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The Evolution of the Hedonic Pricing Model as a Means for Studying the Impact of Commercial Aircraft...
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Ben Hoffman
30 April 2009
The Evolution of the Hedonic Pricing Model as a Means for
Studying the Impact of Commercial Aircraft Noise on the Value of
Residential Properties
Introduction:
During any given moment, civilian airports are providing
myriad services to a massive global populace. Flights alone buoy
a vast array of business and civilian travel purposes, whether it
be the countless people who use aircraft around the world for
business purposes, the millions of people who rely on civilian
aircraft for general travel and leisure purposes, or the
thousands of pilots and flight attendants who work aboard
passenger jets on a twenty-four-seven, year-round basis.
Furthermore, airport services deliver employment opportunities to
a variety of individuals, including runway crews, airport shop
and restaurant employees, aviation control workers,
transportation service workers, and thousands of TSA
(Transportation Security Administration) employees.
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Civilian airports also tend to provide an enhancement for
local economies due to the impact on commercial and industrial
services within close proximity to the airport. This is because
the airport functions both as a means of transporting goods as
well as a mode for people in business to travel wherever they so
choose. For example, Chicago’s O’Hare Airport, which employs over
50,000 people both directly and indirectly and brings in over $40
Billion in annual revenue.1 In addition, According to Jan K.
Brueckner, airports facilitate effortless face-to-face contact
with businesses in other cities, attracting new firms to the
airport’s metro area and stimulating employment at established
enterprises.2 In other words, airports are of vital importance to
passengers, airport employees, industry and commerce, and state
economies.
Nevertheless, despite these well-established facts and
statistics concerning the ways airports benefit society, it is
just as incontrovertible in the ways airports harm society. For
while airports undeniably provide boosts across a wide economic 1 “Top 10 Airports,” ArabianBusiness.com 16 December 2008, 17 April 2009 <http://www.arabianbusiness.com/541101-top-10-airports>.2 Jan J. Brueckner, “Airline Traffic and Urban Economic Development,” Urban Studies July 2003, 16 April 2009 <http://usj.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/40/8/1455>.
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spectrum and offer convenience to both leisurely travelers and
businesspeople alike, they also have a couple harmful effects.
The first is obvious: air pollution. Perhaps less obvious, but
also a severely problematic side effect of airport operations is
the output of noise pollution. For people living within close
proximity to an airport, noise pollution is indeed a major
hindrance to their overall wellbeing. According to Wyle Acoustics
Group, aircraft noise is disturbing to people because of several
different factors:
First, the sound may include a combination of low frequency rumble andhigher-pitched whine from jet engines, the throbbing of helicopters, orthe steady, annoying buzz of smaller aircraft. Second, unlike highwaynoise, which is generally constant and may fade into the background,each aircraft overflight is likely to be recognized as a distinct event,calling attention to itself when it interrupts speech or some otheractivity (Ehrlich, Burn, Morrow, and Stefaniw, pg. 10). In this instance, noise pollution is an externality; it
represents a cost imposed on a party that is not a direct
participant in market activities (in this instance, the market
activity is the airport’s operations). This noise pollution can
result in an assortment of simple annoyances, in addition to more
complicated psychological and health-related effects. It is
believed that the severity of these impacts can determine whether
or not an individual will choose to live in a home in close
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proximity to an airport. Indeed, evidence suggests that
commercial airport noise drives down the price of residential
real estate within close proximity to that given airport, and
this is largely due to reduced consumer demand. The goal of the
paper is to present a chronological evolution of that evidence in
addition to the primary hedonic pricing research that goes along
with it.
Noise Measurement Systems & Sound’s Harmful Health Impacts
It is important to recognize a few of the primary sound
measurement scales used in the research throughout this paper.
This will help to illuminate some of the key findings and
statistics that are shown at a later point. While there are over
a dozen sound measurement scales that one can apply for a
research study focusing on the impact of airport noise on
residential property values, this paper will include just three
major sound measurements. These are NEF (Noise Exposure
Forecast), DNL (Day Night Average Sound Level), and NNI (Noise
and Number Index). Each of these unique noise measurement scales
represents something slightly different, and indeed, different
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authors and researchers on the subject of airport noise seem to
prefer certain methods over others.
For starters, Jon P. Nelson, in his seminal article, Airports
and Property Values, describes the NEF produced at a given point as
the “sum of noise levels produced by different aircraft flying
different flight paths...[and] when summed on an energy basis
over all aircraft types and flight paths, noise exposure is a
function of the average perceived noise level, time of day, and
number of operation” (Airports and Property Values, pgs. 41-42).
The majority of the research used in this paper use NEF as the
primary method for noise measurement. DNL, or Day Night Average
Sound Level, is defined by Molly Espey and Hilary Lopez as an
annual energy mean sound level. Like NEF, it carries a 10-decibel
penalty for the hours between 10 PM and 7 AM. 3
NNI, is used more sparingly in research studies concerning
aircraft noise. The NNI, or Noise and Number Index, is similar to
the NEF in that it accumulates both loudness and number of events
into a single, aggregated index. It differs from NEF only
3 M. Espey and H. Lopez, “The Impact of Airport Noise and Proximity on Residential Property Values” Growth and Change 2000, 27 April 2009 <http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/pdf?vid=4&hid=5&sid=3d4d7d97-e359-42c2-aefa-f470ca3087a0%40SRCSM2>.
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slightly, and this is due to the manner in which it measures the
maximum perceived noise level for a given event. According to
Daniel P. McMillen, NNI is the most commonly used noise
measurement scale in the United Kingdom.4 Problematically, all
three of these sound measurement scales have an averaging effect,
meaning that a single takeoff at 3 AM may be overshadowed by
relative quiet throughout the remainder of the measured time
period.5
The simplest measure of sound examined in this paper is the
weighted decibel dB(A) or decibel with “a weighting.”6 Figure 1
below shows the various levels of dB(A) and their health effects,
among other things:
Fig. 1
7
4 Daniel P. McMillen, “Airport Extensions and Property Values: the Case of Chicago O’Hare Airport” Journal of Urban Economics 9 January 2004, 27 April 2009 <http://www.oharenoise.org/news_page_files/Property_Values_OHare.pdf>. 5 Ibid. 6 Randall Bell, “The Impact of Airport Noise on Residential Real Estate” The Appraisal Journal July 2001, 27 April 2009 <http://www.realestatedamages.com/Articles/Randy/AirportNoise.pdf>. 7 Ibid.
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Note in the table above that as people move further
from urbanized locations, their noise tolerance decreases
considerably. Notice also that nighttime tolerance is less than
daytime tolerance. This makes sense, since nighttime noise tends
to aggravate sleep cycles, while daytime noise is more tolerable.
The table also displays the impact of different noise levels both
on estimated community responses above an “acceptable” noise
level of 35 – 40 dB(A) and the effects on human activity and
health. Of significance is the fact that a jet flying over a home
within close proximity to an airport emits a sound level of
approximately 70 dB(A) for about 5 seconds.8 For clarity sake,
this is roughly the sound emitted from a typical vacuum cleaner
from a distance of 10 feet.9 According to the bottom of the
table, residents who live in homes near airports and have both a
constant and consistent exposure to dB(A) in this range may
experience negative physiological effects. It is therefore quite
clear as to why living within close proximity to an airport might
impose devaluations in a home’s price. 8 Ibid. 9 Mary Ellen Eagan, “How do we Describe Aircraft Noise?” Federal Interagency Committee on Aviation Noise July 2006, 18 April 2009 <http://www.fican.org/pdf/aircraft_noise.pdf>.
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Research Studies Using Hedonic Pricing
The majority of the research on the topic of airport noise
and its impact on residential property values unequivocally use
the hedonic pricing technique for assessing a home’s valuation
more than any other method. This is especially true for older
research on this topic. A hedonic pricing model, as described by
Jeffrey P. Cohen, is such that the price of a residential unit is
a function of its attributes. Accordingly, these particular
attributes are comprised of anything ranging from the unique
physical characteristics of the given residential unit to
location characteristics, neighborhood and/or community
attributes, local taxes, crime rate, public school system and/or
proximity to schools, and in this instance, the proximity to an
airport or exposure to relative measures of airport noise.
Moreover, hedonic demand theory states that the price an
individual will pay for the residential unit reflects the sum of
the all of these characteristics.10
Clearly, living within close proximity, which is the same as
saying living within the noisier contours, of an airport should 10 Jeffrey P. Cohen, “Spatial Hedonic Models of Airport Noise, Proximity, and Housing Prices” Journal of Regional Science Dec. 2008: 859-878.
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impose varying levels of irritation to the residents. This
irritation would then likely result in a downward shift in demand
for a residential unit within these noisier contours. As Ronald
W. Crowley points out, any change that occurs in land or property
prices is a function of either general or specific demand for
that land or property. Price changes of that land or property are
ultimately a direct reflection of factors that change the demand
for either an entire community, such as increasing incomes, or
factors that change the demand for a particular piece of land or
property, such as accessibility.11 Nevertheless, while it may
seem obvious that increased levels of irritation lead to reduced
demand for residential properties within close proximity to a
civilian airport, and in turn lower home prices, it is less clear
as to by how much these housing values change. That is the goal
of the hedonic pricing technique for this particular topic, to
quantify the level in which airport noise affects the value of a
residential property.
Nelson’s Airports and Property Values is not only a groundbreaking
article into the area of airport noise and its overall effect on
11 Ronald W. Crowley, “A Case Study of the Effects of an Airport on Land Values” Journal of Transport Economics and Policy May 1973: 144-152.
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residential property values, it is also the first major study in
this area to evaluate residential properties values using the
hedonic pricing technique. Nelson explains that the use of
hedonic pricing for this particular topic hinges on the idea that
there is a comparison between two residences that are nearly
identical with the exception that one is located within a closer
proximity to an airport, and is therefore exposed to a much
higher level of noise than the other residence. Accordingly, “if
two houses have different noise environments and are otherwise
identical, the difference in value is the expected discounted
present value of noise annoyance” (“Airports and Property
Values,” pg. 46). The choice of a residential location by the
consumer is the choice of the public good (quiet) consumption,
and is therefore the choice of externality (aircraft noise)
avoidance. As the level of Q, or environmental characteristics
within a given community, increases, so does the level at which a
resident is willing to keep it that way. Likewise, as seen in
Figure 2 below, the resident is paying more to keep noise levels
down in instances where they are exposed to greater levels of the
public good, quiet:
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Fig. 2
12
Nelson initially analyzes twelve previous studies on the
effect of airport noise on residential property values, all from
different airports across the world. The studies range from 1960
to 1976 and are mostly focused on single-family, owner-occupied
properties. Mean property values range from $15,200 to $27,600,
and sample sizes range from 35 to 1,270 observations, though the
typical final sample consists of between 90 and 400
observations.13 For the hedonic pricing model, factors taken into
12 Jon P. Nelson, “Airports and Property Values” Journal of Transport Economics and Policy January 1980: 37-50. 13 Ibid.
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consideration aside from airport noise exposure include measures
of house and/or lot size, neighborhood characteristics, and
public sector attributes such as property tax rates, public
school quality, and crime rates. In addition, these twelve
studies include a number of other factors relating to
accessibility such as distance in miles to airports, commercial
centers, highways, and schools. It is important to note that,
while each of these twelve previous studies are unique in regards
to the location and time period studied, the noise pollution
measurement used, the type of housing data collected, and the
model’s characteristics, they all have one thing in common: in
each study, the residential properties within a noisy contour of
a given airport has a net reduction in value when compared to a
similar home located inside a quieter contour.
Nelson tabulates the findings from the twelve studies and
translates all of the noise values for the samples into NDSI
values. NDSI, or noise depreciation sensitivity index, measures
the amount of housing depreciation per decibel. When averaged out
across the twelve studies, Nelson finds that the mean NDSI is
0.62%, which means that within noisier contours (where NEF is
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typically anywhere between 35 and 50, a level at which there is
considerable annoyance to the resident), a home’s value is
reduced by 0.62% in comparison to homes in quieter contours
(where NEF is typically between 15 and 25, a level at which there
little to no annoyance to the resident).14
After aggregating these values and reaching a single NDSI
figure, Nelson then takes a sample for six cities, whereby the
area around each individual airport is about two miles in radius
and contains NEF values from about 20 to 45. This sample keeps
other factors such as accessibility and public sector features
more consistent than in the twelve-study sample. In fact, this
sample excludes residential blocks of land that are near local
environmental features like parks or golf courses, certain
transport facilities other than airports such as freeways and
railroad tracks, and commercial developments such as shopping
centers. This reduces any biases that may come as a result of a
home being within close proximity to one of these features. The
pooled sample consists of 845 residential properties that have a
mean 1970 property value of $23,713 and a mean NEF level of 31.
14 Ibid.
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15.4% of the observations have an NEF that is greater than or
equal to 40. From this sample, Nelson finds that the average NDSI
is about .50 to .55% per decibel. In other words, an increase in
the noise level by one decibel leads to, on average, a .525%
decrease in the home’s value.
Many hedonic pricing studies following Airports and Property
Values reference its findings. One such study is Aircraft Noise and
Residential Property Values Adjacent to Manchester International Airport, a hedonic
pricing study performed a decade following Nelson’s pioneering
work. This study, conducted by G. Pennington, N. Topham, and R.
Ward, analyzes 3,472 observations around the UK’s Manchester
International Airport during the time period of April 1985 to
March 1986. Unlike Nelson’s study, this one uses the Noise and
Number Index (NNI) as opposed to NEF; however, the NNI is set
across contours very similar in nature to NEF contours in the
area surrounding Manchester International Airport. An NNI below
40 indicates a low level of irritation, while one between 40 and
45 indicates a moderate level of irritation. An NNI of 45 and
above indicates a severe level of annoyance to the resident. Out
of the 3,472 homes in the study, 205 fall within the contours of
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an NNI level of 40 or above. According to the study, homes within
the three postal code areas that have the highest level of noise
exposure command, on average, prices 3.7% less than comparable
homes below the 40 NNI level, ceteris paribus. Furthermore, a
property in the area that has the absolute worst noise exposure
is approximately 6.09% less valuable than comparable homes below
the 40 NNI level, ceteris paribus.15
Nevertheless, when placing additional variables into the
regression, the reduction in home valuations decreases. In fact,
when the regression for the value of homes surrounding Manchester
International Airport is not held constant for airport noise, and
takes into account additional factors such as the structural
qualities of the home and the types of neighborhood (delineated
as an ACORN – A Classification of Residential Neighborhoods –
classified by housing characteristics and socioeconomic
characteristics of the neighborhood residents), there is only
a .15% reduction in home prices within the 40+ NNI contour.
However, this is dubious altogether since each ACORN is highly
15 G. Pennington, N. Topham, and R. Ward, “Aircraft Noise and Residential Property Values Adjacent to Manchester International Airport” Journal of Transport Economics and Policy January 1990, 27 April 2009 < http://www.bath.ac.uk/e-journals/jtep/pdf/Volume_XX1V_No_1_49-59.pdf>.
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unique in terms of the classifications of the housing and
resident characteristics, and thus attempting to compare a home
within a noisier contour with one outside of it may yield
misleading results.
Terrence J. Levesque attempts to mitigate such misleading
results in his hedonic pricing study, Modelling the Effects of Airport
Noise on Residential Housing Markets. In this paper, which also refers to
Nelson’s 1980 study, Levesque not only explains that airport
noise negatively impacts home values, but also extensively
elaborates on the idea that the NEF is merely a cumulative
measurement, and therefore fails to reveal anything directly
about the individual effects of the number of events and their
respective loudness. Hence, noise management strategies are not
necessarily as effective as they could be otherwise.16 Since
noise contour maps merely depict a cumulative NEF level, there is
no information given on the number of events and their respective
16 Terrence J. Levesque, “Modelling the Effects of Airport Noise on
Residential Housing Markets” Journal of Transport Economics and Policy May
1994, 27 April 2009
<http://www.bath.ac.uk/e-journals/jtep/pdf/Volume_XXV111_No_2_199-210.pdf>.
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loudness. Levesque’s research marks the first to attempt a
decomposition of these effects, and it does so by focusing on
EPNL, or effective perceived noise level, a measurement that is
actually a portion of the NEF’s formula. An EPNL above 75
indicates the frequency of a loud event, and an EPNL with a
higher standard deviation is one that has greater variation in
the level of noise incidents, and hence is more distracting to
residents. Ultimately, Levesque theorizes that exposure to either
a higher EPNL or one with higher variance will lead to lower
housing prices.
The study analyzes 1,635 properties, mostly detached houses,
within the area surrounding the Winnipeg International Airport
from January 1985 to December 1986. Interestingly, the findings
are not as Levesque had initially predicted. While houses exposed
to an EPNL of 75 or above sell at a discount compared to those
exposed to lower EPNL levels, houses sold at a premium when
variation in the number of individual event levels increases and
actually compensated for both higher EPNL levels and high average
loudness.17 Furthermore, while an increase in EPNL by one decibel
17 Ibid.
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between the range of 78-92 EPNL reduces home values by 1.3%
according to the NDSI, a one-time event within this same EPNL
range reduce only marginally. For instance, increasing the number
of takeoffs or landings from 80 to 400 would only reduce home
values by a staggeringly low .1%. Therefore, the number of
flights and the variability in single events are both less
significant than the overall loudness. Needless to say,
Levesque’s pioneering study on the decomposition of noise’s
effects on home values adds an extra dimension over similar
studies which use NEF.
Density of Residential Land Use and the Impact of Airport Noise, conducted
by Uyeno, Hamilton, and Biggs in 1993, also adds an extra
dimension over previous studies. This study, unlike Nelson’s,
does not focus exclusively on detached houses, but also on
multiple-unit residential condominiums. According to the authors,
it was previously thought that airport noise may affect multi-
unit condominiums less than detached houses for a few reasons,
the first of which is that they are supposedly better
soundproofed due to their higher density arrangements. Two other
conjectures were that condominiums generally have less land area
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per occupant, and thus allow fewer outdoor activities that could
potentially be disrupted by airport noise, and that the increased
propensity for mobility among condominium occupants meant a lower
discounted present level of noise annoyance.18 Yet, since
residential condominium units are, on average, less expensive
than detached houses, it is possible the percentage discount for
noise would actually be higher.
This study, which focuses on the area around the Vancouver
International Airport, includes a sample of 700 detached houses
and 919 condominium units in the cities of Vancouver and
Richmond. Within the hedonic price model, two public sector
characteristics are taken into consideration, and these are
accessibility to both public transport and public schooling.
Unlike Nelson’s sampling of the six cities, this study does not
screen for properties near local environmental features, major
transport facilities apart from the airport itself, or commercial
developments, and therefore, inaccuracies within the data may
result. The findings are nonetheless significant: for detached
18 D. Uyeno, S.W. Hamilton, and A.J.G. Biggs, “Density of Residential Land Useand the Impact of Airport Noise” Journal of Transport Economics and Policy January 1993, 27 April 2009 <http://www.bath.ac.uk/e-journals/jtep/pdf/Volume_XXV11_No_1_3-18.pdf>.
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houses with an NEF level of 25 or above, the regression shows
that a one-unit increase in the noise level results in a decrease
of approximately 0.65 percent in the property price.19
Condominiums with an NEF level of 25 or above, on the other hand,
decrease in value by approximately 0.90 percent given a one-unit
increase in the noise level. In addition, the higher R squared
value in comparison to detached houses indicates that the
likelihood of variability in the condominium regression is less
than that of detached houses, and is therefore likely more
accurate. This contrasts with previous views that detached houses
are affected to a greater degree than condominium units.
Interestingly, in Feitelson, et al., the authors find that
renters are actually less sensitive to noise levels than
homeowners, as seen in figure 3 on the following page:
19 Ibid.
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Fig. 3
20
Like Uyeno, et al and Levesque, Molly Espey and Hilary Lopez
performed what was, at the time, innovative research into a
burgeoning field. Like those studies before it, The Impact of Airport 20 E.I. Feitelson, R.E. Hurd, and R.R. Mudge, “The Impact of Airport Noise on Willingness to Pay for Residences” Transportation Research Apr. 1996: 1-13.
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Noise and Proximity on Residential Property Values looks into how airport
noise affects the value of a home. Unlike those studies before
it, it puts a monetary figure on the amount of value that is lost
to an increase in noise levels. Focusing on homes around the
Reno-Tahoe International Airport, Espey and Lopez use a sample of
1,417 homes from the time period of 1991-1995. The data focuses
on variables including home quality and the year it was built,
home size in square feet, garage type, number of bedrooms and/or
bathrooms in the home, and distance from the airport.
This paper marks the first in this series of hedonic pricing
research that uses DNL, possibly because it correlates with
degrees of human response such as annoyance, communication
interference, and hearing loss. The maximum permissible yearly
outdoor DNL is 80, at which point long-term (yet temporary)
hearing loss may occur.21 A DNL of over 65 is deemed as
incompatible for residential housing areas by the FAA, but many
people still live in such areas. In this study, 30 homes fall
within the 70-75 DNL level, and 169 homes fall within the 65 DNL
contour. The findings indicate that homes within the 65 DNL
21 M. Espey and H. Lopez, “The Impact of Airport Noise and Proximity on Residential Property Values”
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contour cost, on average, $2400 less than homes in the 60 DNL
contour. Furthermore, the mean elasticity of price with respect
to distance is 0.55, which signifies that a home one mile away
from the airport is valued $5500 less than a home two miles away
from the airport.
“Hybrid” Hedonic Pricing Studies
Twenty-four years after writing his seminal paper, Airports
and Property Values, Nelson essentially builds on where he left off.
Only this time, he actually criticizes hedonic pricing for being
unable to produce a single value for the effects of airport noise
on property values given the differences in statistical methods,
samples, time periods, and urban locations.22 Nelson then
explains how a meta-analysis variation of hedonic pricing can
effectively display a singular value since it “requires a common
effect size measure of damages due to airport noise” (“Meta-
Analysis,” pgs. 6-7). In other words, Nelson is saying that to
get a singular value to express the effect of airport noise on
property values across different samples from various studies,
meta-analysis actually adjusts the measurements in each study to 22 Jon P. Nelson, “Meta-Analysis of Airport Noise and Hedonic Property Values;Problems and Prospects” Journal of Transport Economics and Policy July 2003: 1-27.
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a common metric, and in this case, it’s NDSI. Hence, while each
individual study may use different variables and noise
measurement schemes, Nelson aggregates these into a singular NDSI
value. By using a meta-analysis, one can isolate the effect that
airport noise has on home values and reduce the benefit transfer
problem which results from attempting to make an estimate for one
study location based solely off the results from another study
location.
The three hallmarks of a meta-analysis study, according to
Nelson, are completeness, comparability, and transparency. The
study is unquestionably complete, providing 33 NDSI estimates
from 23 different major civilian airports both in the Unites
States and Canada. The variable used in the regression are
airport, state and country, sample time period, sample size,
census data or individual sales data, and mean property value (in
2000 US dollars). The mean NDSI, or decrease in home value given
an one-unit increase in dB(A) is 0.75. When conducted again using
a fixed-effects regression analysis, Nelson dropped two of the
NDSI estimates and concluded that NDSI for US property values was
approximately .59% per dB(A), while Canadian markets had an NDSI
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of approximately .85% per dB(A), a higher number due to legal
rules, economic differences, or perhaps climate conditions.23 In
other words, in the United States, a $200,000 property located in
an area where the sound level is 75 dB(A) would sell for
approximately $22,000 less than in a comparable area where the
sound level is 55 dB(A).
The final and most recent hedonic pricing study on the topic
of airport noise and its overall effect on residential property
values is that by Jeffrey P. Cohen. The paper, titled Spatial
Hedonic Models of Airport Noise, Proximity, and Housing Prices, attempts to
resolve the question as to whether spatial effects such as
autocorrelation exist in regression data. Spatial autocorrelation
exists when the price of a particular home may depend on the
prices and characteristics of a nearby homes, especially those
which are highly comparable.24 Cohen states that he expects a
higher average sale price results in a higher sales price of a
nearby home. Ultimately, this creates a feedback loop, since
higher levels of airport noise will lead to a lower sales price
for a particular home, which in turn leads to lower sales prices 23 Ibid. 24 Jeffrey P. Cohen, “Spatial Hedonic Models of Airport Noise, Proximity, and Housing Prices”
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of other homes, and this creates even more downward pressure on
the price of the original home. Fortunately, Cohen’s regression
analysis allows isolation for each individual variable in
question. Hence, while it is indeed the case that autocorrelation
exists, it is only true when all other variables are being held
constant. Cohen uses this same exact isolation procedure to
examine the effect of airport noise on residential property
values.
The study focuses on 343 homes surrounding Atlanta’s
Hartsfield-Jackson International Airport. Approximately 29
percent of the homes fall within the 65 DNL contour, and about 16
percent of these homes fall within the 70 DNL zone. Variables
looked at include housing characteristics such as number of
bedrooms and stories, in addition to distance in miles from the
airport, lot size and which municipality the home is in. The
regression results show that, while the variable for 65 DNL is
statistically insignificant, it is still negative. The variable
for 70 DNL, on the other hand, is both negative and statistically
significant. In fact, homes within the 70 DNL zone sold for a
staggering 20.8 percent less than comparable homes in areas below
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the 65 DNL level, ceteris paribus. Therefore, the noise discount is
20.8 percent.25 Furthermore, through an evaluation of a marginal
change from a 70 DNL zone to a 65 DNL zone, Cohen calculated that
an individual be willing to pay over $33,000 more to live in the
65 DNL zone as opposed to the 70 DNL zone. This research is
significant, because it not only quantifies how airport noise
affects home values and how much an individual is willing to pay
for a home within a certain noise contour, it also isolates the
different variables to see how each individually impacts the
valuation of a home.
Analysis and Conclusions:
Despite the many developments in research on this subject,
a couple of looming question remain. The first of which is how
positive attributes of living within close proximity to an
airport may affect these studies. For instance, close proximity
to an airport is an attractive detail for potential business or
leisure travelers.26 In this case, a shorter commute to a
civilian airport translates to a decrease in real travel costs
and a reduction in the opportunity costs of time and effort.
25 Ibid. 26 Ibid.
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Additionally, since civilian airports provide myriad employment
opportunities, houses with greater accessibility to airports may
have higher prices than those with less accessibility. As Nelson
explains, “if an airport were nonpolluting, land rentals would be
expected to decline with increased distance from the airport,
reflecting capitalized values of increased commuting costs”
(“Airports and Property Values,” pg. 41). Cohen also notes that
access to airport employment and services are capitalized into a
home’s value, and that failing to do so may lead to biased
estimates on the impact of noise.27 In fact, he finds that a 1
percent increase in the distance (in miles) from the airport
leads to a 0.15 percent decrease in the sales price of that a
home, ceteris paribus. Yet, when compared to the 20.8 percent
decrease in home values for homes within the 75 DNL zone, and the
fact that individuals would be willing to pay over $33,000 to
move from the 75 DNL zone to the 65 DNL zone, 0.15 percent seems
quite miniscule. Either way, this is one shortcoming of hedonic
pricing and it is why newer research tends to use methods such as
spatial hedonic pricing or meta-analysis.
27 Jefrey P. Cohen, “Spatial Hedonic Models of Airport Noise, Proximity, and Housing Prices”
Hoffman 29
The second pervasive question regarding the effect that
airport noise has on residential property values revolves around
possible airport expansions and their impact on property tax
revenues. After all, if airport noise lowers the value of homes,
then it is imperative to determine how it most likely lowers
their respective property taxes, as well.28 This is an especially
pertinent consideration when bearing in mind the possibility of
an airport expansion. Hence, these research studies are
incredibly important, because it provides governments with a
basic idea of the impact decreasing home values might have on
property tax revenues. In addition, it provides an incentive to
increase noise abatement regulations to minimize any possible
decreases in tax revenue.29
Aside from issues regarding benefits and/or questions
concerning property taxes, there is also the problem of deciding
how best to solve the problem of airport noise. One
consideration, as posed by Feitelson, et al. in The Impact of Airport
Noise on Willingness to Pay for Residences is to compensate the residents
for the total value of damages accrued to them. These damages 28 M. Espey and H. Lopez, “The Impact of Airport Noise and Proximity on Residential Property Values”29 Ibid.
Hoffman 30
include the property depreciation, the loss of utility by
residents who remain in their homes, and the relocation costs and
loss of place-specific utility by residents that move following
an increase in noise exposure.30 Figure 4 below shows a MWTP
(marginal willingness to pay) curve:
Fig. 4
31
30 E.I. Feitelson, R.E. Hurd, and R.R. Mudge, “The Impact of Airport Noise on Willingness to Pay for Residences” 31 Ibid.
Hoffman 31
In the graph above, rent (indicated by R0 at starting point
A) decreases as noise increases due to the residential unit
losing value. To compensate for an increase in the noise level
from N0 to N1, the airport will pay the household dW, which is
actually greater than the loss in rent, designated as dR. This is
to compensate not only for the decreased value in rent, but also
for the loss of utility to the resident for remaining in his or
her residential unit. In this instance, the household bid curve
represents a MWTP curve in that the resident is initially
“paying” for an increasing level of noise while remaining in the
same residence. The main problem with compensation, however, is
“getting people to reveal their relative preferences for
different levels of nuisance” (Whitbread, pg. 203).
Other methods for solving the problem of airport noise
include soundproofing and relocation. Soundproofing is generally
less costly than moving, as it is the minimum action a household
can take aside from doing nothing at all.32 Nevertheless, it only
partially mitigates airport noise, as the deleterious effects of
increased noise exposure outweighs any reductions in noise 32 Michael Whitbread, “Measuring the Costs of Noise Nuisance from Aircraft” Journal of Transport Economics and Policy May 1978, 2 May 2009 <http://www.bath.ac.uk/e-journals/jtep/pdf/Volume_X11_No_2_202-208.pdf>.
Hoffman 32
exposure which may result due to soundproofing a home. Obviously,
a household’s willingness to dole out money for soundproofing
measures depends largely on how long that household plans to
remain at the residence in question. Oftentimes, an airline
company, a local government, or the airport itself will provide
grants for soundproofing materials and installation including
foam insulation and soundproof windows.33 According to Cohen,
Atlanta’s Hartsfield-Jackson International Airport has paid
nearly $175 million in sound insulation materials and insulation
costs since the 1980’s.34 Relocation, on the other hand, is a
more costly method of dealing with airport noise. It involves
acquiring the residence from the homeowners and finding a
relocation for the residents in an area that is quieter. This can
be quite expensive; since the 1980’s, Atlanta’s Hartsfield-
Jackson International Airport has paid over $170 for the
relocation of residents, including the acquisition of over 2,700
units.
Besides the obvious solution of quieter jet engines, a
solution which is currently in a costly research and development 33 Ibid. 34 Jeffrey P. Cohen, “Spatial Hedonic Models of Airport Noise, Proximity, and Housing Prices”
Hoffman 33
process, there is also the option of having airport authorities
landing fees for airlines. This essentially translates into a
Pigouvian tax, whereby airlines are levied based on the amount of
noise they emit. This allows airlines to alter their flight paths
as well as the airports that they travel to on a regular basis.
Doing so equalizes the airline’s private marginal benefits with
the social marginal costs, as opposed to equalizing the airline’s
private marginal benefits with their own private marginal costs.
It is evident that the topic of airport noise on residential
property values has evolved considerably in the context of a
hedonic pricing model. Beginning with Nelson’s Airports and Property
Values and finishing with Cohen’s paper, each author looked at
this topic from a slightly different angle in an effort to prove
something original. While it is obvious from looking at the data
that airport noise has a negative effect on the value of homes
within either a closer proximity or a higher noise contour, it is
now more clear than ever as to how airport noise impacts certain
home types in comparison to others.
For instance, in Aircraft Noise and Residential Property Values, Alan
Collins and Alec Evans find that detached homes are much more
Hoffman 34
sensitive to airport noise than either semi-detached or terraced
homes, despite the fact that airport noise negatively impacts the
respective values of each of these.35 Likewise, in Uyeno, et al.,
condominiums are more sensitive than detached homes in terms of
the impact that airport noise has on home prices. In addition,
Cohen found that airport noise tends to affect Canadian
properties more than those within the United States, while
Levesque noted that homes exposed to noise levels with a high
degree of variability are not impacted to nearly the same extent
as those homes exposed to constant loud noise. Altogether, the
sum of this research leads to the convincing conclusion that
airport noise has a negative impact on residential property
values. The future of this research will focus on key policy
ideas revolving around property tax issues, airport expansions,
and the several different modes by which certain parties can
mitigate airport noise pollution.
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