it was becoming asettled conviction of this particular section of the com m u

nity that Louis was the sole cause of the misfortunesthat were gathering about the Fatherland . O thers ,looking at matters from a more practical point of V iew,

felt that their place was with the armies , and that theultimate fate of the King was not so much a matter ofconcern as defending the frontiers from Austrians andPrussians .In the Assembly the dethronement of the King was

again mooted on the 23rd July , and some of the sectionssent a petition to the same effect. A Secret Directory ofInsurrection

,inspired by Danton and actively supported

by Camille Desmoulins and Santerre , was formed andbegan its Operations . Everything seemed to be tendingtowards a v iolent outburst against the King. Did no tBrunswick ’s manifesto prove that the Powers chiefly concerned were ready to go to the most extreme measures onhis behalf ? If the King were out of the way, if the partnership between him and the nation were dissolved , whathad Austria and Prussia left as an excuse for war ? Per


verted reasoning such as this reigned almost ' supreme.Louis , said Vergniaud ,

“ is the man in whose name war isbeing waged against us , and who, nevertheless , disposesour military forces as he likes best ; the man to whoseauthority our defeats would be profi table , and who forthat very reason is presumed to be more interested in our

reverses than our successes .On the motion of Carnot, it was decreed that any

citizen was at l iberty to j oin the National Guard . Thismeant , of course, that the lowest characters could obtainpermission to join the ranks which had hitherto beenfilled fo r the most part by men who had royalisttendencies , and it was morally certain that the newcomers would not side with the cause of law and order.

Again, it had been suggested that Lafayette should bearrested and brought up for trial. The refusal of theAssembly to do so, notwithstanding renewed attacks onthe part of the Left , showed that the maj ori ty of thedeputies were not prepared to proceed to extrememeasures even though the nature of Lafayette ’s missionwas now fully realised . Rumour had it that he wouldspeedily return at the head of his troops to teach a lessonto revolutionary Paris . Despite the endeavours of threeof the leaders of the Girondists , namely, Vergniaud,Guadet , and Gensonne

’

, whose tactics at the momentwere directed towards advising Louis to “ select wellknown patriots to be his ministers “ instead of nonentities , their efforts came to nought .At last the sections ofQuinze-Vingts and Mauconseil

flung down the gauntlet, secure in the knowledge thatwhatever they might do would receive the support of

many of the others . The Assembly was told in a waythat offered no chances of quibbling that if the dethronement of the King were not voted on the 9th August, the


energy . A review like this has done us more harm thangood . A little later Mandat was requested to go to theHotel de Ville, where he was questioned as to the arrangements he had made. He was also interrogated by acommittee of the sections , who told him that as herefused to send the Swiss Guards back to their barracks ,he would be suspended from his position as Commander- inchief of the National Guard in favour of Santerre . Afew minutes afterwards he was assassinated as he left thebuilding. Before the news was received at the TuileriesRoederer had already persuaded Louis to vacate thechateau .

“ The danger,said he, “ i s beyond description.

Defence is impossible. Of the National Guard there isbut a small number on whom we can count . The restwill j oin the assailants at the first attack . Your onlyresource is to seek refuge with the Assembly . Nobodyattem pted to interfere with the family as they made theirway, the Dauphin kicking the leaves of an early autumnas he trotted along until a tall grenadier stooped downand picked him up . They were received with consideration by the deputies , and accommodated in thenewspaper reporters ’ box , where they heard the debatewhich robbed Louis of his crown .

Baron de Fre’

nilly, who was enrolled in the Filles deSaint Thom as battalion of the National Guard

,took up

his station on the grand terrace of the Tuileries . He

gives us an excellent account of the defences of the palaceThe gates were closed ,

” he says . Nothing was theneasier than to defend the Tuileries against a suddenattack . On the Manege side , as on that of the river, therestretched for the entire length of the garden a wall whoseonly entrances were two small gates near the Chateau .

As to the two narrow Passage des Feuillants and Passagede l

’

Orangerie, they could have been adequately protected

THE ATTACK ON THE TUILERIES 39 1

by a gabion and four men . On the Place L ouis XV sidethere was a deep moat , a veritable fortification that couldonly be crossed by the Pont Tournant , which did duty asa drawbridge. On the Opposite side there was not , as now,

the immense and empty Carrousel . 1 From the wing whichserved for the flight of Henry I I I to that ofthe Rue deRivoli

,this square , then infinitely smaller and more

irregular, was separated from the chateau by three courtyards, accompanied by out - buildings . The access wasnarrow and winding, whilst the walls of the three courtyards still further increased the difficulty of approach .

Finally,after closing the Pont Royal , the Guichet de

Marigny , much narrower than it is to-day , and the PassageDauphin Gate, the only way ofapproaching the chateauwas by the narrow Rue Saint Nicaise or by the circuitousRue de l

’

Echelle . W hat treason on the one hand andstupidity on the other were necessary to lose thatday lThe only thing about the long night vigil that Preu illy

remembered was the presence ofPetion , regarding whomhe makes one or two unkind but probably justifiable comments . He mentions that as the Mayor was regarded“ merely as a spy with an offi cial scarf, a dozen of ourgrenadiers surrounded h im and honourably promenaded

him about until daybreak , without giving him time torest or see anything.

Two fatal mistakes were made . The first was whenone of the gates was opened— by whom nobody knowsand VVesterm ann and his mob poured in and entered thepalace the second was the apparently accidental dischargeof a gun . In the first phase of the fighting the Guardsscored

,and succeeded in clearing the court. The King,

1 It m ust be rem em bered that Fre’

nilly wrote h is Recollections (London,1909) be tween 183

'

- 48 .


hearing the firing, sent a message to the Swiss Guards toleave the chateau , and some of them carried o ut his in

structions , to be afterwards disarmed and detained byorder of the Assembly . Those who remained in thebuilding did so either because they were not to ld oftheorder or happened not to hear it . They he ld theirpo sitionswith desperate courage until they were forced to abandonthem , and , mak ing a last stand in the Place Louis XV,

were mown down by mounted gendarmes , who had longsince cast in their lot with the insurgents . Napoleon saw

a good deal ofwhat happened , and said that the palacewas attacked by the vilest rabble , and that none ofhisbattlefields made such an impression of masses of deadmen as the mangled bodies of the Swiss in the gardens .He also gave it as his opinion that had Louis appeared onhorseback he would have conquered .

The account ofDr. John Moore , an Englishman whowas staying in Paris , is particularly interesting as showinghow the storming ofthe Tuileries affected a foreigner anda non- com batant .

Having fallen asleep about three , he writes , “we wereawakened at nine by the firing of cannon

,and were told

that the chateau was attacked . Soon after, we h eard thecry of To arms , citizens , to arms ! They slaughter yourparents , your brethren, your sons !

’ and we saw menrunning half frantic through the streets, exclaiming inthat manner.As soon as I was dressed I went into the street ; a

party of the National Guards , with a number ofcitizensarmed

,were marching towards the Tuileries— another

body ofmen fol lowed soon after , dragging several cannonsalong the Quai de Mazarin , where I was , to the PontRoyal . Some men flying from the Tuileries along thisbridge were killed by the National Guards before they


reached that end to which the cannon were advancing .

Those cannon being mounted on the bridge , were re

peatedly discharged against that part of the chateauwhich looks to the Seine . Some women who stood nearme on the Quai de Voltaire, as soon as they heard thefirst discharge , clapped their hands , and cried , ‘Bravo l

Bravo ! ’

In the mean time there was some firing of musketryfrom the windows of the Louvre facing the river- a fewpeople were killed and wounded on the quays . Thosewho were on the side next the Louvre had run from thequay to the brink of the river, that they might besheltered from the shot by the parapet . A party of

National Guards who m arched along the Quai Mazarin,

as often as they saw a group of people conversing together, called , Bas les m otions ,

1 and dispersed them— theofficer at the same time advising all who were withoutarms to retire to their houses . A little after , as a bodyof pikemen hurried past, one of them in a very decisivestyle pointed me out as an aristocrat. Such an accusationin the streets of Paris, any time these four years . wouldhave exposed a man to insult : in the present circumstances

,when execution is generally the immediate

consequence of accusation , it might have proved fatal ;but the valet de place, who accompanied me , declared,that so far from being an aristocrat , o r anything like it , Iwas anAnglaz

'

s . Bon cried the pikemen , and continuedtheir course.

1 No m o tions . The questions m oved and debated in clubs respecting them easures ofGov e rnm ent are called m otions . From clubs and societies, such as

the Jacobins, they we re extended to coffee-houses, particularly the Cafe’

de Foi

in the Palais Royal and at length the sam e kind of debates were carried on in

the groups fo rm ed by people who m et accidentally in the public walks andgardens .

The guards did not th ink th is a proper m om ent for such debates or m otions .

"

Note by Dr. Moore.


After this admonition I retired to the house of myacquaintance , in the Rue Jacob , from whence I went , alittle after , to the Hotel de Mo sco v ie . In the streets Imet with great numbers of the National Guards and

féde’

re’

s returning home , all of them with pieces of thered uniform of the Swiss Guard s who had been killedstuck as trophies on the point of their bayonets .

“ I went this morning , Dr. Moore records on the1 lth inst ,

“ to see the places where the action of yesterdayhappened . The naked bodies of the Swiss— fo r they werealready stripped— lay exposed on the ground . I saw agreat number on the terrace , immediately before thepalace of the Tuileries ; some lying single in differentparts of the gardens

,and some in heaps , one above an

other , par ticularly near the terrace of the Feu illants .“ The garden and adjacent courts were crowded with

spectators,among whom there was a considerable pro

portion ofwomen , whose curiosity it was evident was atleast equal to their modesty .

The bodies ofthe National Guards , ofthe citizens ofthe faubourgs

,and of the féde

’

re’

s , have been alreadyremoved by their friends ; those of the Swiss only lieexposed in that shocking manner. Of about 800 or

1000 of these , who were yesterday murdered in theTu ileries , I am told there are not 200 left alive .Seeing a number of people going up the grand stair

case of the palace , to see the ravage that was made in allthe rooms by the action ofyesterday , I intermingled withthe crowd , and had ascended half-way , when I heard theshrieks of someone above , and soon after the body of aman was carried down . I was told that he had beendetected in the act of stealing some of the furniturebelonging to the palace , and was instantly put to deathby the people around him .


possible precaution was taken to isolate them from theoutside world , even to the extent of erecting a high walland tearing down adjacent buildings .Although the constitution had been completed so

short a time,the deputies were persuaded by Vergniaud

that a new Assembly,to be called the National Convem

tion,and elected by manhood suffrage without distinction ,

should be summoned for the purpose of considering howFrance should be governed . The

\

Girondists Roland ,Claviere, and Servan were restored to the offi ces theyformerly occupied

,Lebrun -Tondu became Minister of

Foreign Affairs , Monge Minister of Marine , and, mostimportant of all , Danton was appointed Minister ofJustice . Neither the Assembly nor the executive becamethe most powerful agency in France , but the Commune ,which issued orders and saw that they were obeyed.

M en of such extreme opinions as Marat , Robespierre ,Camille Desmoulins , Dubois -Dubais , Rilland -Varennes,Hebert , and Chaumette became members of it andwielded all but supreme power . They knew their ownmind , and as a consequence whatever they undertook theyusually carried to a successful issue .Lafayette , still chafing to strike a blow on behalf of

the Constitutionalists , again determined to place himselfat the head of his troops and march on Paris . Time andcircumstances were against him ; he had procrastinatedun til it was to o late . The soldiers

,imbued with republi

can Opinions , resolutely refused to do his bidding , withthe result that he was denounced in the Assembly as atraitor. W ith some ofhis com panions , including LatourMaubourg and Alexandre L am eth , he crossed the frontier,but was arres ted by the Au strians and kept in captivityuntil 1797 , when Napo leon secured his release . He wassucceeded in his command at Sédan by Dum ourie z .


object of the domiciliary visits,it is pretended , is to

search for arms , yet the barriers are shut and guardedwith the strictest vigilance

,and boats are stationed on

the river , at regular distances , filled with armed men .

Everyone supposes h imself to be informed against.Everywhere persons and property are put into concealment . Everywhere are heard the interrupted sounds ofthe muffled hammer

,with cautious knock completing the

hiding- place . Roofs , garrets , sinks , chimneys— all arej ust the sam e to fear, incapable of calculating any risk .

One man squeezed up behind the wainscot , which hadbeen nailed back on him , seems to form a part of thewall ; another is suffocated with fear and heat betweentwo m attresses ; a third , rolled up in a cask , loses allsense of existence by the tension of his sinews . Appre

hens ion is stronger than power . Men tremble , bu t theydo not shed tears : the heart shivers , the eye is dull , andthe breast contracted . W omen on this occasion displayprodigie

‘

s of tenderness and intrepidity . It was bythem that most of the men were concealed . It wasone o’clock in the morning when the domiciliary visitsbegan . Patrols , consisting of s ixty pikemen , were inevery street . The nocturnal tumult of so many armedmen ; the incessant knocks to make peo ple open theirdoors ; the crash of those which were burst off theirhinges ; and the continual uproar and revelling whichtook place throughout the night in all the public—houses ,formed a picture which will never be effaced from m ymemory .

”

Dr. John Moore, whose acquaintance we have alreadymade , had a happier experience

In consequence of a mandate from the municipalityof Paris , which seems to be the sole executive power,e ach section was ordered to choose commissaries for


making a general search for arms and suspec tedpersons . This search was made accordingly in the courseof last night and this morning. The commissaries wereattended with a body of the National Guards , and allavenues of the sections were watched to prevent anyperson from escaping. They did not come to o ur hote ltill about six in the morning . I attended them throughevery room , and opened every door of our apartm ent .They behaved with great civility ; we had no arms butpisto ls , which lay openly on the chimney. They admiredthe ni cety of the workmanship of one pair, but neveroffered to take them .

These measures heralded the series of outrages comm itted at the instigation of the Commune and by itsagents in the first week of September. “ How can wego away to the war and leave behind us three thousandprisoners , who may break out and massacre our wives andour children ?

” 1 Such was the question which spreadlike a contagious disease. The frontier had been crossedon the 1 9th August . Verdun was about to fall— itsurrendered on this fatal 2nd September, when the orgiesbegan— and with it the last barrier against the Austrians .Therefore the solution of the problem was the extermination of the suspects who had been arrested assympathisers with the enemies of France ere the leviesmarched against the enemy . That the Germans wouldcarry o ut the declaration made by Brunswick and takean exemplary and never- to -be - forgotten vengeance on thetown ofParis was not to be doubted . The palace oftheTuileries

,about which the eighth clause of the document

betrayed such evident concern , had already been forced .

That the restoration of the ancien regim e would followthe restoration of Louis XVI admitted of no argument

1 H. Mo rse Stephens, vol. ii. p . 141 .


in the minds of those who sought to inculcate patriotismby terror . They did no t know that the e

’

m z

’

g’rés regarded

a constitution from the hands of Austria as the worstofall evils .

Maillard,conspicuous in the attack on the Bastille

and the march to Versailles,was placed at the head of

one of the several extemporised tribunals which dealt outrough justice . None of the constituted authoritiesattem pted to interfere , and the National Guards didnothing . Amongst the prominent personages whoperished , either at the hands of the people or of thejudges , were the Archbishop of Arles , who died withover one hundred priests who had refused to take theoath and were imprisoned in the Convent of theCarmeli tes ; Montmorin , once Minister of ForeignAffairs , and the Princesse de Lamballe , friend of MarieAntoinette . The chief responsibility for the massacreof over one thousand men and women attaches to“ volcanic , crabbed , and unsociable

” Marat , but thisresponsibility is shared by Danton , who certainly savedseveral people , but allowed the general proceedings to goon. Of the two parties in the State , the monarchical andthe republican , the latter was in the minority , but couldbe relied upon to fight the enemie s of France the otherwould refuse to march , and would spend its time excitingthe capital in favour of the invaders : Your defenders,placed between two fires , will perish in repelling them.

”

Such was Danton ’s reasoning , and he may have beensincere . The massacres in Paris had their aftermath in theprovinces , in particular at Meaux , Lyons , and Rheims .

The Convention met on the 2l st September andproclaimed the Republic ; the 22nd was the first day of

the year 1 of French liberty according to the newcalendar, the twelve months of which were divided into

CHAPTER XXVII I

THE PASS ING OF LOU IS CAPET

Events m ake m ore traitors than op inions— CHATEAUBRIAND .

IT will be remembered that in the Legislative Assemblyevery deputy who had occupied a place in its predecessorwas disqualified from re—election . This self-denying or

dinance did not apply to the Convention , and no fewerthan 263 of the 749 members had played a part in one

or other of the two previous Assemblies . Sieyes,Louvet , Barere , Camille Desmoulins , the brothers Robespierre , Danton , Barbaroux, Marat , Legendre , Vergniaud,Brissot, I snard , Condorcet , Bu z o t , Petion , the Duke ofOrleans (no longer maintaining his title , but calling himself Philippe Egalité) , Gregoire , constitutional Bishopof Blois , L arévelliere -L épeaux, and a score of other meneither prominent or destined to become so , found aseat on the benches ofthe Salle du Manege .So strident had been the march of revolutionary

opinion that in the new Assembly the Const itutionalistsas such had almost disappeared . The Girondists now sat

on the R ight , and gave place, so far as advanced viewswere concerned , to the Jacobins of the Left and to theMountain , the extreme Left . At the outset the Girondistsmaintained their power in the Government , but it soonbecame evident that the middle group , known as “ thePlain ” which could throw its weight into the scalesof either party , as the Centre had done in the LegislativeAssembly , was not going to support the idealists associated with Roland . Before the process of intimidation

402


their oratorical guns on Robespierre, Danton, and Maratthe first two because , in their opinion , they aimed at adictatorship

,the last because they held him to be respon

sible for the September massacres . The Girondists failedto bring down their quarry .

Many attempts have been made to understand theaims of Maximilien Robespierre , but to this day heremains something of an enigma . Although the generalconsensus of opinion is against the harsh verdicts of hisearly biographers , perhaps his austerity and the way hetriumphed against a multitude of disadvantages has ledcertain writers in an age somewhat given to literary whitewashing and hero-worship to gloss over the

'

dark phasesof h is career , and to regard him as the scape -goat of theCommittee of Public Safety . That he had a sincerehatred of tyranny long before he was elected to the

States -General is evident that he was charitably inclinedis equally well proven . He was a logician who broughthis science to bear on the everyday things of life , forgetting that the people of this world are mainly illogical.Napoleon , whose Opinions ofmen and matters are not tobe lightly regarded , held that had “ the Incorruptiblelived to carry on his work after destroying the revolutionary factions he would have re -established order. Hewas certainly more than a m an of a day,

a petty leaderof riots , as Barere called him . It was Lamartine

,the

historian of the Girondists , who said of Robespierre’sconstitution that God and the people

,j ustice and

humanity , inspired its every page . I t is an ironiccomment on the p olicy Robespierre afterwards adoptedthat the first essay of any consequence penned byRousseau

’

s greatest disciple was a plea for the abolition ofcapital sentences against crim inals , a subject on whichMarat also wrote. This cold , calculating man , insignifi

MAe i L i EN DE ROBE S PIERRE (1 7 5 84 794 )

(From an orn /z i z l drawm gfm m t/ze Cam /let Bose, now at Versa illes )


on Robespierre , whom Louvet accused of calumniatingthe best patriots ,

” and on members who were connectedwith the municipality : The revolution of the 10th

August,he said , “ belongs to all, but that of the 2ud

September belongs to them,and to none but them The

attack was well directed , but no t sustained , and althoughRobespierre’s defence was extremely feeble , he won theday . A guard of4000 men from the various departmentswas proposed by Buz ot , with the obj ect of securing somekind of protection against violence for the Convention .

It is not sufficient , he said , “ to call oneself republican andto submit to new tyrants . The propo sition was perfectlyreasonable , but the opposition , unwilling to let slip theslightest opportunity ofinj uring the Girondists , and keenlyintent on securing the goodwill of the faubourgs

,at once

combated the notion , and turned it to their own advantageby setting abroad rumours that the Girondists W ishedto establish “ a federal government to rule over us bytheir departments , as Chabot asserted at the JacobinClub . In the Convention Danton declared that Franceshould be indivisible,

” and proposed that those who desiredto divide the country piecemeal should be put to death .

After Valmy 1 the war assumed something of thecharacter ofa crusade . Savoy and the Rhine valley wereoccupied by the raw levies of France

,the former with

practically no resistance , the latter after the capture ofSpires , W orms , Mainz , and Frankfort by Gustine.Dum ourie z , flushed with his previous success

,crossed

into the Austrian Netherlands , where he defeated theAustrian whitecoats commanded by Clerfait and DukeAlbert ofSaxe -Teschen at Jem appes on the 6th November1792. The enemy occupied an entrenched camp upon theheights ofMons and Berlaimont, covering the latter place.

1 See ante, p . 401.


guard , and , after a feeble resistance on the part of theAustrians , we saw our men crowning the heights . Thisrapid and decisive attack , coupled with the advance of

D’

Harville on our extreme right, appeared to decide theenemy to retreat , as they did not wish to expose themselves to having the road to Brussels closed against them,

an operation which was clearly indicated by the movement of this body . The Due de Chartres , as soon as heperceived the progress and success ofthe advanced guard ,ordered his troops to charge . The positions so long defended were overcome , and I myself led the regiment ofdragoons at a gallop to the heights , where they stillfound some work to do ; but we only entered Mons thenext day, after the Austrians had evacuated it .This splendid victory , which was a far more strenuous

struggle than the cannonade of Valmy,still further

enthused the Republican troops and the nation, and erelong the Austrian Netherlands and the bishopric of Liegewere in the hands ofthe French . On the 1 6th November,two days after Dum o urie z entered Brussels , the Convention at Paris enlarged the sphere of the war bydecreeing that the passage of the Scheldt should be freeto all nations , and Antwerp an open port . This was , ofcourse , in defiance of the treaty of 17 8 8 , guaranteedamongst other Powers by England

,which gave the

exc lusive navigation ofthe river to Holland . It was alsoproposed on this same eventful day that if the Austriansentered the neutral country of Holland

, Dum ourie z shouldbe instructed to pursue them

,and this was actually decreed

on the 3oth inst .In his speech on the l st February 17 93 Pitt maintains

that France can have no right to annul the stipulationsrelative to the Scheldt , unle ss she has also the right to setaside , equally, all the other treaties between all the Powers

1 HE LAST PORTRAIT OF LOU IS CAPET

(Paw /ed z u l/ze Temp /e lfy D zwruu r f/zree day ; [were [ wa s m ea t /Ion. A’

uzu in Me

111 /1 5 6i : Carm z va lcl )


A fortnight before this grandiloquent and menacingmessage was proclaimed , the trial of Louis by the Conv ention was determined upon . W as he guilty or

innocent of conspiracy against public liberty and nationalsafety ? Such was the question to be answered . TheGirondists , realising that there was practically no hope forthe monarch if he were brought to the bar, raised theirvoice against such a proceeding , but as the Mountain wasfor dispensing with legal formalities , and executing theKing without delay , some of theworshippers of Plutarchgave their consent. By doing so there was a chance

,

although a slight one , that the support they had lost inParis might be regained . Malesherbes , Tronchet, and

Desez e defended Louis , but the verdict returned wasGuilty. On the 2l st January 179 3 the heir of all theaccumulated misfortunes of his line was permitted to payhis last visit to his family in the Temple . The sacramentwas administered to him at the hands of the AbbéEdgeworth , an Irish - born non -j uror who had dared torequest this favour of the Executive Council . Thusfortified , the monarch awaited his end with a calmnessthat betrayed not the slightest dread of the comingordeal.Five minutes before the chimes in the steeples ofthe

churches Of Paris struck the quarter -hour after ten on themorning of the 2l st, the son ofSt . Louis had paid thedeath penalty .


of contention until the autumn of 179 5 ,when Austria

and the Powers already mentioned finally divided the

spoil . I t had its influence on the course Of the Revolu

tion , because none of the allies trusted each other regarding it, and was mortally afraid of losing its Share ofterritory. The dilatory movements of Austria andPrussia in 1792 are to be partly accounted for by thePolish problem .

In Be lgium , whose inhabitants were likewise expectedto welcom e advanced Opinions , less headway was madethan was anticipated . The advantages of the new orderof things were preached without being put into practice.The peo ple d iscovered that Liberty , Equality , and Fraternity were high - sounding words that meant much butbrought little beyond confiscation and plunder . It wasupon this country that the allies made their first move.The good fortune which had hitherto attended the Frenchforsook them . Defeat awaited the troops under theComte de Valence in Louvain , they were compelledto give up the siege of Maestricht

,and Dum ouriez ,

returning from the invasion of Holland to save Belgium,

fought and lost the battle of Neerwinden on the 1 8thMarch . The latter general then entered upon an understanding with the Austrian Colonel Mack for a cessationOf hostilities , agreeing to evacuate Belgium and to give upall the fortresses that had already fallen to the French .

He was hopeful that his troops would follow him in amarch on Paris for the purpose of overturning theConvention and the Jacobin Club

,proclaiming the

monarchical constitution of and placing the littleorphan Dauphin on the throne . The commissioners Of theConvention , including Beurnonv ille , Minister ofW ar, who

had been sent to depose Dum ourie z from his command ,were arrested and handed over to the Austrians . W ith all


pierced the future and discerned in the new tribunal aninquisition that would be a thousand times more redoubtable than that Of Venice . Danton himself bitterlyrepented ofthe evil he brought about by this revolutionaryweapon

, not so much because he was one of its V ictims ,but because of its excesses . My object , he muttered inhis cell as he awaited the guillotine , “ was no t that itshould be the scourge of humanity , but that it shouldprevent a renewal of the September massacres . Yet itmust not be overlooked that when Danton pleaded forthis Tribunal Eatraordinaire that was to become thedreaded Revolutionary Tribunal of to -morrow , he said inplain and unmistakable language, Let us be terrible , tospare the people being so 1Five j udges and a jury of twelve men were elected by

the Convention , and it was intended that the j ury - m en

should be chosen from lists compiled by various departments . Prisoners were no t to be brought befo re thecourt without the sanction Of a special committee of halfa dozen deputies . Fouquier-Tinville , a wealthy lawyerwho had been a procurator

,who had lost a considerable

fortune and importuned the good - hearted Camille Desmoulins to give him a post , thereby securing the pos itionOf Public Prosecutor Of the short- lived criminal tribunalOf 1792, fulfilled similar duties in this new organisation .

He was soon to dominate it, and to leave as his monument a name now held up to universal execration.

M . Lenotre , in his valuable book on the Revo lu

tionary Tribunal,1 says that Fouquier did his work

with stubborn zeal and a success which would have ledone to imagine that he had talent and skill had not histask been greatly facilitated by the jury ’s docility . Allthe indictm ents wh ich he drew up are vulgar and de

1 The Trzbunalofthe Ter ror (London, a book based on o r iginal research .

THE FALL OF “THE GIRONDISTS 4 1 5

c lamatory, and are manifestly the hasty work of a manOf mediocre intelligence ; they are merely rough drafts ,w ithout a semblance of eloquence or argumentationmere strings of invectives poured haphazard on theh eads of the accused . It is true

,however

,that the

FOUQUIER-TINVIL LE ON TRIAL AT THE REVOLUTIONARYTRIBUNAL

(From a sketch m ade du ring the sitting by Gabriel)

brutality of the law and the vulgarity of his audiencec alled for nothing better, and that to have insisted on

m ore delicate quibbles would have been wasting time .

On the other hand , he displayed constant activity . Thewhole of his time was absorbed by his tribunal .Of more importance than this great engine of destruc

t ion , but chronologically later, because it was institutedafter the disaster of Neerwinden , was the formation of


the secret Committee of Public Safety , whose members,subsequently increased , were de legated by the Convemtion with practically unlimited powers . It was proposedby I snard , a Girondis t, and supported by Danton , whofollowed up his plea by suggesting that , as prices -wereconstantly rising, there should be a maximum price forbread and a leve

’

e en m asse in addition to themen who had been called for in the previous February.

Those who composed the committee were Barere , Breard,Cambon, Danton , Delmas , Lacroix , Lindet , Mo rvaux,

and Tre ilhard . It was Danton who dominated the whole,

as the committee was eventually to rule the Convention .

To all intents and purpo ses , it was the executive power,and no t the ministers ; it dealt with the V ital matter ofnational defence ; it sent commissioners to .

the variousarmies to report on them and to watch the doings of

the commanders ; it was granted money for secret ends .The Committee of Inquiry , instituted in July 178 9 forthe purpose of convicting suspects , took on a new leaseof life , with added powers , as the Committee of GeneralSecurity . W ith in a few months its mem bers wereappointed by the Committee of Public Safety .

The acute phase of the giant struggle between theGirondis ts and the Mountain now began . The formeragain attacked M arat, sent him to the Tribunal , and

were staggered when they heard that he had beenacquitted . It was a victory for the Parisians

,who

almost worshipped him . The Jacobins and the Commune,

fee ling confident that now was the time to strike againsttheir common enemy, began to make preparations foraction . Guadet proposed to defeat them by urging theConvention to abolish the municipality and to movethe Assembly to Bourges , a strong measure frustratedby Rarere

’

s motion that a committee of twelve be

THE FALL OF THE GIRONDISTS 4 17

appointed to report upon the safety of the Convention ,now removed to the Tuileries . One of the first acts Ofthe twelve , who were for the most part Girondists , wasto order the arrest oftwo more favourites of the mob

, one

of whom was Hebert, the editor Of Pére Duchesrze. Thesections , with a few exceptions , retaliated by demandingthe arrest Of the principal Girondists

,and the mot ley

gathering in the galleries showed its partiality for theJacobins by frequently interrupting the deputies Of theRight when they ascended the tribune. The strengthof the Girondists was in the provinces . In the capitalthey could count on nobody , and there was only the

semblance of unity amongst themselves . On the 2ndJune a deputation from the Commune repeated thedemand of the sections , and in addition asked for thearrest of the twelve . The building was surroundedby an angry mob, and , seeing no way out Of the difficulty ,the Convention consented . W ith one or two exceptions ,the men who had aroused such bitter enmity were placedunder surveillance in their Own homes . Madame Roland,the prime mover of the G irondist activities , was arrested .

Those who escaped hastened to the royalist centres ofthe west and north . Rennes, Caen , Bordeaux , Lyons ,and Toulon in particular Offered a sturdy resistance tothe Jacobins ; La Vendee and Deux Sevres were alreadyin rebellion.

Vergniaud once told Robespierre that the latter hadsought to consummate the Revolution by terror, butthat he should have wished to consummate it by love .This ideal was now shattered by the hard facts which the“ representatives of virtue and duty had to face . W ithbitter irony

,the co - operation of the Girondists and the

Royalists at Caen not only failed , but inspired the beautiful Charlotte Corday to leave her home and to strike

2 D


literally at the heart of Marat , whom she considered tobe the cause Of all the misfortunes which had befallenthe Girondists . To her mind , deeply tinged w ith themysticism which her grave gray eyes betrayed , this man

“QM m f/w flafla ow es/a fla w W u :

f 7

few 94 W ,

{ZU UC w p / blm fi ll- j aw ”

a”?fl aw ” 7‘

p”? QM “ 0‘ M AM ”t“ f“ 6. I film/F

THE LAST LETTER or CHARL OTTE CORDAY To m m FATHER

was the bloodthirsty fiend that Napoleon became to thechildren of England at a later season . The talk concerning a march on Paris inspired her with the idea of settingout for the city and interviewing Marat for her own


dear Papa ; I beg you to forget me , or rather to rej oiceat my fate ; it is in a good cause. I embrace my sister,whom I love with all my heart , also all my relatives .Do not forget this verse ofCorneille

The sham e lies in th e c rim e , not in the scaffold .

’

I am to be j udged to-morrow at eight o’clock .

CORDAY.

The 16 July.

On the 17th July “ the Jeanne d’

Arc of the Revolution ” placed her head , with its beautiful chestnut hair,beneath the knife . Charlotte Corday— or, to give hername in full , Marie Anne Charlotte Corday d

’

Arm and

had accomplished her personal mission at a terrible costto her party . She destroys us ,

” exclaimed Vergniaud,“ but she teaches us how to die. The political significance of the Girondists was ended ; Marat becamea god ; the Convention bowed to the Mountain .

It was now that the Jacobins rushed through a newconstitution , of merely passing interest by reason of thefact that it was never used , and served no more practicalpurpose than the one which had been prepared by theGirondists . There is this difference , however, that theformer was accepted by the Convention .

Its salient points are that Parliament was to beelected annually, there were to be twenty - four ministerschosen by the legislature , and all laws were to be submi ttedto the primary assemblies before they were finally passed .

The five deputies of the Convention who had been givenplaces in the Committee of Public Safety for the purposeOf drawing up the constitution of 1793 were Couthon,

Saint -Just , Herault de Sechelles , Mathieu , and Ramelall members of the Mountain . On the 10th July thesecond Committee of Public Safety was elected , the

MAR I E ANNE CHAR LOTTE CORDAY D ’ARMAN D (1 768—1 79 3 )

(Fro m a fort/ (1 1 ! l v m l zm l‘u ouw jaz z y /e ; a t l’

erm z /ler)


citizen ; some owe her their industry , others their fortune ,these their counsel

,those their arms ; all owe her their

blood. Accordingly,all the French , ofevery age and of

either sex,are summoned by their country to defend

liberty . Let each maintain his post in the nationaland military movement about to take place . The youngmen will fight ; the married men will forge arms , transportthe baggage and artillery , and prepare provisions ; thewomen will make tents and clothes for the soldiers , andexercise their hospitable care in the asylums Of thewounded ; children will make lint from old linen , and theaged, resuming the mission they discharged among theancients , shall cause themselves to be carried to publicplaces , where they shall excite the courage of the youngwarriors and propagate the doctrine Of hatred to kingsand the unity of the Republic . National buildings shallbe converted into barracks

,public squares into workshops ;

the cellars will serve for the manufacture Of saltpetre ; allsaddle horses shall be placed in requ is ition for the cavalry ;all draught horses for the artillery ; fowl ing- pieces

,pistols ,

swords , and pikes belonging to individuals shall be used inthe service Of the interior. The Republic being but alarge city in a state of necessity , France must be con

verted into a vast camp .

Obviously the all- important task fo r the nation was tohurl back its enemies by the creation of efficient armies

,

but this carried with it the grave possibility ofa militarydictatorship . It was Carnot, “ the organiser of victory

,

and his colleagues who , if they did not actually lay thefoundations of the First Empire, supplied som e of thehuman cement with which the structure was bound together.

CHAPTER XXX

THE REIGN OF TERROR

“L iberty m ust trium p h at any cost.”—SAINT-JUST.

THE desperate and chaotic situation of France in theautumn of 1793 i s the only excuse that can be Offeredwith any show of reason for the revolting period of theRevolution known as the Reign of Terror . The abso

lutism of kings was succeeded by the absolutism Of ademocratic oligarchy and the tyranny of the few. It extended from September 1 793 to July 179 4 , although it isobvious that chronologically the period is not easy todefine within strict limits of time . Terror became theorder Ofthe day when , on the 17 th of the aforementionedmonth , the Convention placed in the hands of the Revolutionary Committees a two -edged sword known as the“ law of suspects ,

” which practically meant that anyperson who was not a whole- hearted adherent Of theadvanced propaganda was liable to arrest at any momentof the day or night. This weapon was forged byChaumette, a member of the Commune.In Paris every man and woman had to carry a card

giving particulars of his or her life , and as those who gaveinformation were held in esteem by the various revolutionary committees , a rough and ready detective systemwas established . There were spies at almost every streetcorner and in the places of amusement and of commonresort.Three little groups Of two men carried on some of the

chief administrative work of the Committee of Public423


Safety. Carnot and Prieur-Duvernois looked after allthat had to do with the army and the war ; Prieur de laMarne and Robert Lindet concerned themselves with theInterior ; Rilland-Varennes and Collot-d’

I-I erbo is managede verything connected with the organisation of the governm ent in the departments . Of the remainder , Saint-Andred ealt with the navy , Saint-Just and Couthon were theo rators , Barere the reporter to the Committee , Robespierrewas the thinker, Herault de Sechelles was the dilettante.The Ministers were entirely subservient to them .

Like the Com mittee ofPublic Safety , that ofGeneralSecurity consisted Of a dozen deputies . I ts specialwork was to maintain the civil peace of the country.

The Committee was, so to speak , the Scotland Yard ofF rance and of Paris , but it had far greater powers thanour own Police Department has ever possessed . It controlled the police throughout the land , the prisons ofParis came under its j urisdiction , the revolutionary comm ittees were bound to send particulars of all suspectsarrested by them, and it was the clearing- house of theRevolutionary Tribunal , sending it prisoners for trial andexecuting those who were found guilty. In the provinces

,

revolutionary tribunals were established at Arras , Cambray , Brest , Rochefort , and Toulouse . There were alsotwelve revolutionary commissions , sixty military com

missions , and the ordinary criminal tribunals . l Deputieson mission, nominated by the Committee of PublicSafety , were also sent to inquire into various concernsconnected with the different armies , to arrange diplomaticmatters , to secure sold iers , to appoint courts for the trialof prisoners , and so on . Their scope of operations was

1 See A History of the F renc h Revo lution, by Prof. H. Mo i se Stephens,vol.

I I . pp. 411—412. The able chapters on the Ter ro r and its o rganisation are of

Special value to the student, and the present write r acknowledges h is indebtedness to them .

THE REIGN OF TERROR 425

wide, their powers all but unlimited . They were theheralds of the Terror outside of Paris

,and they were

supreme over all local authorities . When the Rev olutionary Government was established these latter werereorganised , and in some communes twelve menacting on behalf of the Convention enjoyed the power ofbeing able to arrest and imprison all who raised a voiceagainst the new dispensation . The p rocureurs -syndics

gave place to National Agents, usually appointed by thedeputies on mission. In the Capital a rough and readyarmy of sans calottes , complete with artillery, acted underthe orders Of the Paris Commune and the revolutionarycommittees of the sections .On the loth October Saint- Just report ed to the Con

v ention that the condition of the country was going frombad to worse . Disorder and pillage reigned in the armiesthe law of the maximum had been set at defiance and

famine was threatened ; the value of assignats had decreased to an alarming extent , and the government wasa hierarchy Of errors and crimes . ” He counselled thedeputies to put an end to all mild measures in theirdealings with “ the enemies Of the new order of things .On his motion the government was declared to be revolutionary until peace was restored, and everything connected with administration passed into the hands of theCommittee of Public Safety , wh ich was to report tothe Convention— now entirely legislative— every month .

The central isation Of power so conspicuous in the reignofLouis XIV was again evident .‘

The Terror was no t the mere pastime of a set ofsavages

,although the cruel atrocities perpetrated in some

parts almost compel us to believe that a set of homicidalmaniacs had been let loose . It was , shall we say , martial

1 See ante , p . 9 .


law exaggerated ; an attempt to standardise patriotismas it was understood by the Jacobins in order to makeFrance at unity with herself. How could she hope toresist foreign foes when some of her own cities were inrebellion ?

The Committee of Public Safety and Of GeneralSecurity

,the Revolutionary Tribunal and the Paris

Commune are to- day scarcely more than phantoms, butthe guillotine remains a very tangible thing . A greatdeal of misconception exists about this instrument ofsummary j ustice . Legend has it that the machine wasinvented by the doctor whose name it bears , and that hewas one Of its victims . The truth of the matter is thatDr Joseph Ignace Guillotin was a kindly-dispositionedphysician Of undoubted ability . Far from being abeliever in violent methods , his revolutionary tendenciesdid not carry him much further than t o propose themeeting of the Third Estate in the Tennis Court . Hewas commissioned by the National Assembly to inquireinto the existing criminal law, and it was when he gavehis report that he made the suggestion that instead ofcriminals being put to death by burning alive

,break

ing on the wheel , hanging, or severing the head witha sword , a painless method should be introducedfor plebeian and aristocrat alike . This was on thel st December 178 9 . Nearly eleven months later Dr .Antoine Louis , a Paris surgeon , was requested to asoertain particulars of any invention that carried out Dr.Guillotin

’

s humanitarian idea . W ith the assistance ofRo ederer he m ade the acquaintance of Tobias S chmidt , aGerman by birth and a piano -maker by trade

,who

submitted a design probably based on somewhat sim ilarmachines used at various times in England

,Ireland, and

Italy , and Of which mention is made in a contemporary


account Of an execution at Toulouse in the first half'

of the seventeenth century . The invention was adopted ,and became known as the louisette . Its trial trip wasmade in the courtyard of Bicetre on the 17th April 179 2,

the subj ect of the experiment being a corpse . I ts first “

actual victim was the highwayman Pelletier,who under

went the death penalty eight days later . Unfortunatelyfor Dr . Guillotin , scribe and caricaturist had already gotto work , and the widow soon received the appellationof guillotine . W hen his brief public career came to an.

end , Dr. Guillotin again devoted himself to medicine , but ,says a friend, he could never console himself fo r what hecalled the involuntary blot on his career. H is venerablefeatures wore an expression Of great sadness, his hair hadbeen bleached by anxiety . In endeavouring to mitigatethe suffering of humanity, he felt he had unwillingly beenthe means ofdestroying many lives . He lived until the26th May 1 8 14 . Tobias Schmidt proved his ability inother directions by making a fortune , but beyond thislittle is known of him . The significance of h is inventionlies in the fact that between the 8 th an d the 27th July179 4 over 600 persons passed under the blade of the

instrument in Paris alone . 1

To suppress the revolt of the cities was of paramountimportance . Lyons in particular Offered a very stubbornresistance to the Convention . The strife had alreadybegun owing to the influence of the local Jacobin Club ,whose leading light had become mayor, but it was ex

aggerated by the successive deputies on mission whovisited the place and did their best to quash all Girondist

1 Aguillo tine was offe red for sale inParis inDecem be r 1909 . It stood nearlyeleven feet h igh , and the suppo rting beam s we re surm ounted by carvedPh rygian caps painted red . This particular instrum ent, wh ich fo rm ed part ofthecollection of th e late M . Forgeriu , was used during the Reign of Te rrorat Feurs (Loire ) .


influence and sympathy . The HOtel de Ville wasattacked by the National Guard and an army was formedto resist the troops that were sent to subdue the city.

After offering a gallant defence , Lyons was conquered inO ctober 179 3 . The Convention visited it with summaryvengeance

,and although the decree that it should be

annihilated and the place where it had stood renamedFreedville was never carried out, Collot d

’

Herbo is ,

Joseph Fouché , and Sebastien de La Porte , who weresent by the Committee ofPublic Safety, were directly orindirectly responsible for nearly 2000 deaths .Bordeaux

,after steadfastly refusing to recognise

several deputies on mission , finally surrendered in themiddle of October , almost three months later than Mars eilles . The latter had been entered by Carteaux following the evacuation of Avignon by the Marseillais , whohad gone hither on their way to j oin forces w ith Lyonspreparatory to a march on Paris . Amongst those whohad encamped about the walls of the Old city , which hadfallen to Charles Martel a thousand years before, wasNapoleon Bonaparte . He had been placed in commandof a battery , but was shortly afterwards ordered to assistin the protection of the rear . The contribution Of Mar

seilles to the victims of the Terror was some 400 persons,about 100 more than at Bordeaux .

Many of the Girondists who were fortunate enoughto escape from Marseilles found a temporary resting—placeat Toulon . Carteaux and Doppet both failed to take thegreat southern arsenal , and it was no t until the veteranDugom m ier took charge Of the military Operations thatany real progress was made . The death of a captain ofartillery gave Napoleon his golden Opportunity , and itwas mainly due to the efforts of the youthful chef debatai

'

llon that the city was recaptured on the 17th


December. Although the English,Spanish , Piedm on

tese , and Neapo l itan forces were unable to secure afoothold in France by holding Toulon

,Lord Hood was

able to save of the inhabitants by means Of theBritish fleet . In addition, Captain Sidney Smith witha little band of sailors set fire to a dozen French shipsin the harbour, and the Spaniards exploded two powderships . The Republican troops pillaged the city , andabout 1 800 individuals were condemned to the guillotineor sho t . “ Among those who distinguished themselvesmost, reported D ugom m ier,

“ and who most aided meto rally the troops and push them forward , are citizens .

Buona Parte , commanding the artillery , Arena andCervoni , Adjutants—General.

”

The Vendean rebellion , which broke out in Marchand flickered on until the battle of Cholet , fought on the17th of the following October, leaving embers that wererekindled in 17 9 4 , was marked by deeds of savagery oneither side . Three armies and the garrison of Mainzwere sent into the affected departments , and althoughthe peasants and their aristocratic colleagues won anumber of battles, the troops of the Convention , inspirited by Rewbell and Merlin de Thionville , the deputieson mission , succeeded in scattering the devotees of civilwar. Many villages were set on fire and their inhabitantsslain

,while at Nantes Carrier , the representative of the

Committee OfPublic Safety , exercised his authority withsuch relentless purpose that probably 2000 people wereguillotined

,flung m to the Loire , o r shot .

Meanwhile Carnot had been organising the armies ofthe Republic

,which soon numbered thirteen , with a total

of men . The English and Hanoverian troopsbesieging Dunkirk , so famous in British and Frenchstory

,were compelled to vacate it in September, and


the Duke OfYork retreated with the loss of his artillery .

H ouchard , who was in command although Jourdan hadcontributed more to the successful issue Of the Operations ,was recalled and guillotined for treason and for failingto follow up the victory . Carnot had given the unfor

tunate general h is position , but to fail was to forfeit hisfavo ur, and he now promoted Jourdan . The soldierdraper proved the reliance placed in him by defeatingthe Austrians at VVattignie s on the 16th October, compelling them to raise the siege of the important fortressOf Maubeuge and to retreat on Belgium . Three dayse arlier , Austrian and Prussian troops had won an im portant success at W eissenburg. This was amply retrievedby the subsequent campaign carried on in Alsace withsplendid energy by Hoche and Pichegru , ably secondedby Saint-Just and Le Bas , who as deputies on mission

q uickly brought the revolutionary methods of Paris tobear on affairs . By the end of December 1793 theF rench were in complete possession of Alsace , and theonly foes within her borders were Frenchmen who refusedt o recognise the authority of the Convention and itsCommittees .I t was a wonderful achievement

,especially as many

of the victories were due in no small measure to Officersof newly- raised battalions originally chosen from theranks by those who now served under them . All sorts:and conditions of men proved that they were able tocommand armies . I f an artist like Carteaux

,and Doppet,

a retired doctor, had been unsuccessful at Toulon beforet he coming of Dugom m ier, and the goldsmith Rossignolhad failed in La Vendée , the citizen - soldiers were soonable to point to such men as Moreau

,by profession a

lawyer, and Murat , who in the days of the arzcz'

en regim e

h ad enlisted in the royal cavalry and been dismissed for


insubordination . Jourdan had served as ’ a,private in the

American W ar, but on his return he had discarded thesword for a pedlar

’

s pack and the knapsack for a l ittledrapery shop . Pichegru had also fought against England across the Atlantic , to be afterwards chosen astheir commander by the citizen - soldiers of a battal ionraised at Besancon in 1792. Further instances of rapidpromotion could be cited were they necessary , for thewars of the Revolution proved a fine testing-ground Of aman

’

s abilities . To fail , unless it was followed up by avictory of some con sequence , was to make the acquaintance of the “ National Razor, as the guillotine wascalled by those who sought to temper tragedy w ith grimhumour. Among those who forfeited the confidence of

the Committee of Public Safety in 179 3 and were afterwards executed were L iickner, Custine , Eisenberg , Biron,Brunet , and Beauharnais , the last-mentioned leaving ayoung and charming widow who was to become theEmpress Josephine . Napoleon once said that in war allthat is useful is legitimate, and that the most importantquality in a general is firmness, which “ is a gift fromHeaven . Had Carnot been given to uttering militarymaxims he would have avowed similar principle s , for hemost certainly put them into practice . He also believedthat in the rough and ready state Of the revolutionaryarmies the sounde st wisdom was to concentrate greatmasses of troops and crush the enemy by sheer weight ofnumbers whenever possible .The organiser of victory slaving in the Pavillon de

I’

Egalité of the Tuileries and putting as much energy intohis work as he exacted from those who carried out hisinstructions , was no whit busier than the RevolutionaryTribunal sitting in the Old Palais de Justice .The case of “ the ex-Queen , as Fouquier-Tinville


called Marie Antoinette , demanded attention , even thoughit was a foregone conclusion that she would be foundguilty . The examination of the once beautiful woman ,her hair white , her attitude dejected , her eyes half—blind ,began on the 12th October ; on the l 6th she died on the

MARIE ANTOINETTE rN TUMBRIL

(Fro m the sketch m adefrom life by David )

scaffold .

“ I had time , says the Vicomte CharlesDesfosses

,

“ to observe the details of the Queen ’s appearance and Of her dress . She wore a white skirt with ablack petticoat under it , a kind ofwhite dressing—jacket,some narrow silk ribbon tied at the wrists , a plain whitemuslin fichu ,

and a cap with a bit Of black ribbon on it .Her hair was quite white , and was cut short round hercap ; her face was pale , but there was a touch of red upon


the cheek - bones ; her eyes were bloodshot , and the lashesm otionless and stiff. David

,the celebrated painter, saw

the tumbril as it passed , and made a hasty sketch of theW idow Capet . W ho can recognise in the accompanyingreproduction the vivacious woman whose daring wayshad made all Paris gossip before the days of the StatesGeneral ?

A little over a fortnight later,the guillotine claimed

twenty—one Of the most prominent Girondists , includingseveral who had been ordered to be kep t under surveillance by the Convention on the 2nd June . 1 Thesevictim s included Brisso t, Gensonné , Vergniaud,

Fauchet ,and L asource .

“ I die at a time when the people havelost their senses , said the last-mentioned in his addressto the Revolutionary Tribunal ; you will die when theyrecover them . Dufriche -Valaz é stabbed himse lf whensentence of death was pronounced , but the remainderwent almost gaily to the guillotine singing the M ar

seillaise. Over three score of the G irondists who sat inthe Convention and had protested against the arrest of

their colleagues were also arrested . Of the remainingmembers who have been mentioned in these pages , Petion ,Bu z ot, Roland , and Condorcet committed suicide ; Barbaroux also tried to kill h imself, but failing to do so,was eventually discovered and executed at Bordeaux .

Louvet, L anjuinais , and L arév elliere - L épcaux were

amongst those who escaped . Before the end of the yearthose who bowed their heads to the knife includedMadame Roland

,Philippe Egalité (formerly Duke Of

Orleans ) , Bailly , Duport du Tertre , Barnave , andMadame du Barry . One wonders if the mistress of

Louis XV remembered how she once showed a por trait

of Charles I of England to her royal lover with the1 See ante, p. 417.


remark , “ Thus , to o ,will they treat you ,

Sire , if you letthe long- robes have their wayThere is no real cause for wonder that ere long there

were dissensions in the powerful Jacobin minority whichnow dominated France . Danton , apparently of opinionthat harsh measures had fulfilled their purpose , mostemphatically believed that the Terror should be broughtto a speedy end by a policy of conciliation .

“ I wouldrather be guillotined than guillotine ,

” he remarked to hisfriend Panis

,and when he was told that the only alterna

tive was to fly he quietly answered , One does not takeone’s country with one on the soles of one ’s boots . Ofthose who showed their belief in Danton ’s plea formoderation Camille Desmoulins , ardent republican thoughhe continued to be , was the most conspicuous . Hiswitty Vieux Cordelia attacked the Hébertists, the partyof the Commune and the Paris mob

,pleaded for a

Commi ttee of Mercy to “ complete the Revolution, for

clemency itself is a revolutionary m easure,the m ost

efficient of all when it is wisely dealt out , and securedfor the editor his expulsion from the Jacobin Club

.

Hebert and his satellites Chaumette and AnacharsisClo o tz , the most advanced of advanced radicals , found noreal support in Robespierre, whose good graces were notto be despised . As yet he had concealed his disgust

,but

the “ Incorruptible hated atheism and vulgarity,and

the Hébertists represented both . They broke open thetombs of the kings at St. Denis , and tore from theircoffins the bones of those who had once been all-powerfulin France. Church plate was brought to the hall of thedeputies , steeples were ordered to be torn down,

and inNotre Dame the “ divinity of Reason usurped theDivinity of Christ . Chaumette went so far as to introduce a demirep to the Convention as the Goddess of the


new cult . After being invited to take a seat beside thepresident, she was conducted by an immense crowd to thegreat cathedral and installed on the high altar

.Robes

pierre happened to be present when the girl entered thehall in which the representatives of the nation weregathered . He quietly vacated his seat

,and those who

knew him understood the significance of the action.

I t was evident that if the Hébertists and the Dantonistswere allowed to carry on their propaganda the position ofthe Committee of Public Safety would be j eopardised

.

The Vz‘

eum Cordelz'

er was selling by scores of thousands,and

the opinions of the Indulgents ,” as Danton ’s party was

called , were sinking into the minds of men and womenand causing them to ponder . For a short period Robespierre and Danton were allies, and together they crushedthe chiefs of the Commune . On the 1 5 th March 179 4

Hebert, Chaumette , and Clootz were guillotined . TheCommittee of Public Safety then turned its attentionto the “ Indulgents who, in failing to accept the doctrine of the Terror and endeavouring to stem the tideofViolence , were also regarded as its enemies . The headsof Danton and Desmoulins , together with those of othermembers of the reactionary group , fell into the basketearly in April.Robespierre

,supported by the crippled Cou thon and

the handsome Saint-Just, maintained his supremacy for amatter of four months . Another step towards absolutecontrol was taken when the Convention decreed thathenceforth the Ministry was to be carried on by twelveCommissions controlled by the Committee of PublicSafety. Yet this suggestion was made by Carnot and notby Robespierre

,who relied more on the support of the

Convention and the populace than the Committee .As an antidote to the Obscenities of the Feast of


Reason he persuaded the deputie s to decree that thenation recognised God and the immortality of the soul ,and acknowledged that the worsh ip worthy of theSupreme Being was the practice of the dutie s of man .

In all probability Robespierre was perfectly honest in thismatter . It was a move both clever and foolish . Cleverbecause by far the greater proportion of the nation hadsome kind of superstitious bel ief in the possibility of theexistence of a God ; foolish because many of the men ofthe Convention

,reading between the lines , discerned

words and sentences written in sympathetic ink which thefires oftheir enmity showed up as references to politicalreaction . God was Somebody intimately connected withthe ancien regim e.

To Robespierre there was nothing ridiculous aboutthe Festival of the Deity held in the Champ de Mars inJune . I t received the imprimatur ofthe Convention andof the Incorruptible , who as President walked a fewyards ahead of the procession , bearing in his hands corn ,fruit and flowers . He was arrayed in white breeches, ablue coat , a tricolour sash , and waving plumes . “ Neverhad the sun shone with brighter radiance , says one whowatched the procession ; “ never was a more j oyous andenthu siastic concourse of spectators assembled . Robespierre himself was astonished with the immense crowd ofpeople who filled the gardens of the Tuileries . Hope andgaiety beamed from every countenance the smiling looksand elegant costumes of the women diffused a universalenchantment . As he marched aldng the air re

sounded with cries of Vive Robesp ierre .” and his

countenance was radiant with joyfulness ‘See howthey applaud him l

’ said his colleagues . ‘He wouldbecome a god ; he is no longer the High Priest of theSupreme Being .

’


Of course this man , the will - o’- the -wisp of the Terror .

was absolutely devoid ofhumour,as fanatics usually are

,

for the sense of the ridiculous tends to make one aphilosopher and a conservative “ To -morrow , he said ,“ we will renew our struggle against vice and agains ttyrants . Man was to be re - created in Robespierre ’simage by the putting to death ofall those who barred theway , or were believed to bar the way , to a completereorganisation of Society . Already it had been decreedthat prisoners charged with conspiracy and treason wereto be tried in Paris . This significant step was followedby the terrible law of the 22nd Prairial . It was proposed by Couthon but had been worked out by theIncorruptible . If that law is passed ,

” said Ruam ps,“ one had as well blow out one’ s brains .” From henceforth those who were arrested were tried in batcheswithout the privilege of counsel . A great feeder of theguillotine th is ! In less than two months it disposedof some 1 400 persons . Some historians 1 believe thatRobespierre was merely wishful to bring the Reignof Terror to a rapid conclus ion , and then “ to appearas a kind of saviour of France.

” 2 I t is possible butnot proven .

In J u ly, perhaps in June , because he did not attendthe m eetings of the Convention— “ gangrened by corruption — with his usual regularity , Robespierre recog

nised that his popularity was waning and that he had madedangerous enemies . Although the Jll ém oires of Barrashave to be read with great caution , the writer asserts thatthe Committees of Public Safety and General Securityendeavoured to coalesce w ith Robespierre for the purpose

1 In particular M r . Hilaire Belloc . See Robes erre : a study (London,p . 313.

2 Ibid .,p . 313.


of destroying the Convention . Robespierre , he says,“ thinking himself s tronger than all parties , refused thealliance offered to him . It was then seen that a diversionwas necessary, and that the Committees must unitewith the National Convention in assailing Robespierre ,Couthon, and Saint -Just .On the 26 th July (8 th Thermidor ) 1794 Robespierre

mounted the tribune and made an impolitic oration whichcertainly gives some credence to the views of Barras andbrought the speaker within measurable distance of theguillotine . I t was a veiled attack upon certain membersof the Committees . He mentioned no names , preferringto fire from an ambush , and he endeavoured to secure thesupport ofthe deputies by metaphorically patting them on

the back . Representatives of the People , he cried inhis nervous way, it is time to resume the pride and elevation of character which befits you . You are not made tobe ruled , but to rule the depositaries of your wisdom .

Robespierre m aintained that a criminal coalition withaccomplices in the great Committee intrigued in theheart of the Convention and sought to ruin both patriotsand country . The traitors should be punished , theCommittee ofGeneral Security and ofthe Public Safetybe purified . Constitute the unity of the government ,he urged , “ under the supreme authority of the Conv ention ; crush every faction under the weight ofnationalauthority , and establish on their ruins the power of

j ustice and liberty .

The speech was ill received by the deputies . Sometrembled for their own skins ; others saw in it a furtherattempt on the part of the orator to get the governmentinto his own hands . It was applauded to the echo whenRobespierre read it for a second time in the J acobin Club ,upon whose support and that of the Commune he now


to be centred upon the steps saw the body ofAugustinRobespierre heaped upon them . Then two pistol - shotswere heard , one that of a suicide , Le Bas , the other that of—one is not quite certain . Some say that Robespierreattempted to kill himself, others that a youth ofthe nameofMerda, aiming at Couthon, struck the Incorruptibleand fractured his jaw . It is one of the many mysteriesof the Revolution . W’

e know he was taken to theTuileries , to the antechamber ofthe Committee which hadboth feared and despised him , that his inj uries werebandaged, that with a box to support his aching head andSaint—Just as companion he passed long hours l istening tothe brutal remarks of the guards . A little while laterRobespierre was removed to the Conciergerie , and then heand his confederates were brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal, whose summary method of dispensing justicewas his own creation . In thirty minutes twenty- twoprisoners who had helped to make the Terror were condem ned to death , including the Incorruptible andDumas , the President of the Tribunal . They perished onthe evening of the 28 th July , while the afterglow of thesetting sun still l ingered in the sky .

The period that immediately followed was known asla queue de Robesp ierre

— Robespierre ’s tail. On thefollowing day , the 29th July , seventy persons intimatelyor remotely connected with the Commune were condem ned. on the 3oth a dozen more , a little later Cofl

‘inha] ,

the senior judge, passed under the knife. As the yearproceeded , Carrier, responsible fo r the Terror at Nantes,was guillotined , and on the 7th May 179 5 Fouquier-Tinville perished on the Place de Greve, declaring j ust beforehe entered the tumbril that he died for his country andthat his innocence would be recognised .

W ith the passing of its creator the iniquitous law of

THE REIGN OF TERROR 44 1

Prairial was abolished and the Revolutionary Tribunalpartly reconstructed . Its clem ency was certainly moreconspicuous and marked the general reaction . FromAugust to November 179 4 , a period of four months,9 42 prisoners were tried , but only 46 received the deathsentence . 1 “ This proportion , says M . Lenotre , “

showsthe measure of the responsibility which rested on Robespierre

’

s tribunal. Hundreds of suspects were released .

Various changes were also made in the Committee ofPublic Safety , to which Breard , Eschassériaux,

Laloi,

Tallien, Thuriot , and Tre ilhard were appointed , four of

the vacancies thus filled being caused by death andtwo because the members were “ on mission .

” Collotd

’

He i bo is and Rilland-Varennes , entirely out of sympathywith the peaceful trend of affairs , retired .

" he comm ittee now concerned itself with military and diplomaticmeasures , while its kindred organisation of GeneralSecurity dealt with the internal affairs of France. Bothwere far more dependent on the Convention than formerly .

Hitherto the sections had met daily at a fixed remuneration . Payment for services rendered was abolished andthe meetings limited to one every decade. The enfeebledJacobins lost the use of their seditious Club and theCommune was a thing of the past . By these measuresthe Convention gradually restored to itself the powerit had lost . The Girondist deputies , excluded from theConvention since the 3rd October 1793 on account oftheir protest against the coup d

’

e’

tat of the 2nd June,when the leading members of their party had beenproscribed

,

2 were allowed to come back , and sixty- threeof them did so in March 179 5 . The decrees against thepriests and the emigrant nobles were repealed ; the law

1 See The Tribunal of the Ter ror, by G. Lenotre (London, p . 233.

See ante, pp. 417, 433.


ofthe maximum was abandoned religious toleration wasopenly avowed , and an attempt was made to restore tothe right quarters the confiscated property of personswho had been guillotined .

These wise measures did nothing towards the recoveryof the real value of the assignats , nor d id they preventoccas ional riots from breaking out . Goaded into insurrection by the appalling scarcity of food , which wasgradually reduced by the special committee chargedwi th this work until the dole for each person was only afew ounce s a day , the starving people marched towardsthe Tuileries on the 20th March 17 9 5 . At that timeBillaud - Varennes

,Collot - d

’

Herbo is , Barere and Vadierwere under arre st , and the occasion was given a politicalsignificance because the release of these J acobin “ patriotsand the Constitution of 17 93 were demanded in additionto bread by some of the most violent sections of theFaubourgs St . Antoine and St . Marceau . The antiJacobin sections , however , rendered useful serv ice on thisoccas ion , asdid the J eunesseD ore

’

e , a kind of irregular militiacompo sed of the young bourgeois of the capital , which owedits existence in a large measure to Fre

’

ron, the editor ofL

’

Oi '

aiem' da Peup le . A s m any of the young fellows

had suffered the loss of some near relation during theTerror, they assumed a collarle ss coat called the costum e

d [a victim e. Sho rt, heavy sticks loaded with lead weretheir weapons , and very effic ient they often proved tobe. On the l st April the populace was again agitated

,

and overpowering the guard , entered the hall of the Conv ention. Seventeen members of the Mountain showedthat they were in favour of the insurgents and werearrested ,

I

While the “ patriots on who se behalf the m ob

had bes ieged the Tuileries were subsequently transportedto Cayenne . The m ob was again dispersed by the re


actionary sections , to issue forth on the 2oth May ina still more threatening mood . Men and women rushedinto the galleries of the Convention . These were clearedafter considerable agitation and the place closed . Shortlyafterwards there was a noise of hammering, the doorswere burst open , and the hall was again invaded . Ledby a deputy , the guard endeavoured to defend the legislators , but in the struggle that ensued one of the mem bers ,mistaken for Fréron of the J eunesse Dorée, was killedand h is head stuck on a pike in the old familiar way .

W ith splendid courage Boissy d'

Anglas , who was thenin the President’s chair, defied those who sought tointimidate the Assembly , telling them that their demandswould neither alter the measures before the Conventionnor expedite the arrival of provisions . By this timemany of the deputies had taken to their heels , leavinga section of the Mountain in possession . It decreedthe re - establishment of the J acobin Club, the constitutionof ’

93 , the reinstatement of the imprisoned deputies ,and the appointment of an executive commission . Onthe arrival of further battalions , the building was relievedof its unwelcome visitors , the decrees were cancelled ,and deputies who had favoured the mob arrested . Onthe following day the army of insurrection again assumeda threatening attitude and placed its cannon ready toattack the chateau . It was dispersed by a few vaguepromises

,but it was not until the Faubourg St . Antoine

was disarmed by regular troops and the National Guard ,and the reorganisation of the latter by eliminating fromits ranks members of the lower orders , that the peacefulcitizens of Paris could sleep in their beds without fearof being awakened by the ringing of the tocsin.

CHAPTER XXXI

THE “ WHIFF OF GRAPESHOT

Absolu te equality is a chi m era ; virtue,talent, p hysical and intellectual

p owers are not equally distr ibuted by natu re. " BOISSY D ’ANGLAS .

W ITH the opening ofthe campaign of 179 4 it was evidentthat the lack of common interests with the allies was allon the side of France . Prussia and Austria were virtuallyenemies owing to the Polish question , and the paymentof a subsidy for the provis ion of Prussians aloneprecluded King Frederick W illiam from withdrawingfrom the field . W hen a revolt against the Russiangarrison at W arsaw occurred in April the Prussianmonarch at once entered Poland , leaving the troopsengaged in the war against France on the Upper Rhine,whereas England

’

s great obj ect in securing their serviceshad been to defend Belgium , which task was now left tothe Austrian and British forces . The Emperor h imselftravelled to Brussels , but his endeavours to arouse somekind of enthusiasm in his soldiers before they marchedon Paris did not prevent them from losing the battle ofTourco ing, fought on a Sunday (May 1 8 th ) , l ike so manyimportant actions have been . The following month ismemorable in naval annals by reason of the battle of“ the glorious first of June , when Lord Howe defeatedthe French fleet of Ushant. On land Ypres andCharleroi fell to the French , and when the Austrianswere within an ace of relieving the latter city

,they were

defeated at Fleurus and compelled to retire . Brussels44}


of San Domingo . Sweden, Switzerland , and Denmarkfo llowed .

The Triple Alliance between Great Britain , Prussia,and Holland was shattered

,and England and Austria

were left to carry on the war . Pitt and the Austrianstatesman Thugut, who hated Prussia with as muchvehemence as the aristocracy of Vienna hated him ,

then brought about an offensive and defensive treatybetween the two Powers , which was concluded onthe 4th May 179 5 . The immediate results were not encouraging, for although Pichegru evacuated Mannheim,

and raised the siege of Mainz— not without grave sus

picions of treason on his part— England’s support of a

ris ing in Brittany was a colossal failure . This abortiveplan took place during the horrible atro cities in thesouth known as the “ W hite Terror, in which theroyal ists sought to rival the Jacobins in bloodshed andfury . The expedition , manned by e

’

m igrés and fittedout at great cost , was landed in Quiberon Bay in June,and some 1 5 00 Chouans 1 immediately j oined it. Theattempt was timely , because civi l war had again brokenout in L a Vende’ e and Normandy, and would doubtlesshave assumed even more alarming proportions than itdid had a less capable general than Hoche been givencommand of the troops sent to suppress it . The littlearmy of nobles , priests , peasants , and Chouans securedFort Penth ievre , and held out until the night of the20th July , when the stronghold was captured . A franticeffort on the part of the commander to arouse his forcesstationed on the peninsula only made them the moreanxious to evacuate the place . Panic - stricken men

,

1 The nicknam e given to one of the i r leaders . For the m ost part,the

Chouans we re m en who we re at war with the Revolution by reason of theirroyalist sym path ies . So m e we re m ilitary dese rters , othe rs returned em igrants ,with the usual m ob ofm alcontents .

LAZ ARE HOCHE (176 8—1 79 7 )

(From a [ am /m g m l/z e Ca z /m u llet J /m '

eum )


been planned by the Mountain in 1793 and abandoned ,now announced that it had completed its task . Whilethe constitution of the year I I I , decreed by the Convention on the 22nd September 179 5 , gave scope for aconsiderable amount of liberty , it also tended towardscentralisation and the ascendancy of the middle class .Experience had proved that a single legislative body

was apt to be far too hasty in its decisions and liable tobe swayed by political clubs and the populace . It wastherefore abandoned , and gave place to two chambers , theCouncil of Ancients and the Council of Five Hundred.The former was to consist of 25 0 married men or widow

'

ersof at least forty years of age , who .were to approve orrej ect the laws proposed by the lower House, in which noone who was not thirty years o ld was allowed to occupy aseat . Five Directors , chosen by the Ancients from namesproposed by the Five Hundred , formed the executive,and the ministers were responsible to them. One ofthe Directors was to retire every year , and in a similarmanner one- third of the members of the councils wereto resign or seek re -election annually . In this waypublic opinion had an Opportunity of making itself felt,and the Assembly would not be subjected to the violentchanges which had marked the Convention. The firstDirectors were Barras , Carnot , L arévelliere - L épeaux,L etourneur, and Rewbell. The “ organiser of victory ”

was chosen in the place of Sieyes,who declined the

honour. Once more we find that a vote was only grantedto citizens who paid taxes , with the proviso that theymust h ave lived for twelve months in one place . Eventhen they did not vote direct for candidates

,but for

electors . I t is not difficult to recognise in the Directory,

charged as it was with the direction of diplomacy and ofwar, the Committee of Public Safety toned down to suit

THE DA UPH IN , L O U IS XVI I (1 7 8 5—1 79 5 0”(Affe ) l/Ie par/nu t by [for/lam b m ade In 1 7 92 )

Pho /o Neu rdem


his star should ponder the significant fact that in theprevious month his name had been struck from the listofgeneral officers because he had refused to j oin the Armyof the W est, then busy in La Vendee .

Barras,

” says Marmont in his M e’

m oires , did h imself j ustice, and was aware of his incapacity ; but in timesof danger men sometimes have flashes of inspiration , andsee who can save them . Bonaparte , since the siege ofToulon , had left in the minds of all who had seen him atwork a deep conviction ofhis force ofcharacter and greatability . Barras remembered Bonaparte , invited him tobecome his second in command— that is , placed himselfunder his lieutenant’s orders . Bonaparte was overj oyed ;he had found an opportunity ; in a few hours excellentdispositions were made . This i s a far more accuratestatement ofaffairs than that given by Barras, who statesthat Bonaparte performed no functions but those of anaide - de - camp of mine .Napoleon ’s first act was to secure artillery . For this

purpose Murat was sent under cover of night with a bodyof cavalry to the camp of Sablons , five miles away. Theinsurgents also attempted to obtain the guns, but, as theyhad no horses , were outdistanced. When the cannon weresecured , he placed them at points of vantage which wouldenable him to command the thoroughfares leading to theTuileries . It was not until late in the afternoon of the5 th October that the forces of the sections received instructions from General Danican, their commander, tobegin the attack . They made a stand at the barricadedchurch of St. Roch , but scarcely had they shoulderedtheir muskets than Bonaparte opened fire -from his gunsand hurled destruction into their irregular ranks . Al

though they had no artillery , they frequently rallied untilthey were compelled to enter the church or seek refuge


and the Revolutionary Tribunal. It showed itself notaltogether unmindful of the things that pertain to peaceby introducing the metric system , planning a scheme ofpublic education, founding a number of institutions connected with science , letters , and the arts , and formulatingin their initial stages the celebrated Codes which Napoleoncompleted .

It is significant that almost the last act of the Conv ention was an endeavour to extinguish all thoughts ofthe guillotine and its tragedies from the minds of thecitizens of Paris . It decreed that the Place de la Révolut ion should be known as the Place de la Concorde.


departments of government began , to the accompanimentof strife within the Directory . Financially the countrywas going from bad to worse. Assignats had beenpoured from the printing- presses

,and had depreciated

to such an alarming extent that an attempt was madeto redeem them by m andate territoriaux , which couldbe exchanged for land without delay . The plan endedin complete disaster . The war, of course , did not fostercommerce while the frontiers were being defended ,but Bonaparte speedily proved that when it was offensivethere were plenty of opportunities for exacting moneyfrom conquered countries by means of indemnities andplunder. He also made war self- supporting , an ideawhich rendered him independent of supplies from France

,

although it had one great disadvantage in that it waslikely to alienate the sympathies of the people in thelands devastated by his troops . In replenishing theTreasury , Bonaparte was helping to make himself indispensable to the Directory and to France , and his contributions were sufficient evidence of the value of alarge army when employed on active service.The democrats and the Royalists gave a great deal

of trouble . They were the sworn enemies of the Legislature . The hope of the democrats was to establish areign

'

of “ common happiness ,” an abstract proposition

having as its basis the elimination of the private ownership of land by means of the decrees of a democraticConvention . A successful attack on the Directory andthe Councils was therefore the first necessity . In thisthey were forestalled . I t was the Directory which openedwar on them by closing their club at the Pantheon,

where Babeuf daily incited his followers to rise . Thiswas followed on the loth May 179 6 by the arrest of someof the conspirators and the seizure of documents detailing

THE COM ING OF NAPOLEON 45 5

the coming coup d’

e’

tat. Such summary methods didnot prevent the faction from marching to the campof Grenelle with the obj ect of securing the assistanceof the battal ions of the Army of the Interior which werestationed there. These men , the ringleaders had reasonto believe , would join them in the attack owing to theinfluence of a Captain Grisel , a member of the club .

In this they were grossly deceived . The troops werearoused , many of the conspirators were killed in thefight that ensued , and over fifty of the democratswho were taken prisoners were sentenced to death ,transportation , or imprisonment . On hearing his sen~

tence Babeuf stabbed himself. Amongst those whoescaped was Drouet, the hero of the flight to Varennes.The Royalists had not lost all heart at Vendémiaire.

They also had a plot , which they carried out with comicopera seriousness . Believing that the summary dismissalof Babeuf and his followers at the camp of Grenellewas a sure indication that the troops were well disposedtowards the party of Opposite Opinions, they duly presented themselves to the commander. He promptlyhanded them over to the military commissioners , who ,probably enj oying the humorous side of the situation ,sentenced them to short terms of imprisonment .

W e must now briefly review the military situation .

In the west Hoche was slowly bringing the longdrawn- out Vendean war to a close by concessions andgunpowder

,inducing the unattached inhabitants to sur

render their firearms and tracking down the armedbands

.By the middle of 1796 he had finally established

order.The campaign in Germany had come to a stand

still,for Pichegru

’

s defection had seriously compromisedJourdan

’

s army and exposed the frontier of the Rhineto the Austrians . In the south the Army of Italy


had been struggling for two years on the MaritimeAlps against the Austrians and the Piedmontese , eu

deavouring to gain a sure foothold in Northern Italy.

The veteran Scherer, who had stigmatised the defenderof the Convention as to o ambitious and intriguing, hadinvaded Piedmont

,but after the battle of Loano little

progress had been made . Bonaparte had already subm itted a plan of campaign that he felt confident wouldlift this force from the Slough of Despond into whichit had fallen

,and it was mainly to this memorandum

and Carnot’

s influence that he now secured the chiefcommand . The task committed to Napoleon , Jourdan ,and Moreau , who had succeeded Pichegru , was to crushthe remaining members of the Coalition and finally toco - Operate in a combined attack on Vienna .

W hen Bonaparte arrived at Nice , the headquartersof the undisciplined troops , many of whom werereduced to such a poverty- stricken condition that theyhad no boots , he immediately issued general ordersannouncing that he was about to lead them where theywould find “ honour, and fame , and wealth .

” Fo rtunatelyfor the Republicans , the forces of the King of Sardiniaand Piedm ont , and of the Emperor of the Holy RomanEmpire , outnumbering the French by some men

,

were not united . Separated , as Napoleon said , “ theywere lost . ” By sending troops in the direction of Genoahe deceived the Austrians under Argenteau

,and defeated

them with his main body at the battle of Montenotteon the 1 2th April 1796 . A few days later disasterawaited the Piedmontese commanded by Colli

,followed

by the capture of Mondovi and Cherasco , whereupon thealliance between Sardinia and Austria came to an end

,

and Savoy and Nice were surrendered to France,together

with three important fortresses .

THE COMING OF NAPOLEON 45 7

Crossing the Po into Austrian Lombardy,Napoleon

skilfully outmanoeuvred the Im perialists and routed themat Fombio and Lodi , compelling them to retreat uponMantua , the key to Austria and Italy . On the 1 5 thMay the general , feeling that he “ might become adecis ive factor in the political arena

,made his triumphal

entry into Milan . Acting according to the orders ofthe Directory , Lombardy was pillaged , priceless worksof art were sent to Paris to arouse the enthusiasm of

the multitude and as a proof of the amazing progress ofFrench arms , and a levy of20 ,000 ,000fi u ncs was exacted .

Having announced in a proclamation to the people ofItaly that his army was making war “

as generous foes,”

Napoleon now gave an example of how their propertywould be respected and revolutionary ideas propagatedby sacking Pavia . Parma and Modena were grantedpeace at the cost of valuable pictures , supplies for thearmy , and a large sum of money , the former paying

fi ance, and the latter five times that sum .

W hen the Duke of Modena neglected to meet all ofNapoleon’s demands

,and added insult to injury by

allowing Austrian soldiers to pass through his territory

on the way to Mantua, the duchy became a Frenchprotectorate

.It was found convenient to forget that

a precedent had already been m ade by the Republicantroops

. W hile marching to besiege the same fortress ,they had violated the neutral territory of Venice bytheir appearance at Brescia, the Austrians following theirexample by occupying Peschiera . Napo leon admittedthat he had purposely picked a quarrel with Venice

in case the Directory should require an indemnity .

Soon the downfall of the once proud Republic wascomplete and ready to be bartered to Au stria.

For a moment Napoleon turned his attention to the


Papal States . The occupation of Bologna resulted in anarmistice , the payment of francs , and the prescutation of the usual collection of works of art . By thesignature of the Treaty of Tolentino on the 19 th February1797 , Avignon , Ferrara , Bologna, and the Romagna wereceded to France

,and Pope Pius VI meekly agreed to

forfeit Together with Austrian Lombardy and Modena

,they formed the Cisalpine Republic

in the final settlement of affairs. Leghorn was seized,notwithstanding that Tuscany had already made peacewith France , and Genoa became the Ligurian Republic.M eanwhile the siege of Mantua had been undertaken.

Although “ the little corporal ” succeeded in defeatingthe two sections of the army marching to its relief, hewas unable to prevent some of W ’

urm ser’

s forces fromreaching the fortress , and he candidly confessed that hewas placed in several exceedingly critical situations.After winning the hard-fought battles of Arcola, Rivoli ,and La Favorita , he eventually secured the capitulationof Mantua on the 2nd February 1797 .

Less romantic was the story detailed to the Directoryby Moreau and Jourdan . At first Moreau had carriedall before him , the Imperialists retreating as he advanced .

Near VVi'

irz burg, however, the Archduke Charles metand defeated Jourdan , while a small Austrian force o ccupied Morean’s attention elsewhere. Jourdan , compelledto retreat across the Rhine , was superseded by Hoche ;Moreau , deprived of h is colleague

’s assistance , withdrewinto Alsace. Napoleon , relieved of anxiety concerningItaly , and seeing in Hoche a possible rival, enteredAustria and was everywhere victorious against the Archduke Charles . The campaign was ended by the Emperorsuing for peace at Leoben, within easy distance of Viennaitself.


Five Hundred , and the party had its organisation inthe Club de Clichy . The policy of the Directory ande verything connected with it was attacked . Voicingthe opinions of many people , the Royalists clamouredloudly for peace and retrenchment . The policy ofBonaparte was criticised , and his high -handed methodo f conducting negotiations Openly resented . The lawwhich barred the relatives of those who had emigratedof all civil rights and condemned them alm ost to thepositions of “ ticket of—leave men ” was rescinded , andfurther measures of religious freedom were conceded.

These two decrees brought back to France many ém igre’

s

and priests who were quite ready to play their parts in acounter- revolution .

As a conciliatory measure , some of the members ofthe royal ist party proposed that four of the Ministerswho held Opinions contrary to the majority should bereplaced by men in whom the Councils had confidence .Barras

,Rewbell, and L arévelliere—L épeaux, however,

acting in concert , removed the men who were insympathy with the Royalists and appointed Jacobins intheir stead . In this matter they had the support ofthe army

,which had no desire to return to the days

of aristocratic officers , and saw in the continuation ofrevolutionary methods full scope for ambition and oppor

tunities for fortune . Hoche was appointed Minister ofW ar, and ordered to bring men to the ne ighbourhood of Paris ready for the coming coup d

’

e’

tat whichwas being planned by the Directory , but that measurewas frustrated by a storm of opposition in the Councilson the ground that Hoche had no t reached the legalage for holding such a position . The General resigned

,

and within a few months died .

Napoleon , still busy in the South , had already heard

THE Fin is G IVEN TO BONAPARTE AFTE R THE TREATY O F CAMPO FORM IO

(E ngraved éy Bert/ mu” afl gr G z rardft F rom Me Herm an Colla tz on biy perm u s zon of [he

F ranc/z Gov ernm ent)


had conducted his battalions into the Council of the F iveHundred , that he had arrested several of the deputieswho were found there assembled in a committee, and thatGeneral Pichegru was president at the time. Astonishment was excited by the little respect which the soldiersshowed for a general who had so often led them to victory ;but he had been successfully characterised as a counterrevolutionist

,a name which , when public opinion is

free,exercises in France a kind of magical power. Be

sides, Pichegru had no means ofproducing an effect on the

imagination ; he was a man of good manners , but withouts triking expression either in his features or in his words ;the recollection Ofhis victories did not hover around him ,

fo r there was nothing in his appearance that announcedthemThe excuse for the coup d

’

e’

tat of the 4th September

(18 th Fructidor ) 1797 was the obvious one of a Royalistconspiracy . Over fifty deputies and forty journalists werec ondemned to transportation , the majority of whomeffected their escape. The elections of forty -nine departments were annulled , the laws in favour of the priestswere repealed , military tribunals were constituted for thespecial purpose of trying liberty of the press wassuspended , partial bankruptcy was declared , and somethingperilously approaching the Reign of Terror returned.

Beyond the frontier the assassination of General Duphot

at Rome afforded suf ficient excuse for the formation ofthe Roman Republic in February 1798 , and the invasion ofSwitzerland resulted in an increase ofterritory for France ,an indemnity of over francs , an offensive anddefensive alliance, and the establ ishment of the HelveticRepublic .W hen Napoleon made his appearance in Paris

,he was

received with tremendous enthusiasm by the populace ;

THE COMING OF NAPOLEON 463

but those whom he had saved were far more anxious tosee him employed at a safe distance from the capital . Hemight get up to “ mischief ” if he were idle . Adm ittingthat “ the pear is not yet ripe , he became Commanderin- chief of the moribund Army of England

,formed

some time before for the invasion of the British Isles .However praiseworthy the plan might be

, he speedilycame to the conclusion that it was not practicable at themoment , and his thoughts turned , as they had often donein the stormy and depressing days of his youth , to thedazzling East. By seizing Malta, occupying Egypt , and invading India, he told Talleyrand , now Minister fo r ForeignAffairs , “ we may change the face of the world . TheDirectors were only too glad ofan excuse to get rid ofhim .

On the 19th May 179 8 , his fleet weighed anchor from

Toulon .

The same month witnessed the return to the Councilsof many advanced democrats , who were stigmatised bythe Directory as anarchists in the pay ofthe Royalist party .

By means of a commission , many of the elections werequashed and other candidates took the places ofthe legallyconstituted deputies . This arrangement brought no peace ,and there was constant friction between the Directory and

the Councils . I t is to this Parliament that France owesconscription

,although at first the method was found to be

far less satisfactory than had been expected .

I taly was still in a state of turmoil . The continuedoccupation of the Cisalpine Republic by a French armywas a constant source of irritation to the inhabitants andled to the dissolution of the legislature and the foisting on

the people of a new constitution . A revolt in Piedmontwas taken advantage of to secure the principal fortressesand to occupy Turin ; Naples was invaded by Cham

pionnet and became the Parthenopean Republic , the


Bourbon king and his queen , Marie Antoinette’s sister,

being taken to Palermo by Nelson after the Neapolitanarmy had achieved a temporary success ; Lucca and

Tuscany were overawed by French troops .These aggressive measures helped to bring about

another coalition against the Republic . The semi crazyCzar Paul I announced his intention ofgiv ing to Englandsomething more than the moral support which had beenvouchsafed by the Empress Catherine ; Turkey , alarmedat the occupation ofEgypt by Bonaparte , was content tolay aside her hatred ofRussia and to make common causeagainst France Austria, feeling that she had been cheatedat Campo Formio and Rastatt

,and viewing with dismay

the spreading of French influence in I taly , threw in herlot with the others ; Portugal , unsafe because Spain wasan ally ofFrance , also j oined .

The upshot of this formidable confederation was thatby the middle of August 1799 Jourdan had advancedinto Germany and retreated towards the Rhine following his defeat at Stockach , in Swabia, and France hadlost the whole of her Italian conquests with the exception of Genoa . The news of the disasters leading upto this state of affairs was relieved to some extent bymore successful Operations elsewhere for in the followingSeptember an Anglo-Russian army, in attempting toinvade Belgium

,was defeated by Brune at Bergen, and

in Switzerland Massena administered a crushing blow tothe Russians at Z urich . Shortly afterwards the Czarwithdrew from the coalition .

Speaking of the period between the coup d’

c’

tat ofthe4th September 1797 and that of the 9 th November 1799 ,when Napoleon seized the reins of government, the Ducde Broglie

,in his S ouvenirs , says , with j ustice : IVe were

plunging under full sail back to the abyss of the Terror,


refuse to enter it , although some of his fellow Directorssought to prevent him from doing so because it wascommon knowledge that he held in contempt the constitution of 179 5 and everything connected with it,including the august body which he had j ust j oined .

In conjunction with Barras and the Councils , he managedto secure the resignations of L arévelliere -L épeaux,

Merlin,and Tre ilhard , who were not in keeping with

his policy . In this the plot rebounded , for their placeswere filled by Gohier and Moulin , who were advancedRepublicans and consequently sources of danger to theunanimity of the executive , and Roger Ducos . Thelast mentioned was alone a “ safe man .

” Like Barras ,he believed that the true secret of statesmanship liesin the exercise of the power of discretion which enablesone to attach oneself to the winning side . Roger Ducothrew in his lot w ith S ieyes . Although Gohier had heldthe responsible position of Minister of Justice under theConvention , and Moulin had fought in the Vendean war,the man of most conspicuous ability was outside theDirectory . This was Bernadotte , M inister of War

,who

became a marshal of France and King of Sweden . Atthe moment he was a thorough -paced Jacobin , and itwas not long before he was compelled to resign from apost he filled with distinction .

In the Councils the Jacobins rushed through theiniquitous law ofhostages , which , by making the relativesof e

’

m igr e’

s and aristocrats answerable for the sins ofothers , sought to put down rebellion in di sturbeddistricts . An income tax was imposed and bitterlyresented ; a Jacobin Club was formed in the capital,which incited the mob to riots , and had therefore tobe closed by Fouché, now Minister of Police. Thecountry would have been declared in danger but for the

THE ABBE S IEY ‘

ES IN Co s TUM E AS A MEMBER OF THE D IRECTORY

(From a colou red ezlgfraw /xg H I Hc / HH II Calla /10 71

, gi n/ cw by s/wcm /

of t/w F ranc /z Gov ern /nant)


Republic felt that in him it had “ the strong man . Helived very quietly , pondering the situation . Before leaving Egypt he had heard of French reverses beyond thefrontier and of discontent within the borders . The pearwas ripe, and that was why he had returned . Rightlydiscerning that the party of m oderation was the mostlikely to prove acceptable to the nation , he attachedhimself to Sieyes . W ithin a week they were friends,though each was for himself and saw things from anopposite point of view to the other without betrayingit. In immediate essentials they saw eye to eye . Theremust be another coup d

’

e’

tat and another constitution .

Neither would be a novelty ; people were getting usedto them . The novelties were to be introduced later,and without the assistance of S ieyes . The days of theDirectory were numbered .

The first essential was to get the legislative bodiesto transfer their sittings to a place less accessible to them ob than the Tuileries . A Jaco bin conspiracy was theexcuse , and accomplices in the Council of Ancients ,including the President, found little difficulty in arrangingthis precaution . Napoleon and a body of troops wereto escort them to St . Cloud . The Jacobins themselveswere flattered by Bonaparte who , indeed , endeavouredto ingratiate himself in the good graces of all parties .Sieyes and Ducos voluntarily resigned as part of theplan ; Barras was forced to do the same ; Gohier andMoulins refusing to surrender were put under arrest .The days of the Directory were over.The story of the 1 9th Brumaire _(loth Novemberof how the building occupied by the Five Hun

dred was surrounded by troops , of the cries of “ Downwith the Dictator ! Outlaw him ! of the bravery ofLucien Bonaparte , of the temporary breakdown of

THE COMING OF NAPOLEON 469

Napoleon’

s resolution and his quick recovery,of the

passing of a decree by a little group of legislatorsannihilating the Directory , adjourning the Councils forthree months and creating Napoleon

,Sieyes, and Ducos

provisional Consuls is an often - told tale . It needs norepetition in these pages .From that midnight meeting the onward course of

the French Revolution was linked with the career of

the Man of Destiny , and his influence continued longafter his death at St Helena. Like Louis XIV , he to ocould say , The State , it is I ! The Sovereign Peopleand the Rights of Man were superseded by the Emperorand the Empire . Yet there was no restoration of the

en regim e, with its economical and political privileges ,and democracy had its career Open to talent . Fo r theseprinciples

,amongst others , the nation had fought in the

stormy days of 17 8 9—9 9 . Under Napoleon many of theo ld wounds of France were healed and others were made '

yet the travail of her people gave birth in many of theStates of Europe to saner ideas of nationality and of

liberty than she herself had been able to achieve bymeans of the States-General, the Assemblies, the Conv ention,

and the Directory . The bronze eagle with itsshattered wing which marks the spot where the OldGuard made its last stand at W aterloo should be held inveneration by all. For the French Revolution broughtabout the reconstruction of Europe and many of thepriv ileges which , being common to all, are no longerregarded as such by those who did nothing to win them .

472 THE FRENCH

Calonne , M. de, taxes im posed on nobles ,147, 148

Cap ofLiberty, th e , 362, 372, 373

Carlo s , Don, 60 , 63, 64

Carno t, Laz are , 388 , 421, 423, 424, 429 ,431 , 435 , 448 , 449, 4 5 3, 45 9

Casales , 242

Cath erine ofRus sia, Em press , 344Chabo t ,Cham bonnas , 369

Cham p de Mars,Fete in, 274 et seq.

m as sac re of, 330 cc seq.

Charles I I of England, secret treatyW i th Louis XIV , 10, 14

Charles II of Spain, will of, 11 , 30, 31 ,Charles IV ofSpain, 344

Charles VI , Em peror, 60, 63, 64, 66Charles VI I , Em pero r, 67 , 69

Charle s XII of Sweden, 39, 45Chateaub riand , 336

Chaum ette , 396, 4 34 , 435

Cho iseul, Due de , 82, 83, 84

policy of, 83, 138 , 308 , 315 , 316

Church in France , th e , 266confiscation and sale of lands byS tate , 268 , 269, 271reorganisation of, 270

Claviere, 360, 368 , 396Clergy , Civ il constitution of, 271

eirile and harsh m easures againstnonju rors , 35 2, 368 , 400

Clerm ont-Tonnerre , 243, 245Clootz , Anacharsis , 434, 435Club de Clichy, 460

Clubs , poli tical, 177 , 262, 270, 335 , 340Cockade, th e tricoloured , 208 , 219

Colbert, JeanBaptiste, reform s of, 49 , 50,5 1

Collot d’Herbois , 342, 424 , 428 , 442

Com ité p erm anent, th e , 207 , 214

Com m ittee of General Security, 416,424

Com m ittee of Public Safety, 416, 420,431 , 4 35

Directory form ed from ,448

Com m une ofParis , 221Com m une , Revolutionary. See Revolutionary Com m une

Condé , Prince of, 343, 347

Condorcet, 263, 326, 402, 433Conscription, 463

Cons tituent Assem bly, the , 335 , 336Cons ti tutional Guard , th e , 363, 368Corday, Charlotte , 417—420Cordeliers , th e, 177 , 264

dem and for a republic , 327, 330, 333insurrection urged by, 248

Council ofAncients , 448

REVOLUTION

Council ofFive Hundred , 448 , 462Coup d

’

etat of4th Septem ber, 462Couthon

, 421 424 , 435 , 437 , 4399

DANTON , George Jacques , 248 , 330, 332333, 338 , 342, 35 5 , 387 , 397 , 400, 403,405 , 406

appeal for m ode ration, 434

appointed Minis ter ofJustice , 396execution of, 435

Pres ident ofCordeli ers , 264Revolutionary Tribune advocated by,

413, 414

Dauph in, death of,447

Declaration ofRigh ts ofMan, 238—242De Corney, 214Deferm on, 263

Deffand,Mm e. da, 121 , 122

De la Marne , Prieur, 421 , 424De Launay, Marquis , 211 , 212, 213, 214Departm ents ofFrance , d ivis ion of, 265

De Ruyter, 10, 17De scartes , 88De S illery , 263

Desm euniers , 245

Desm oulins , Cam ille , 206, 227 , 260, 332,342, 387 , 396, 402, 414, 434 , 435

De Witt , John, 18

Diam ond Necklace , affair of, 152—160Diderot, Denis , 1 13—122Dillon, 366, 367Directory , th e , 448

annih ilation of, 468

deadlock Wi th the Councils, 460

dissension in, 45 3 , 45 4

Royalis t plot against, 460 , 461

trouble Wi th dem ocrats and Royalists,4 54 , 45 5

work of, 45 3

Dorset , quoted , 21 1, 219Drouet, Jean Baptis te , 309, 314, 45 5Dubois , Cardinal, 60Dubois -Crance'

,243

,35 5

Dubois—Dubais , 396Duco s , Roger , 466, 468 , 469Dufrich e -Valaz é

, 433

Dugom m ier,428 , 429

Dum as, 440

Dum ont , Etienne , on abolition of feudal

laws , 234

Dum ourie z , 360—362, 365 , 366 , 368 , 369

alli es defeated by , 406defeat at Neerwinden and death in

England , 412

Du Muy , Maréchal, 128Dunk irk , S iege of

, 429

Dupont , 162, 282

Dupont du Tertre , 283, 433Duport, 243, 326 , 328 , 335 , 341, 359

INDEX

Duportail, 283Dupuis , 282Duranton, 360, 369

EDEN , quoted , 221Edict of Nantes , revocation of 4 , 23,5 3

Eglantine , Fabre d’, 342Electors , Assem bly of, 207 , 208 , 214

Eliz abeth , Madam e , 305 , 322, 372, 373Em igration during the Revolution, 223,228 , 229 , 274

nngrés , th e , confiscation ofproperty of,35 1 , 35 2

expedition to Q uiberon, 446

preparations forwar, 343, 346, 347England, colonial war with French , 71 ,74 , 138war w ith th e Republic, 444, 446, 45 9

Epinay , Mm e . d’

, 121, 123

Espinasse ,Julie de 87 , 120, 121

Espinchal, Com te d’

, quoted , 25 4

Esprém énil, d’

, 162, 165 , 166, 213

Europe in 1 789 , 343European powers , conference and m ani

festo against France, 348 , 349 , 365 ,446

second coalition against th e Re

public , 464

FAM INE in France , 442, 449 . See also

Bread Rio tsFauch et , 433

Feast ofReason, the , 434

Fenelon, 5 3, 5 4

Fersen, Axel de , 303, 304

Festival of the Deity, 436Féte de la Féd ération, 387Fete in th e Cham p de Mars , 274 et seq.

Feudal laws , ab olition of. 233, 234 et seq.

Feuillant Club , the , 263, 331 , 341

Ministry, 369Fitzgerald , on s tate ofFrance , 273Flesselles , M. de , 207 , 213

Fleurieu, Claret de , 283Fleury, 62, 64 , 67 , 78Fouché, 466

Foulon, 226, 230

Fouquier-Tinville , 4 14 , 419 , 440

France , aid in Am erican War of Independence , 141

condition after war of Spanish Success ion, 38 et seq. , 50, 5 1 , 52

divis ion into departm ents , 265during th e Revolution, 230, 232, 273,

35 6

em igration from , 223

financialpositionafter death ofLouisXIV, 5 8 , 86

473

Garde da Corps, 245 , 247 , 25 3, 25 3Ga rdes Francaiscs, 204, 205 , 208 , 210Gensonné, 341 , 433

Geofi’

rin, Mm e . , 121 , 122, 15 3

Gerville , Cahier de , 35 4Gibraltar, siege of, 138

Gi rondists , th e, 340 , 35 3, 354 , 35 5 , 388fall of, 411

—422, 433

part in National Convention, 402,403, 441

struggle with the Mountain, 403,

410, 416

Goh ier, 466, 468Gower , quoted , 298 , 301 , 328 , 337 , 347 ,

35 5 , 356 , 362, 374 , 379 , 380

Gregoire , Abbe, 243, 263, 402Groenvelt, on condition of people of

Paris , 229Guadet, 341, 375

Guillotin, Dr. , 194, 426

France , financial position during reignofLouis XVI, 135 , 139, 142revolutionary outbreaks of 12th July ,

207, 209

taxation during reign ofLouis XIV,

4 , 5 , 38 , 39, 48 , 49war with England in the colonies ,

7 1 , 74 , 75war of the Austrian Succession, 67,

68 , 69_

3war against the Europeanallies , 141 ,65

under the Directo ry, 465

FranCi s 11, King of Hungary and Boh em ia, 360, 363alliance Wi th Prussia in support of

Royal cause , 38 1Franklin, Benjam in, inParis , 135 , 137Frederick the Great , European alliance

against , 73

relations with Voltaire , 66 , 67 , 69 , 88

SevenYears War waged by , 73 , 74

war agains t Maria Th eresa , 67 , 72,

William ofPrussia, 344, 348 , 349

alliance with Austria to supportRoyal cause , 381

letter ofLouis XVI to , 35 5m anifesto in favour of Louis

XVI, 349Frénilly, Baron de , 213, 222

at attack on the Tuileries , 390onRevolution, 299

on Louis KvI'

s procession to

Manage , 363Fret ou , 442, 443

Freteau de St. Just, 162, 165Fronde, the first, 4


Guillotine , the, 426, 431abolition of, 45 2

Gustave I I I ofSweden, 344

HA ILES, onaffair of the Diam ond Neck~

lace , 160

on attitude ofthe Park m ents, 162

on finances ofFrance , 144, 145 , 146,147

Ham m ond , George, quoted, on NationalAssem bly, 297

Hebert, 396 , 417 , 434, 435Hebertists , the 434Hérault de Sechelles , 421, 424Hoche , General, 446, 447, 45 5Houchard , 430, 431Huguenots , the , 24

INDIA, war betweenFrench and Britishin, 7 1 , 74Invalides, L es , s eiz ure ofarm s at, 209

Isnard , 341 , 354 , 402, 416Italy, French cam paign in, 456, 463

Jacoam s , the , 263, 327, 330, 331, 340,35 3, 35 9, 362, 468Lafayette

’s accusations against , 370

party inNational Convention, 402petition forabdication ofKing, 330

reascendancy of, 465 , 466

revolutionary policy of, 330,suppression of, 439 , 441, 443

Jancourt, 341Jansenists , th e , 5 3, 80Jem appes , battle of, 406Jesuits , the, 5 3, 82, 83J eunesse Dorée, la, 442, 443Joseph 11, 346, 347Joseph ine , Em press , 324 , 431Jourdan, 430, 431, 445 , 45 5 , 456, 45 8

KAUNITZ , 35 9

Kérangal, Leguende , 234

LACL OS, 263Lacoste , 150 , 360, 369Lafayette, Marquis de , 208 , 253, 264 ,296, 298 , 301 , 325 , 330, 35 3, 362

appointed Com m andant of Militia,

221

appointm ent as m inister, 283at Fete ofCham p de Mars , 278attacks in Assem bly upon, 374, 375 ,

lette r of accusation against the

Jacobins , 370part in war against the allies , 366,

protests against m ob law, 226

Lafayette ,Marquis de , reception by m ob

at Ve rsailles , 25 1se rv ice inAm erica, 136

Lajarre , 369Lally-Tollendal, 243, M 5 , 264 , 335Lam eth

, Alexandre , 243, 263, 334 , 341,396

Charles, 263, 280, 328, 334Lam ourette , Bishop ofLyons , 378Land tax, th e, 148 , 15 1, 163

Lanjuinais, 263Lanthenas , 330

Larévelliere-L épeaux, 186, 433, 448 , 453,460 , 466

La Rochefoucauld, 264

Lasource , 433

Latouch e , 263Latour, 320Latour da Pin, 283Latour-Maubourg, 396

Launay, Marquis de, 211, 212, 213,214

La Vendée , rebellion in, 394, 417, 429 ,446 , 45 5

Law, John, 5 9Law ofSuspects , 422Law of th e Two -thirds , 449Law of z 2ud Prairial, 437Lebrun-Tendu, 396

L e Chapelier, 245 , 263, 264, 334Legendre , 402, 439Legislative Assem bly, the , 339, 340

declaration ofwaragainst the allies ,363

deth ronem ent of Louis XVI, 388 ,390

Faubourg m obs in, 370

harsh m easures against ém igrés andnon-juring clergy, 343, 352parties in, 341

Leopold 1, Em pero r, 11 , 15 , 18 , 20Leopold 11, Em peror, 21 , 22, 26, 27, 29,31 , 35

Le opold I I , of Austria, 344, 346, 347,35 7, 35 9

m anifesto by, 348 , 349

Lepaux,448

L e Peletie r de Bo sam bo , 282L

’Espinasse , Julie de , 87, 120, 121

L es sart, Valdec de , 283, 35 3, 359 , 361Letourneux, 448 , 45 3Lindet, Robert, 421, 424Louis XIV , closing years of, 5 5

despotic rule of, 2, 47early years ofhis reign, 123

European League against, 19Grand Alliance against, 26, 35 , 42revocation of Edict of Nantes by,

23, 5 3


Mirabeau , early life of, 284—286m em ber of the Jacob in Club , 263 ,

292

on abolition offeudal laws, 235

onCh urch lands, 268

on th e Ministry, 281on revolutionary changes , 229on Royal Veto , 244

relations with Louis XVI , 215 , 217 ,218 , 289

Ri ot Act establish ed by, 269, 270

speech to th e m ob at Versailles,249

speech es inNati onal Ass em bly, 288work in States -General, 28 7

Molev ille , Bertrand de , 339, 354 , 379 ,380

Monge , Minister ofMarine , 396Mons ieur , afterwards Louis XVIII , 300,321 , 343, 349

com m anded by Legislative Assem blyto re turn to France , 352, 353fligh t from th e Luxem b ourg, 318plans to rai se counter-revolution,

35 0

Monteil, 369

Montespan, Mm e . de, 5 7 , 5 8

M ontm orin,Com te de, 283, 287 , 353 , 400

Montsabert, 166

Moore , Francrs , on m assac re of Cham pde Mars , 329

Moore , Dr. John, quoted , 392, 398

Moreau , 4 5 6, 45 8

Morris , Gouverneur, quoted , 168 , 179

Motte , Counte ss de la, 15 3, 1 5 4

Moulins , 466

Mounier , 220, 245 , 249 , 250

Mountain, the , 34 1 , 442, 443

part in th e National Convention,402, 403

s truggle with th e Girondists , 403,4 10, 416

Maury, 268Munic ipalities , the French , 265

NAPO LEON , 83, 281appointm ent as Consul, 468—469com m ander ofArm y of th e Interior

44 9 , 45 0

at s iege ofBordeaux, 428

at storm ing of th e Tuileries , 392at Toulon, 428 , 429

coalition arm ie s in Italy crush ed by,45 6

expedition to the East, 463

recalled to France by S ieyes, 467Royalist conspiracy suppressed by,

460, 461

work of, 454

reform s of, 264

rem oval to Paris, 260reo rganisation of Church by,

Narbonne , Com te de, 35 3, 354 , 35 9

National As se m bly, th e , 189 , 195 , 203204, 217 25 9

abolition of feudal laws andtaxes

, 233, 234

abolit ion ofParlem ents , 282

abolition oftith es , 274

Ch urch reform s by, 266

c iv il cons titution of clergy en

fo rced by , 271

constitution of, 189

Declaration of Righ ts of Manby, 238

m arch of th e m ob to, 249

parties of, 242, 243rebuke of Loui s XVI to , 199 ,

revision ofconstitution by , 334Revolutionary Tribunal ap

pointed by , 413, 4 14

self-d i s solution, 339

National Convention, the , 396declaration of abolition of all

feudal righ ts th rough out Europe, 409cons titution of, 402

coalition of nations against, 411constitution of France drawn

up by, 448

law of suspects form ed by, 423m ob of insurgents at, 442

rebellion of prov ial towns

against , 426 , 427

reform s of, 45 1 , 452

war with th e European allies ,408 , 4 11 , 413

Nati onal debt, th e French , 266 , 28 1, 465

National Guard , th e , 208 , 229, 280, 311 ,312, 315 , 323

at Fete in Cham p de Mars , 274.275 , 276

conscription for, 265rebellion against National Con

vention, 449

Navy, m utiny in, 280

Neck er , 132, 140 , 141Com p tc Rendu au Roi, 139

exile of, 142, 149

financialstatem ent to States-General,188

recall of, 172, 225reform s of, 134 , 140repo rt to National As sem bly on

finanCial s tate ofFrance, 237

resignation of, 28 1

Neerwinden, battle of, 412

INDEX

Noailles , Vicom te de , 233Nobles , th e , fall of, 220, 232

preparations for war,

35 1

support by fore ign powers , 343titles and p rivileges abolish ed , 274

Notables , Assem bly of, 148, 193

Nym wegen, treaty of, 20

346, 347 ,

ORLEANS , Duke of, 165 , 177, 182, 191 ,198 , 203, 205 , 332

exe c ution of, 433

ex11e in England , 262

i e turn from England , 299

title ofPh ilippe Egalité assum ed by ,

402

Orm esson, Lefev re d ’

, 369

PAL AI S Royal, as revolutionary centre ,

177 , 244 , 260

Pam phlets , revolutionary , 172, 176, 244

Paris , ai m ing of the Ci ti z ens , 207 , 208 ,

209

atrocities of th e m ob in, 226

cam p form ed on outskirts of, 368com m une of, 221

dom ic iliary Vis its under Revolutionary Com m une , 397

fam ine and dearth of em ploym ent

in, 228 , 249

Oppos ingfactions in, 214

rism g of12th July , 207 , 209

Park m ents , th e , 85 , 282

reins tatem ent of, 173

struggle Wi th , 161

Pasqu i e r, 210, 25 7 , 264 , 323, 45 1Peter the Great , 45Petion, 243, 263 , 320, 332, 341, 35 3, 362,37 1 , 373, 378 ,

380 , 389 , 391 , 402

suic ide of, 433

suspens ion of, 373

Ph ilip V of Spain,38

war with France , 38 , 60 , 62 ct seq.

Ph ilippe Egalité , 402. See Orleans , Dukeof

Pichegru, General, 430 , 445 , 446, 45 9 ,462

Pilnitz , Declaration of, 348—350 , 354

Pitt,William ,the Elde r , 73, 74

and France , 345 , 365 , 408 , 411Pois sarde s , 25 6Poland , partition of, 411, 4 12

Pom padour , Mm e . de , 7 1, 73, 79 , 82,

1 17

Pragm atic Sanction,th e , 63, 65 , 69

Prieur-Duvernois , 421 , 424Provence , Count and Countess of, fligh t

of, 318 ,Prudhom m e , 322, 326

477

Prus sia, alliance with Aus tria, 35 7, 38 1397

term s ofpeace m ade by, 445

SABATHI ER, Abb é , 162, 165Saint-Andre, 424St. Etienne , 263

Saint-Fargeau ,324 , 325

t. Mery , Moreau de , 214 , 225Saint Just, 421 , 424 , 425 , 430, 435 , 439

Queue de RobeSp iera'

e, 440

Quiberon, expedi tion of ém igrés to , 446

RABAUT -SAINT-ETIENNE , 245 , 263

Ram bou illet , Hetel du , 121

Ram ond , 341

Regim ent de Flandres , entertainm ent at

Versailles , 244Re ign ofTerror , 423Republic , Proclam ation of, 326, 400

warwith th e allies , 44 5

Revolution, the French , origin of. 1 et seq.

outbreak of 12th July, 207 , 209progress of, 25 9

Revoluti onary Co m m une , 386, 395 , 396,397 , 403, 405 , 439, 441

Tribunal, 413, 414 , 432, 441Rewbell, 429 , 448 , 45 3, 45 9 , 460

Righ ts ofMan, 238 , 241

Riot Act , 269

Robespierre , Maxim ilien,243, 331 , 342,

396 , 402, 4 13, 417 , 424 , 434

ai m s of, 404- 405

as m em ber of Jacobin Club , 263,435 , 437

at Festival ofthe Deity, 436

attack on th e Com m ittees , 438

execution of, 439 , 440

law ofthe 22nd Prairial, 437on abolition of th e m onarchy, 328

Rocham beau ,Maréchal de , 366, 367

Roederer, 332, 37 1 , 390

Rohan, Cardinal de , in afiair of diam ond

neck lace , 15 2

Roland , M. , 360, 368 , 39 6, 405 , 433

Roland , Mm e 332, 341

arres t, 417execution of, 433

letter to Loui s XVI , 368on Brissot, 35 7 , 35 8

on Dum ourie z , 361

Rouget de Li sle , Claud Joseph , author ofMarseillaise, 386

Rousseau ,Jean Jacques , 87 , 88 , 96—112

Royal Veto , th e , 242, 244

Royale , Madam e , 305 , 306, 307 , 314 , 338 ,

372

Ryswyk ,Peace of 27

47 8 THE FRENCH

Saint- Sim on, 6, 38 , 5 1 , 5 3, 5 9

St. Vincent, Robert de , 162Sansculottes , the , 360, 371

Santerre , 342, 387 , 390

Sauce , th e Procurator ofVarennes , 314Sauvigny , Be rth ie r d e , 226Schm idt , Tob ias , 426, 427

Sech elles , Herault de , 421 , 424Secret Directory of Insurrection, 387

Séguier, 162

Sep tem be r m assacres , the , 400Sergent, 440Servan, Mini s ter ofWar

,367, 368 , 397

Seven Years War, th e , 73 et seq.

S ieyes , Abbé , 172, 189 , 198 , 199 , 202, 234 ,235 , 242, 245 , 263, 264 , 265 , 268 . 402,448 , 465 , 469

Sillery, de , 263S ociété dcs Am is de la Patrie, 331Société des Am is dos Naim s, 264Société Fraternelle , 264Society of th e Friends of th e Con

stitution, 263Spani sh Ne th erlands , seiz ure of, 34

Spanish Succes sion, War of, 10 , 29 , 43

Spain, war with France during re ign of

Louis XV , 60 , 63

S tate lotteri es , 8 2Stael, Mm e . de , 340 , 363, 461

Stam p Duty , th e, 148 , 15 1 , 163

States -General, consti tution of, 172, 173,178 , 179

m eeting of, 163, 165 , 170, 175—191

rec eption of deputies at Versailles ,183

speech ofLouis XVI to , 1 99, 200

Swiss Guards , the , 392, 394 , 395

TALLEYRAND , 15 0, 243, 245 , 463diplom atic m ission to Bri tain, 366

celeb ration of m ass at Cham p de

Mars by , 275 , 276, 277 , 278 , 279

ch urch reform s of, 268

Tallien, 449

Target , 245Taxation in France during reign of

Louis XIV, 4 , 5 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 49, 5 0, 82

in reign ofLoui s XV, 62, 78 , 89

in re ign of Louis XVI, 129—131 ,134 , 139 , 148 , 161 , 233 , 268

Tennis Court Oath , th e , 195 , 370

REVOLUTION

UNITED Prov inces , war W ith France , 10,14 , 16

Ushant, French defeat at, 444Utrech t, peace of, 43

VA LMY , defeat ofallie s at , 401Vendean rebellion, 394 , 4 17 , 429 , 446, 45 5

Vergniaud ,34 1 , 35 9 , 37 1, 375 , 388, 396,417, 420, 433

Versailles , 5 , 6proces sion ofm ob to , 248

Voltaire , 87—95 , 116, 133

WALPOLE onFrench Revolution, 93, 237Weber, quoted , 25 6

West Indies , rebellion in, 28 1White Terror , 446

‘Villiam ofOrange , 20, 25 , 30 , 31 , 35 . 36

Witt, John de , 12, 14

Printed by BALLANTYNE , HANSON 51“ Co.at Paul

'

s Wo rk, Edinburgh

Te rtre , Duport du , 354

Th ionv ille , Merlin de,341 , 429 , 439 , 466

Th ird Estate , the , 17 1 , 172, 175

National Assem bly constituted

by , 189

Th irty Years ’War,th e , 66 et seq.

Tithe s , suppression of, 268

Th oure t, 245

Toulon,S iege of, 428

Tourcoing, battle of, 444

Treaty ofDov e r, 14 , 15Treaties ofPartition, 30, 31 , 32, 5 7Tribunale Extraord ina ire, 414Tribunals ofJustic e , 400

Triple Alliance , th e , 13

Trium virate, th e, 328

Tronch et, 245Tuileries , attack on, 389

invasions by m ob , 296, 323

Royal Fam ily at, 25 7

Turgot , downfall of, 132refo rm s of, 128 , 129 et seq.

YOUNG ,Arthur , 5 2

on condition ofFrance , 167, 230, 231on French clergy, 267

on life at Versailles , 15 5on m eeting of National Assem bly

197 , 198

on Mirabeau, 287on State procedure , 260

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