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The Context of Late Pre-Contact and Contact-Period Trade Interaction in Northwest Ohio Timothy J. Abel Abstract Beginning in the 16th century, regional political, social and economic interaction spawned a re-emergence of far-reaching regional trade and exchange networks across the Midwest. In northwestern Ohio, aboriginal participation in these networks is manifested in the appearance of red stone, marine shell and native copper goods on several sites of the late pre-contact Sandusky Tradition. By the beginning of the 17th century, native copper goods had been almost completely supplanted by goods fashioned from European copper and brass. This paper outlines the transition to European source materials and the context for 17th century Sandusky Tradition interaction with populations throughout southern Ohio and the Midwest. Rather than coalescing to be middle men in a fur trade network, the evidence points to Sandusky Tradition groups ultimately dispersing to remain autonomous in a largely native interaction sphere.

Introduction The 16th and early 17th centuries were a period of immense social and political change in aboriginal communities throughout the Great Lakes. Population expansion and nucleation, coupled with climate change, stressed the limits of maize-based subsistence. As evidenced by increasingly fortified settlements, raiding increased and localized violence became endemic. The arrival of Europeans on the east coast of North America in the 16th century exacerbated existing pressures and added new ones. Local responses varied according to unique social and political environments, but generally, formerly local rivalries tended to become more regional. Some groups consolidated and grew politically more integrated, while others dispersed to remain politically autonomous. One response to these formative pressures of the late pre-contact period appears to have been the re-emergence of regional trade and exchange networks. After being largely absent from the Great Lakes archaeological record between A.D. 1000-1400, exotic commodities began flow once again beginning in the late-15th century. These networks were characterized initially by native copper, red stone and shell objects. After contact, native ritual objects were increasingly being made of European-derived materials (Anselmi 2008; Bradley 1987; Ehrhardt 2005). The culmination of local political pressures, exacerbated by climate change and subsistence stress, forced groups to either coalesce into larger, more integrated groups or disperse and relocate to remain autonomous. Groups such as the Wendat (Huron) (Birch 2012), Haudenosaunee (Five Nations) (Engelbrecht 2003) and Attawandaron (Neutral) (Fitzgerald 2001) successfully formed integrated confederacies or perhaps

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even proto-chiefdoms, while other groups such as made up the Wenro (Erie) (M. E. White 1976) and St. Lawrence Iroquoians (Engelbrecht 1995) splintered and joined their neighbors. Trade and exchange networks appear to have been an integral part of this process, functioning to maintain tribal connections and perhaps later influence population movements in the late 17th century. Around the western end of Lake Erie, research has linked the contact period Sandusky Tradition with the ethnohistoric-period Gens du Feu, identified by French sources as being the mortal enemies of the Attawandaron (Figure 1) (Stothers 1991). Marine shell and native copper artifacts make their appearance on northwestern Ohio Sandusky Tradition sites during the late pre-contact Fort Meigs Phase (c. 1450-1550), while European-derived materials appear during the contact period Indian Hills Phase (c. 1550-1650). This paper explores the content and context of that exchange, and its association with shifts in settlement, mortuary practice, subsistence and material culture. What do these shifts say about the late Sandusky Tradition in the mid-17th century? While Sandusky Tradition groups did increasingly participate in regional trade and exchange, attendant with population coalescence, they appear to have ultimately resisted assimilation into a larger tribal confederacy. Instead, Sandusky Tradition groups appear to have abandoned their homelands and dispersed in favor of reducing integrative pressures and maintaining lineal political autonomy. Settlement Trends In general, the Late Woodland period around the western end of Lake Erie witnesses a gradual trend toward more nucleated settlement. Small, seasonal hamlets give way to semi-permanent earthwork-enclosed and palisaded villages by c. 1300 AD (Brose 2000, 2001; Stothers and Abel 1990, 2002; Stothers, Graves and Redmond 1984). The latter settlements average just under 1 ha in size, growing modestly to 1.5-1.6 ha in size by the 16th century (cf. Abel 1995; Stothers and Graves 1983; Stothers and Pratt 1980). It clearly appears that local population pressures during this time were regulated by community fissioning or "budding" (cf. Chagnon 1976; Sahlins 1961). Sandusky Tradition ceramics suddenly appear on sites around the western end of Lake Erie, into southern Ontario by 1250 AD (Murphy and Ferris 1990) and southeastern Michigan by 1300 AD (cf. Brashler, et al. 2000; Lovis 1990; Spencer 1968; Zurel 1999). These developments have been argued to be an intrusion of budding Sandusky Tradition populations that lay pre-contact foundations for the contact-period Sauk and Fox (Stothers 1999; Stothers and Graves 1985). An understanding of the chronological, stratigraphic and spatial relationships between these Sandusky Tradition and earlier Wayne/Western Basin Tradition manifestations in southwest Michigan is still, however, frustratingly poor (Brashler, et al. 2000; Brashler and Holman 1985; Lovis 1990). Village sizes remain consistent at 1.4-1.6 ha through the beginning of the 16th century, but settlements increasingly occupy promontory upland landforms overlooking

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floodplains, or low-lying swampy locations that are difficult to access. This shift signals an increased concern for defense. Dwellings in 14th and 15th century Sandusky Tradition villages of northwest Ohio appear to be single-family sub-rectangular structures, roughly 5 m wide by 9 m in length (~45 m2) with an offset hearth and sleeping benches (Abel 2002; Koralewski 2000; cf. A. A. White 2013). By the 16th century, dwellings were predominantly short, multi-family longhouses roughly 5-6 m wide and up to 25 m long (Abel 2002; Callender 1962, 1978; Graves 1984). This shift likely reflects a transition from lineal to clan-based descent groups (cf. Callender 1962, 1978; Hayden 1977). The 17th century sees the disappearance of Sandusky Tradition village settlements in the Saginaw valley and Lake St. Clair regions, leaving these areas void of permanent settlements (Halsey 1999; Murphy and Ferris 1990; Stothers 1999). Late 16th century village components have been found at the Bear Fort (33SA8), Muddy Creek (33SA35) and Petersen (33OT9) sites in the western end of this area, but they are all abandoned by the 17th century (Abel 2002). North-central Ohio, from the Portage to the Black River drainages, also appears to have been void of permanent settlements by this time. This abandonment takes place at the same time that Ontario Iroquoian groups are consolidating their settlements and political integration (Fitzgerald 2001). Populations around the western end of Lake Ontario form the Attawandaron confederacy (Fitzgerald 2001) or perhaps even a proto-chiefdom (Noble 1985). During this time, Sandusky Tradition ceramics also begin to appear on Attawandaron sites. Sandusky Tradition settlement consolidation is very likely the result of Attawandaron aggression against populations of the western Lake Erie region. The only permanent Sandusky Tradition settlement remaining at the western end of Lake Erie in the 17th century is the triple-palisaded and earthwork-enclosed Indian Hills site (33WO4)(Graves 1984). It is the largest of the Sandusky Tradition villages at an estimated 6 ha and clearly represents the added coalescence of surrounding village groups from the Portage and Sandusky River drainages. The temporal placement of the site is backed up by a suite of seven radiocarbon dates whose corrected midpoints average A.D. 1645. This placement is consistent with the historically-documented destruction of the Gens du feu at the hands of the Attawandaron between 1640-1643, when more than 1000 women and children were reportedly taken as captives (Fitzgerald 2001; Graves 1984; Stothers 2000). It is relatively certain that this community represents the ethnohistoric-period Assistaehronon or Mascouten (Brose 2000; Stothers 1991, 2000). In the Cuyahoga and Conneaut River drainages, a similar trend is noted by Brose (2000, 2001), wherein small Whittlesey Tradition settlements gradually coalesced into moderate-sized and earthwork/palisade-enclosed villages by 1450 A.D. Settlement expanded westward into the neighboring Black and Grand River drainages, but it was

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checked in the west by the expansion of the Sandusky Tradition. The Whittlesey Tradition appears to have shifted their expansion south into the upper Tuscarawas and Muskingum River drainages, becoming the Riker and Wellsburg Phases (Carskadden and Morton 2000). In the Cuyahoga Valley, continuing Whittlesey Tradition settlements coalesced toward the 17th century into a single, large and palisaded community at the South Park site (Brose 1994). There is general consensus that these developments are the contact-period Kickapoo (Brose 2000, 2001; Stothers 1999; Stothers and Graves 1985). Subsistence Trends Subsistence data exists from numerous Sandusky Tradition sites excavated by the University of Toledo over the past 40 years. The lack of uniform sample sizes and analyses, however, makes comparison very difficult. What can be generally said, however, is that the 13th and 14th centuries are dominated by a concentration on horticulture. 8 and 12-row Northern Flint maize has been found in features of nearly every excavated component. Beans begin to appear in Sandusky Tradition contexts beginning in the early 14th century (cf. Hart and Scarry 1999). Other domesticates documented include sunflower and squash. Numerous wild plant taxa are also present including raspberry, wild rice and sumac (Abel 2002). All of these resources continue to be utilized into the 15th through 17th centuries (cf. Abel 2002; Graves 1984; Koralewski 2000; Rutter 1984). The only available data to provide a direct measure of Sandusky Tradition maize consumption are stable carbon isotope values (Abel 2002; Bechtel 1986; Bowen 1994; Stothers and Bechtel 1987). Through the 13th and 14th centuries, maize consumption

gradually increases, as evinced by C12/13 values from -19 00/000 to -12 00/00. 15th and 16th century values are generally in the -12 00/000 to -9 00/000 range, signaling a significant contribution of maize to the diet. Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) make up the bulk of faunal remains found on all Sandusky Tradition sites (Bowen 1992, 1994). Many other species are present, however, suggesting a very generalized pattern of hunting prevailed for the 13th and 14th centuries. Beginning in the mid-15th century, fishing becomes very important. Anadromous species appear to dominate most assemblages, though inter-site comparisons remain difficult due to the diversity of assemblage recovery techniques. As evidenced by an abundance of netsinkers on numerous sites (e.g. Abel 2002; Koralewski 2000; Rutter 1984), netting appears to be the most favored procurement strategy. Hunting and fishing practices also appear to be somewhat variable to environment. At the late-16th century component of the Petersen site (33OT9) for example, deer and fish were plentiful, but so were muskrat, turtles and ducks, reflecting the site's estuarine environment (Abel 2002). Some researchers have noted the increased manufacture and use of Madison-like projectile points, bone beamers and hump-back end-scrapers during the 15th and 16th

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centuries (e.g. Bowen 1992; Drooker and Cowan 2001). There is a general rise in the numbers of Madison projectile points on Sandusky Tradition sites beginning in the 15th century, associated with a rise in the numbers of hump-back bifacial endscrapers (Bowen 1992). The early 16th century Fort Meigs site (33WO8) produced 524 whole and 100 partial Madison points, the highest number of any site in the Sandusky Tradition to date (Rutter 1984). It is not uncommon for 15th and 16th century Sandusky Tradition village components to produce hundreds of these tools, but of course, the numbers vary somewhat according to the area excavated or the duration of surface collecting. The rise in occurrence of Madison points across the Northeast has been attributed to an increased dependence on hunting, especially of fur-bearing mammals, and most notably, deer. That there is an increase of fur-bearing mammals in Sandusky Tradition faunal assemblages of the 16th and 17th centuries is generally borne out by the available data, although again, recovery techniques make relative comparisons difficult (Bowen 1992). Some have attributed this increase to fur trade production, but this explanation fails to account for increases that occurred before the fur trade, as is apparent in the Sandusky Tradition. Alternatively, it may be that cooling conditions of the Little Ice Age, coupled with population increases, precipitated the 15th century rise in fur production (Fitzgerald 2001). Deer hides have also been noted as being important in aboriginal trading networks of the early contact period (Tooker 1964; Trigger 1976, 1985). Another alternative interpretation is offered by Engelbrecht (2014) who suggests that the increase in numbers of Madison points is a reflection of the level of warfare in these societies. This interpretation certainly also fits the data from northwestern Ohio, as increased numbers of Madison points occur on sites associated with defensible upland bluffs, like Fort Meigs. Mortuary Trends Throughout the 13th, 14th and mid-15th centuries, Sandusky Tradition populations buried their dead in communal cemeteries outside of villages. Burials are characterized by single extended interments with only the rare occurrence of grave furniture. In most cases, this was a single pottery vessel. Children are the most common recipients of grave furniture as a group, and their associations are often shell ornaments. In more than one documented cemetery, orientation was nearly exclusively to the east and burials were aligned in rows. There is also a tendency to continue or re-utilize older cemeteries, such as appears to have been the case at the Pearson Complex (Stothers and Abel 1989; Stothers, et al. 1994). This likely signifies an egalitarian social organization characterized by lineal descent (cf. Goldstein 1980). Beginning in the 16th century, and persisting through the mid-17th century, there was a rather abrupt shift in mortuary practices. Burials were no longer interred outside of villages but inside, perhaps even inside individual longhouses. Primary interments were made either extended in single graves or flexed in refuse pits, but these were only temporary. Cardinal orientation seems to have been less of a concern after the 15th century. At the Petersen (33OT9) site, one group of primary burials was oriented toward

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a central axis on which was an ossuary, perhaps reflecting a moiety organization (Abel 2002; cf. Callender 1962). Accoutrements of shell and copper are more common in all Sandusky Tradition burials of this period and tend to be associated mostly with subadults (Abel 2002; Stothers and Abel 1989; Stothers, et al. 1994). Several 16th and 17th century Sandusky Tradition primary burials include only torsos, hands and feet; the skulls and long bones having been removed. The latter elements appear in nearby ossuaries of secondary bundled remains representing multiple individuals. Such exhumed primary burials have been found in number at the Pearson Middle component (33SA9)(Stothers and Abel 1989), Petersen (33OT9)(Abel 2002), and Muddy Creek (33SA35). Ossuaries containing more than a few individuals have been documented at the Pearson Middle, Petersen, Indian Hills, Fort Meigs and LaSalle sites (Abel 2002; Becker 1972; Puskarish 1982; Rutter 1984; Stothers and Abel 1989). "Bone pits" have also been historically-documented in the vicinity of the Bear Fort site (Stothers, et al. 1998). Bundles of a few people each have been found additionally at the Pearson Middle component (Stothers and Abel 1989) and Wright sites (Bowen 1994). Cremain burials (secondary burials of cremated remains) within the village and perhaps in house floors have been found at the Petersen site (Abel 2002). This shift very likely signals the emergence of clan-based identity (tribalization) (Braun and Plog 1982; Callender 1962; Jirikowic 1990). Material Culture Trends In terms of material culture, the shift from Late Woodland to late pre-contact culture within the Sandusky Tradition has been referred to as a "Mississippification" (Rutter 1984; Stothers and Graves 1985; Stothers, Graves and Conway 1984). Late Woodland grit-tempered ceramics abruptly give way to shell-tempered wares by the 16th century (Abel 1999). The rather abrupt replacement of Parker Festooned, which had been "in vogue" for more than 200 years, with Fort Meigs Notched Applique is particularly puzzling because the latter seems to have no local stylistic precedent. On the contrary, globular vessels, shell-tempering, strap handles and finger-trailing on the neck, appear to be attributes more common to regions west and south. The notched applique strip is another matter entirely, as it has no other earlier analogs. It is perhaps a local variation on the notched collar bases of Iroquoian vessels, having some similarity to Fairport Filleted and Tuttle Hill Notched. There is also an attendant adoption of many "Mississippian" lithic and bone tool types including perforated shell "hoes," deer scapula hoes, antler tine "arrow-wrenches," humpback bifacial scrapers, deer bone beamers, and Madison projectile points (Koralewski 2000; Rutter 1984). Mississippian iconography also makes its appearance in the Sandusky Tradition during this time in the form of Southern Cult "weeping eye" maskettes (cf. Dye 2014, 2016), "sun" motifs and raptorial motifs on marine shell and slate objects (Brose 2000; Stothers 2000). It has been suggested that these transitions in culture were precipitated by an increase in interaction, trade and influence with Huber and Fort Ancient populations (Abel 1999; Stothers and Abel 1999).

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Sandusky Tradition Ceramics Throughout the Eastern Woodlands Much has been said in the past about the occurrence of clearly Sandusky Tradition ceramics or at least diagnostic attributes of Sandusky Tradition ceramics on sites outside of the western Lake Erie region (e.g. Abel 1995; Carskadden and Morton 2000; Drooker 1997; Esarey and Conrad 1998; Grantham 1993; Graves 1984; Rusch 1985; Rutter 1984; Stothers 2000; Stothers and Graves 1983). In general, Sandusky Tradition Fort Meigs Notched Applique and Indian Hills Stamped ceramics have been found in southeastern Ohio Fort Ancient and Wellsburg contexts; southwestern Ohio Fort Ancient contexts; southwestern Michigan Moccasin Bluff contexts; in Wisconsin, Illinois and Missouri(Danner) where it is loosely affiliated with contact-period Sauk, Fox, Illinois and/or Miami (Brown 1990; Ehrhardt 2004, 2010; Esarey and Conrad 1998; Mazrim and Esarey 2007); east into the Susquehanna valley (J. Herbstritt pers. comm.); and even as far south as Georgia (Jon Marcoux, personal communication). I am aware of no clearly Fort Ancient or Huber Phase ceramics in 16th or 17th century northwestern Ohio, except a clear example of a Wellsburg Stamped pottery vessel at the Bear Fort site (Figure 10). The temporal context of these extra-regional ceramics is, however, telling. Southern Ohio and southwestern Michigan examples of Sandusky Tradition ceramics are from mid-16th to early-17th century contexts contemporary with the Indian Hills Phase (Carskadden and Morton 2000; Cremin 1996; Drooker and Cowan 2001). These are likely representative of contemporary trade and intermarriage contacts. And this appears to continue a pattern of interaction begun in the 13th and 14th centuries (Drooker 1997). Examples of Sandusky Tradition ceramics from late 17th century Wisconsin, Illinois (Brown and Sasso 2001; Mason 1986; Mazrim and Esarey 2007; Rusch 1985; Wittry 1963) and Georgia sites, however, clearly post-date the Indian Hills phase. Sandusky Tradition ceramic attributes also show up on what I call “frankenpots” in each of these regions- pots that exhibit attributes of two or more distinct ceramic traditions. On the contrary, these ceramics likely evince the fragmentation of Sandusky Tradition groups, namely the Mascouten, Sauk and Fox (Stothers 2000). The fact that they represent minority wares on these sites fits well with ethnohistoric-period descriptions that frequently describe these contact-period settlements as multi-ethnic (Callender 1978; Fitting 1970; Mason 1976). An utterly frustrating and curious phenomenon has been the lack of any quantity of Indian Hills Stamped types from these Midwestern assemblages. Indian Hills Stamped makes up the majority of the ceramic assemblage at all Indian Hills phase sites (Abel 2002; Graves 1984), yet is absent from assemblages in Wisconsin and Illinois. Did they abruptly stop making their hallmark ceramics? It has been documented in some cases that aboriginal groups ceased making earthenware ceramics altogether after contact, sometimes within a generation (Walthall 1992). But it is hard to imagine the transition

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to have been so abrupt as to render this group archaeologically invisible after the mid-seventeenth century. Culturally, where are the Mascouten in the late 17th century? Sandusky Tradition Trade and Exchange, 1200-1650 AD For much of the Late Woodland period (c. A.D. 1000-1450), Sandusky Tradition cultural assemblages contain limited exotic materials, most notably ceramics and projectile points. Excavations at the 13th and 14th century components of the Bloom (33SA40a), Pearson (33SA9) and Bear Fort (33SA8) sites (Figure 2) in the Sandusky River drainage have produced Fort Ancient "guilloche" ceramic vessels, for instance, while the last additionally produced a notched Cahokia-like projectile point fashioned of Burlington chert (Stothers and Abel 1989; Stothers, et al. 1998). Fort Ancient ceramic sherds have also been recovered from the Gunn site in the Maumee River valley (Stothers 1979), and from the Lindquist site near Bowling Green (Stothers and Graves 1985). Conversely, 13th and 14th century Sandusky Tradition ceramics have been found in contemporaneous contexts at the Allegan Dam and Moccasin Bluff sites in southwestern Michigan (Bettarel and Smith 1973; Spero 1979). These objects occur primarily in refuse and non-burial contexts, signaling that their presence may be more the result of intermarriage rather than trade. Copper artifacts begin to appear on northwestern Ohio Sandusky Tradition sites in the late-15th century, after roughly five centuries of absence in local cultural assemblages (cf. also Bradley 1987; Fox, et al. 1995). Initially, these copper artifacts follow traditional forms such as beads, pendants and cones (cf. Anselmi 2003; Anselmi 2008; Bradley 1987). After the introduction of European coppers, new forms emerge such as rings and rolled spirals (Abel and Burke 2014; Stothers 2000; Stothers and Abel 1991). Shell artifacts also begin to occur with much more frequency beginning in the late 15th century. Forms are predominantly perforated shell hoes, beads and pendants. In the ornamental forms, marine shell predominates over freshwater mussel shell. Typically Mississippian forms of shell ornaments like maskettes and perforated discs emerge in the late 15th century and continue into the contact period. This contrasts sharply with the occurrence of large amounts of shell and some copper artifacts in north-central Ohio contexts as early as 1200 A.D. and continuing through the late pre-contact period (Brose 2000, 2001; D. McKenzie and Blank 1976; D. H. McKenzie, et al. 1972; Redmond 1999; Redmond, et al. 2014). Finished exotics are predominantly found in burial contexts in the late pre-contact and contact periods, while broken and scrap materials predominantly come from midden or refuse contexts. Ornamental shell artifacts are found almost exclusively with children throughout this period in northern Ohio, while shell hoes are found in refuse contexts. This suggests that the exotic objects were acquired through trade and exchange rather than intermarriage and became symbols of status within these cultures.

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Excavations of the late-15th century Miller's Ridge site (33SA65)(Figure 2) produced a perforated marginella shell bead, a rolled copper tubular bead and a piece of copper scrap from separate sealed contexts (Koralewski 2000). X-ray florescence (XRF) analysis of the copper pieces confirm they are both fashioned of native sources (Abel and Burke 2014). Excavations at the early-16th century Pearson site Middle component (33SA9) (Stothers and Abel 1989) produced one perforated marginella bead from a peripheral ditch feature (Figure 3A) and one perforated Busycon shell disk in Burial 452 (an infant), the latter of which did not survive excavation due to its deteriorated condition (J. Bowen, personal communication 4/16/14). Burial 171, a child associated with the same component, was associated with a necklace of approximately 1,200 tiny snail (marginella?) shell beads (Figure 3B). Burial 174, another child, was associated with two rolled copper beads which have not been subjected to XRF. A weeping-eye shell maskette was recovered by an avocational near an ossuary at the Wright site, an early 16th century village site located in the adjacent Raccoon Creek drainage of north-central Ohio (Bowen 1994). A piece of copper scrap was also reportedly excavated from this ossuary by another avocational, but this artifact has never been analyzed (Stothers, et al. 1998). Excavations of the early-16th century Fort Meigs phase type site (33WO8) produced 10 marine shell artifacts. Four of these are discoidal or semi-squared beads fashioned of Busycon. Three were tubular Busycon beads. Two were discoidal pendants of Busycon and the other was a perforated marginella bead (Rutter 1984). Two rolled copper tubular beads and a rolled copper bangle have been recovered from the early to mid-16th century component of the Bear Fort site (33SA8), although they have not been XRF tested to determine their exact sources (Bowen 1994; Stothers 2000; Stothers and Abel 1991). Avocational excavations at the late-16th century Muddy Creek site (33SA35) recovered a fragment of folded sheet scrap from a sealed refuse pit feature (Figure 4A). A supine adult burial from the same site produced a rolled strip copper finger ring, a clam shell weeping eye maskette, a ground and perforated ceramic gorget and a perforated bone awl (Figure 4 B-D)(Stothers and Abel 1991:127). XRF analysis suggests that the scrap is fashioned of native copper, while the finger ring is of European copper, exhibiting visible snip marks (Abel and Burke 2014). Excavations of the late-16th century Petersen site (33OT9) produced 75 marine shell artifacts (plus fragments), eight copper artifacts, an iron artifact and two glass beads. A burial feature (Area A/BF 1) excavated by an avocational contained three rolled native copper beads (Figure 5A), a rolled native copper tinkler or hair tube (Figure 5B), a rolled native copper ring (Figure 5C) and 64 Busycon shell beads and bead fragments (Abel and

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Burke 2014; Stothers and Abel 1991). Another burial feature (Area L/U. 1N/BF 2) excavated by the University of Toledo disclosed two IIa55 glass beads (Figure 5D) (Kidd and Kidd 1970), an iron fragment and 5 Busycon shell beads (Figure 5E). A plow-truncated burial feature (Area G/U. 2/F. 48) produced 6 Busycon shell beads (Figure 5F). Two native copper sheet fragments (Figure 5 G-H) were recovered by the University of Toledo from a sealed refuse pit feature (Area J/U. 1N/F.11). Finally, a rolled European copper bead or hair tube was recovered by the University of Toledo from a sealed pit feature (Area I/U.1/F.2; Figure 5I) (Abel 2002; Abel and Burke 2014; cf. Stothers 2000). Avocational collection of the late-16th century Edwards site (33OT26), an eroded shoreline site located a short distance from the Petersen site, produced two small copper fragments. XRF analysis suggests both are of European origin (Abel and Burke 2014), although their association with Indian Hills Phase cultural material found nearby remains dubious (Stothers 2000). Another salvaged site in northwest Ohio called the Morrison site produced an iconic Southern Cult engraved shell disc, but no other information is available (Koralewski 2000). Excavations at the Indian Hills site (33WO4) by the University of Toledo have produced a total of 112 iron, copper, brass and glass artifacts. Of these, 84 are of secure aboriginal context including four glass beads, 59 pieces of copper or copper/brass and 21 pieces of iron (Figure 6-7). The aboriginal assemblage also includes 40 marine shell artifacts including 37 beads, two pendants and one perforated shell disk. Of the 37 beads, 27 are discoidal Busycon beads, five are tubular Busycon beads and 5 are perforated marginella shell beads. The pendants and disk are fashioned of Busycon (Graves 1984; Stothers 2000). All of these materials are from midden or other refuse contexts. The glass beads are perhaps the best temporally diagnostic artifacts for assignment of the Indian Hills site to its 1600-1643 placement. One of the beads is a Type IIb18 gooseberry-type bead recovered from midden contexts (Figure 7A). A Type IIa15 white oval, and two Type IIh “flush-eye"- style beads (Figure 7B) (Kidd and Kidd 1970) were recovered from a refuse pit feature that also produced rims of 47 ceramic vessels, pipe fragments, triangular Madison points, ground stone tools, bone tools, and a single piece of copper scrap. The feature was radiocarbon-dated to 1610 +/- 100 (M-2268)(Graves 1984:334-335). The gooseberry and white oval beads are common to Glass Bead Periods I and II (A.D. 1580-1632) (Fitzgerald 1983, 1990; Kenyon and Fitzgerald 1986; Kenyon and Kenyon 1983). The “flush-eye” beads are nearly identical to one recovered from the Pelletier site in the St. Lawrence River estuary on Gaspe Peninsula, and identically radiocarbon-dated at A.D. 1610+/- 40 (Chalifoux, et al. 1998). The metal assemblage from the Indian Hills site includes both scrap and finished artifacts. Among the latter is a small folded iron celt recovered from midden context which is very similar to examples recovered the Attawandaron Fonger site (Warrick 1984), the Attawandaron Sopher site (Noble 1971) and the Wendat Mantle site (Birch and Williamson 2013). Iron knife fragments from Indian Hills have been compared to

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those recovered from Fonger and the Attawandaron Christiansen site (Fitzgerald 1982). The finished non-ferrous assemblage includes rings, bracelets, a cut pendant, beads and chain links (Graves 1984). XRF analysis shows that the Indian Hills site metal assemblage contains 12 artifacts that are likely made of native copper. The remaining assemblage consists of European-derived copper, brass and iron (Abel and Burke 2014). Indian Hills is the only site in the Sandusky Tradition to contain brass artifacts. Further up the Maumee River, the Farnsworth Park site (33LU58) was salvaged by the University of Toledo following construction. Among the artifacts recovered from disturbed contexts were 18 shell-tempered body sherds, 2 shell-tempered rim sherds and one piece of European copper kettle (Abel and Burke 2014; Stothers 2000). Directly across the Maumee River at the LaSalle site (33WO42), an ossuary excavated by the University of Toledo contained the remains of 53 individuals. Associated with them were 17 rolled European copper beads (Figure 8A), 6 Busycon shell beads (Figure 8B) and 2 pieces of ferrous sheet (Figure 8C) (Abel and Burke 2014; Stothers 2000). The context of these middle-Maumee River sites is uncertain, but they may relate to movement of the Indian Hills population after its dispersal in the mid-17th century. Though present throughout the contemporaneous Northeast and Midwest (cf. Drooker 1997), red stone artifacts are rare in the western Lake Erie region. A rectangular, wedge-shaped stemless red slate pipe bowl and a shell-tempered vessel were found associated with Burial 337 at the early-16th century Pearson site (33SA9) Middle component (Stothers and Abel 1989). A remarkably similar pipe is also reported by Bowen from the Bear Fort site (33SA8)(Figure 9)(personal communication). The Indian Hills site (33WO4) produced one red hematite bead and 3 cannel coal beads (Graves 1984). The rarity of Sandusky Tradition red stone is puzzling given the otherwise well-established connections with contemporaneous Fort Ancient groups, among whom red stone is abundant (Drooker and Cowan 2001). The Motivations for a Late Pre-contact/Contact-period Prestige Economy Until fairly recently, it was still believed that European contact and the initiation of the fur trade precipitated the renewed exchange of exotic goods in the Northeast, a competition for hunting territories and access to European goods (Stothers 2000). We now know, however, that exotic trade and exchange networks involving both shell and native copper began much earlier (Abel and Burke 2014). European goods added another layer, another source, and other materials onto an existing network of prestige-based trade and exchange (cf. also Bradley 1987). Trading alliances are an almost universal cultural answer to the challenge of periodic resource shortages precipitated by either natural and/or cultural events. As such, trading networks likely have existed as risk-buffering solutions throughout human history (Dalton 1977; Ford 1972; Mauss 1967; Polanyi 1957). Several researchers have

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commented on the waxing and waning of overlapping regional trade and exchange networks across the Northeast and throughout prehistory (Caldwell 1964; Jamieson 1999; Schortman 1989). That these are often associated with elaborate burial ritual is likely no coincidence (Binford 1971). Through trade and ritual use, desired objects gain symbolic significance within these networks that is reciprocally bound up with value, ideology, and status (Bender 1985; Brose 1990; Dalton 1977; Renfrew 1984; Spence 1982). But what happened during those waning centuries? Why did regional trade and exchange networks fall apart periodically? Were they no longer necessary? Or did they in fact never completely die out? Perhaps only the content and range of those trading alliances shifted- to perishable items not preserved in the archaeological record or to items of local raw material manufacture not recognized by archaeologists as being "trade" items. Localized trade networks involving food only or perhaps locally-produced objects perhaps persist in times of relative resource shortage- in times of subsistence stress. Regional trading networks involving ritual and exotic goods would develop as production and resource distribution stabilized or perhaps even generated surplus. In Late Woodland food-producing societies of the Eastern Woodlands, trading networks seem to have dissolved after c. 1000 A.D. leading to reduced social interaction and raiding becoming a more reliable means of resource security (cf. Hayden 1990). That a resurgence of an exotic-material trade and exchange network comes in the Sandusky Tradition of northwest Ohio at a time of significant cultural realignment, settlement shifts to bluff-top and swamp fortresses, shifts to corporate-reflecting mortuary patterns, "Mississippification" of tool assemblages and the appearance of Sandusky Tradition ceramics on sites in southern Ohio and Michigan, is not likely to be coincidence. The Sandusky Tradition would have occupied an important place in regional trade networks, being intermediate between sources of marine shell from the middle Atlantic coast and native copper from the upper Midwest. The pressure on them to participate would have been relatively high. That Sandusky Tradition cultural influence and trade expanded to the south and west in the 15th century is perhaps a predictable direct result. Their participation in this late-15th century regional trade and exchange network was a response to existing population pressures that taxed subsistence production and increased raiding that threatened solidarity. Trading interaction and communal activity channeled competition down less socially-disruptive pathways in a context of increasing hostility. Increased interaction between local groups would have extended lineal relationships, reinforced local alliances and focused aggression outside of allied groups toward common enemies. It was a network fueled by lineage or clan heads for the acquisition of prestige and political connections, not by middlemen engaged in material supply and demand (Wright 1967, 1968).

13

When European goods were introduced into the network in the late 16th century, value systems and trade network orientations were altered, but the actors and motives initially remained the same. Scraps of European metals and glass beads were transformed along with exotic shell into native forms reflecting native ideologies and trade demand (Hamell 1983). Only in the 17th century did whole European objects, most notably iron axes, make their way onto Sandusky Tradition sites. Jesuit rings and other finished European objects never made it prior to 1643, or at least they have not been recovered to date. Sandusky Tradition lineage heads may have sought to manipulate access to and acquire these goods to increase their prestige in a native ranking network, not to establish themselves as middlemen in a Euro-centric network of economic supply. What they were defending against the Attawandaron was their autonomous position in a native trading network, not a Euro-centric one. In the early to mid-17th century, fur trade routes and hunting territories appear to have meant very little to Sandusky Tradition peoples. The Sandusky Tradition occupied the western end of Lake Erie, some of the most attractive beaver hunting territory in the Great Lakes. That Indian Hills phase people were hunting these resources for trade is not clear. Beaver remains do not make up a significant percentage of any documented Indian Hills phase faunal assemblages (Bowen 1992, 1994). Muskrat do make up a significant percentage of remains at the Petersen site (33OT9), but it is not clear whether they were being hunted for furs or for subsistence (Abel 2002). The fact that these remains are present in village faunal assemblages tends to support the latter. What seems to have mattered more to Sandusky Tradition peoples were trading alliances that could be manipulated to benefit a handful of local status leaders. Periodic feasts and rituals involving the offering of exotic goods to the dead may have been the public stage for this activity. This is perhaps best borne out by the mortuary and maize consumption trends of the early 16th to mid-17th centuries that suggest a development of extended corporate descent groups and an increase in maize consumption. Perhaps less convincing, but potentially informative, are shifts to longhouses in late Sandusky Tradition settlements that appear to relate to the growth of lineal segments into perhaps moiety corporate descent groups. The Sandusky Tradition coalesced in the 17th century to preserve a status quo of participation in a prestige-driven native trade and exchange network that involved European and other exotic goods. When they were attacked by a much more organized Attawandaron confederacy or chiefdom, their loose alliance of tribes could not resist. Rather than further politically organize themselves, they abandoned the western end of Lake Erie, dispersed, and relocated to the west where they could continue their way of life- if only for a time. It was not long before the European fur trade infiltrated the upper Great Lakes, and the cycle of relocation began anew.

14

This interpretation of Sandusky Tradition interaction at the dawn of the contact period opens a fertile ground for future research. Evidence chronicling the transitions discussed herein need better understanding. The shift from small nuclear family dwellings to extended family dwellings needs better documentation. Many site assemblages need to be revisited to analyze data beyond the descriptive level. The Indian Hills site needs revisiting to perhaps document "suburbs" or expansion episodes that would evince population influxes. Their timing with the demise of the Sauk and Fox could answer one of the lingering questions of the contact period. Was There A Fire Nation "Confederacy"? Population expansion, coupled with increased local warfare, forced populations to consolidate into larger villages that stretched the limits of maize horticulture. In this political climate, corporate descent groups emerged to organize the allocation of resources and labor for intensive cultivation and defense (Bender 1990; Braun 1990; Braun and Plog 1982; Netting 1990; Sahlins and Service 1960). This is probably the primary stimulus for the formation of such in mid-15th century Sandusky Tradition societies. A defensive posture favorably explains shifts in Sandusky Tradition settlement toward larger, more defensible villages during the mid-15th century as well. This is also when maize reaches its peak consumption in Sandusky Tradition societies (Bechtel 1986; Stothers and Bechtel 1987). Attawandaron aggression appears to have exerted a significant pressure on Sandusky Tradition groups beginning in the 17th century. The Attawandaron, like the Wendat and Haudenosaunee, formed a more centralized form of political organization during the 17th century and adopted a strategy of vanquishing and/or assimilating their neighbors as a means of safeguarding their sovereignty (Keener 1995; Trigger 1981). They quickly dispersed their Sauk and Fox neighbors around Saginaw Bay and Lake St. Clair in the late 16th century. It seems probable that these latter groups fled west, where they splintered and coalesced with other groups to form the Illiniwek (Brown 1990; Ehrhardt 2004, 2005, 2010; Mazrim and Esarey 2007). The Indian Hills site may have represented an attempt on the part of several groups (Mascouten?) to organize beyond the tribal level and defend their sovereignty against the Attawandaron. When attacked between 1640 and 1643, however, the settlement of Indian Hills quickly folded, and its residents apparently dispersed. If it existed at all, a Fire Nation "Confederacy" was extremely short-lived and failed its first real test. Evidence from late 17th century contact-period sources record various shifting associations of Sauk, Fox, Mascouten and Kickapoo, living together and comingled with other groups in Wisconsin and Illinois (Callender 1962, 1978; Mason 1976). This perhaps best explains the post-Indian Hills temporal placement and minority representation of Sandusky Tradition ceramics on sites in Wisconsin and Illinois. Conclusions

15

Throughout this paper, it has been shown that Sandusky Tradition peoples of northwest Ohio underwent significant cultural realignment during the mid-15th century that is manifested in shifts in settlement, mortuary practices, dietary consumption, iconography, material culture and participation in trade and exchange networks. This realignment was due to increased organizational complexity precipitated by population pressure, subsistence stress and increased warfare during the late pre-contact period that was clearly exacerbated by environmental change during the beginning of the Little Ice Age. Participation in a new regional trade and exchange network likely decreased local raiding by strengthening local alliances, redistributing subsistence resources and channeling competition down less-socially disruptive paths. Warfare was projected outside of allied groups to more distant foes, which provided security, but increased subsistence demands and the need for defensive posture. Iroquoian populations initially responded to these pressures by developing more organized social structures and adopting an offensive strategy of dispersal and/or assimilation. Rather than develop more centralized forms of organization themselves to combat this escalation, the Sandusky Tradition seems to have preferred settlement relocation to preserve their status quo. Their dispersal in the mid-17th century follows a pattern of continual movement and realignment along kinship-based social structures. They successfully resisted assimilation by continually fading into the swamps and woodlands. Acknowledgements

This manuscript began as a conference paper titled "Middle Men or Big Men? The Context of Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric Trade Interaction in Northwestern Ohio," by myself and David M. Stothers, which was presented in the symposium "Communities, Corridors and Connections: Modeling Material Culture Markers of Cross-Cultural Interaction in the Northeast and Midcontinent, 1500-1750." The symposium convened at the 2011 Midwest Archaeological Conference in LaCrosse, WI, Oct. 13-15, 2011. Dave regrettably passed away on Feb. 8, 2013 before seeing this work to fruition. I'd like to thank symposium organizers James Bradley and Kathy Ehrhardt for insisting I not abandon this project though I couldn't follow them on to the Society for American Archaeology Annual Meeting. James Bradley, James Morton, Brian Redmond and Scott Stull read and commented on earlier drafts of this paper. Their insights and discussions have resulted in a much-improved final product, though any omissions are solely my responsibility. I'd like to thank Brian G. Redmond, Jonathan Bowen, Gene Edwards, Bradley T. Lepper and Linda Pansing for their help in accessing collections held privately, at the Ohio History Connection and Cleveland Museum of Natural History. References Cited

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28

Table

1-

Sum

mary

of sett

lem

ent,

cera

mic

an

d e

xotic m

ate

ria

l fr

om

sites d

is-

cussed in t

he t

ext.

Sit

e

Cen

tury

S

ize (

ha)

% s

hell

tem

pere

d

Sh

ell

R

ed

sto

ne

N

ati

ve C

op

per

Eu

rop

ean

Co

p-

per

Co

pp

er/

Bra

ss

Ir

on

G

lass

Bead

s

Bear

Fort

earl

y 1

3th

0.7

* 0

Cem

ete

ry

Rid

ge

earl

y 1

4th

0.7

0

Pete

rse

n

mid

14th

0.9

0

1

Pears

on

S

outh

la

te 1

4th

1.1

0

Blu

e B

anks

earl

y 1

5th

n/a

19

Mill

er's

Rid

ge

la

te 1

5th

1.3

73

1

2

Bear

Fort

earl

y 1

6th

1.3

* 78

1

3*

Pears

on

M

iddle

earl

y 1

6th

1.3

100

1200

+

1

2*

Fort

Me

igs

earl

y 1

6th

1.6

* 100

10

Mudd

y

Cre

ek

late

16th

1.6

* 100

1

2

1

2*

Pete

rse

n

late

16th

1.6

100

75

8

1

1

2

Ed

ward

s

late

16th

n/a

100

2*

India

n H

ills

mid

17th

6

100

40

1

12

37

11

6

4

Farn

sw

ort

h

Park

m

id 1

7th

n/a

100

1

Lasalle

m

id 1

7th

n/a

n/a

6

17

1

*estim

ate

d

*a

ssum

ed/n

ot

teste

d

*dub

ious a

ssoci-

atio

n

*dub

ious

associa

tion

Sauk

Fox

Mascouten

13th-16th c. Sandusky Tradition homeland

Neutral

Wendat

Figure 1– General locations discussed in the text.

Kickapoo

Indian Hills

Farnsworth

LaSalle

Miller’s Ridge, Pearson Muddy Creek

Petersen Edwards

Lake Erie

OHIO

Fort Meigs

Bear Fort

Wright

Figure 2– Location of sites discussed in the text.

centimeters

0 1 2 3 4 5

Figure 3– Exotic shell artifacts from the Pearson site (33SA9). A– marginella bead, B– ground shell seed-type beads. Photo by the author, courtesy of the Ohio History Connection.

0 1 2 3 4 5

centimeters

A

B

A

B

C D

Figure 4– Exotic artifacts from the Muddy Creek site (33SA35). A– folded copper scrap, B– copper strip finger ring, C– “weeping-eye” maskette, D– perforated bone awl. Photo by the author, courtesy of Gene Edwards, New

Berlin, OH

0 1 2 3 4 5

centimeters

A B

C

D E

F

G H

I

Figure 5– Metallic, shell and glass artifacts from the Petersen site (33OT9). A– rolled copper beads, B– rolled cop-per cone, C– rolled copper finger ring, D– Type IIa55 glass beads, E– ground shell beads, F– ground shell beads, G– folded copper scrap, H– copper kettle fragment, I– rolled copper tube. Photo by the author, courtesy of the Fire-

lands Archaeological Research Center.

Figure 6– Indian Hills metallic assemblage. University of Toledo photo.

0 1 2 3 4 5

centimeters

0 1 2 3 4 5

centimeters

A B

Figure 7– Indian Hills (33WO4) European assemblage (cont’d). A– Type IIb18 bead. B– Type IIh variant “flush-eye” beads. University of Toledo photos.

Figure 8– Artifacts from the LsSalle Ossuary. A– rolled copper beads, B– discoidal shell beads, C– ferrous sheet scrap. University of Toledo photo.

A

0 1 2 3 4 5

centimeters

B

C

Figure 9– Red slate pipe from Bear Fort. (33SA8) . Photo by the author, courtesy of Gene Edwards, New Berlin, OH.

0 1 2 3 4 5

centimeters

Figure 10– Wellsburg Simple-stamped vessel rim from Bear Fort (33SA8). Photo by the author, courtesy of the Ohio History Connection.

0 1 2 3 4 5

centimeters