the case of christianity in the Matengo highlands from 1890 to ...

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Humanities Doctoral Theses

2014

The role of religion in development: the

case of christianity in the Matengo

highlands from 1890 to 1968

Kapinga, Mandiluli Osmund


Kapinga, M. O. (2014). The role of religion in development: the case of christianity in the

Matengo highlands from 1890 to 1968 (Doctoral thesis). The University of Dodoma, Dodoma.

http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12661/986

Downloaded from UDOM Institutional Repository at The University of Dodoma, an open access institutional repository.

THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN DEVELOPMENT:

THE CASE OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE MATENGO

HIGHLANDS FROM 1890 TO 1968

By

Mandiluli Osmund Kapinga

A Thesis Submitted for Award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History

of the University of Dodoma


October, 2014

i

CERTIFICATION

The undersigned certify that they have read and hereby recommend for acceptance

by the University of Dodoma thesis entitled: ―The Role of Religion in Development:

the case of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands from 1890 to 1968” in

fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History of

the University of Dodoma.

…………………………………………………………………

Professor Eginald P.A.N. Mihanjo

SUPERVISOR

………………………………………………………........

Dr. Sinda Hussein Sinda

SUPERVISOR

Date …………………………………….…………

ii

DECLARATION

AND

COPYRIGHT

I Mandiluli Osmund Kapinga, declare that this thesis is my own original work and

that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any other University for a

similar or any other degree award.

Signature …………………………………………

No part of this thesis may be reproduced, stolen in any retrieval system, or

transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the

author or the University of Dodoma.

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This thesis is the result of efforts by several individuals and institutions. I therefore

take this opportunity to thank them all who in one way or another assisted me in the

production of this work. Some persons who participated in this work as informants

have passed away, may God rest their souls in eternal peace.

For the accomplishment of this task my sincere gratitude goes to God who provided

me with strength and courage to overcome all challenges in this endeavor. Without

His support and endless blessing this work would not been possible.

Secondly, I thank the University of Dodoma (UDOM) for allowing and sparing me

time to pursue this programme and assisting in funding the fees and supervision

components of the research. Without which the programme would have been

extremely a heavy load to shoulder.

Thirdly, I am deeply indebted to Dr. Sinda Hussein Sinda, of The University of

Dodoma and Professor Eginald P.A.N. Mihanjo of National Defence College of

Tanzania for being critical but helpful supervisors from the beginning of

development of this thesis. In particular, I commend Dr. Sinda for his direction to the

research inquiry from the socio-economic perspective. I am deeply indebted to

Professor Mihanjo for his guidance in shaping the study from historical science point

of view hence adding the historical flavor to the study. Professor Joshua S.

Madumullah the founding Dean of School of Humanities was so inspirational

towards the success of this study. His successor Professor Frowin P. Nyoni deserves

mention for taking trouble to read the drafts and provide useful comments which

helped to shape this research. He did not hesitate to grant me permission whenever I

iv

requested to go to collect data. Members of Department of History (UDOM), School

of Humanities and students provided encouragement, inspiration and useful

comments during the preliminary presentations of the research proposal. To them all

I owe many thanks.

I also extend my deep gratitude to my infomants in the Matengo highlands. These

include the respondents at Kigonsera, Litembo, Mbinga, Nangombo, and Maguu

parishes. The Peramiho Abbatia administration and specifically Retired Abbot

Lambert Doerr allowed me to get some data from their archives and also allowed me

to interview them.

The National Archives of Tanzania (TNA) deserves my sincere gratitude for

allowing me to use the abundant resources at their disposal. The staff at TNA offered

me great support searching for files from the cabinet shelves full of dust. I avail

special thanks to them all.

My wife Asela and my children Asumpta, Michael and Noela made a lot of sacrifices

and took the whole burden of the success of this work as their own. They were

patient and lovely during my work hence making it less cumbersome. To all of them

I extend my deep gratitude for this success.

v

DEDICATION

I dedicate this PhD thesis to late parents, my father Silvanus Mandiluli Kapinga and

my mother Martina Sumuni Kapinga, who despite having no formal education except

rudimentary Christian teachings; encouraged and inspired me to go to school. They

sacrificed the meager income they had to finance my education. Being the second

generation of Christians in the Matengo Highlands, my parents raised and molded me

in an accepted Christian life and morally accepted values. What I am today is a

reflection to a great extent of their moral obligations as parents. My late parents

never lived to witness the fruits of their dedicated efforts which have produced this

thesis.

vi

ABSTRACT

This study investigated on the role of Christianity (Roman Catholic Mission) and the

extent to which it influencedin the socio-economic development of the Matengo

Highlands. This study analyzed the evolution, existence, practice and role of

traditional religious values and missionary (Germans nationals) strategy of

conversion through the support of German colonial administration.The study further

investigated why during the British colonial rule up to 1945 there was phenomenal

expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. The study also investigated why

from 1950s Missionaries prepared smooth transition to indigenous clergy, local

church and finally in 1968 the missionaries retreated to Peramiho Abbatia. The

evidence gathered through archival, observation, group discussion, interviews and

the secondary data methods concluded that until 1918 when German Benedictines

were interned and finally deported to German in 1920 Christianity did not yet had

root in the Matengo Highlands. But the mission centers rose from 2 in 1926 to 12 in

1968, the number of converts rose from 4000 in 1920 to 150,000 in 1968

subsequently ranking number one in the whole of Tanzania.

Until 1961 when independence was achieved in Tanzania, the Matengo Highlands

did not have any education and health services apart from those offered by the

Roman Catholic missionaries. However, evidence does not conclude that these

services were liberative and developmental to Wamatengo. To the contrary evidence

suggests that Christianity made Matengo people dependent and submissive to

missionaries. When in early 1969 the missionaries retired to Peramiho Abbatia, the

Matengo remained helpless and dependent.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CERTIFICATION ......................................................................................................... i

DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT ........................................................................ ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT .......................................................................................... iii

DEDICATION ............................................................................................................. v

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................ vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................... vii

LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................... xiv

LIST OF PLATES ..................................................................................................... xvi

LIST OF MAPS ....................................................................................................... xvii

LIST OF APPENDICES ......................................................................................... xviii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .................................................................................... xx

CHAPTER ONE ......................................................................................................... 1

INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 1

1.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................ 1

1.1 Background to the Problem .................................................................................... 4

1.2 The Statement of the Problem .............................................................................. 30

1.3 Objectives of the Study ........................................................................................ 35

1.4 Rationale of the Study .......................................................................................... 37

1.5 Significance of the Study ..................................................................................... 41

1.6 Theoretical Framework and Literature Review ................................................... 42

1.6.1 Theoretical Framework on Religion and Development Linkage ...................... 42

1.6.2 Views of Traditionalists on Religion and Development ................................... 49

1.6.3 Views of the Modernists on Religion and Development .................................. 50

1.6.4 Views on Religion and Development in Developing Countries ....................... 52

viii

1:7 Empirical Reviews ............................................................................................... 55

1.7.1 Studies on Religion and Development .............................................................. 55

1.7.2 Studies on Religion and Development in the Matengo Highlands ................... 60

1.7.3 Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................... 64

1.7.4 The Knowledge Gap.......................................................................................... 66

1.8 Research Methodology ......................................................................................... 66

1.8.1 Location of the Study ........................................................................................ 69

1.8.2 The Study Population ........................................................................................ 70

1.8.3 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size ............................................................... 72

1.9 Validity and Reliability ........................................................................................ 76

1.10 Data Processing and Analysis ............................................................................ 78

1.11 Ethical Issues ...................................................................................................... 79

1.12 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 79

CHAPTER TWO...................................................................................................... 81

THE HISTORY OF PRE-COLONIAL MATENGO HIGHLANDS UP TO THE

COLONIAL CONQUEST (1850s-1890s). ............................................................. 81

2.1 Introduction .......................................................................................................... 81

2.2 The History of Matengo Highlands before Colonial Conquest............................ 81

2.2 The Evolution of Religion in the Matengo Highlands ......................................... 88

2.3 Studies on Religion and Development in the Matengo Highlands ...................... 90

2.4 Location of the Area ............................................................................................. 90

2.5 Demographic Dynamics of the Matengo Highlands ............................................ 92

2.6 The Economic Organization................................................................................. 93

2.7 Socio-Political Organization ................................................................................ 96

2.8 Evolution of Transcendental Sense (Religious Ideas) in the Matengo Highlands 99

2.9 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 110

ix

CHAPTER THREE ............................................................................................... 112

THE INTRODUCTION AND SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE

MATENGO HIGHLANDS DURING THE GERMAN RULE (1890S TO 1918)

.................................................................................................................................. 112

3.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 112

3.1 Evolution of Religion ......................................................................................... 113

3.2 Origin of Christianity ......................................................................................... 114

3.3 Christianity in Africa .......................................................................................... 114

3.4 Benedictine Missionaries in German East Africa .............................................. 115

3.5 The Formation of the Benedictines of St. Ottilien 1884 .................................... 116

3.6 The Treaty between Fr. Amrhein and Dr. Carl Peters April 1887 ..................... 118

3.7 Carl Peters in German East Africa ..................................................................... 120

3.8 DOAG Invites the German Benedictines of St. Ottilien to Tanganyika 1887. .. 121

3.9 The History of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands ...................................... 127

3.10 History of Evangelization in the Matengo Highlands ...................................... 128

3.11 The Introduction of Christianity by the Benedictines of St. Ottilien ............... 129

3.12 Background to the Work of Evangelization in the Matengo Highlands .......... 145

3.13 The German Occupation in the Matengo Highlands ........................................ 150

3.14 The Missionary Enterprise in the Matengo Highlands..................................... 157

3.15 Theoretical Approaches to Conversion to Christianity .................................... 159

3.16 Conversion in Africa ........................................................................................ 160

3.17 Conversion in the Matengo Highlands ............................................................. 162

3.18 Why Matengo Were Reluctant to Accept Christianity before 1918? ............... 173

3.19 Christianity and Socio-economic Development of the Matengo Highlands up to

1918 .......................................................................................................................... 180

3.20 Development of Missionary Education ............................................................ 185

x

3.21 The Medical Services in the Matengo Highlands ............................................ 194

3.22 Christianity and Construction of Infrastructure in the Matengo Highlands ..... 195

3.23 Christianity and Marriages ............................................................................... 196

3.24 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 198

CHAPTER FOUR .................................................................................................. 200

CHRISTIANITY IN THE MATENGO HIGHLANDS DURING THE BRITISH

PERIOD 1919 TO 1950.......................................................................................... 200

4.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 200

4.1 Christianity in the Context of World Wars. ....................................................... 200

4.2 The Missionary Work in the Matengo Highlands 1919-1950s .......................... 204

4.3 The Return of German Benedictine Missionaries .............................................. 221

4.4 The British Government and Christianity in the Matengo Highlands ............... 236

4.5 Indirect Rule in the Matengo Highlands ............................................................ 238

4.6 British Administration and Infrastructure .......................................................... 240

4.7 British Rule and Social Services ........................................................................ 242

4.8 Phenomenal Progress and Continuities in the Matengo Highlands during

British Rule .............................................................................................................. 250

4.9 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 265

CHAPTER FIVE .................................................................................................... 266

TRANSITION FROM MISSIONARY TO AFRICAN OR LOCAL

CHRISTIANITY 1950-1968 .................................................................................. 266

5.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 266

5.2 Things that Entailed Transition from Mission Christianity to Local Church .... 266

5.3 Mission Christianity ........................................................................................... 268

5.4 Mission Christianity in African Context ............................................................ 269

xi

5.5 Reasons for Transition from Mission Christianity to African Christianity ........ 272

5.5.1 The International Situation – Religious Revivalism ....................................... 272

5.5.2Nazism and Fascism ......................................................................................... 273

5.5.3 Second World War .......................................................................................... 274

5.5.4 The Second Vatican Council ........................................................................... 275

5.5.5 Secularization Process in Europe and America............................................... 277

5.5.6 Communism and Cold War ............................................................................. 278

5.6 Reasons for Transition from African Context .................................................... 280

5.6.1The Second Vatican Council ............................................................................ 280

5.6.2African Church Facing Crisis ........................................................................... 281

5.6.3Popes‘ Attitude to Local Church in Africa....................................................... 281

5.6.4Decolonization of Africa and Transition to Local Church ............................... 283

5.6.5 Colonial Governments .................................................................................... 286

5.7 Tanzania Situation .............................................................................................. 287

5.7.1Decolonization Process .................................................................................... 288

5.7.2 Second Vatican in Tanzania ............................................................................ 292

5.7.3 Economic Transformation of Africans ............................................................ 293

5.8 Transition to Local Church in the Matengo Highlands ...................................... 294

5.8.1 Education ......................................................................................................... 306

5.8.2Economic Transformation in the Matengo Highlands ..................................... 313

5.8.3Political Transformation in the Matengo Highlands ........................................ 328

5.8.4Decolonization, the Colonial State and the Missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands ................................................................................................................. 337

5.8.5Response of Missionaries to TANU................................................................. 345

5.8.6 Missionaries in the Midst of the Arusha Declaration ...................................... 347

5.8.7Response of Matengo to Transition Process .................................................... 353

5.9Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 360

xii

CHAPTER SIX ....................................................................................................... 362

CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE

MATENGO HIGHLANDS ................................................................................... 362

6.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 362

6.1Development Paradigms ..................................................................................... 366

6.2 What is development? ........................................................................................ 371

6. 3 Perception of Development in the Matengo Highlands .................................... 372

6.4 Religion and Development ................................................................................. 379

6.5 Christianity and Socio-economic Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 383

6.6 Christianity and Social Services Development in the Matengo Highlands ....... 384

6.7 Christianity and Spiritual Values Development in the Matengo Highlands ...... 384

6.8 Roman Catholic Church Perception on Development ....................................... 387

6.9 Developmental Role of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands 1890s to 1968 390

6.10 Christianity and Infrastructure Development in the Matengo Highlands ........ 391

6.11 Christianity and Education in the Matengo Highlands .................................... 393

6.13 Christianity and Health Sector in the Matengo Highlands ............................... 396

6.10 Christianity and Spiritual Values in the Matengo Highlands ........................... 397

6.12 ‗Mission‘ vis-à-vis ‗Bomani‘ ........................................................................... 402

6.13 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 410

CHAPTER SEVEN ................................................................................................ 413

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS ............................................................ 413

7.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 413

7.2 Inferences from the findings .............................................................................. 417

xiii

7.3 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 420

BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................. 424

APPENDICES ........................................................................................................ 442

xiv

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1: Administrative arrangement of the Matengo Highlands .......................... 74

Table 1.2: Description of Respondents Involved in the Study .................................. 75

Table 3.1: Development of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands During German

Rule .......................................................................................................................... 185

Table 3.2: Development of Christian Education in the Matengo Highlands from .. 188

Table 3.3: Christian Marriages up to 1919 ............................................................... 196

Table 4.1: Mission Centers of Umatengo................................................................. 205

Table 4.2: Mission Personnel: Priests ...................................................................... 211

Table 4.3: Schools Registered in the Matengo Highlands ....................................... 214

Table 4.4: Mission Personnel, the Group of Brothers .............................................. 216

Table 4.5: Mission Stations Established from 1926 to 1939 (2nd

Phase of

Benedictines‘ work) ................................................................................................. 223

Table 4.6: Annual Totals of Marriages 1926-1968 .................................................. 228

Table 4.7: Outbreak of Epidemics in the Matengo Highlands ................................. 248

Table 4.8: Catechumen Class of Lihiso Bush School 1942 ..................................... 257

Table 5.1: Mission Station in the Matengo Highlands (1899-1968) ........................ 297

Table 5.2: Growth of Christianity in the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho ..................... 300

Table 5.3: Marriages in the Matengo Highlands, Selected Missions ....................... 305

Table 5.4: Schools Existing in the Matengo Highlands ........................................... 307

Table 5.5: Sub-Grade Schools under Roman Catholic 1950s .................................. 310

Table 5.6: Summary of Kent Coffee Planting in 1935 in the Matengo Highlands .. 315

Table 5.7: Ngoni-Matengo Cooperative Marketing Union Ltd (Coffee Handled by

Ngaka Cooperative Society – Unregistered) ............................................................ 316

Table 5.8: Coffee Tree Census in Umatengo Highlands 1952 (31.3.1952) ............. 320

Table 5.9: Polygamous Marriages in 1968............................................................... 323

xv

Table 5.10: Matengo Paramount Chiefdom ............................................................. 332

Table 5.11: Matengo Native Treasury, Tribal Administration Personal

Emoluments .............................................................................................................. 334

Table 5.12: Schedule of TANU Meetings in Umatengo 1959 ................................. 343

Table 5.13: Schedule of TANU Meetings in Umatengo 1960 ................................. 344

Table 6.1: Mission social services............................................................................ 406

xvi

LIST OF PLATES

Plate 3.1: Plaque Erected at the Place of Battle between Wamatengo and

Wangoni 1885 .......................................................................................................... 148

Plate 3.2: Litembo Parish Church ............................................................................ 190

Plate 3.3: Peramiho Abbey ....................................................................................... 191

Plate 3.4: Mbinga Bishop‘s Church ......................................................................... 191

Plate 3.5: Nangombo Parish Church ........................................................................ 192

Plate 3.6: Mbinga Parish Church.............................................................................. 192

Plate 3.7: Lituhi Parish ............................................................................................. 193

Plate 3.8 Kigonsera Parish ....................................................................................... 193

Plate 3.9: Maguu Parish ........................................................................................... 193

xvii

LIST OF MAPS

Map 1.1: Mbinga District ........................................................................................... 91

Map 4.1: Administration Groups of Songea District as at 1926 .............................. 237

xviii

LIST OF APPENDICES

Annex 1a: Ecclesiastical and Secular Administrative Structure of Umatengo ........ 442

Annex 2: Interview Guide 1 ..................................................................................... 443

Annex 3: Oral Sources Guide for Wapenga utunu, Clan Heads,Ttraditional Religion

Leaders, Magicians, Witches, Sorcerers and Healers. ............................................. 449

Annex 4: Documentary Review List ........................................................................ 449

Annex 5: Observation Checklist for Socio-economic Related Items Basic Christian

Communities and Hamlet ......................................................................................... 450

Annex 6: Archival Sources ...................................................................................... 451

Annex 7: Kilau System (Clan Names) in the Matengo Highlands .......................... 452

Annex 8: Deutsch Ostafrika: Reich Commissioners and Governors ....................... 453

Annex 9:Memorandum of Understanding between Benedictines and Bismarck

power 1887 ............................................................................................................... 454

Annex 10: Interview guide for Division Executive Officer, Ward Executive Officer

and Village Executive Officer and Retired Ones ..................................................... 455

Annex 11: Interview Guide for Bishop and Retired Bishop 1A .............................. 458

Annex 12: Coffee Rules ........................................................................................... 460

Annex 13: Glossary of Matengo Words ................................................................... 461

Annex 14: Interview Guide for Local Rulers, Healers, Wapenga Utunu ................ 462

Annex 15: Interview Guide for MonksNnuns and Retired Monks/Nuns................. 464

Annex 16: Interview Guide for Parish priests and Retired Priests ........................... 465

Annex 17: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Members of Outstation

Committee and Basic Christian Community ............................................................ 469

Annex 18: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Believers/Followers of Traditional

Religion, Magician, Sorcerers, Healers and Witches ............................................... 470

xix

Annex 19: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Members of Hamlet and Ordinary

People ....................................................................................................................... 470

Annex 20: Pope‘s Approval ..................................................................................... 471

Annex 21: Interview guide for Division Executive Officer, Ward Executive Officer

and Village Executive Officer and Retired Ones ..................................................... 474

Annex 22: Interview Guide Catechist and Retired Catechist ................................... 477

Annex 23: Interview Guide for District Officials - Incumbent and Retired Civil

Servants .................................................................................................................... 479

Annex 24: List of Respondents ................................................................................ 481

xx

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AMNUT - All-Muslim National Union of Tanganyika

APA - Archives of Peramiho Abbey

ATR - Arfican Traditional Religion

BCE- Before Common Era

CE - Common Era

CIDA - Canadian International Development Agency

CKO - Chronik de Kongregation von St. Ottilien

CMS - Church Mission Society

DANIDA - Danish International Development Agency

DFID - Department For International Development

DOA - Deutsch-Ostafrika

DOAG - Deutsch-Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft

FBO - Faith-Based Organization

Fr. - Father

IMF - International Monetary Fund

MANCU - Wamatengo Native Cooperative Union

MF – Micro Film

Msgr. - Monsignor

NGO - Non-Governmental Organization

OCMS - Oxford Centre for Mission Studies.

OSB - Order of Saint Benedictine

RAD - Religion and Development

RC - Roman Catholic

xxi

SDA - Seventh Day Adventist

SDB - Songea District Book

TANU - Tanganyika AfricanNationl Union

TEC - Tanzania Episcopal Conference

TNA - The National Archives of Tanzania

TNR - Tanganyika Notes and Records,

UDOM - The University of Dodoma

UDSM - University of Dar-es-Salaam

UMCA - Universities Mission to Central Africa

UNRISD - United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

URL - Uniform Resource Locator

URT - United Republic of Tanzania

UTP - United Tanganyika Party

UVIKAMBI - Umoja wa Vijana Katoliki Mbinga

VDC - Village Development Committee

WB - World Bank

WFDD - World Faiths Development Dialogue,

WW - World War I & II

1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.0 Introduction

This study examined the historical process that led to the Matengo Highlands become

an area with remarkable socio-economic development in South Western Tanzania. It

argues that the socioeconomic progress achieved in the Matengo Highlands is tied to

the dynamics brought in by the introduction and the spread of Christianity which

transformed the existing spiritual and material base existing hitherto the coming of

Christianity. To situate the process in a proper historical context the study traces the

development of Christianity in the region and identifies four phases in the Matengo

Highlands. Specific historical processes influenced the conditions under which

Christian religion operated and hence producing the type of transformations which

consequently the Matengo people experienced. To gain deeper understanding of the

interactions between Matengo society, Christian religion and socio-economic

development one needs to consider the essence, practice and historicity of

Christianity and society. It is important to explore their past and present states of

existence and the manner in which they have historically interacted.1 First, the study

starts with an overview of universal characteristics and features of religion in general

and Christianity in particular. It goes on to discuss how Christianity ideas, values,

practices informed socio-economic development in the pre-colonial Matengo context.

The period at the time of contact with Christianity is contextualized by looking at the

characteristics of the Matengo society as it was transforming itself in the

1 Yusuph Lawi and Patrick Masanja, African Traditional Religions in Tanzania: Essence, Practice and

the Encounter with Modernization, in Mukandala, et al (Eds.), Justice Rights and Worship: Religion

and Politics in Tanzania, REDET, E&D Limited, 2006:74

2

development of world view and transcendental feelings which formed the material

base of its socio-economic and political transformation. The study further discusses

the manner in which colonial and post-colonial modernization influenced the practice

of Christianity and their interactions with socio-economic development.

Secondly, the period between 1890 and 1918 was a phase characterized by the

introduction of Christianity by missionaries of Benedictine Fathers who forcefully

and aggressively demolished the traditional religious institutions of the Matengo

Highlands with little success. The Matengo society being solid in their transcendental

feelings was a hard rock to break easily despite the German colonial state massive

support to the missionaries who apparently were German nationals.

Thirdly, a period from 1919 was characterized by the change of colonial power from

German to British. The Benedictines were interned and finally deported to Germany

by the new antagonistic colonial power. This somewhat broke the continuity in the

establishment of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. Ironically this phase was

characterized by phenomenal growth and expansion of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands. This expansion and consolidation was achieved due to changing

perception of Christianity by Matengo people. The White Fathers missionaries

introduced material incentives and opening up social service facilities which attracted

Matengo people into joining the new religion.

Finally, the success of the Benedictines in the Matengo Highlands prepared

conditions for their being rendered redundant. It was this redundancy and other

historical reasons internally and externally generated, which called for a transition to

3

local church between 1945 and 1968. The success was accordingly because the

whole Umatengo was converted into Christianity with an exception of few old people

who were still adamant to the new religion though they had agreed to baptize their

children and also took them to mission schools. Consequently, the pre-Christian

Matengo society was transformed into one of the leading Christian society in

Tanzania with more than 85% of population boasting as Christians at least materially.

The spiritual attributes of these Christians leaves much to be desired because

syncretism was and still is so strong among Wamatengo people.2

The study concludes that Christian religion brought in the Matengo Highlands new

package of social, cultural and economic components which transformed the

Matengo society‘s life style and caused the disintegration of the existing mode of

production. This transformation was the basis for the socio-economic changes which

evolved in each phase depending on the strategies and tactics the missionaries

applied in pulling the Matengo into Christianity. But also the Matengo were not

passive recipients of the new innovations. They were always cautious at each stage of

incorporation by being selective on what to incorporate and what is not to accept.

That is why at the period of transition the missionaries were worried as to the new

faith would be sustainable after seeing that in 1960s there was recourse to

polygamous marriages and witchcraft cleansing. Fr. Gregory Mgeni made a research

in late 1950s and early 1960s while working in Mbinga and Mkumbi parishes. He

found strong recourse to witchcraft beliefs among Wamatengo people.3

2 TEC, Catholic Directory of Tanzania, 2006:146

3 Jimbo Katoliki Mbinga, Ustawi wa Enjili Jimbo la Mbinga Kuelekea Mwaka 2000, Peramiho

Printing Press, 1997:40

4

1.1 Background to the Problem

There were and still are many divergent views, questions and doubts about the theme

―Religion and Development‖ then and now, specifically on the historical role religion

plays in development process. The views revolve around all religions in the world.

The most dominant in the discourse are Islam, Buddhism, Christianity and African

Traditional Religions.4

Institutions such as the World Bank and International

Monetary Fund initiated the World Faiths Development Dialogue,5 formation of

Faith Based Organizations, International Non-Governmental Organization,6

a

Mammoth Faith and Development Project Consortium sponsored by the Department

For International Development (DFID) – United Kingdom, Dutch Ministry of

Foreign Affairs formed a Knowledge Forum on Religion and Development Policy for

Netherlands, and Institute of Social Studies established the Chair for Religion and

Development in Netherlands.7

These institutions, scholars, development practitioners, academics, policy makers,

theologians, economists, sociologists, and lawyers, have been posing questions on

the role of religion in development. Such questions as: Why God is winning?8 Why

there is a remarkable comeback of religion?9 Is religion detrimental to economic

growth?10

Is God dead? Does religion have a place in today‘s world?11

4 For these discussions the following are cases in place. The Established Institute of Social Studies to

deal with religious studies in Netherlands and the Religion and Development Research Programme

Consorttium organized research partenership on religion and development. 5 UNRISD, Wolfensohn and Marshall, 2005

6 Jeff Haynes, Religion, Fundamentalism and Ethnicity, A Global Perspective, United Nations

Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), 2008 7 Haar, Religion and Development What‘s in Two Names Symposium on the 10th Anniversary of the

Chair of Religion and Development, 11 June 2009. Established Institute of Social Studies to deal with

religious studies. 8

Shah Samuel and Monica Duffy Toft, (July/August 2006), Why God is Winning, Foreign

Policy.2006:39-41 9 Jack van Ham, Speech, Religion and development cooperation: a devil of a job? 2010.

10McCleary, Rachel M. (2008) ‗Religion and economic Development‘, Policy Review no. 148, 2008.

5

The reasons for these questions being asked and the timing of which are based on the

following grounds. Beginning from the 16th century enlightenment movement and

development of science and technology, as articulated by Discartes, 1596-1650,

Kepler, 1571-1630, Galilee, 1564-1642, and Newton 1642-1727, reformation

movement within the church, as advocated by Martin Luther, 1483-1546; John

Calvin, 1509-1564 and philosophies of humanism, empiricism, and rationalism

theorized by John Locke, 1632-1704, David Hume, 1711-76, Francis Bacon, 1596-

1626, Berkeley, and John Stuart Mill combined to challenge role of Christian

religion. This position was contrary to hitherto providential thought that God and

religion directed the workings of the world.

During the age of mature capitalism (1850-1914) scholars held a strong conviction

that societies would secularize as they are modernized, urbanized and

industrialized.12

This conviction dominated through post – Second World War when

Western Europe witnessed tremendous growth in science and technology at the

expense of religion. Post-World War II reconstruction initiative accelerated dramatic

decline of Christian religious faith and consequently growing secularization. Extreme

views on secularization are found in Hume (1757 [1993]) and Freud (1927), who

viewed religious beliefs as mainly a reflection of fear and ignorance. They were of

the opinion that the problem of society can better be solved by science and

technology.13

11

Wikipedia, 2010. 12

Weber 1905 [1930], cf. McCleary and Barro, 2006. 13

Hume (1757 [1993]) and Freud 1927,

6

The neglect of religion was reinforced by the decline of the working class ideology

of Marxism and the ascendance of neo-liberal economic policies in the 1980s,

associated with a renewed emphasis on economic growth, reliance on the market and

a reduced role for the state.

The failure of economic theories14

and development models which were materialistic

vision in nature was another reason. These theories and models were adapted to

address the problem of development of the world. The failure was revealed in the fact

that the problems facing humanity have increased. Besides, the gap between rich and

poor has widened. The living conditions of many people especially in developing

nations were extremely poverty stricken, social services were dramatically

collapsing, most of the third world nations were heavily indebted and the states were

unable to provide the services. Most of the dialogues were contemporary and they

were becoming so strong from 1945. This period was marked with consolidation of

capitalism as a dominant mode of production resulting into overdominance of

poverty. Inherent contradictions both intra and inter imperialist crisis were the order

of the day. Socialism as an ideology of working class was also dramatically

collapsing. Religion was anticipated to be as an alternative dominant ideology and be

used to mobilize the poor masses in solving their poverty problem.15

Tied into this challenge the solution among scholars, development practitioners,

World Bank, International Monetary Fund, development experts, development

14

Carole Rakodi, Obstacle or Opportunity? Religion and Development, Bond Networking for

International Development, 2008:1, cf. Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar, Religion and Development

in Africa, 2004, cf. Hottel Stenson Eslov, Gender, Religion and Development, Gadnet Dreamcatcher,

2008, cf. Sriya Iyer, Religion and Economic Development, University of Cambridge, 2007 15

A.M.Babu, African Socialism or African SocialismWalter TPH, Dar-es-Salaam, 1981,: 27-31.

7

partners, hyper institutions and developed nations which are involved in the practice

of development, have recently brought to the fore the question of religion and

development in Africa in general and Tanzania in particular. They highlight the

contribution, or potential contribution of religion to development.16

They insisted that

there is a need to shift the prevalent development paradigm and bring in new thinking

which could incorporate spiritual dimension of human existence.17

It was believed

that religion as a system of knowledge and practice was in position to complement

science in bringing prosperity to all mankind.18

There has been a claim that there is re-emergence, or an upsurge in the study of

religion as an important framework in studying other aspects of human life of

political aspects, human rights, economic and social lives in the 1990s. Many

researches, studies, workshops, and seminars are being conducted on the role of

religion on the lives of human beings.19

Among the important areas which these

discussions have been focusing into, is the role of religion in development. The

reason they advance is that there is a coming back, resurgence and a revival of

religion without telling the coming back from where.20

Worse enough sometimes the

coming back and religious revivalism were associated with religious

16

Amos Mhina, Religion and Development in Tanzania (RAD), a Preliminary Literature Review,

UDSM, 2007:2, cf. Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar, The Role of Religion in Development: Towards

a New Relationship between the European Union and Africa, The European Journal of Development

Research, Vol. 18, No. 3, 2006:351-367 17

Katherine Marshall, Faith and Development: Rethinking Development Debates, World Bank,

2005:7 URL: http://web.worldbank.org 18

Institute for Studies in Global Prosperity, Inc. Science, Religion, and Development: Promoting a

Discourse in India, Brazil, and Uganda, Copyright © 2010,:7 URL www.globalprosperity.org 19

Haar, 2004, Barro, 2004, Marshall, 2005, Mukandala, 2006, Mhina, 2007 20

Tanja Elingsen, Toward a Revival of Religion and Religious Clashes, in Terrorism and Political

Violence 17, Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2005:306

8

fundamentalism, terrorism, Kibwetereism,21

and other negative acts of the individual

religious leaders.

How useful are the questions being asked from other disciplines as indicated in the

discussion above and how are they related to the concerns of historical study? Some

historical explanations have to be sought for why these institutions and individuals

who were very negative against incorporating religion in development discourse. In

their rebuttals they claimed that religion and ethnicity were local and traditional

forms of social identities22

which are peripheral and even retrograde.23

The historicity

and timing of the dialogue and intensification of discussion on allowing religion as

part of development discourse has also to be problematized. The historicity of the

discussion is the period of economic crisis from 1945 as a result of ramification of

the Second World War. Capitalism as a world system was closely challenged by

working class struggles in 18820s to1900s and the communist bloc under Union of

Socialist Soviet Republics. There were inbuilt contradictions within the capitalist

system revolving around need for cheap raw materials, market and investment areas.

But the imperialist camp also experienced the intra-imperialist contradictions due to

perpetual struggles between development of productive forces and the relation of

production. There were also changes in the imperialist forces and the mode of

imperialist operation. To solve these crises, capitalists resort to use religious

ideologyas a key component of mode of production. These are the same people who

at one historical epoch discredited the role of religion in development, but now are

the same people advocating the incorporation of religion in development discourse.

21

Kibwetere was a religious leader in Uganda who massacred all his followers in a closed worship

house which was deliberately set ablaze as a fulfillment of God‘s order. 22

David Apter, The Politics of Modernization, Chicago University Press, Chicago,1965 23

Katherine Marshall, op.cit. :7

9

There was a failure in the part of state to deliver the expected goods in the third

world countries. There was corruption, embezzlement of public funds, collapse of

social services and infrastructure, indebtedness and massive demands for assistance

from developed nations. The same institutions and individuals who were for

secularization and who argued that religion was an impediment to modernization and

socio-economic development are the same people who are coming with agencies of

Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) and Christian and Islamic NGOs which can play

constructive role in development24

to assist the third world countries in bringing

sustainable development. But the reality is that these agencies are not developmental

rather instruments of imperialism. In the Matengo Highlands both the German and

British colonial governments viewed Christianity as an agent of modernization in

introducing cash crops (coffee and wheat), introducing and running schools,

removing paganism through evangelization and removing witchcraft through

introduction of western medical services.25

There was a very strong link between the

colonial state and missionaries in the Matengo Highlands as the Dr. Livingstone‘s

three (3) Cs thesis namely Christianity, Civilization and Commerce.26

In serving

colonialism, the church often took up the role of arbiter of what was culturally

correct. African ancestral beliefs were equated with the devil (who was black

anyway), and it took a very long time before some European churchmen accepted

24

Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar, Religion and Development in Africa, 2004:8-9. Cf. Mohamed

Bakari and Laurean Ndumbaro, Religion and Governance in Tanzania: The Post – Liberalization era,

in Rwekaza Mukandala et al. (eds). Justice Rights and Worship: Religion and Politics in Tanzania,

REDET, E&D Limited, 2006:334 25

TNA, Annual Reports of British colonial government 1920, 1921, 1923, 1925, 1926, 1944, cf. Acc.

155 District Office Songea – Education Committee Meetings 1946, 1947, 1949, 1951, 1952, 1953,

1954, 1955, 1956, 1957, 1958, 1959, 1960 and 1961 cf. UDSM, Annual Reports – Deutsch-Ostafrika

(DOA) about the Development of German East Africa, 1901/02, 1902/03, 1903/04, 1905/06, 1907/08,

1908/09, 1909/10 26

Dr. David Livingstone, Cambridge Speech of December 1857, in Rev. J. E. Chambliss. The Life and

Labors of David Livingstone LL.D, D.C.L. Covering his Entire Career in Southern and Central

Africa. 1875:311

10

prevailing African beliefs as constituting religion rather than mere witchcraft and

magic. However, in its hostility towards African cultural and religious

manifestations, the Christian played some progressive role of discouraging practices

such as killing twins and trial by ordeal were frowned upon by the European

missionaries, and those were reflections of superstitious ideas rooted in an early stage

of African development, when something like the birth of twins could not be

scientifically explained, and, therefore, gave rise to religious fear.27

The African Traditional Matengo Religion was perceived by both colonial state and

missionaries as an impediment and obstacle to modernization.28

The colonial

administrators supported the missionaries by offering land and created conditions for

the Wamatengo to join the alien religion. Christanity would have taught the local

people the work ethics.29

At the same time the pursuit of secularism in political

sphere as was advocated in Europe and America was not advocated in the Matengo

Highlands. Have they forgotten the theories of development based on economic

materialist vision they used to cherish from 1945? Are the development models they

imposed on the third world counties no longer tenable?

The submission of this study is that religion and socio-economic development are

historical construction taking place in every society as it is emphasized by Kuhn:

27

Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, TPH, Dar-es-Salaam, 1972:401 28

TNA, British Annual Reports and UDSM German Annual Reports. The colonial administrations

(both German and British) had an item in their Annual Reports commenting on the relationship

between the colonial state and missionaries which according to Archival records was entirely

satisfactory. 29

Annual Report DOA, 1902/1903, 1908/1909, 1909/1910 and TNA, AB. 16 Part 1733/15, Annuaal

Report – Songea District 1923

11

―Every civilization of which we have records has

possessed a technology, an art, a religion, a political

system, laws and so on.‖30

This is also echoed by Rodney when he blatantly puts it thus:

―…as human beings battled with the material

environment, they created forms of social relations, forms

of government, patterns of behavior, and systems of belief

which together constituted the superstructure.‖31

Each element in the superstructure interacted with other elements in the

superstructure as well as with the material base. The two aspects, religion and socio-

economic development are intricately woven together and they complement each

other. There is no satisfactory definition of religion which allows us to separate it

from political or economic or social life; nor can it be maintained seriously that Islam

and Christianity have not become African Religion. Religion has been defined in

many differing ways. Some use substantive definition which dwells on what religion

is (beliefs, transcendental reality or spiritual being or sacred), religiosity and

affiliation with religious organs.32

Many others apply functional definition which

stresses on what religion does. It looks at the roles religion play in the construction of

people‘s world views and social relationships, wider socio-political organizations

which can be regarded negatively or positively.33

In this study a compromise

definition of religion is adopted and in this context religion is thus defined as

culturally postulated attitudes, values, and practices based on more or less

comprehensive view of powers beyond the physical world.34

This is when people at

particular stage of development start developing religious ideas to reflect the existing

30

Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions Third Edition, The University of Chicago

Press Chicago and London, 1996:168 31

Water Rodney,op. cit.1972:9 32

Carole Rakodi, RAD, 2006:7 33

Ibid. RAD 2007:334 34

Lawi and Masanja, op. cit. 2006:74

12

material conditions. It is a specific system of belief about deity, often involving

rituals, a code of ethics and philosophy of life and world view.35

A world view is a

set of foundational beliefs concerning deity, humanity and the rest of the universe.

Thus we would consider Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Judaism, Confucianism,

African Traditional Religions, Native spirituality and other traditions as religions.

On the other hand socio-economic development is a component of development

which is construed as change or transformation from low state of life with low level

of appropriation of nature to upper stage of life advanced ability to appropriate

nature. The change is both qualitative and quantitative. Development in human

society is a many-sided process. At the level of the individual, it implies increased

skill and capacity, greater freedom, creativity, self-discipline, responsibility, and

material well-being. Some of these are virtually moral categories and are difficult to

evaluate – depending, as they do on the age in which one lives, one's class origins,

and one's personal code of what is wrong. However, what is indisputable is that the

achievement of any of those aspects of personal development is very much tied in

with the state of the society as a whole. From earliest times, man found it convenient

and necessary to come together in groups to hunt and for the sake of survival. The

relations which develop within any given social group are crucial to an understanding

of the society as a whole. Freedom, responsibility and skill have real meaning only in

terms of the relations of men in society. At the level of social groups, therefore,

development implies an increasing capacity to regulate both internal and external

relationships.36

35

www.About.com accessed 2011 36

Walter Rodney, op. cit. 1972:7

http://www.about.com/

13

Socio-economic development is the provision of basic needs to life including food,

education, health, shelter, cloth, spiritual values, economic prosperity and security.

The purpose of which is human development in terms of economic growth and

enabling environment to live long and healthy life, income, descent standard of

living, self-respect, political freedom, human rights consumption and improvement

of well-being. Assessing socio-economic impacts requires both quantitative and

qualitative measurements of the impact of a proposed development. For example, a

proposed development may increase employment in the community and create

demand for more affordable housing. Both effects are easily quantifiable. Also of

importance, however, are the perceptions of community members about whether the

proposed development is consistent with a commitment to preserving the rural

character of the community. Assessing community perceptions about development

requires the use of methods capable of revealing often complex and unpredictable

community values.

Religious beliefs and rituals are found in every human society. This implies that

religious experience is a universal characteristic of human beings. The historical

level of development of each society will determine the type and operationalization

of their religion. The basic foundation of most ancient civilizations such as

Mesopotamia, Sumerians, Chinese, Indians, Greeks, Roman, Egyptians, Kush,

Sudanic states and many others was the existence of diverse religions.37

The history

of which is testified on how religions consolidated the society by providing spiritual

values, guidance to socio-economic development of these ancient civilizations. It is

within these civilizations where the so-called universal religions evolved Buddhism

37

Robert Wenke, Pattern in Pre-History 3rd

ed, Oxford University Press, Toronto,1990: 352-374

14

of North India, Judaism the religion of Jews, Islam the religion of Middle East and

Christianity based on Middle East thus labeled as historic religions as opposed to the

so-called Primitive religions for primitive societies.38

The evolution of religion as Karl Marx putsit, was a product of the material

conditions and social relationship that shape people‘s lives. Not the other way round.

The starting point of evolution of religion should be the material – concrete material

condition which is man and his environment which is the concrete society and not

ideas. The starting point of the first ever historical act, which initiated history, was an

act of production that was designed to meet survival needs. Man involved in

production of material life like food, shelter, cloth, education and security. To extract

the material life man has to comprehend laws of nature hence developing science and

technology. Laws of nature not well comprehended by man raise questions like what

next after death, where does rain come from? What is the source of fertility and

reproduction? Who determine gender? Why are there seasons? Some clever people

invented answers based on personal guesses. Because they have no answers they

ascribe to some powers somewhere hence creation of religion and God.39

History

(theory of society in transformation) recognizes that those material conditions and

social relations are ever-changing in time and space. Hence the ideas (religion) will

always keep on changing.

Furthermore, man a concrete material condition makes religion, religion does not

make man. Religion is self-consciousness and self-esteem of man. Man is concrete

not abstract being; man is the world which is man, state and society. Thus state and

38

Mushi, op.cit. 2006 :20 39

Robert Bellah, Religion in Human Evolution, Harvard University Press, 2011

15

this society produce religion which is an inverted consciousness of the world. Marx‘s

conception of religion is set in the light of his notion of the stages of history as a

whole. First humans see themselves as a local community, with their local gods, then

in the era of money and exploitation God Almighty rules over all. Finally there is no

use for Him (God) as humans freely govern their own lives.40

This is the period

which was referred to as secularization period by modernists, an epoch where

religion will no longer count. All challenges facing humanity will be addressed by

development of science and technology. For the Marxists, religion is an aspect of the

superstructure of a society, deriving ultimately from the degree of control and

understanding of the material world. When man thinks in religious terms, he starts

from the ideal rather than with the material world (which is beyond his

comprehension). This creates a non-scientific and metaphysical way of viewing the

world, which often conflicts with the scientific materialist outlook and with the

development of society.

Historically, the roles of religion in society were many including socio-economic

development which enhances reproduction and sustainability of human society. What

Marx meant was that religion is false consciousness hence it is negative to society

and impedes socio-economic development of society. Religion as a product of

relations of human beings in production process forms an aspect of the superstructure

of a society, deriving ultimately from the degree of control and understanding of the

material world. The superstructure of the dominant class hence used to justify

existing class exploitation.41

The Marxist view of religion is premised around the

concept of social formation which rests on or a product of the economic base or

40

Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, German Ideology, op. cit. 18 41


16

mode of production which comprise of productive forces and relations of production.

The internal law of development of the modes of production began to be formulated

in terms of the dialectical interaction of productive forces and relations of

production.42

The interaction between productive forces and relations of production

which is normally contradictory gave rise to superstructure which comprised of

religion, laws, state, ideas and politics. For Marxists, religion is part and parcel of the

dominant ideology of particular society and as dominant class ideology; it is used to

suppress the exploited class. It is in the framework of this existing material condition

in society or social formation, Marx proposes that Communism will abolish all

eternal truths, it will abolish all religion, and all morality in human societies so as to

promote socio-economic development of society where there won‘t be any

exploitation or oppression.43

Marx died at the time when he anticipated the withering

away of the state, religion and hence the triumph of communism. In the absence of

Marx and his Marxist ideology being vehemently challenged, the end of the cold war

and the collapse of communist bloc, there was strong recourse to local identities like

Christianity, tribalism, ethnicity and racism as the alternative to address capitalist

inherent crisis.

The fact that religion has always played role in shaping the socio-economic

development in communities throughout human history is widely recognized.

However, the dynamics of these interactions and the specific ways in which these

two variables interact have nevertheless varied in time and space.44

Christianity as

religion has long history in socio-economic development across the world.

Christianity from its inception involved in the shaping of activities within society

42

Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, The German Ideology. Text taken from Marxists.org. Written: Fall

1845 to mid-1846; First Published: 1932 (in full):6 43

Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, The Manifestoof the Communist Party, 1848:26 44

Lawi and Masanja, op. cit. 2006:74

17

including production of the material goods and biological reproduction of the social

formation. Other religions like Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism and ATRs also played

similar role. God condemned Adam and Eve at the Garden of Eden that they will get

their basic needs by sweat and blood.45

The same premise was the starting point of

Marx when he claimed that the basic component of human life is material production

for his survival. Because it is production of material life that make human beings

different from other primates unlike in the Bible which present work as a necessary

evil,46

Marx presents production as a very revolutionary and noble activity which will

liberate human society.

―This conception of history thus relies on expounding the

real process of production-starting from the material

production of life itself-and comprehending the form of

intercourse connected with and created by this mode of

production, i.e., civil society in its various stages, as the

basis of all history;…‖47

Christianity played crucial role in socio-economic development during the Roman

hegemony; Emperor Constantine had declared Roman Catholic religion as a state

religion hence shaping inter alia socio-economic development policies which

elevated Roman Empire to one of the towering ancient civilization between 300 BCE

to 400 CE.48

Being a period of dominance of slave mode of production, Christianity

played a crucial role to emancipate slaves as it was against Christian teachings that

all human beings are equal before God. St. Augustine a bishop of Hippo, a small

diocese near Carthage was a greatest theologian in the history of Christianity. He

mobilized his people through Christian theology to get out of troubles, wars, famine

45

Genesis, 3:23-24 46

Genesis, 3:16-19 47

Marx and Engels, op. cit.:6 48

Emperor Constantine convened the ecumenical Council of Nicea (325 CE) which inclined him to

Christianity.

18

and torture in the Mediterranean world. His work was able to drive his people to

accept Christianity which promised prosperity.49

Throughout the European Middle

Ages, with the Crusades between Christians and Moslems giving an added excuse for

enslaving people, Christianity played developmental role of struggling to liberate

slaves and set them free.

The writings of Thomas Aquinas, notably the De Regno (De Regimine Principum)

and Regem Cypri, written in 1267, dealt extensively with religion and public finance.

Indeed, some scholars have considered the ideas in this work, as in Aquinas‘s Summa

Theologica (1265–72), strikingly relevant for poverty reduction today; their themes

of the ‗universal common good‘ and ‗global civil society‘ have implications for

current debates about globalization and human development (Linden, 2003).

During the dark ages when Western Europe was in serious insecurity, many people

sought refuge in monasteries and parishes. It was this system which consolidated the

manorial system and feudal mode of production in Western Europe. Besides, the

Roman Catholic Church established relief facilities in the parishes which catered for

the orphans, widows, poor and destitute. The parishes and monasteries used to

provide relief through the work houses where able bodied poor were made to work in

industry in return for food and other material life; relief through poor house or

almshouse where the blind, old, orphans, lame and impotent were cared for; through

the house of correction or prison where the idle poor and vagrants were taken for

correction. All these institutions were under the church. Even the implementation of

the Poor Laws was within the realm of the church. As a result Western Europe had

49

Schaff, Philip (1819-1893) (Editor), St Augustine, The City of God, 413 – 426 CE, Grand

Rapids,1886:452

19

cultivated a culture popularly known as Christendom, a very unique socio-economic

culture which was dominated by Christian ethos. From 16th

century Western Europe

entered renaissance and later enlightenment which challenged Christianity as a local

identity and it was argued that it would be detrimental to development of science,

technology and political development.50

At this stage religion started being

eliminated from the public scene, problems encountering human race were now

solved by science and technology.

For centuries, scripture and theology were the focus of prodigious amounts of

scholarship and publishing, dominated in the English-speaking world by the work of

Protestant Christians. Enlightenment philosophy and science, anthropology,

ethnology and the colonial experience all brought new perspectives, lively debates

and heated controversies to the study of religion and its role in the world, many of

which continue to this day.51

This study explores the editing and interpretation of

religious texts, the history of religious ideas and institutions, and not least the

encounter between religion and socio-economic development.

The economic concern with religion and development is not new, nor is it restricted

to scholars of the 21st century. The links between religion and development also

feature in Joseph Schumpeter‘s History of Economic Analysis (1954). Jacques Le

Goff authored La Naissance du Purgatoire (1981), which argued that purgatory was a

necessary religious innovation for medieval capitalist development. However, it was

in 1904 that Max Weber put forward his famous theory of the Protestant ethic and the

spirit of capitalism, arguing that economic development in northern Europe could be

50

Norbert Brockman S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J.A History of the Catholic Church,

Paulines Publications Africa, Nairobi, 2004:97 51

Henry Drummond,The Ascent of Man, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2009: Introduction

20

explained by developments that were associated with the Protestantism – the concern

with savings, entrepreneurial activity, the frugality which Puritanism demanded, and

the literacy needed to read the scriptures. The essence of Weber‘s thesis was that

nascent capitalism emerged in the 16th century in Europe on account of the

Protestant ethic which arose from the Reformation. Ascetic Protestantism encouraged

diligence, discipline, self-denial and thrift. Both Lutheran and Calvinist doctrines

urged adherents robustly to undertake their ‗calling‘. Spiritual grace from religion

was attained by demonstrating temporal success in one‘s calling. The Protestant ethic

thus involved the diligent undertaking of one‘s calling as a religious obligation,

which promoted a work ethic that increased savings, capital accumulation,

entrepreneurial activity, and investment, all of which in turn fostered economic

development.52

The work of evangelization in Africa was done by different religious sects. Muslims

who arrived mainly through trade contacts in North, west and East Africa made these

areas predominantly Islam. Among the traits and values they adapted included

Arabic culture in dressing code, Arabic language, food and eating manners.53

The

other sect was that of Europeans who originated from Portugal, Britain, France,

Germany, Holland, and many others. They established centers along the coast at

Zanzibar, Bagamoyo, Rabai, West, Central and South African coast. From the

coastal centers the missionaries travelled inland where they established their centers.

Christian missionaries belonged to different denominations including the Roman

Catholics – the White Fathers, Benedictines, Consolata, Capchins, Jesuits,

52

Sriya Iyer, Religion and Economic Development, University of Cambridge.2007:4 53

Method Kilaini The Church in Africa and Tanzania in Particular, TEC, 1998, 2008 cf. Bengt

Sundkler and Christopher Steed, A History of the Church in Africa, Cambridge University Press,

Cambridge, UK. 2000:651

21

Passionists, Pallotins and others. The Protestants included the Universities Mission to

Central Africa - UMCA, Church Mission Society – CMS, Lutherans, Moravians and

Seventh Day Adventist Church.

Christianity was introduced to Africa in three waves. The first wave marked the

spread of Christianity throughout North Africa and Ethiopia. During the second wave

was the time when the Portuguese were trying to extend their rule in the Indian

Ocean for commercial purposes in 16th

and 17th

centuries. The third wave of

Christianity in Africa was as part of colonial enterprise from the 19th

century.54

Christianity illustrates best the contradictory role of religion in the social

transformation of Africa as both a resource and a problem. On the resource side,

there was no doubt that Christianity had been welcome and had grown because of its

direct involvement in the development of Africa. Its role in the promotion of Western

education at different levels - elementary, secondary, teacher-training, and sometimes

also technical and tertiary - was at the heart of African development. Throughout

Africa, the colonial powers were usually satisfied to leave the missionaries in charge

of education in return for some financial support from taxes. The Christian missions

also dominated the book trade, printing and publishing, bookshops and libraries.

They played a similar pioneering role in the introduction of Western-type health care

in the establishment of hospitals and clinics.

Thus, a great attraction of Christianity was in its essential pioneering effort in

progressive measures, and encouraging the transition of its members from traditional

society into the modernizing world which was set as the goal of colonization, but

54

Kapepwa Tambila and John Sivalon, Intra-denominational Conflict in Tanzania‘s Christian

Churches, in Rwekaza Mukandala et al. (eds), op. cit. 2006:225

22

which colonial policies did little to realize. Of course, there was a huge gap between

European conduct and the Christian principles with which they were associated; and,

on the part of the Africans, it was also true that motives for accepting Christianity

often had nothing to do with the content of the religion. Indeed, the church as a

source of education was probably more attractive to many converts than the church

as a dispenser of religion.55

At the same time, Christianity had grown up in close collaboration with colonialism

while Islam and traditional religion were more distant and sometimes hostile. The

European and American missionaries who maintained a rigid hold on the churches

they had created were closer in their thought and attitudes to the colonial officials

and European settlers than to their African colleagues, assistants and parishioners.

The mission movement was not monolithic one, it contains within it different

denominations, sects, and orders, each possessing its own theology ritual practices

and strategies for conversion. Each was also composed of different nationalities and

ethnicities with their own languages and cultural values. There were British

Anglicans who vied with Scottish Presbyterians, American Baptists, American and

Scandinavian Lutherans. On the other hand French White Fathers competed with

German Benedictines, French and American Holy Ghost Fathers, British Mill Hill

Fathers, Americans Maryknolls and Irish Pallotines. The roles of individual missions

and missionaries varied greatly depending on the colonial context and their relations

with colonial authorities. Similarly, missionaries varied according to their relations

55


23

with local people as influenced by their willingness to learn the local languages, their

degree of social and cultural and their personal relations with individual Africans.56

The Church establishments were thus part of the colonial structures that African

independence movements were trying to decolonize. Most of the leaders were

products of Western education, but they were nonetheless most conscious of the

extent to which their education had involved a degree of mental colonization,

enforced subordination to Western ideas, and alienation from the roots of African

culture. So the linkage between the Christian enterprise and socio-economic lie in the

fact that colonialists wanted to incorporate Africans in the capitalist system. The

European missionaries were acting as agents of colonialists in provision of social

services and infrastructure.

Evangelization of Tanzania was pioneered by Protestant missionaries and Roman

Catholic missionaries. There was slow expansion of mission work after the German

conquest of Tanzania with five missions at the forefront. Holy Ghost Fathers

expanded from Bagamoyo to Kilimanjaro in 1891, Usambara in 1907, and Ugogo in

1910. White Fathers expanded from Karema, Tabora, Bukumbi, Rukwa Basin,

Usumbwa, Buhaya in 1890s. Later the expansion went to Ufipa, Buha, Mbulu and

towards Lake Nyasa. The Protestant societies of UMCA expanded from Bonde to

Uzigua; CMS expanded from Uganda to Ukaguru and Ugogo; Moravians expanded

to Urambo. Meanwhile German colonialists stimulated several mission to work in

Tanzania. The St. Ottilien Benedictine Fathers accepted to work in Southern

Tanzania in Lukuledi, Madibira, Peramiho, Kwiro and the Matengo Highlands. The

56

Thomas Spear, Towards the History of African Christianity, in Thomas Spear and Isaria

Kimambo,(eds.) op. cit. 1999:5

24

German Protestants included the Lutherans of Bethel Mission created by DOAG

supports working in Usambara in 1891, Buhaya in 1911; the Older Berlin Mission in

Unyakyusa, later Ubena, Uhehe and Uzaramo; Moravians in Unyakyusa; Leipzig

Mission or Orthodox Lutheran took over work of CMS on Kilimanjaro, Upare and

Iramba; Adventists worked in Musoma and Upare; African Inland Mission worked in

Usukuma.57

By 1914 every missionary society in Tanzania employed evangelistic approach

which involved working in extensive manner, building networks of schools and

catechists, encouraging converts to abandon old beliefs. For many mission societies

this meant a change of policy. The change in policy owed something to mission

theory. By the 1880s missionaries were questioning earlier assumptions that

Christianity must be accompanied by general socio-economic change. During the

British administration the relationship between the state and Christianity continued

harmoniously as the religious institutions continued to provide not only spiritual

values but also essential human services like education, health services, infrastructure

services, orphanage services and relief services to the needy. Unlike the

modernization theorists who saw religion as obstacle to socio-economic

development, the missions were manipulated by the colonial state as an engine for

socio-economic development. There was no secularization in Tanzania in colonial

Tanzania as it was advocated by modernization theorists in Europe.58

57

John Iliffe, op. cit. 1979:217 58

Mohammed Bakari and Laurean Ndumbaro, Religion and Governance in Tanzania: The Post-

Liberalization in Tanzania, in Rwekaza Mukandala, op. cit. 2006:334

25

However, the focus of British rule (1919-1961) and its emphasis on indirect rule

through local administration and its continued emphasis on education helped to

promote faster expansion of Christianity.59

By the end of British colonial

administration in Tanganyika 1961 there was a great diversity of Christian

denominations in Tanganyika with Roman Catholic constituting the majority.

Lutherans and Anglicans were numerically strong. Other denominations such as

Moravians, Seventh Day Adventist Church, Mennonites, Baptist and the African

Inland Church were relatively small at the time.

In 1936 the non-Roman Catholic Churches organized Tanganyika Mission Council

which was changed to Christian Council of Tanganyika in 1948. On the other hand

the Roman Catholic Church established the organization of Tanganyika Episcopal

Conference. These missionary institutions were aimed at linking with the state on

matters of education, policy, school administration and educational subsidy. These

Christian organizations appointed Educational General Secretaries to liaise with the

state on matters of social services. For instance in 1961 the educational sector 71% of

children were receiving education in the church owned schools while 29% got

education in government and Native Authority schools. In 1959 Roman Catholic

Church was running 52 hospitals, 198 dispensaries; Lutheran Church in 1963 was

running 12 hospitals and 70 dispensaries; other denominations were running one

hospital each. Church was actively involved in national building after independence

by the clergy supporting civic and national affairs. The Roman Catholic Church

issued publications on responsible Christian citizens in Tanzania, organized refugee

and relief services and conference centers. The Christian Council of Tanzania

59

Robert Leurs at al. Mapping the Development Activities of Faith based Organizations in Tanzania,

RAD, University of Birmingham, 2011:

26

organized study programs to educate the population on national building and

development activities.60

It appears that the church and the state have existed and

worked together in rather harmonious way in both colonial and post-colonial

Tanzania.

The Benedictine Fathers were invited by German colonialists after establishment of

their boma at Songea specifically for the provision of social services in their sphere

of influence. The Benedictine Fathers had occupied the Matengo Highlands from

their station of Kigonsera where a mission station was established in 1899 as a sister

mission of Peramiho. Matengo Highlands are found in the present Mbinga district in

the south western Tanzania. Matengo were a Bantu speaking group who had

inhabited the area from 19th

century. They had evolved complex traditional religious

beliefs which were the foundation of their socio-economic and political system. They

used their religion as inspiration and inauguration of new agricultural planting or

harvesting season. In short all important clan activities such as hunting, traditional

dances, work of politics, in a course of natural calamities and outbreak of epidemics

were assigned religious rituals. In these events gods were consulted through their

mediums known as wapenga utunu who were believed to have ability to

communicate with the dead ancestors and the Almighty God known as Sapanga.61

When the Benedictines arrived here to introduce Christianity they experienced a lot

of resistance in the early years.62

However, with the intensive use of material

60

Lloyd W. Swatz Church, Mission nd State Relations on pre and post-independence Tanzania, 1955

– 1964, Occasional Paper 19 Maxwell Graduate School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, 1965 61

M.O.Kapinga, op.cit. 1993:43 62

Doerr, op.cit. 1998:80-81

27

incentives mainly salt, cloth, gifts and other western fancy material goods the

Matengo accepted Christianity in big numbers.63

From Kigonsera mission station the Benedictine Fathers systematically opened

mission stations, outstations and Basic Christian communities. Schools were opened

which acted as the recruitment ground for the new followers of the new Christian

religion. The Benedictines applied a monastic approach which were centers and were

used as the engine of society. The philosophy and motto of ora et labora (work and

prayer) was introduced for the purpose of implementing the objective of speeding

Christianity and civilization as stipulated in the treaty of 1887 between the

Benedictines and the German colonial administration.

The Matengo Highlands became one of the societies with the predominance of

Roman Catholic Christianity. When the missionaries handed over the leadership of

church to African local clergy in early 1969, there were 12 mission stations with a

big number of outstations and basic Christian communities. Total of 85% of the

population in the Matengo Highlands were already converted to Christianity. There

were fleets of subgrade schools and primary schools in all outstations, in all mission

stations there were middle schools, domestic science schools and trade schools under

the missionaries. There were many people who were building their houses using

baked bricks with corrugated iron sheets thatch. With the introduction of Arabica

coffee production among the Christian converts in the Matengo Highlands, the

population was boasting of very high income per capita in the Tanzania. This study

63

Interview with wazee wa mila Litembo elders: Remigius Mikael Hyera, Paul Jeremias Ndunguru,

Kostantini Manyuka Mwingira, Longinus Matias Tilia na Katekista Raphael Mapunda, interviewed at

Litembo, 2014. at Litembo,op. cit. 2014

28

explored the relationship between socio-economic progress and the Christian religion

in the Matengo Highlands. The study further examined if it was traditional religion or

Christianity which contributed to the socio-economic development of the Matengo

Highlands.

This study was undertaken amid widespread debates on the role of religion in

development. On the one hand there is phenomenal religious resurgence worldwide

in the form of fundamentalism, Pentecostalism, New Religious Movements from

1990s. The historicity of the debates seems to be tied to the dominant epistemology

whereby the so-called development experts, development partners, hyper institutions

and developed nations seem to set the agenda pioneering for development. They

claim to come up with new thinking on development or shift in development

paradigm in order to rescue the developing nations which are labeled as very poor

but very religious. These sympathizers want to assist developing nations by

channeling the assistance through religious avenues.

However, the timing of the thinking leaves much to be desired because it is the

period associated with the failure of state as engine of development to deliver the

goods. The world has been plunged into serious socio-economic crisis as reveled in

instabilities across the world especially in the third world nations. This is historically

a normal pattern and intrinsic logic of capitalist development to undergo a boom,

decline, crisis, and rise in its circle. During crisis, there is a tendency in capitalist

system to come up with solution which is intended to rescue capitalism from

collapse. The call for new thinking in development using local identities like religion

is just another capitalist effort to forestall a capitalist collapse. That is why these

29

same people at one historical epoch discredited the role of religion in development,

but now are the same people to advocate the incorporation of religion in development

discourse.64

Taking Matengo as a case study this study explored the historicity of Christian

religion and its developmental role from 1890 to 1968. The underling theory and

assumption is that societies do change, religion does change and therefore socio-

economic development of necessity will change. Since history is the theory of society

in its transformation, the study sought to investigate the linkages of society and

religion in its role of socio-economic development of the Matengo highlands. The

focus was the movement and dynamics of historical processes as they are influenced

by the human activities in the struggle to extract material life from the environment.

In this endeavor ideas about world view develop which finally formed the

superstructure of Matengo social formation as a reflection of the economic base. The

Matengo religious ideas were tied to the daily socio-economic activities like

agriculture, hunting, cultural functions, music, dance, rainfall, death, marriage, rites

of passage and others.65

The Matengo believed that everything they did was made

possible by powers of their God Sapanga. But at one point in history Christianity was

introduced parallel with German colonial state and the Matengo were forced or lured

through inducements to join the new Christian religion.66

The study undertook to

investigate the role of this Christian religion in socio-economic development of

64

Development theories from enlightenment to 1980s, they stood for modernization which discredited

religion as development discourse 65

Fr. Egno Ndunguru, Mila na Desturi za Matengo, EAPH, 1972:68-73 66

Interview with the Litembo elders, op. cit. stressed the missionaries use of fancy goods like salt,

cloth/calico, and other material inducement to lure Matengo join Christianity.

30

Matengo people who were before using traditional religion as their basis for world

view and economic material base.

1.2 The Statement of the Problem

Within this literature on religion and development a number of issues seem to linger

on vividly and receive attention namely the coming back of religion in the discourse

about development globally, which called for new paradigm on how to involve the

spiritual principles and laws in development discourse. The historical context of this

line of thinking was influenced by economic crisis in the global arena especially from

1945. Out of the crisis there was recourse to traditional and local identities, religion

being one of them in the form of revivalism and the so-called coming back of

religion in the form of fundamentalism. Such fundamentalist movements are found in

Western Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Buddhism and Hinduism 67

Development

practitioners, development institutions, academics, individuals and scholars

worldwide called for new thinking on development paradigm.68

However, the submission of this study was to come with a rebuttal against this line of

argument on the grounds that it is not the question of new thinking or paradigm shift

on religion and socio-economic development. Instead it is the historical process

which involved all societies since the time of their existence. The historical role of

religion in bringing socio-economic development of society has always been

influenced by objective material conditions and changes in space and time. For

instance the period between 1945 and 1970swas dominated by modernization and

67

Samwel Huntington, The Crash of Civilizations? Foreign Affairs; Summer 1993; 72, 3;

ABI/INFORM Global, pg. 22 68

Sharon Harper, (ed.) Toward a New Development Paradigm, IDCR/CRDI Kumarian Press, Ottawa,

2000:1, cf. Katherine Marshall, op. cit. :10

31

secularization, when religion was sidelined as local identity and standing in

opposition to modern scientific and an impediment to development, when

development discourse gave privilege to economics and in economic growth had

some historical material conditions which forced them to be on the defensive.69

Ironically, this same period of 1890 to 1968 Matengo Highlands was actively being

forced into Christian religion (western religion) in the modernization agenda by the

Benedictine missionaries from Germany.70

The missionaries were actively involved

in converting the Matengo people by baptizing them, solemnizing Christian

marriages, introducing western education by establishing schools and colleges,

establishing seminaries, construction of infrastructures, and introduction of western

medical services.71

Christian religion has never been far from the public sphere in the

Matengo Highlands. The German Benedictines appeared to have cooperated hand-in-

glove with the German colonial officials, so much so that during the Maji Maji

(1905-1907) and during the First World War (1914-1926), German Benedictines of

St. Ottilien were treated as enemies of the Wangoni and of the British

respectively.72

This is to the best a double standard and mere subjective and

ideological treatment of issues by the imperialist and their agents in the name of

development experts, development partners, hyper institutions and developed nations

pioneering development agenda. Furthermore, the British colonial government

69

The period when secularization and modernization was growing due to scientific and technological

improvement was weakened nation states as source of identity. Cf Samwel Huntington the Clash of

Civilization 1996 70

Within this period the Benedictine missionaries had established 12 mission stations in the Matengo

Highlands alone. 71

TNA, AB. 78 Annual Report Lipumba Sub-District, 1925. Cf. TNA, AB. 16 Annual Report Songea

District 1923, 72

Fr. Kevin Haule, Mission und Kolonialherschaft, with Special Reference to the German Benedictine

Missions in Southern Tanzania, Paper read to the participants of the Workshop on 100th Anniversary

of Maji Maji war, Wuppertal, November 5, 2005:2

32

encouraged Benedictine missionaries to run education institutions in the Matengo

Highlands. Until 1961 Matengo Highlands did not have any government school, all

schools belonged to the Benedictines.73

In the light of that historical reality, the task of this study was to present a case study

of Matengo Highlands to show how historical processes have been influencing

religion in the role of influencing socio-economic development. The historicity of

Christian religion and its developmental role in the Matengo Highlands have been

investigated. The periodization of the inquiry has been limited to 1890 – 1968 not

because Matengo Highlands as a historical entity had its existence limited to this

period. To the contrary, this was the period Christian religion under the Benedictine

missionaries was introduced 1899 and when missionaries handed over leadership to

the African leaders in early 1969.74

As a result of Christian religion being established in the Matengo Highlands, there

have been claims that the Matengo Highlands was one of the developed society in

Tanzania, that these socio-economic achievements were the result of the role played

by Christianity and that the indicators of social economic achievements are in the

form of social services and spiritual values and principles found in the Matengo

Highlands. One justification is based on the fact that the duty of Benedictines spelled

in their treaty with German East Africa Company (DOAG) was to civilize and

73

Doerr, 1998:71-72, 80. 74

On 6th

February 1969 an indigenous church was established by nullifying the Abatia Nullius status

of Peramiho and replacing it with local church of Songea. The episcopal seat was removed from

Peramiho Cathedral to Bishop‘s Church at Songea and Bishop Jacob Komba was consecrated to lead

the new Diocese of Songea.

33

Germanize the natives as well as evangelization.75

The core of the Treaty was; the

double duty of the Benedictines, namely civilizing the nations as well as

evangelizing, which was to take place in specified areas demarcated by the DOAG.76

Furthermore, the Benedictine missionaries introduced monastic approach with its

philosophy of ora et labora (work and prayer). From the beginning Fr. Andreas

Amrhein intended to establish Christian beliefs and western European civilization

among the people of Asia and Africa. His intention was not to establish mission

stations only, but a house of monks known as monastery. The monastery would

become a model of life style, manual work, modern agriculture; the monks were

charged with spreading Christianity to the people living in and around their

neighborhood. It was anticipated that the Christian communities around the

monasteries would slowly achieve socio-economic development. So monastery

would become a center of people‘s development spiritually and bodily.77

Even the members of the Matengo community present similar claim as is

documented hereunder:

―Ukweli ni huu, sisi Matengo wangekosa Wamisionari

tusingekuwa na maendeleo yeyote. Ukitazama maradhi, na

ujinga havikustawi hapa kwa sababu wamisionari

walifanya vita kubwa na adui huyu ujinga. Maelfu

kwamaelfu ya Matengo wanajua kusoma na kuandika kwa

bidii hiyo ya wamisionari.‖78

This view is corroborated by the views expressed by elders of Litembo who had the

following observation:

75

The Treaty between Fr. Andreas Amrhein and Dr. Carl Peters: April 1887. Cf S.Napachihi, The

Relationship between the German Missionaries of the Congregation of St.Benedict from St. Ottilien

and the German Colonial Authorities in Tanzania 1887 – 1907,1998:47. Cf. Kamati ya Historia na

Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, Historia ya Uinjilishaji Miaka 100 (1898 – 1998), 1998:36 76

Fr. Kevin Haule, op.cit. :5 77

Fr. Gerold Rupper, OSB, Pugu hadi Peramiho BPNP, Peramiho and Ndanda, 1988:9 78

Alois Makupe, Historia ya Parokia Litembo, (nd). Manuscript

34

―Mabadiliko yote katika Umatengo ni wamisionari.

Wamisionari walileta matofali, ujenzi wa nyumba bora,

samani na hata vifaa vya ndani. Jamii iliona misionini

misaada, amanina maendeleo. Serikali ilionekana ni

sehemu ya ulinzi, mali na maendeleo ya jamii‖79

During the centenary of missionary work in Archdiocese of Songea in 1998 the claim

was also echoed by some African Bishops as follows:

―Wabenedikini waliweza kutangaza injili katika mazingira

hayo magumu ya ufukara, ya kigeni, ya magonjwa, ya

kuanza mahali pasipona chochote‖80

The same feelings were again expressed by another African Bishop as quoted

hereunder:

―Bila ya Wamisionari hao kujitoa na kujimaliza kwa ajili

yetu je, hali yetu leo ingalikuwa ya namna gani?‖81

To what extent are these claims valid? The study ventured into an investigation of the

role and relationship between religion and socio-economic development using the

Matengo Highlands as the case study. This is the central question asked in this study.

As such, the study focused on the role of Christianity to the people of the Matengo

Highlands, over a time of 1890 to 1968 and across different interactions. More

specifically, the study investigated the role and importance of Christianity to people

in terms of their motivations for socio-economic development. To test the validity of

these claims this study focused on the investigation of the role of Christianity in

socio-economic development of the people of the Matengo Highlands, the study

derived four specific objectives that are tested by data generated for the period 1890

– 1968 using primary and secondary sources.

79

Litembo elders: Remigius Mikael Hyera, Paul Jeremias Ndunguru, Kostantini Manyuka Mwingira,

Longinus Matias Tilia na Katekista Raphael Mapunda, interviewed at Litembo, 2014. 80

Norbert W. Mtega, Askofu Mkuu Jimbo la Songea, Kristu Tumaini Letu, Kamati ya Uinjilishaji …,

op.cit. 1998:i. cf 81

Ujumbe wa Askofu Raymond Mwanyika Jimbo la Njombe, katika Jubillei ya Miaka 100 ya Ukristo

jimbo la Peramiho, Kamati ya Uinjilishaji … op.cit. 1998:xii

35

1.3 Objectives of the Study

This study explored the historical processes through which Roman Catholic

Christianity operated and the influence of that operation in socio-economic

development of the Matengo Highlands. What we sought to do was to draw an

objective picture of the role of religious values in socio-economic development. To

achieve this, the study had its objectives planned according to historical epochs

which had very specific dynamics at play consequently influencing the operation and

transformation of Christianity and at each historical epoch socio-economic

development was influenced. The theatre of the study was the Matengo highlands, a

society which had been constantly undergoing changes and transformations internally

propelled but also the external factors including establishment of Christian religion

and colonial administration contributed much in shaping the historical movement of

Matengo society.

The following specific objectives were set to guide the investigation. The first

objective was the examination of the role of religion in the development of the

Matengo Highlands people at the time of contact with Christianity. The aim of this

specific objective was to grasp the dynamics of existing local religious ideas so that a

relationship can be established with Christianity. In this manner the changes,

continuities and discontinuities of religious dynamics among the Matengo people can

be discerned. This was also meant to show what is changing in the traditional religion

and how the people were accommodating the changes in religion.

The second objective was the examination of the introduction and spread of

Christianity (Roman Catholic Church) in the Matengo Highlands during the German

36

rule from 1890s to 1918 and its effects on development. The aim of this objective

was identify the methods and strategies the Benedictine missionaries used in

converting the Matengo people from their traditional religion. Under this objective

again there was an attempt to analyze the role of German state; themselves were

German nationals in the work of establishing of Christianity.

The third specific objective was to investigate how Christianity (Roman Catholic

Church) operated in the Matengo Highlands from 1919 up to 1950 during the British

rule and its effects on development. The central focused was to examine whether the

change in colonial masters had any bearing on how Christian missionaries who were

German nationals worked in the Matengo Highlands. But also investigate the

relationship between the British policies on the one hand and the work of

missionaries in the Matengo Highlands. The reaction of the Matengo people to the

British policies and the missionary policies was also investigated under this

objective.

The forth specific objective was aimed at the examination of the transition from

missionary Christianity to African Christianity and how it transformed the Matengo

socio-economic set from 1950 up to 1968. The gist of this objective was to identify

the reasons for the missionaries move to hand over leadership of the Catholic Church

in the Matengo Highlands to the African clergy. It further investigated the manner

which this transition from missionary Christianity affected the socio-economic

development of the Matengo people.

37

1.4 Rationale of the Study

The study on the centrality of religion and development interface seems to be very

crucial now than before. This tendency needs to be problematized so as to unearth the

historical dynamics, processes, factors and finally the ramification on the society.

One of the hypotheses is the shrinking role of the state as the engine of development

and provider of the social services. The impact of which is the intensification of

economic crisis and identity crisis across the world. Third world countries by the

nature of their historical experiences of slave trade, colonialism and neocolonialism

are the most hit and that is why there have been a lot of attempts to rescue them. The

Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), privatization, liberalization and

globalization are just some few measures imposed by developed nations purportedly

to address the inherent crises. The other impact is the majority of the population

resorting and returning to local identities such as religion, ethnicity, cultural values,

traditional forms of authority, indigenous values, Non-Governmental Organizations

(NGOs), Faith Based Organizations (FBOs), and sometimes racial identities.

The second hypothesis is that there is this call by development practitioners,

development partners, financial institutions and individuals for new thinking on

development and the new paradigm on development which would incorporate

spiritual matters. They tend to justify that if this dialogue is mismanaged or neglected

will be very costly especially to the poorest part of the world where religion and faith

are particularly important.82

In this situation it is proper to link the theory of

paradigm shift in development thinking with capitalist response to economic crisis.

The involvement of spiritual value in the name of religious avenues or conduit

82

The so-called Paradigm shift in development thinking was propounded by the imperialist powers in

the time of crisis.

38

through which to channel aids is again another ideological appeal to incorporate the

third world countries in the bandwagon of global economy as providers of raw

materials, investment areas, market and cheap labour.

This study through historical method of inquiry by postulating that both religion and

socio-economic development are historical processes, they evolve, grow and change

under certain historical conditions. These historical conditions are the products of

society as it strives to appropriate from nature the material life through application of

his labour power in cooperation with other individuals. The production process forms

the economic base of the society which involves the relations of production and the

instruments of production. Here is about who produces, who owns what, who works,

what is the division of labour are the issues raised. The tools that are used in the

process of production and how efficient the tools are in generating material life is

also part of economic base or mode of production. The economic base gives rise to

the formation of ideas and consciousness which are the basis of the superstructure in

which state apparatus are found including religion, philosophy, morality and ideas.

These religious ideas (Christianity, Islam, ATRs, and Buddhism) influence the

economic base as well. The economic base provides the basic needs of shelter, food

and shelter for the welfare of the society. The economic base is instrumental in

mobilizing labour, production process, distribution, exchange and consumption

which are the basics of socio-economic development. It is therefore wise to argue

that throughout history religion has been in place as a component of superstructure of

every society. As part of the cultural value of society, religion interacted with other

aspects of society to bring socio-economic development.

39

The Matengo case study informed with historical method has demonstrated that the

society has been constantly changing and transforming itself hence affecting the

religious ideas from pre-colonial era. When Christianity was introduced to replace

traditional religion, changes were also taking place. Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands arrived concurrently with the colonial occupation in the area. The

interaction of Christianity, colonialism and the Matengo society influenced the socio-

economic development.

In the Matengo Highlands there was a significant relationship between the colonial

state, Christian religion and socio-economic development. The state is logically the

social service provider and an engine of socio-development of any society. But the

situation in the Matengo Highlands was quite to the contrary. Matengo Highlands

was colonized by German from 1897 to 1918 and British from 1919 to 1961, from

1961 to 1968 the area was under the independent Tanganyika government. Data

collected in the area show that these different states at different epochs left most of

the socio-economic activities to the Roman Catholic Church. Their policies were

accommodative to the missionaries who were using their spiritual values to run most

of the educational and medical social services.

Related to this tripartite relationship of state, religion and socio-economic

development in the Matengo Highlands, we can conclude that Christian religion had

very crucial role in every society. Religion had been providing spiritual principles,

laws and guide to the faithful which they applied in day to day socio-economic

activities. The mission stations were centers of educational and training services,

mission stations provided medical and health services and they were also economic

40

centers. This is contrary to the secularization and modernization theories which

argued that religion should be sidelined in the secular activities. While at home,

Germany and Britain were secularizing, these powers were incorporating Christianity

as a modernizing agent in the running of social and economic services in their

possession of the Matengo Highlands. Modernization hypothesis operated efficiently

in developed nations where science and technology was high. The Matengo

Highlands were occupied by people who were predominantly traditionalists with

very crude level of technology. Applying modernization theories to the Matengo

Highlands will mean subscribing to domination epistemology.83

The other flaw of

modernization was that these conclusions present the relationship between religion

and development as cause and effect phenomenon84

hence obscuring the underlying

historical processes. The third flaw of modernization was that the exponents of these

theories were mainly liberal and neo-liberal scholars and institutions85

possibly with

a hidden agenda. The fourth flaw is that whereas Christian religion is presented as the

dominating faith, the Matengo Highlands people were considered as having no

religious values (tabula rasa) before the coming of Christianity in the area.86

Therefore, this study attempted to go further from the theories of modernization and

secularization by examining the role of religion in development in the Matengo

Highlands from 1890s to 1968. Informed by historical transformation perspective

armed with Marxian tools of analysis, this study was done by looking at other

components constituting the social formation like the colonial state, neo-colonial

83

Rhonda M. Gonzales , Societies, Religion, and History: Central-East Tanzanians and the World

They Created, c. 200 BCE to 1800 CE June, Gutenberg-e Home © 2008 Columbia University Press

2009:7 84

Wallerstein, 1974, Wesley, 2008 85

McCleary, 2008, Barro, 2006, World Bank, 2005 86

Adrian Hastings, Church and mission in Modern Africa, Fordham University Press, New York ,

1967

41

state, society, the Traditional African Religion, Christianity as interrelated historical

processes. The study made an investigation of whether Christianity (Roman Catholic

Church) in its form as an agent of modernization has been able to bring socio-

economic development in the Matengo Highlands.

The study is guided by the assumption that religion is not withering as the modernists

predicted.87

But what remains of religion now? Why the crusade of using religion as

development discourse is spearheaded by the imperialist powers, their governments

and super-institutions like IMF and World Bank? How is this pressure linked to the

current neoliberal policies of development?88

Is this emphasis on the centrality of

religion so important now not related to the shrinking role of state as development

agent and the failure of SAP initiative?

1.5Significance of the Study

This study is a contribution towards expanding scholarship on the current debate on

the role of religions in development by focusing at a micro level. The theory of

secularization was put to critical and close examination in studying the

developmental role of the Matengo Highlands. This theory was found wanting

because the time Europe and America were secularizing in the Matengo Highlands

the colonial state and Benedictine missionaries were forging very close relationship

in the Matengo Highlands. Similarly, the modernization theory which was used to

evaluate the socio-economic development of Matengo Highlands was found wanting

because modernity which was conceived as removing traditional values including

87

Ellingsen, op. cit. 2005 88

Binsbergen, Wim van. ―Religion and Development, Reflectios on the work by Philip Quarles van

Ufford and Matthew Schoffeleers‖, Binsbergen, 2008:7

42

local religion, culture, subsistence economy did not constitute socio-economic

development of the Matengo. To the contrary, modernization eroded what socio-

economic development which was informed by the local religion and historical

conditions prevalent in the area. Informed by materialist method of society the

historicity and centrality of the study of religion now in the development was

explored and explained. Besides, this study can also bridge the gap of empirical

studies on the existing knowledge about the role of religion in development in the

Matengo Highlands. The misconceptions harboured by many scholars, religious

leaders and common people that Christianity facilitated socio-economic development

of Matengo Highlands was subjected to critical scrutiny and scientifically evaluated.

This study can now establish that Christianity to some extent hindered the local

communities of the Matengo Highlands to pick up in socio-economic development

instead they developed dependency syndrome on the missionaries. When in early

1969 the missionaries left leadership of church to local clergy, Matengo remained

helpless. They were unable to sustain the projects missionaries had put in place, they

were unable to service the mission stations, they were unable to maintain buildings

and some were even unable to fend for themselves.

1.6Theoretical Framework and Literature Review

1.6.1Theoretical Framework onReligion and Development Linkage

Religion and development are two different phenomena; nonetheless, they are closely

interlinked in history and dynamic interplay at global, regional and local levels.

Anold Toynbee identified changes in the object of religious worship as societies

moved from pre-civilized or tribal condition to what was called the first and second

43

civilization.89

From the human emergence religion was one of the core attribute to all

civilizations. The earliest known civilizations developed in Mesopotamia, Sumerians,

China, India, Greece, Rome, Egypt, Mesoamerica and others attest to this claim.90

In

these civilizations the kings like Sumer of Sumerians, pharaohs of Egyptians, were

viewed as agents of and responsible to God. Subjects had religious duty as part of the

plan of gods. The government drafted the common people to work on community

projects, obliged to pay taxes to the government, the commoners were told their

drudgery was necessary to allow the gods their leisure.91

The ancient Chinese

civilization under the Shang dynasty had developed sense of life after death and used

to offer sacrifices to win the favour of gods. They also evolved idea of veneration of

ancestors who were believed to bring evil or fortune to the living members of the

family. Devine forces existed in objects of nature otherwise called god of the

harvest.92

In ancient African civilizations of western Sudanic states, religion both

traditional and Islam were so important in determining the socio-economic

development and political stability. These religious ideas which are taken as parts of

civilization are the product of development of productive forces hence production of

surplus. Engels in the Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, looks at

the so-called state from the class point of view. He argues that, the existence of

religious ideas which to him are part of the superstructure in these civilizations is the

product of emergence of private property and hence class antagonism.93

In this

context religion is a false consciousness and therefore cannot perform socio-

89

Anold Toynbee, An Historian‘s Approach to Religion, (Gifford Lectures, 1952 and 1953). Pp. ix +

316. Oxford: University Press; London: Cambridge, 1956. 21s. 90

J.McKay at al, op. cit. 1983:460 91

Robert Wenke, Pattern in Prehistory,2nd

Edition, 1990:352 92

J.McKay at al , A History of Western Society (Second Edition) Houghton of Mifflin Company,

1983 93

Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, in Karl Marx and

Frederick Engels, Pre-capitalist Social-Economic Formations, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1979

:449-450

44

economic developmental role. The role of religion in these civilizations is to promote

exploitation and suppression of the oppressed class.

Toynbee was of the opinion that religions in the second epoch of civilization

underwent changes due to the infusion of philosophy into religions. Here, great

religious thinkers and seers championed superior values of goodness, justice and

truth. These included Confucius of China, Buddha of India, Tao of China, Jesus of

Nazareth, and Hindu. The thoughts of these philosophers brought new schools of

philosophy and ultimately systems of world religions or universal religions namely

Buddhism and Hinduism in India; Judaism and Christianity in Middle East,

Confucianism and Taoism in China; Islam in Arabia. At this stage religions had

enormous impact upon human thinking on how the world should be understood. The

teachings were on human quality of mercy and love but did not accept the doctrines

of Jesus. Christianity was accepted by women and slaves which is suggestive that

religion was for the well-being of the marginalized, oppressed and exploited majority

hence developmental.94

Even Confucianism in China stood for the oppressed,

criticized slavery and feudal relations in ancient period; likewise Islam in Middle

East in its formative days was so vocal against evils which were unleashed to the

masses of poor people. Christianity will be explored in detail in this study because it

is one of the largest religions in the world, with 2 billion adherents most of them

from developing world of Africa, Asia and Latin America.

During early medieval period, Christianity consolidated itself and its mobilizing

power. The church supported initiatives for human wellbeing. Roman Catholics

94

J.McKay at al , op. cit. 1983:184

45

Church supported human rights and against economics and society exploitation.

Indeed, the Catholic social teaching deals and emphasized the knowledge of

economics with specific concern for the poor. Pope Leo XIII was among the popes

who devoted much of time to discuss the condition of labour. During this epoch

Christianity was very much concerned with cultivating the spiritual strength of the

faithful about good virtues, sense of community, forgiveness, hardworking, and

production of the material life.

In the high middle ages monastic movement was a major force in the development

of northern Europe to 1500. Monasteries also offered relief to the poor, introduced

new forms of learning, education, health care and agriculture.95

Monks and nuns

renounced their wealth and espoused poverty as a religious path, dividing in

community or as mendicants.96

It is however during this period when some

monasteries became very wealth in Middle Ages. Christian groups opposed

established orders and rulers of church and state because they were corrupt. The urge

for freedom of the spirit and liberation from autocratic rule ended into reformation

movement of 16th

century led Martin Luther the Lutheran, John Calvin the Reformed

or Presbyterian and Henry VIII the Anglican Church.

All these chaos notwithstanding, Christianity played very crucial role in caring for

the wellbeing of the majority poor in the parish houses as well as the monasteries.

The Christian refugees from Europe sought refuge in North America had strong

influence development of modern democracy. This development of democracy was

95

D. J. Bosch, Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission. Maryknoll: Orbis

Books, 1991:91 96

Kirsteen Kim, Concepts of Development in the Christian Tradition, RDA, 2007:7

46

influenced by the emphasis on personal resistibility of the New England puritans and

constitutional provisions for plurality of religious expressions within a secular state.

The Protestant work ethic contributed to the rise of capitalism.97

It seems that up to

the period of reformation, Christianity was very instrumental in caring for the

wellbeing the people of Europe. However, reformation ushered in chaos which

consequently led to the disintegration of religion and state relation.

From the period of enlightenment, religion was relegated to the private sphere. This

was due to the development of science and technology. Intricate problems in the

society were now resolved by using scientific methods instead of appealing to

religion. However, religion as a historical process and cultural component of any

society was not relegated to the sideline. For instance the emergence of nation states

with its ideology of nationalism as the source of societal cohesion which rested on

some factors including religion.98

Even the greatest scientist Isaac Newton was a

devout Christian who devoted most of his time to angels and biblical prophesies than

to universal gravitation.99

Christianity and religion in general had been on the

defensive since the late 18th

century. But the loss of faith in human reason and

rationalism led to renewed interest in the Christian view of the world.

Another tendency in Christianity was an expansion outside Europe under the

vanguard of Portuguese and Spaniards to Africa, Asia and the Americas. Finally in

the 19th

century there came missionaries to Africa and Asia presumably on the

97

Kirsteen Kim, Concepts of Development in the Christian Tradition, RDA, 2007:8 98

Mushi, op. cit. :44 99

McKay, op. cit. :640-641

47

service of the imperialists.100

In the 20th

century the missionary work in Africa and

Asia was so intensive leading to ecclesiastical scramble among European

denominations and among missionary order. In most cases the missionaries claimed

to bring socio-economic development in these areas. Therefore, it seems when

secularism was taking root in European missionaries were still strong but this time

working extensively in third world countries until after World War I when religion

started exerting its position in Europe. Undoubtedly, it will be said, religious, moral,

philosophical, and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical

development. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and law,

constantly survived this change.101

In the light of this, it is strange that the connection between religion and development

is so rarely discussed and analyzed.102

For example, one can ask, is there any causal

link between religion and the growth and development of a country?103

For example,

Weber104

showed a clear link between Protestantism and pursuit of economic gain.

Moreover, many empirical studies have confirmed Weber‘s hypothesis that there‘s a

clear causal relationship between religion and economics.105

Within the current literature on religion, one issue appears to draw serious attention:

the resurgence or revival of religion as an important factor in people‘s daily life

cannot be ignored. The scholars and others involved in the practice of development

100

Norbert Brockman S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. op. cit. 2004:143 101

Marx and Engels op. cit. 1848:26 102

Ronnback, 2009 103

Nath, 2007 104

Max Weber, 1904: 105

Barro, 2004

48

highlight the contribution or potential contribution of religion to development.106

Among the areas religion is affecting people, is the realm of socio-economic

development. Development is to enable society to achieve and maintain high levels

of material and social well-being.107

But to what extent this claim is valid to them?

Whose interests are they serving? Why at this particular moment of neo-liberalism

and the end of cold war and the September 11, 2001? The so called religious

resurgence or revival in studying religion was just a myth of capitalist bloc, which

due to inherent economic crisis in capitalist mode of production the solution was to

be sought in less developed countries.

This study focuses on the role of Christian religion in socio-economic development

in the Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1968. The periodization is in line with the

introduction and expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands until 1968

when missionaries handed over administration to the leadership of African

Christians. It also examines the relationship between Christianity and the colonial

state as it is manifested in different phases from colonial conquest, establishment and

the phase of consolidation. More specifically, we look at the Matengo Highlands

from when the Christian denomination of Roman Catholic Church arrived, settled

and institutionalized in the area. Here there was virtually no other religion apart from

Christianity and African traditional religion which was not institutionalized but had

influence on the way society was reproducing. It is within this framework this study

wants to question the validity of the theory of resurgence or revival or the concept of

religious comes back. There is no time in history where religion was divorced from

human activities. This is proved by the fact that when Christianity was strengthened

106

Mhina, op. cit. 2007:2 107

Mhina, ibid. 2007:5

49

in the Matengo Highlands, in Europe there was this false claim of secularization,

modernization and sidelining religion from secular state.

1.6.2Views of Traditionalists on Religion and Development

Studies on religion and development are many. According to Smith108

there is

dissociation between religion and the state. Wesley,109

a theologian who was a

contemporary of Smith, advocated two ways causation between religion and

economic growth. He concluded that the causal relationship between religious beliefs

and wealth accumulation would erode religion in terms of belief and participation.

Further, he concluded that, economic growth was detrimental to religion.

This conception is supported by the secularization thesis which holds that with

increased income, people tend to become less religious (measured by religious

attendance and beliefs).110

This view of religion as contributing factor to

development is amplified by Weber whose stand point was that religion plays crucial

role in development. On the other hand, Marx (1884)111

equated religion to opium of

the people. For him religion is as result of struggle of man in the process of

production in which relations of production change as surplus production is

increased. Religion in this case became the state apparatus in the form of ideology

which the dominant class used to dominate the majority producers. Marx emphasized

that people's ideas and ideologies are conditioned by the historical formation of

108

Anderson, G. M., Mr. Smith and the Preachers: (1988), ‗The Economics of Religion in the

Wealth of Nations‘,The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 96, No. 5. pp.1066-1088. 109

Jack van Ham, Speech, Religion and development cooperation: a devil of a job? - 19 January

2010 New Year's meeting ICCO and Kerk in Actie John Wesley 1774, 110

McCleary, op. cit. 2008 111

Marx and Engels, German Ideology, op. cit. 1884:6

50

powers of production and relations of production.112

This is the ground for Marx's

famous distinction between economic base (which includes the forces of production,

relations of production and division of labor) and the "superstructure" which includes

culture, ideology and religion. The focus should be the forces behind the evolution

of such false consciousness. Historically religion evolved under certain historical

conditions depending on the historical processes in a social formation. Talking of

religion as a cause and effect equation will obscure the historicity of religion and the

diverse roles it has been playing in different historical epochs. To understand the

relationship between religion and socio-economic development needs to grasp the

historical context in which the two variables converged. In this regard what happened

to religion in Europe during the mature capitalism cannot be the same as what

happened to the Matengo Highlands from 1890 to 1968. That is why the role of

Christianity in socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands has to be

problematized.

1.6.3Views of the Modernists on Religion and Development

The post modernists‘ literature on the relationship between religious practice and

other aspects of economic and social life, suggest that there are two causal directions

that analysts tend to think about. On the one hand, they argue that religion is

dependent on development in economic aspects of contemporary life. Things such as

levels and standard of living or governmental market interference do influence such

things as church attendance or religious beliefs. On the other hand, the second line

112

Marx and Engels ibid. 1884:26

51

argued that religion is an independent variable; influencing the outcome on the

economic, political and social side as it happened during capitalism.113

On the first model, there are two theories on how religion responds to these factors

(social and economic). One theory is ―secularization hypothesis‖ or what is popularly

known as ‗modernization theory‘ which posits that as economy develops and gets

richer, certain institutions and features change in a regular way. Here people

supposedly become less religious. This less religious is measured by either

participation in organized religion such as church attendance or by certain indicators

of religious beliefs.114

The second theory is ―religious market model‖ which

postulates the way government interacts with religion and influences the extent of

participation in religion or the extent of religious beliefs. This model argues that the

way state and church interact is very important in promoting religiosity or detracting

from it. Sometimes the government regulates the market by allowing monopoly

religion which tends to function inefficiently. Or when established religion tends to

be government funding to run its activities, this may lead to greater religious

participation.115

Khan116

argues that religion and development are seemingly inseparable.

Conceptually religions provide believers incentives for indulging in productive

activities in life. Religion is seen as a promoter of growth because they direct people

towards honest, discipline, hard work, education, thriftiness and absenteeism from

harmful activities. Though empirical studies point to a positive relationship between

113

Barro, 2004; Weber, 1905 114

Barro and McCleary, 2003 115

Barro and McCleary, 2003 116

Khan, Habibullah & Omar K.M. Religion and Development: Are they Complementary? U21 Global

Working Paper series. No. 006/2008:5

52

religion and economic growth and development, there is no consensus on the precise

causal relationship between the two. More research is still to be done before drawing

conclusion on the issue. Nevertheless he concludes by saying that the relationship

between religion and development is likely to be complementary as long as religion

promotes moderation rather than extremes. Also there should be no prejudice against

any religion; no single religion is superior over others in terms of their economic

performance and behavioural changes on the society at large.

Modernization theory was invented in Western Europe from the Second World War

under the obtaining historical material conditions. There was rapid improvement in

science and technology which eroded the power of religion and its spiritual values,

but the truth was that religion was still relevant only that it was changing tactics and

strategies. There was for instance a very strong religious influence in Germany with

its Center Party commanding strong followership.117

Furthermore, the modernization

theory was not applicable to developing nations because the level of science and

technology was low. As a result Christian religion was used as an agent of

modernization in developing nations by its role of converting people from local

religions to Christianity, by establishing western education, by introducing western

medical services and by introducing western culture to the local people.

1.6.4Views on Religion and Development in Developing Countries

The resilience of religion to the public sphere both in developed and developing

nations has prompted a rethinking of relationship between religions, state and society

117

Phillip Koerner Bringing the Culture into the Church: A personal assesment of the Christian church

in Germany, | email | print version, February 2004:52-83

53

and indirectly between religions and development.118

Given that situation religions

have major influence on states and individuals in developing societies, it is necessary

to explore in more detailed the complex relationship between religious and state

actors and institutions and the contribution to the processes of economic and social

development in the low income countries in the south.

Most approaches to development in the low income countries have been dominated

by secular approaches and outlooks.119

To facilitate development in the developing

countries, various models have been proposed but most of them within the

modernization theory of 1960s. A good example is the evolutionary process leading

to five stages from a lower traditional society to higher western type of

development.120

The economic growth theory conspired with modernization theories

which called for the modernization of institutions, values, attitudes and religion.121

This model requires the third world countries have among other things to abandon

their traditional religion, and adapt Christianity which according to Smith and Weber

brought civilization and modernization in Europe.

By the 1970s the pretext that modernization model is superior to the traditional

illiterate periphery came to be disputed and strongly put to questioning. Scholars in

third world nations started mounting heated criticism against the imposition of

western values, beliefs and attitudes under the guise of modernization.122

Economic

growth model was no longer tenable. Instead they proposed the theory of

118

Singh: 2011 119

Singh, 2011 120

Rostow, 1960 121

Bennaars, 1993 122

Samir Amin, Nabudere

54

development based on the dependency theory.123

They viewed underdevelopment of

third world countries from the context of European colonization which brought

political and economic domination. This model suggested political, social and

economic revolutionary transformation to be taken in order to disengage.

In Africa, the 1980s was considered as a lost decade and full of despair and

hopelessness. The plight of hunger, famine, drought, oil crisis, constant conflicts and

wars in many parts of Africa, coupled with escalating debt crisis and the fragile

economies of the continent went limping. The Bretton Woods institutions (World

Bank and International Monetary Fund) came up with Structural Adjustment

Programmes (SAPs) to rescue the ailing economies of third world countries in late

1980s and early 1990s. However, if one looks so closely, finds here the return of the

economic growth model, though in a modified form. In this context Africans have

returned to the semi colonial status. Development is seen in economic terms and, as a

mere technical and organizational process. Only limited allowance is made for the

‗vulnerable‘ (the poorest and the weakest) to enable the IMF and the Word Bank to

speak of development ‗with a human face.‘

The religions so referred to here are the so called world or universal religions such as

Christianity, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism. In Europe, world religions were

subjected to a secular state until the end of cold war and September 11, 2001. Post-

cold war events called for rethinking about the role of religion. However, this does

not apply to Africa because African religions developed according to the communal

123

Proponents of dependency theory, Frank, Cardoso and Furtado, 1970s.

55

material basis which was ethnic based. The encounter with Europeans changed the

trend when Africans were converted to new religions of Islam or Christianity.

What one sees here is the use of theories of western liberal scholars to try to explain

the African historical conditions. These theories of modernization and secularization

do not capture the realities of African historical dynamics because religions

(Christianity and Islam) themselves are imported. The local African religions in this

context are relegated to the sideline and treated as primitive religions. The Africans

religions and others cultural values were condemned as local identities which were

obsolete. No attempt is made to incorporate them in the analysis of the relationship

between religion and development. Although it is widely known that Africans have

very rich spiritual resources,124

Coptic Christians in Egypt, Ethiopia and the Sudan

constitute the oldest traditions of Christianity in Africa today.125

1:7 Empirical Reviews

1.7.1Studies on Religion and Development

There have been some studies attempting to establish a link between religion and

economic growth. A research using data of 59 countries in the 1980s and 1990s,

employed a cross-country growth regression framework to analyze the influences of

religious participation and beliefs on a country‘s rate of economic progress.126

They

found that economic growth responds positively to religious beliefs that induce

efficiency enhancing behavior. Yet, growth depends on the intensity of believing

rather than belonging, which implies that religion works via belief, not practice. It is,

124

Mbiti, 1970 125

Ukah, 2007 126

Barro and McCleary (2003)

56

however, important to point out that Barro and McCleary127

had rather a limited

coverage. There is more information available about rich countries than poor ones as

well as more about countries that are primarily Christian-majority.

Noland128

rigorously explored the connection between religious beliefs and economic

growth, with a particular emphasis on the impact of Islam. Three sorts of evidence

are produced in the paper: cross- country data analysis for a large sample of countries

over a period of decades, a similar analysis for a small group of countries for nearly a

century and analyses of sub-national data for three multi-religious and multiethnic

countries. Both cross-country and within-country statistical analyses suggest that

religious affiliation does matter in economic performance, though no significant

correlation was found with respect to particular religions. He also pointed out that

there is no empirical support (based on econometric analysis either at the cross-

national or within-country level) for the allegation that Islam is a drag on growth.

Islam, like all religions, changes over time and space. He stressed, contemporary

Islam in sampled countries on the basis of three types of evidence produced in the

paper, does not appear to hinder growth.

Grier129

used data of 63 British, French and Spanish ex-colonies for the period of

1961-90 to test whether Protestantism is positively related to economic growth and

development and whether religion can help explain why Spanish ex-colonies perform

markedly worse than their British counterparts. The study found overwhelmingly that

Protestantism is correlated with growth and development. It was also reported that

127

Barro and McCleary (2003) 128

Noland (2005) 129

Grier (1997)

57

controlling for Protestantism does not significantly lessen the gap between British

and French and Spanish colonial development.

The apparent linkage between religion and socio-economic development attracts

criticism too. According to Samuelsson 130

and Cohen,131

there is either no logical

reason to link religion to economic development or insufficient empirical evidence of

any actual linkage. Wallerstein132

expressed high skepticism of seeing capitalist

development as guided by religion. He argued that any complex system of ideas can

be manipulated to serve any particular social or political objective. Any connection

between religion and economics is like the one in which the latter is cause and the

former effect.

Religion and development are seemingly inseparable. Conceptually religions provide

to the believers a guideline about life and the life-after and thus provide much-needed

incentives for indulging in productive activities during lifetime. Religions can be

seen as a promoter of growth as they direct people towards honesty, discipline, hard

work, education, thriftiness (leading to savings essential for investment and thereby

growth) and absenteeism from harmful activities. Most of the empirical studies point

to a positive relationship between religion and economic growth and development.

Yet, there is no consensus on the precise causal relationship (one-way or both ways)

between the two. More research with extensive data sets covering a wide range of

countries should be undertaken before drawing a firm conclusion on this issue.

Nevertheless, we can probably conclude that the relationship between religion and

130

Samuelsson (1957) 131

Cohen (2002) 132

Wallerstein (1974)

58

development is likely to be complementary as long as religious beliefs and practices

promote ‗moderation‘ rather than ‗extremes‘. Also, there should be no prejudice

against any religion as the studies conducted so far have failed to prove the

superiority of any single religion over others in terms of their economic performance

and behavioural changes on the society at large. At the same time, it is germane to

mention that if any policy (or a system) based exclusively on certain religious

principles can be found to have potential to serve the entire global community should

be seen positively. The recent surge of interest in Islamic finance in various non-

Islamic countries (USA, UK, and Singapore) can be cited as manifestation of such a

phenomenon. A peaceful coexistence of various religious groups (or sects) in a

country and various nations with different religious affiliations within the global

community is a prerequisite for growth and prosperity in today‘s highly

interconnected world.

The theoretical framework of this study is based on the argument that Christian factor

in Afica was from the onset written on the basis of modernization theory whose

philosophical underpinnings was based on social Darwinism. Proponents of the

theory included H. Spencer, E. Durkheim, H.S. Maine, F. Tonnies and M. Weber.

Prominent among the most influential proponents in the 20th century include A.

Lewis, T. Parsons and W.W. Rostow who introduced the Traditional-Modernity

dichotomy.133

This theory, held the view that skills and institutions could be

transferred from ―modern‖ societies and be diffused into the ―backward‖ societies. It

was therefore necessary for Africans to be modernised or civilised through

evangelisation. Modernisation theory denied the existence of religion in Africa and

133

Chachage, 1987

59

secondly, it was also used to justify colonialism hence cannot be used to understand

the role of religion in development.

By 1960s, dependency theory replaced modernisation theory. It is on the basis of the

dependency theory that Rodney, 1972, Brett, 1973, Mishambi, 1992, Mbwiliza,

1975, and Mudimbe, 1988,134

viewed the missionary factor in relation to the

International Capitalist system and its resultant impact on Africa. However, the

theory was attacked because it viewed the religious factor from the African point of

view and ignored the transformative role of the missionaries. In an attempt to bring a

balance some scholars, Lema, 1973, Omari, 1976, Katoke, 1976, Wright, 1976,

Mbiti, 1970, Temu, 1972, Ayandele, 1966, and Oliver, 1956135

called for a Balance

Sheet Model in studying the history of Christianity arguing that the missionaries had

both positive and negative impact.

The failure of the Balance Sheet Model paved the way for the emergence of the

African Agency Concept to articulate the role played by ordinary Africans namely

Catechists, evangelists and translators to initiate evangelisation thereby leading to the

spread of Christianity. Propounders of this view notably, Kimambo, 1999, Spear,

1999, Maddox, 1999 and Maanga, 2010,136

depart from the notion of European

missionaries being the only actors in evangelising Africa. However, these scholars

have confined themselves in taking an account of the historical specificity of a single

mission or/and denomination and neither have they addressed the relation between

religion and development.

134

Dependency theorists advocated this position 135

A balance sheet scholars to the aapproach of development 136

African Agency Concept to development

60

Within the superstructure, at a particular point in time, there is the advent of

colonialism with its state. It is in this state we have Christianity as its ideological

tool. The colonial agenda of modernization is being carried over by the missionaries

in the name of ―civilizing mission‖. For example a series of schools, hospitals,

vocational training colleges were opened which, in the final analysis, served the

interests of the colonial state. The neo-colonial strategy was born within the womb of

colonial modernisation agenda. Colonial education, which was predominantly

provided in missionary schools, for example produced nationalist leaders who took

over the state from the colonialists.137

The need to examine the process of

decolonisation within the framework of state-missionary relationship and the

resultant post-colonial state relationship to post- colonial missionaries is very

pertinent. Again, in this case, the post-colonial missionary work has to be

problematized in relation to post-colonial state.

1.7.2 Studies on Religion and Development in the Matengo Highlands

The Matengo Highlands area was considered as tabula rasa in developing their

transcendental sense.138

This is evident in the existence of scanty and sparse literature

in the Matengo Highlands about the relationship between Christian religion and

development. The studies that are available are not very specific to the area; they are

in most cases, implied in content and geography.139

The history of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands has long focused on the initial spread of Christian missions in the

late 19th and early 20th centuries, on the role of missions in cultural imperialism and

especially on the sociological and material factors such as education, employment,

137

Sundkler, op. cit. 2000:456 138

Doerr, op. cit. 1998:80 139

Doerr, 1998, cf. Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea1998, Kilaini 1998 and Rupper,

1985.

61

land and cash crops - behind the dramatic expansion of Christianity during the

colonial period.140

In his study Rupper141

describes the process of evangelization by the Benedictine

Fathers in the South Western Tanzania. Like Rupper, the focus of Doerr142

is on

evangelization in and around Peramiho as he was writing on the centenary of

Peramiho one of the oldest Benedictine monastery still existing on the whole of

African continent. Reference in this study is made to the Matengo Highlands which

in principle was under the diocese of Peramiho. Bishop Kilaini143

makes a direct

reference to development and religion by arguing that Peramiho and Ndanda

monasteries were exposed to modernization by the Benedictine Fathers. He,

however, blames syncretism among the local people as a cause for the people around

these centres failing to make use of the opportunity made available to them by

Benedictine Fathers.

This position is amplified by Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea,

1998144

which poses a question,

―Bila ya Wamisionari hao kujitolea na kujimaliza kwa

ajili yetu, je hali yetu ingalikuwa ya namna gani?‖145

(―Without the Missionaries who made themselves

available for us, what would have been our condition

today?‖). Unofficial transilation

Examples of the missionary work to develop the people are given. Firstly,

establishing schools, domestic science schools, vocational schools, teachers colleges,

140

Spear, op. cit. 1999 141

Rupper, Pugu hadi Peramiho, 1985:24 142

Lambert Doerr, op. cit. 1998:82 143

Method Kilaini, The Church in Africa and Tanzania in Particular, 1998:6 144

Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, 1998: 145

Ibid.

62

nursing schools, and seminaries. These institutions were established to remove

ignorance and impart vocational skills to the people. Secondly, the construction of

hospitals and dispensaries was intended to eliminate diseases in order to have long

and healthy life. Thirdly, the construction of infrastructure and procure transport

facilities for the people in order to easy transportation and communication.146

From the foregoing studies we can establish a jump-off stage for further research. In

the first place it is the missionaries producing them. Missionaries were among the

groups who studied African Traditional Religions and who viewed ATRSs as made

up of complicated, bizarre, savage and primitive beliefs and practices147

and gave

them derogatory words like paganism, fetishism and animism.148

Thus, they are

based only on the missionary ecclesiastical point of view focusing on evangelization,

conversion and other missionary activities. The approach is based on modernization

theories which were part and parcel of colonial ―civilizing mission‖. This study will

address this methodological weakness by using historical transformation approach.

In the second place, the geographical focus of these studies was not specifically the

Matengo Highlands. But the studies focused on the whole of Peramiho diocese up to

6th February, 1969 when Songea diocese replaced it. Peramiho was the first place

where the Benedictines established mission station in 1898. From there the

Benedictines expanded to the Matengo Highlands at Kigonsera where a station was

established in 1899. The next mission station was established at Litembo from which

numerous mission stations were established in the entire Matengo Highlands. The

146

Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, 1998 147

Alolo, 2007 148

Mbiti, 1969

63

material conditions indigenous and its historicity of the area such as the Traditional

Matengo religion, socio-economic and other cultural practices are not given due

attention. This study investigated the developmental role of Christian religion in the

Matengo Highlands. Most studies have presented the Matengo society as passive

recipient of the modernization initiatives of missionaries. For example, Doerr

presents a picture of conservatism among the Matengo but as the missionaries left the

area predominantly Catholics. Some historical reasons have not been explored by

these studies. This study redresses this lacuna by focusing on the Matengo Highlands

area as the object of research or ontology.

This study also addresses the knowledge gap and holes in the field of religion and

development, history and religion and development and society in the Matengo

Highlands. The interface between religion and development and the colonial/post-

colonial state in the Matengo Highlands has been analyzed. The popular

modernization theory cannot be relevant here because this theory was born out of

development of science and technology, industrialization and urbanization in Europe.

The secularization hypothesis is not applicable here because unlike in Europe, the

tendency here was a marriage between the colonial state and Christianity. Both the

colonial state and the post-colonial state viewed Christianity and to a lesser extent

Islam as allies in the modernization process.149

Basing on these limitations, this study

seeks to adapt a historical transformation approach which is capable of showing the

objective relationship between the three variables of history, religion and

development.150

149

Mhina, op. cit. 2007 150

Wilhelm, op. cit. 2003

64

1.7.3Conceptual Framework

A conceptual framework is a description of phenomenon which can be graphically

presented so as to show variables to be studied and how they relate to one another. A

research variable is defined as a factor or characteristic of interest that a research

would like to manipulate, investigate, handle, or observe in the research process.151

The task here is to develop a conceptual framework for better understanding the role

of Christianity in socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands. It is

assumed that the relationship between the following variables to be adequately

explained by the use of historical transformation theory. The review conceptualizes

religion as a source of identity, community and values which have evolved

historically. In the process of evolution, there have been many changes,

transformations, continuities and discontinuities due to some intervening processes.

But the review notes that the existing literature does not conceptualize religion as

something evolving, developing, changing and sometimes experiencing crisis.

The second variable that the study has conceptualized is socio-economic

development which is conceived as involving changing according to the obtaining

material conditions. The movement of its changes has history. At the begging

development was construed as the triumph of man‘s effort to tame nature. As man

mastered the laws governing nature he came to antagonistic relationship between

man and man as exploitative relation of production emerged. Development at this

juncture was construed as the success of effort of man to get rid of exploitative

relations. At the highest level of development man was supposed to develop

productive forces by adapting sophisticated science and technology coupled with

151

Saanane, Research Proposal Development, Unpublished paper UDSM Sabina Alkire, (2004), 2010

65

equal distribution of the product. The journey towards recovering the true identity of

human beings created in the image of God.152

The end of this endeavor is to achieve

human development through the means of economic development. The final goal is

to achieve socio-economic development as reflected in conditions enabling human

development, good and affordable health services, quality education, employment

opportunities, democracy and human rights observation, environmental protection,

conditions enabling economic growth, housing, income, food, shelter, sound

infrastructure, sound management, and technological innovation. The questions

asked about socio-economic development were affecting production of material

goods. If religion could give answers to the the problems related to socio-economic

development then it is invited.

The third variable is the society which is the basis of history. The Matengo society

has been changing as it was struggling to appropriate nature for its reproduction. The

literature reviewed shows that for the period under discussion 1890 to 1968 there

were a lot of changes, continuities and discontinuities in the social formation.

Different factors influenced the changes and transformations. African traditional

religion, Christianity colonial state and post-colonial state all had a bearing with

regard to the dynamics at play in the body politic. The study attempted to bring up

the major variables and some important concepts to be used in an attempt to establish

relationship between Christianity and socio-economic in the Matengo Highlands. The

guiding theory to inform this investigation is historical transformation method as

developed and practiced by Karl Marx. In the course of establishing relationship

152

Hans-Martin Wilhelm, 2002:18

66

between these variables history of the Matengo society, Matengo traditional religion

and the colonial state was brought under critical scrutiny.

1.7.4 The Knowledge Gap

In the review of the related literature some gaps have been highlighted. The first one

is the theoretical gap. The studies done in this area of research have been tied to the

modernization and secularization theory which are not able to inform the historical

study of religion and socio-economic development. The treatment of all Matengo

political, economic and social values as impediments to socio-economic development

inhibited the possibility of grasping the reality of dynamics of the Matengo society.

The historical context in terms of space and time is quite different. This study

employed Marxist theory of analyzing society in order to grasp the relationships

between the variables identified in the conceptual framework. The empirical review

focusing on the relationship between Christianity and socio-economic development

in the Matengo Highland suffers greatly in terms of scale, scope, depth and breadth.

Most of the studies done had been ecclesiastically based ending into praising the

missionaries in their achievement in the field of evangelization. But this conclusion

leaves behind questions as to whether evangelization is necessarily and all the time

developmental in the area of socio-economic field. This study attempted to grapple

with this gap.

1.8 Research Methodology

This study used exploratory survey which is appropriate for historical study like this

which is essentially a phenomenon which requires historical framework. The

historical methodology was used in this study to collect data, analyze data and

67

interprete data. The collection of data was done using a number of historical

sources.In this regard qualitative methods and techniques of data collection, both

primary and secondary sources were conducted.

Primary sources included archival research as well as field interviews, questionnaires

and focus group discussions. At the level of secondary sources, extensive review of

existing literature on theoretical issues and existing studies on religion and

development were explored. These data were collected through library research

wherein published and unpublished documents such as books, periodicals, journals

and local dailies. Official documents from government ministries and departments

were researched to get basic information on development issues and on how they

perceive religion.

The first method involved the use of in-depth interviews, the interview guides have

been appended as annextures 2, 3, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 22 and 23. This method

provided a ground for understanding historical changes in the Matengo society. In-

depth semi-structured interviews were administered as well. These interviews were

directed to some of sampled individuals especially the purposive sample group.

Selection of respondents for this tool was based on age, experience, sex, occupation,

social status, and spatial distribution. Based on the interview questions, intensive

interview was administered using interview guide instrument to explore the

understanding of the dynamics of religion and development issues in the respective

areas. Interview is chosen because it is open for further clarification since it is face to

face encounter. The interview guide has been appended as Annex 2.

68

This study also employed oral sources that include eye-witness accounts, local

narratives, oral traditions and life histories. An observation checklist was used to

elicit relevant information from the respondents. These respondents were drawn from

the list of magicians, witches, sorcerers, wapenga utunu, traditional healers, clan

heads and traditional religious leaders, whose checklist has been appended as Annex

3.

Documentary literature was important to avail secondary data which corroborated the

primary data and assist to reach valid and reliable conclusions. A checklist of

documents to be consulted was used to get information from libraries and resource

centres of University of Dar-es-Salaam, University of Dodoma, Episcopal

Conference Centre and Peramiho Abbey. Checklist of guide to the documentary

review has been attached as Annex 4.

Observations checklist was used to gauge socio-economic aspects such as well-being

in the form of housing, food supplies, education, health services, income and

property. The checklist has been appended as Annex 5. To observe the availability or

non-availability of roads, bridges, industries and agricultural infrastructure. Spiritual

resources such as hardworking, attendance to church, belonging, tolerance,

compassion, empathy and willingness to sacrifice for common good was observed.

Archival data were accessed at the National archives, National Museum, mission

Archives of Peramiho Abbey and Majimaji archives in Songea. Parish records on

marriage, baptisms, confirmations, burials and ordinations preserved in early mission

centres of Litembo, Maguu, Mbinga and Kigonsera in the Matengo Highlands were

69

visited. In historical science, historian does not invent the wheel, instead he collects

the existing events and interpret them in order to be able to reconstruct the reality.

For this reason archival resources provided most of the first hand information.

However, Archives of St. Ottilien in Germany, the archives of the Propaganda Fide

in Rome and archival records of the British colonial rule in the United Kingdom

would have been very resourceful, but were not visited for reason of lack of

resources. The archival resources on German colonial administration housed at the

University of Dar-es-Salaam in the History Department were of great assistance.

Tanganyika Notes and Records at the University of Dar-es-Salaam were consulted.

These sources helped in getting information about the relationship between the

Roman Catholic Church on the one hand and the metropolitan state and the colonial

state on the other hand. A list of archival documents was used to guide the work. The

list is attached as Annex 6.

1.8.1Location of the Study

This study was conducted in the Matengo Highlands.The Matengo are an ethnic

group inhabiting the mountainous region between the Nyasa along the shore of Lake

Nyasa to the West and Ngoni group to the east. In 1926 the British colonial

authorities introduced indirect rule in Songea district. The reforms were gazetted on

2nd

March 1926 which included the formation of Mahenge Province with

Administration Divisions of Mahenge and Songea. Songea district was further

reorganized by removing Wabena, Wakisiand Wapangwa to Mlangali Division. This

redivision necessitated the seizure and hence the closure of Lipumba Sub-District.

SongeaDistrict administration was left with 4 units or groups of administration based

on the ethnic background. The administration groups were the Matengo inhabiting

70

the Matengo Highlands; the Wanyasa inhabiting the area along the easten shore of

Lake Nyasa; the Wangoni of Zulu found in the Southern part of Songea and the

Wandendeule inhabiting the Northern part of Songea. Map 4.1 below show the

geographical division of the groups of Songea district as they were in 1926. The

Matengo group as it appears in this map is therefore the geographical area of our

study. Some of the important reasons why this area was chosen for an in-depth

investigation are the population of the Matengo Highlands is predominantly Catholic

(85%) and ranking number one in Tanzania153

. However, there is little information or

documentation on the Matengo Highlands compared to other parts with strong

Christian influence such as Bukoba,154

Kilimanjaro155

and Sumbawanga156

. The local

population besides being converted to Christianity is still clinging to their traditional

religion, creating a kind of symbiotic nature of worship and, in fact, the Matengo

have the best developed practice of traditional religions.157

The Matengo Highlands

per capita income of Tshs. 824,799/- is among the highest in Tanzania.158

1.8.2The Study Population

The study involved the following population groups: The practitioners of the

Matengo Traditional religion and their shrines. The wapenga utunu, witchdoctors,

elders, magicians, witches, sorcerers, traditional healers and wazee wa mila were

interviewed. Sometimes a group of elders was constituted whereby their experiences

on the customs, traditions, culture and perceptions were shared on the Matengo

Highlands through focus group discussions.

153

Catholic Directory of Tanzania: 2006:145-146 154

Kilaini, 1998:6 155

Lema, 1999, Kimambo, 1972, 156

Smythe, 1999 157

Ndunguru: 1972 158

Ofisi ya Mkuu wa Mkoa, Taarifa ya Mafanikio ya Miaka 50 ya Uhuru Mkoani Ruvuma, 2011

71

There were challenges the researcher faced notably the witchdoctors were not

transparent in explaining their activities and sometimes refused to cooperate. Most of

the information they offered were valuable and this was corroborated with other

sources especially archival sources. Christian missionaries and their institutions were

very important in enriching data on the missionary work in the entire southwestern

Tanzania.

The Abbey of Peramiho though not part of the Matengo Highlands provided vital

information on the work of the missionaries. Peramiho was the center of

Benedictines in the entire present Archdiocese of Songea, diocese of Njombe and

diocese of Mbinga. Most of the data and information regarding the histories of all

three dioceses are available in Peramiho in the persons of Abbot Lambert Doerr and

Polycarp Stitch (Nkosi Gama). This researcher was privileged to have audience with

treasured persons on the history of Benedictine missionary work in this area. Parish

priests, priests, catechists and the common faithful were involved in the data

collection.

Besides, this researcher was privileged to get audience with some retired people who

worked in the colonial state in different capacities, post-colonial workers in the state

machineries in different capacities. The office of District Executive Director of

Mbinga District Council was so generous to make this arrangement productive and

efficient. This group was very helpful in making available information and data on

colonial state and post-colonial state and their institutions. The ex-mission church

workers were also involved in the process of generating data for this study. The

retired bishop, priests and catechists were interviewed to extract information on the

72

history, activities and their perceptions on the role of Christianity in socio-economic

development of the Matengo Highlands. The ordinary people were interviewed to get

information on how they benefited from being closer to mission stations. Non-

Governmental Organization and Faith Based Organization workers were involved in

the research to provide information on the relationship between the work of the

religious institutions and Roman Catholic Church in the Matengo Highlands. The

information was obtained through the in-depth investigation to be held at religious

structures covering the diocese, parish, outstation, basic Christian community.

The government structure was explored from district, ward, village and hamlet

levels. At the district level the researcher was privileged to get information on the

contribution of church on socio-economic parameters in the Matengo Highlands. The

departments of education, agriculture and community development are highly

indebted for providing some information and statistics relevant to the study. Wards

and villages were very useful in providing data in the socio-economic indicators on

income, food security, literacy rate, poverty prevalence, life expectance and health

care.

1.8.3 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size

Samples from the Matengo Highlands were drawn using multi-staged sampling

procedure. Population was drawn from the diocese where the Bishop, Vicar General

and assistant to the bishop were involved in the exercise of data generation for the

study. Sample of parishes was drawn from Litembo, Mbinga, Kigonsera Maguu and

Kitura. Nongombo was involved though is not in the Matengo Highlands because it

was one of the earliest outstations of Litembo mission station. The outstation from

73

the sampled parishes were also involved in the research by providing leaders and

some followers who were then interviewed to provide information on how the

Christianity was being used in provision of basic needs of the people. Basic Christian

communities were the smallest and lowest units in the structure of the church

leadership.

The diocese and the chosen parishes provided members for interviews and

observation. The next stage was the kigango or outstation whereby a sample of them

was identified. The process trickled down to the smallest unit of the Basic Christian

community or jumuiya where individuals were selected to represent the rest of the

people to provide information through focus group discussion, respond to questions,

informal discussion, impromptu discussion, observation and non-structured

questions. The parallel of this religious structure was the secular structure from

district down to hamlet. The purpose of this procedure was to accommodate the

individuals from the state administration and other secular institutions.

Both purposive and simple probability sampling methods were employed to get a

needed number of respondents required in the study. Respondents at diocese, parish,

district, division and ward levels were purposively selected. These were purposively

selected because they are always the only ones and therefore there is no option for

choice. For instance, there is one bishop at the diocese level, one parish priest at the

parish level. Likewise, there is only one District Development Director at district

level, one Divisional Executive Office at the level of division, one Ward Executive

officer at ward level and only one Village Executive Officer at village level.

The sample size for this study was drawn from the Matengo Highlands covering two

74

Divisions, Mbuji and Mbinga Urban. Matengo Highlands is part of the Mbinga

diocese with 12 Parishes.159

Respondents from Out Stations (vigango) and Basic

Christian Communities (jumuiya, villages and hamlets were selected using simple

probability sampling method. A cluster sampling method was employed. Table 1.1

below illustrates the administration arrangement of the selected area. A detailed

Annex 1 has been appended to parishes, vigango, divisions and wards of Matengo

Highlands.

Table 1.1: Administrative arrangement of the Matengo Highlands

SN Ecclesiastical Structure SN Secular Structure

1. Diocese 1 1. Divisions 2

2. Parishes 11 2. Wards 20

3. Out Stations 55 3. Villages 200

4. Basic Christian Communities 220 4. Hamlets 540

5. Households 3300 5. Households 27000

6 African Traditional Religion 50

Source: Documentary Review 2011

All the Matengo Highlands was involved in the study and 3 (30%) of 11 Parishes

(Litembo,Mbinga, Maguu and Kigonsera) was purposively sampled to offer

representative sample of other Parishes. Out of 55 Outstations 9 (17%) Outstations

were randomly sampled and involved in the study. Out of 220 Basic Christian

Communities 26 (17%) were randomly sampled to be involved in the study. Diocese

and district administration were purposively involved in this study because of

potential of these organs to provide baseline information of the history, vision and

status of socio-economic development of the area. Ward and village executive

officers were purposively involved in the study so as to capture the rich experience

159

Catholic Directory of Tanzania, 2006:146

75

and knowledge available within those levels of administration. A total of 14 African

Traditional Religious leaders, traditional healers, magicians, witches, sorcerers, and

believers or followers were purposively involved. In total, approximately 80

respondents from the above mentioned organizations, institutions and individuals

were interviewed in this study as analyzed in the table 1.2 below:

Table 1.2: Description of Respondents Involved in the Study

SN GROUP

DESCRPTION OF

RESPONDENT

TO

TAL

RESEARCH

INSTRUMENT

1. Ecclesiastical group -

Diocese and Parishes

purposively sampled

because of getting the

history of missionary

theories and work

concepts on

development

Diocesan Bishop -

1

Retired Bishop - 1

Parish Priests - 3

Retired Priests – 3

Nuns - 3

Brothers – 3

14

Interview Guide:

Annex 11

Interview Guide:

Annex 16

Interview Guide:

Annex 15

2. Lower Levels at Out

Stations and Basic

Christian Communities

sampled to represent

others in the randomly

sampled areas. To

provide information on

how they perceived the

encounter between

Christianity and Local

region and how

religions influenced

the daily life.

Catechists – 3 and

3 retired ones

Members of Out

Station Executive

Committee 9

Basic Christian

Communities 26 21

Interview Guide;

Annex 22

Focus Group

Discussion

Guide: Annex 17

Questionnaire

Observation

Checklist:

Annex 5

3. Secular Group at the

District level, division

District

Commissioner 1, 24

Interview Guide:

Annex 23

76

level and at the Ward

level, is purposively

sampled to provide the

secular view on

development. Village

and Hamlet levels

were randomly

sampled to provide

information on how

they were affected by

secular policies and

ecclesiastical policies

in their lives.

District Executive

Director 1,

Member of

Parliament 1,

Retired Member of

Parliament 1,

DEO 1,

WEO 1,

VEO 3,

Hamlet 5 and

Ordinary people 10

Focus Group

Guide: annex 19

Questionnaire

Observation

Checklist:

Annex 5

4.

African Traditional

Religion

Wapenga utunu 3

Clan Heads 2

Believers/followers

5

Traditional healers

2

Witchdoctors 2

magicians 2,

witches 2,

sorcerers 2

20

Interview Guide:

Annex 14

Focus Group

Guide: 18

Questionnaire

Oral sources

guide: Annex 3

5. Total 89

Source: Documentary Review, 2011

1.9 Validity and Reliability

Reliability is synonymous with the consistency of a test, survey, observation, or other

measuring device. Validity refers to the degree in which the test or the other

measuring device is truly measuring what one intended it to measure. Historical

research is a search for historical truth. In the search for historical truth historical

77

research relies on historical facts and evidence. Therefore historical research is the

search for historical facts/data and the search for evidence about the fact. Evidence

means proof concerning past events, past reality or historical facts. Historical

evidence is from historical sources which are traces left by thoughts or deeds in the

past direct or indirect, written or non-written.

In order to arrive at historical truth source criticism is important. This requires

working repeatedly with the sources of information and the interrogation of the

evidence. Source criticism refers to the checking of the authenticity of the source as

well as evidence being presented. It also refers to checking the extent to which the

sources and evidence are reliable. Authenticating sources will be done through

tracing the origin (time and place) of the sources. Rules of authenticity are such as

reading the direct information in order to establish the source of the information and

check its quality. Another rule is engaging in content analysis in order to establish

trustworthiness of the information.

History dwells on past reality and is therefore a science that searches about what

actually happened in the past so that we can reconstruct it, the present and the future.

The scientificity of history is therefore how you find and select sources of

information about that past event – (which you don‘t create), you explain/interpret

about the historical fact (simple or complex fact), you interrogate and present the

evidence or create a proof system through a footnote explanatory structure that is

able to be followed, criticized and rejected by other historians (source criticism) and

finally interpret it. Historical science is therefore about how you handle information

and evidence about the past. A historian is not creating history, instead he has to

78

compile fact to create sense of time and space (called historical specificity) makes

sense of the event plus chronology about it. This professionalism was done through

the Chicago Manual/Style or Uralian style of proof system or citation system. In

other words a Historian is necessarily a good footnote maker because through this

then evidence is made or cited and one can prove from following up the footnotes the

credibility, authenticity and reliability of the historical facts being presented.

1.10 Data Processing and Analysis

In due regard, the plan for data processing and analysis must be made after careful

consideration of the objectives of the study and the list of variables. It has to be

known that procedures for analysis of data collected through qualitative and

quantitative research approaches are quite different. Thus, one must consider the

type(s) of study and the different data collection methods used when making a plan

for data processing and analysis.

The collected data were processed through content analysis. Some data collected

were in Kiswahili or German; therefore it was necessary to translate and transcribe to

English language. The cumulative and field research data were synthesized at each

stage of research. The analysis considered key words, framework, theme, precision of

responses and content intensity. This is because data were collected using qualitative

and quantitative approaches.

For quantitative data, the starting point in analysis was usually a coding of data for

each variable for all the study units included in the sample. For qualitative data, it

was more a matter of describing, summarizing and interpreting data obtained for each

79

study unit (or for each group of study units). The data analysis was started while

collecting the data so that questions that remain unanswered (or new questions that

come up) can be addressed before data collection is over.

Preparation of a plan for data processing and analysis provided a better insight into

the feasibility of the analysis which was performed as well as resources that are

required. It also provided an important review of the appropriateness of the data

collection tools. When making a plan for data processing and analysis, the following

aspects were considered: sorting data, performing quality-control checks, data

processing and data analysis.

1.11 Ethical Issues

The study was undertaken with ethical considerations where by things like privacy,

confidentiality, anonymity, informed consent and elements of risk and vulnerable

populations were handled with necessary steps. Research clearance helped researcher

to identify to individuals and organizations was obtained from the University of

Dodoma.

1.12 Conclusion

In concluding the chapter, this study attempts to examine the developmental role of

Christian religion in the area of Matengo Highlands from 1890 to 1968 as a way to

generalize the study of religion and development in development discourse in Africa.

Understanding role of religion in African nations requires linking the historical

processes that have influenced the pattern of Africa‘s development process. The

development of Africa since its integration in the world system and its subornation

80

under European colonialism is dialectically related to international capitalist system.

Africa‘s development at the current conjuncture reflects the reality of transformation

of African societies. The linkage between religion and socio-economic development

currently is the manifestation of the contemporary capitalism and its transformation

on its international scale and specific to condition in African environment. The

Matengo study though at micro level is anticipated to provide insight on how religion

is influenced by historical processes and not to take the linkage for granted as

missionaries and modernists have attempted to make us understand.

81

CHAPTER TWO

THE HISTORY OF PRE-COLONIAL MATENGO HIGHLANDS UP TO THE

COLONIAL CONQUEST (1850S-1890S).

2.1 Introduction

This chapter examines the Wamatengo history in pre-colonial times. In particular it

analyzes the socio-political and economic situation and concentrates finally in the

transcendental status of the Matengo Highlands before the advent of Christianity. It

focused on the evolution, practice, values and the role of religion in the Matengo

Highlands before the advent of Christianity. This chapter is divded into the

Wamatengo History, the Wamatengo socio-political organization the economic

organization and the religiosity of Wamatengo.

2.2 The History of Matengo Highlands before Colonial Conquest

The original inhabitants of this area were a Bantu speaking Matengo people (from a

Kimatengo word to designate forest, hence people of the forest). This group seems to

be a recent creation. Most of our oral informants interviewed could trace their

ancestry far back as seven generations.160

If we take a generation to be 30 years,

which will give us a round figure of two centuries back. These oral traditions

suggest that the name of this ethnic group means the people of the forest.161

This

therefore might suggest that the Matengo Highlands was not inhabited by any people

before 1788 the time when the first inhabitants started occupying the Matengo

Highlands.162

This area was not inhabited before possibly because it was densely

160

Alexander Howahowa and +Alois Makupe Turuka interviewed at Langiro and Litembo 161

Ndunguru op.cit. 1972:6 162

Tanganyika Notes and Records, No. 6, 1938, pp. 79-81

82

forested and harboured dangerous wild animals.163

But we are also led to believe that

given the low level of productive forces of the Wamatengo people who used crude

stone and wooden tools; it was not easy to tame this area.164

The Matengo people according to oral sources are a mixture of different small clans

in southeastern Tanzania. Some are of the Nindi origins which are found in the

Tanzania and Mozambique border. These are Ndunguru, Kumburu and Matembo

clans. Many others are said to have arrived from Upangwa in the far north east.

These clans include the Kapinga, Kamba/Hanzi, Mapunda/Rwanda, Lupogo and

Njako. The last group is believed to migrated from Songea includes the Makita

Kayuni clan.165

The area was inhabited by the Matengo people from the 19th century.166

The starting

point of all human history is the existence of living human individuals. The first

historical act of these individuals is that they begin to produce their means of

subsistence.167

The main economic activity of the inhabitants of Matengo Highlands

was essentially farming. They subsisted on agricultural products mainly maize,

beans, sunflower, wheat, potatoes, and garden peas in the higher parts; cassava in the

lower parts and finger millet for local beer. Many people kept chicken, goats, cattle,

sheep and pigs. They also involved in hunting and trapping wild game and gathering

of forest products to supplement protein intake in their diet. Traditional crafts such as

163

Ibid. passim 164

Alexander Howahowa and +Alois Makupe Turuka interviewed at Langiro and Litembo 165

TNA, SDB. MF 40 Vol. II, Language Notes Wamatengo Sheet 3. Cf. Interviews, Howahowa and

Makupe 166

Kapinga,M.O. op. cit. 1993 167

K.Marx, Engels, F. and V.I.Lenin, On Historical Materialism, Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1984.

p. 17

83

basketry, pottery, mat making, bark cloth (ndenda) making, and salt making, hunting

net making, iron smelting and smithery formed part of the economic activities.

The Matengo arrived in the area they are found in around 19th

century from different

parts due to feuding and search for fertile arable land. The group of Nindi under

Kayuni Ndunguru from Mozambique arrived in the Matogoro highlands in Songea.

They were attacked by Muta Maseko and therefore migrated to Matengo Highlands.

Others who are said to have arrived in the Wamatengo Highlands were hunters from

Nyasaland under Kanyenda who married a Wamatengo girl and they had children

who were called Ndimbo for men and Mango for women.168

The neighbours of Wamatengo were in the North West the Matengo were bordered

by Wandonde. The first conflict involved people called the Ndonde, from the area of

contemporary Songea. Under their leader, Mtuluhi, they attacked the stockaded

fortress of the Ndunguru leader, Mhutika, at Mhutu. The Ndondi were defeated in

battles fought with spears, axes, and bill-hooks; at that time people did not have any

muzzleloading guns.

Warfare against the Ndonde continued during the rule of two successive Ndunguru

chiefs, with the Matengo successfully defending against the attacks. Then, according

to Chrisostomus's account, Mputa's Ngoni secretly invaded Umatengo and abducted

the wives of Makita from his Mhutu sanctuary. Makita, supported by four of his

military leaders including the ' general' Ngameha, followed the Ngoni in an attempt

168

Fr. Egno Ndunguru, op. cit. 1972:6

84

to free the captive women. In the course of the chase, Mputa and Makita met and

talked; the latter agreed to settle with the Ngoni and join with them in warfare.169

In Umatengo Makita built several villages, provided for internal peace, and sent his

armies against peoples of the Nyasa lake-shore. Six ' countries' were defeated, and

Makita was accepted as a ruler. Sub-chiefs were placed in three of the conquered

territories where Makita had also sent cattle.

With peace in Matengoland, Makita rebuilt his ancestral villages of Mhutu and

Myangayanga. Pangwa iron-workers requested permission to settle in the country in

order to manufacture hoes for farming. Until this time there had been no iron hoes in

Umatengo; this was the beginning of farming among the mountain people. To cement

the relationship with the smiths Makita gave a daughter in marriage to the Pangwa

expert, Putuka. This was the second group from Upangwa to become established in

Umatengo.170

A military alliance had been concluded with the Ngoni under Hawayi, and Makita's

soldiers fought together with Ngoni on raids. Soon, however, the Ngoni again

attacked the Matengo, and Makita gathered his army at a fortress at Litembo where

caves provided shelter for women and children. Hawayi's forces followed and fought

the Matengo for two days; additional troops led by Ngameha, Makita's general, who

had settled some distance from Litembo, then arrived and the Ngoni retreated.

Matengo society, as depicted in these accounts by the descendants of Makita I, is

marked by distinction in social position and political office. There are superiors and

169

Harry W. Basehart, Traditional History and Political Change among the Matengo of Tanzania,

Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1972), :89 170

Harry W. Basehart, op. cit. (Apr., 1972),:90

85

inferiors; rulers and ruled; generals and soldiers. The hierarchy of officers includes

the Chief (Bambo Mkulungus; sometimesreferredto by the Ngoni term Nkosi); sub-

chiefsand war leaders(often designatedas Nduna, another Ngoni term); superior

headmen who administer a number of villages (jumbe); and, presumably, ordinary

village headmen. The society is one in which there was at least the beginning of

inequality of access to scarce positions of power and scarce non-subsistence

economic goods. The chief is seen as exercising a wide range of powers, related

principally to problems of offence and defence: he controlled fighting men, received

and redistributed plunder, initiated warfare and raids, sanctioned raids by

subordinates, assigned sub-chiefs to conquered villages and newcomers to villages

within the country, made alliances and treaties, and so on. In brief, the Makita

traditional narratives imply a charter of legitimacy for a successful military leader

whose expedient association with and opposition to Ngoni invaders laid the

foundation for a political superstructure encompassing the heterogeneous groups

which had filtered into the mountain fastness. Rights to the paramountcy in this

hierarchical system were vested in a particular dynasty whose genealogy attested to a

number of generations firmly rooted in Matengo soil.171

Traditional accounts of the Litembo dynasty present a view of the basis for Matengo

political legitimacy which is radically opposed to that advanced by advocates of the

Makita dynasty. These traditions have not been recorded in written form, although a

brief history of Matengo in the Songea District Book appears to reflect Litembo

171

Harry W. Basehart, op.cit. (Apr., 1972),:91

86

perspectives.172

The account which follows is derived from interviews with Litembo

residents who were knowledgeable individuals but not specialists in traditional lore.

Traditionally, political organization among the Matengo was non-hierarchical,

comprising a collectivity of sovereign patrilineal groups of equivalent status and

diverse origin. Each such patrilineal group (kilau) represented the descendants of a

common grandfather who, during his lifetime, had been the unquestioned leader.

(mahukoluoor bamboo) of the group. Those kilau heads who originally settled

unoccupied land were regarded as 'owners of the land'; later arrivals in the same area

were required to seek permission from the head of the kilau if they wished to settle.

The autonomous kilau was associated with a particular bounded territory, and

constituted an independent unit in warfare.

The important Litembo area was first settled by a man named Kawanila, who is said

to have come from somewhere in Mozambique. His kilau was Hyera-Ndiwu;

initially, he established a village on unoccupied land in the western portion of

Umatengo. The settlement was called Kunguru after the name for women of

Kawanila's kilau in order that everyone might know who had founded the village. In

those days digging-sticks were used in cultivation; iron hoes were unknown until

Pangwa smiths moved into the country. Farming methods were also different; the

land and trees were burned and the soil turned by the digging-stick before planting.

The pit system of cultivation was not developed until iron hoes became

available.Kawanila prospered at this first settlement and begot many children. Then,

atabout the time of the Ngoni wars, he moved to Litembo and built another

172

TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Book (SDB)

87

village,again named Kunguru. Kawanila achieved recognition for his powers as a

rainmakerand medicine man, but he was considered to be the ruler only of the

settlement hefounded and of those instituted by people who received land from

him.173

Makita is not atrue Mmatengo, the first chief of this was KawanilaHyera. Before his

reign, the heads of various clans ruled as a council of of bambos. Upon his death

Kawanila was succeeded by Makita Mandawa I who was made a prisoner by the

Germans and banished to the coast. He was succeeded by Mpingu who was killed

during the Majimaji war in 1905 and his position was taken over by Tekambwani

who ruled until the Germans appointed Kapungu Kikinda who ruled until 1916 when

he died. The Kibwale Makita who assumed the chieftainship thereafter was

appointed by the British. His father had been asked by Kawanila to assume the post

of commander of his forcesduring his fights with the Angoni. He was acknowledged

by the tribe as the leader of the army but not as their paramount.174

The British acknowledged Makita as the chief of Wamatengo but found him very

backward old man. Whereupon Mathias the grandson of Kawanila was

acknowledged and appointed as advisor to Makita. Mathias moved from Litembo to

Myangayanga and he assisted Makita in all the management of the tribe. When

Makita dies it was agreed that Mathias should take over as the chief. Unfortunately

Mathias died before Makita in 1941 whereas Makita died in 1949.175

The replacement

of the late Makita brought conflict among Wamatengoof the three barazas namely

173

Harry W. Basehart, op. cit. :92 174

TNA, Acc. 155, SDB 175

E.Ndunguru, op. cit. 1972: 27

88

Litembo, Myangayanga and Langiro. The potential heir to throne was Chrisostoms

Makita but he was not a true Mmatengo. The conflict dragged on until 1956 when

Chrisostoms Makita was made the paramount chief of the whole Umatengo.

However, the sub-chiefs of Litembo and Langiro barazas did not agree to this

decision. To solve the power struggle in Umatengo it was resolved that there should

be a creation of the Matengo Council or Umatengo Divisional Council underSongea

Council with headquarters at Ndengo.176

The conflict raged on until 1961 when

Governor Richard Turnbull unseated the paramount chief Chrisostoms Makita and

later J.K.Nyerere abolished chieftainship.

The political history of Umatengo throughout history was laden by frictions between

the the Kawanila chiefdom who claimed to be custodian of power in the Matengo

Highlands. This family is believed to be the descendants of the Wamatengo ethinic

group, while the contender was the Makita clan which is believed to have originated

from Ungoni and hence not a proper clan to administer the Matengo Highlands. In

this friction, the British colonial authority was just dilly dallying in anticipation that

they can rule smoothly in asituation where the local people are divided and

constantly in friction.

2.2The Evolution of Religion in the Matengo Highlands

In his discussion of the interrelationship of secular history and religion, Anold

Toynbee advanced the following hypothesis:

Man begins by worshipping Nature; when he ceases to

worship Nature, he is left with a spiritual vacuum which

he is impelled to fill; and he is then confronted with the

choice of substituting for the worship of Nature either a

176

E.Ndunguru, ibid. 1972:45

89

worship of himself or an approach to Absolute Reality

through the worship of God or quest for Brahma or for

Nirvana.177

Fr. Johannes Hafliger a superior of Kigonsera in 1901 attempted to establish a

mission station in mountainous country of Umatengo. According to Doerr it seemed

that the Wamatengo being a conservative people were much slower to accept the new

ways offered by the mission, in particular western education.178

In addition, Fr.

Johannes felt very strongly that the attitude of the Wamatengo was not promising.

―The majority of the villages do not wish to have any dealing with Europeans and it

would be only a question of time if not many would emigrate in case we should

actually move there.‖179

This position was also amplified by Fr. Ludger Breindl in

1914 who judged the Matengo to be ―extremely conservative as all mountain

people‖. Paganism is still dominant in its original forms.180

He even reported that

some of the elders were offering sacrifices to the spirits of their ancestors in order to

prevent the permanent presence of the mission in their midst.181

The dominant

wisdom claiming that missionaries found African societies tabula rasa182

notwithstanding, the Benedictine Fathers encountered an indigenous religion in

place. It was functioning to suit the material conditions of that particular period and

specific challenges.

Kenyata (1999) explains how the Matengo people perceived life – family affiliation,

friendship, source of life (mwoju), death and its cause, concept of time, creation,

177

Anold Toynbee, op. cit. : 316 178

Doerr, op. cit. 1998:30 179

Archives of Peramiho Abbey (APA), Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol.I, 1902. 180

APA, Chronicles of Litembo, 1914 181

Doerr, op. cit. 1998:81 182

Hastings, op. cit. 1967

90

production (material life- food,shelter, security, health, clothing, education) and

reproduction of society-marriage and bringing up of the young.183

Opening up of mission stations in different parts of the Matengo Highlands was not a

very easy work as it was thought.184

In some areas missionaries were refused

permission to establish stations. This happened at Ngima leading them to proceed to

Litembo and Lundumato.185

2.3Studies on Religion and Development in the Matengo Highlands

This case study area is also part of the African continent and, therefore, falls within

the context of areas considered as tabula rasa in developing their transcendental

sense. This is evident in the existence of scanty and paucity literature in the Matengo

Highlands about the relationship of religion and development. Even the studies that

are available are not very specific to the area; they are in most cases, implied in

content and geography.186

2.4Location of the Area

The Matengo people live in Umatengo Highlands. The Matengo Highlands area lies

in the south-western part of Tanzania as in (Map 1.1) below. It covers about 3,600

square kilometres. It is located between 10‘45‘S to 11‘45‘S and between 34‘30‘E to

35‘00‘E, which include Mbuji and Mbinga urban divisions. To the West, it is

boarded by the rift valley which descends into Lake Nyasa. To the East, North and

South it is bordered by the lower Matengo of Mpepo division which is now in the

183

Anton Kapinga Matanila (86) interviewed on 27.08.2012 at Mbinga town 184

Doerr, op. cit. 1998 185

Kenyata, op. cit. 1999 186

Doerr, 1998, Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea1998, Kilaini, 1998, and Rupper,

1988

91

new district of Nyasa.187

The topography of the Matengo Highlands is generally

undulating with very steep slopes ranging between 1200 to 2000 metres above sea

level. These mountain ranges are the extension of Livingstone mountain ranges

which are cut by several perennial rivers like Ruhunei, Ngaka, Mbao, Kingua,

Mnyamaji and many others flowing into Lake Nyasa.188

Soil consists of dark brown

to reddish loamy clay which is very deep and fertile with an excellent water

percolation and drainage.189

The mean annual precipitation is 1500 milimetres, with

the rain season being between November and April. The rest of the year is dry.

Influenced by the relief the Matengo Highlands has a semi temperate climate with

May, June, July and August being the coldest months with a temperature range of 55

degrees Fahrenheit. September and October are the driest and warm months, with

temperature range of about 80 degrees Fahrenheit.190

Natural vegetation is

hyparrhenia – parinari wooded grassland, although much of the land is under

cultivation.

Map 1.1: Mbinga District

187

TNA. Songea District Book MF 38 Vol. I, General Topography (Hereinafter SDB). 188

Tanganyika Notes and Records, (hereinafter TNR) No. 6, 1938, p. 79. 189

United Republic of Tanzania (URT), Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA)

Ruvuma Water Master Plan, Vol. 4A 1982, p. 6. 190

URT, ibid. passim

92

2.5 Demographic Dynamics of the Matengo Highlands

According to the 1897 estimates, the population of the Matengo Highlands numbered

about 5000 inhabitants. According to the census carried by the German government

in 1904, the number of the Wamatengo was 6,000.191

In 1910 the population density

in the Matengo Highlands was about 1-5 people per square kilometre.192

The 1948

population census recorded a population density of 9.1 people per square kilometre,

the 1957 population census recorded 11 people per square kilometre, and the 1967

population census recorded 17.1 people per square kilometre.193

In the 1978 census

recorded 23 people per square kilometre194

and that of 1988 recorded 35 people per

square kilometer.195

The 2002 census estimated the total population of the area at 403,819 of which,

197,789 are males and 206,030 are women. The annual population growth rate is an

average of 3% per annum.196

The population in 2012 was353,683 people; the number

has dropped due to establishment of new Nyasa district from Mbinga district with a

population of 146,160.197

The Matengo population density is 120 inhabitants per

km2.198

Out of this population 85% of the population are Roman Catholics, 8% are

Protestants, 3% belong to Pentecostal churches, 2% are Muslims and 2% claim

traditional worship.199

The dominant ethnic group in the district is Wamatengo who

191

E.Ebner OSB, ―History of the Wangoni‖, Mimeo, 1959, pp. 123-24 192

H.Kjekshus, Ecology Control and Economic Development in East African History, University of

Dar-es-Salaam p. 1. (No Date) 193

Central Statistical Bureau, Recorded Population Changes 1948-1967, Dar-esSalaam1968, p. 9 194

Bureau of Statstics, 1978, Population Census Preliminary Report p. 97. 195

Bureau of Statstics, 1988, Population Census Regional Profile, Ruvuma, 1988, p. ii. 196

Rutatora & Nindi, 2007. 197

National Bureau of Statistics, 2012 Population and Housing Census, Population Distribution by

Administrative Areas 2013:96 198

DALDO, 2001 199

Documentary Review, 2011

93

inhabit the highlands. There are a few Nyasa, Yao, Kinga, Arabs, and Indians in

Mbinga town.

2.6The Economic Organization

The pre-colonial society in the Matengo Highlands lived in a separate nucleated

settlement villages known as musi. They were people of the same descendant with a

common clan name called kilau. Each clan had an individual site for settlement

usually a mountain ridge (lupimbi) circumscribed by river streams. Since the

Matengo subscribed to patrilineal line, sons who reached puberty were given their

own settlement sites near that of their fathers.200

Men lived patriarchal, whereby

women moved to their husband‘s home after marriage.

The main economic occupation here was agriculture. Various crops were grown

supplemented by hunting and gathering of forest products.201

Few animals and

chickens were kept to add to the food being used. Among the Matengo, goats were

accorded a very special importance for the two main reasons. Goats were used for

ritual offerings to the ancestors who were locally known as mahoka. Secondly, goats

were used as a store of wealth for paying bride price.

These kind of economic activities explain the relations between human beings and

nature, the setup of the society employed family labour to produce and appropriate

nature. Here man‘s main activity was clearing land by slash and burning. Juniors

attended the animals. Women tilled the land and most of the domestic chores,

200

R.Hyera, Land Tenure and Social Change among the Wamatengo: The case of Mbinga District,

B.A. Dissertation, UDSM, 1977:22 201

TNA, SDB MF 40, Vol. II, Sheet 5-8.

94

assisted by girls. Males joined women in planting and weeding. Otherwise, most of

men‘s time was spent on hunting and trapping game or drinking. The whole

community was involved in production as labourers with division of labour along sex

and age lines.202

The above pattern of division of labour reflected the type the types of owners and

ownership of means of production in society. The major means of production in the

Matengo Highlands land and what it contained such fruits, game, and vegetation. The

owner here was the community. Membership to the community gives one

opportunity of disposing of the means of production. The clan head distributed

unused land to his clansmen who in return cleared it (kutumba kigona) and then put it

to productive use. Whoever cleared virgin land, it was assumed that such land would

be under his custody and could be inherited by his family.203

Grazing land in the hills remained communally owned. Water rights over rivers,

springs, wells and streams followed the occupancy of the house plot. However, the

tendency was the common use for the whole community.204

Instruments of labour

were which included hoes, slashes (nyengo), hunting nets, arrows; bows and traps

belonged to the households.205

These lowly developed productive forces demanded

that labour should involve collective endeavor. Consequently, the Matengo devised a

traditional co-operative labour process called ngokela. This was a communal mutual

help system among members of a clan.

202

Interviews Makupe, Ndunguru, Howahowa, Komba 203

Hyera, op. cit. 1977: 150-156 204

W. Kapinga and L.Mbunda, The Villages and Ujamaa villages Act 1975and Reoganization of of

Peasant Sector: A case of Mbinga District, L.L.B. Dissertation, UDSM, 1981:20-21 205

Interviews Ngahinyana, Sumila, Makupe, Howahowa

95

Low level productive forces called for labour intensification. Consequently

everybody in the clan had work to perform. This reduced the possibility of individual

surplus appropriation. More important was an encouragement of collective

ownership of means of labour, objects of labour and products of labour. This once

again reduced the possibility of starvation to any individual in the community. Food

was served communally at the sengu. Food from each household was brought there

by women for everybody to eat. Women of the whole musi ate their food in one of

the selected place, usually in the kitchen of one of the eldest woman.

With regard to property relations, which is the fundamental aspect of the relationship

between owners, labourers and means of labour; primitive property relations was

dominant. Since the material object of property was land, all members of community

exercised the right to means of labour and object of labour (land). The head of musi

was a guardian of his peoples land rights. He allocated land to the members of the

musi where to build a house and could take the strip of land stretching behind one‘s

house.206

The dominant relations of production in the Matengo Highlands were

communal production relations.

However, due to simple specialization between clans, exchange of use values was

facilitated by barter trade. Use values exchanged included food crops, cattle, pots,

salt, bark cloth, mats, baskets, and many others. Cattle as a factor in dowry, forced

those whodid not have to any to exchange either food crops or piece of land for

cattle. Pots as the only cooking instruments in the Matengo Highlands were very

crucial in stimulating inter and intra clan trade. Pottery was developed at Mbugu

206

Interviews Komba, Sumila, Makupe, Howahowa

96

where a market was established.207

Trade was also conducted with Wampoto to the

West, whereby fish was exchanged for iron tools and other items.208

The Matengo

were forced to produce over and above subsistence needs. This called upon

improvements of labour. This way iron smelting and smithery were developed. This

technology diffused from Upangwa by the Mapunda and Lupogo clans.209

Labour relations, ownership, means of labour, production relations and property

relations are closely related. These are indicators of the relational structure of social

relations that is society or social formation. These elements have no real independent

existence but a relational existence. The total some of these elements make up the

modes of production and economic formation. If we apply this formulation to the

analysis of the Matengo social formation we can discern that, it was a communal

mode of production. It was communal mode of production because there was

communal labour and communal ownership of means of labour, there was also

communal property relations and communal form of production. The little surplus

accumulated was appropriated by the elders and the clan heads. However, there was

only formal subordination of the producers and not and not real subordination of

producer.210

2.7Socio-Political Organization

The Matengo society was organized in groupings of sovereign patrilineal groups with

the same social status. Each such group represented the descendants of the same

grandfather with a common clan name (kilau). The most common clan names – kilau

207

Hyera, op. cit. 1977:22-23 208

Mihanjo, op. cit. 1989:111 209

Kapinga, nd. pp.11-12 210

P.P.Rey, ―Class Contradiction in Lineage Societies‖ Critique of Anthropology 13 & 14, Vol. 4

1979:49-51

97

are appended as Annex 7. Political power was centered on clan heads who were

guardians of the clan land, arbiter in land disputes and distributed land to members.

The powers accorded to the clan heads and the elders to command spiritual and

ideological strengthened their powers over the rest of the society.211

In most cases the

grandfather became the unquestioned clan head of the clan.212

This political unit

(musi) under its own clan head possessed and exercised authority over all the socio-

economic and political activities of the society. However, the whole Matengo

Highlands recognized the presence of high authority over the ancestors which were

common to all, called Sapanga. The other noble function of the clan heads was to

perform spiritual and ritual functions. The rulers invoked the ancestral spirits for

good harvest, political leadership and other activities.213

Political authority was also consolidated through control of sexual and age

relationship. The role of women in the Matengo society was for both biological

reproduction and means of labour. Here the institution of polygamy became very

crucial as it was a symbol of both power and wealth.214

Elders and clan heads usually

married several wives to perform many activities at their homes such as entertaining

guests, prepare clan functions, and other functions of the elders and clan heads.

Women also did most of the land tilling and domestic duties assisted by men juniors.

Many wives in this situation meant accumulation of material life and more children

211

Kapinga, op. cit.1993:43 212

D.Schmied, Subsistance Cultivation, Market Production and and Agricultural Development in

Ruvuma Region, Southern TanzaniaBay Reth, African Series, 1989: 213

Ndunguru, op.cit. passim 214

E.Ndunguru, Ibid. 1972:107

98

who could defend the clan and reproduce it economically and biologically.

Furthermore, having many daughters was a source of wealth through bride price.215

Clan heads and elders were able to marry as many wives as possible because they

practically controlled the means of production, the direct producers and had the

access to the surplus product. Junior members of the clan could get married only

upon permission from the elders. This was due to the fact that the youth depended on

the elders for bride price and apportionment of land the major object of labour. This

way the clan elders were at liberty to determine when one could marry. This

reinforced the dependence relationship between the elders and the junior members of

the clan.

Political power of elders and the clan heads in the Matengo Highlands was also

articulated at the level of sengu institution. Backed by the ideas that they have super

natural powers, it was easy for them to dominate decision making process in

discussions. Hence, this reinforced dependence relationship of juniors to elders.

Sengu in the Matengo Highlands was also functioning as a buffer zone to defuse

struggles between the juniors who would want change and the elders who would

want to maintain the status quo. Through socialization at the sengu, juniors were

satisfied that they would take up the reigns of the clan as they become elders.

Prior to advent of Christianity there existed exploitation of juniors and women by

elders in the Matengo Highlands. The basis of this exploitation was through division

of labour which kept some jobs exclusively for women and juniors. We can conclude

215

E.Ndunguru, Ibid. 1972:109

99

that there was formal subordination of the group of producers as a whole to the

exploitation of the clan. Thus the elders can be defined as the dominant class and the

rest of the group as the dominated.216

The society was not centralized and depended

on the clan organization, its production and reproduction. Means of labour were very

crude (wooden and stone tools) and production relations evolving towards hierarchy,

whereby there was a trend towards appropriation of surplus by few (elders and clan

heads). Social functions were based on age and sex, and social differentiations were

taking the same sex and age lines. The elder members of the clans benefitted at the

expense of the juniors and female members. The whole local group, elders excluded,

was dominated. Control was exercised by marriage control, sengu institution, super

natural powers, control of means of labour and objects of labour and knowledge.217

2.8Evolution of Transcendental Sense (Religious Ideas) in the Matengo

Highlands

The Matengo people, like any other society had historically evolved and developed

transcendental sense resulting into religious beliefs and philosophy as one of their

crucial cultural component.218

The pre-Christian Matengo dwellings were clustered,

each musi was under a clan head. Musi did not only form the economic unit, but also

the social and political unit of each clan. The size of the musi depended on the

number of clansmen who formed the village. Grown up sons were allocated

settlement areas, few meters from their fathers‘ vicinity within the same ridge

216

P.P.Rey, 1979, ―Class Contradiction in Lineage Societies‖ Critique of Anthropology 13 & 14, Vol.

4 pp. 49-51 217

Kapinga, op. cit. 1993:46 218

Kapinga, ibid. 1993:44

100

(lupembi/ntambo).219

This tendency perpetuated family and clan cohesion as a socio-

economic, religious and political unit.

The reasons why the Matengo people settled on the musi basis can be attributed to

the geographical nature of the area. We mentioned earlier that the settlements were

based on ridges which were circumscribed by river streams. Each clan used to

occupy a ridge which ultimately formed their socio-economic, religious and political

unit. However, there were constant interactions between different clans notably

through marriage. It was not easy for a young male to marry within his musi because

of strict observance of incest taboos. The explanation for this strict observance was

that within the musi people trace the same ancestral origin, hence if they get married

there is possibility of inbreeding which would result to the off springs to suffer from

imitu (a disease resulting from inbreeding).

Each musi had its clan head, a post which was hereditary to the elder son upon death

of the clan head. There was no paramount chief to speak of in the pre-Christian

Matengo Highlands. Each clan enjoyed autonomy from the other clans though

culturally they interacted. Cultural similarities were evidenced in the way children

were brought up, rites of passage, marriage system, beliefs and ideas, worship,

language, moral conduct, the way houses were built, hospitality, types of food and

cloth.220

219

The Matengo Highlands are made up of ridges (lupembi) bordered by river streams. Each clan

occupies its ridge. 220

Ndunguru, passim

101

Among other functions of the clan head was to perform spiritual and ritual functions.

The powers accorded to the clan heads and elders to command spiritual and

ideological functions strengthened their powers over the rest of the society members,

especially women and juniors. The performance of rituals made the elders and clan

heads appeal to supernatural powers. These ideas instilled fear to the rest of the group

in the clan to challenge the elders in whatever aspect. In the final analysis the appeal

to supernatural powers by clan heads and elders formed the ideological basis for the

control of the direct producers mainly women and juniors.221

At the institution of musi there were several metaphysical and cosmological

questions which were normally asked. They were mainly questions about the nature

of the universe, about after-life issues and also about super natural powers. Such

questions included; where does life come from? What causes death? What is the the

end of life? Do the dead people go to another world? Who created human beings?

What causes misfortunes like illness, drought, famine, bad harvest and many

others?222

Another possible riddle which sought some explanations was the real practical life in

the environment the Matengo people found themselves. The physical features, the

climate, the natural vegetation posed serious challenge to Matengo people as they

were struggling to tame nature. Coupled with low level science and technology just

complicated the matter. Of course in some cases they were able to overcome the

221

Kapinga, 1993:43 222

Interview Anton Matanila, Xaver Mbunda, 1912

102

challenges. For instance the invention of the ngolo farming system was a very crucial

discovery to overcome soil erosion in the hilly setting of the Matengo Highlands.223

But still the Matengo Highlands encountered other challenges like wild animals,

heavy forests, and the frightening cave sights, the outbreaks of epidemics,

grasshoppers and famine. In 19th

century the Matengo people experienced a fierce

invasion by the Ngoni (soba), intrusion of slave traders, coming of missionaries, the

colonial onslaught, the coming of independence. The European presence enlarged the

world in which men lived and provided motives and opportunities for religious

innovation. In all these landmarks the Matengo traditional religion had a role to

address each landmark.224

The challenges prompted and stimulated the people of the

Matengo Highlands to start searching for spiritual aid. Kimambo and Omari225

argue

that the evolution of religious ideas among the Pare of Tanzania was basically out of

the need to mobilize the people of the political unity against the outside threats.

While Ogot226

expresses the same opinion while using the example of Padhola of

Kenya. Therefore the people of the Matengo Highlands were confronted by practical

historical circumstances which in return called for spiritual mobilization to address

the challenges. This usually happened in time of crisis such as draught, famine,

epidemics, and other calamities. There emerged people who purported to be endowed

with spiritual powers to give explanations for these challenging events.227

Healers or

waganga were always consulted to give explanation for any event and suggest steps

to be taken to mitigate the impact of which. The concerned victims were instructed

on what steps to take to appease the ancestors who may have been offended. There

223

Ngolo system of farming is very unique the world over. 224

Iliffe, 1979:291 225

Kimambo and Omari, 1972:113 in Ranger, T. and Kimambo, I. (eds.). (1972), The Historical Study

of African Religion, Heinemann Educational Books Ltd, London. Nairobi. Ibadan. 226

Ogot 1972:124 in in Ranger, T. and Kimambo, I. (eds.). ibid. 227

Interviews Anton Kapinga , Howahowa, Makupe

103

were two types of waganga; the first type were those who can foretell an event using

some objects known as imbagu made of horns ofdifferent animals or guards. The

second type was those waganga who can identify diseases and provide herbal

medicines for healing. Both were important in the society as they assisted the

reproduction of the society.228

It was believed that a clan head had powers to communicate with a super natural

being known as Sapanga among the Matengo people. Sapanga was believed to be a

creator of men and other things around. He was someone with absolute power and he

caused birth to new ones and death to old ones. He was omnipresent and omnipotent

and could plan everything for the whole society.229

Unlike in the Pare society230

and

Padhola society,231

where the Supreme God led to the evolution of kingship cult,

Sapanga did not evolve towards that end. All clan heads recognized the Supremacy

of the Sapanga, but there was no paramount king for the whole Matengo Highlands

who used Sapanga for his personality cult. Sapanga was to be venerated by all clan

heads and their people through rituals.

Such rituals were performed in very special sites or shrines known as kitegee, usually

under big trees, grave sites, along big river banks, on big rocks, on top of the

mountain hills.232

In the Matengo Highlands there was a shrine at Litembo Barazani

where people used to make offering to the ancestors. Another site was at the

Likengema hill top near to Litembo parish. At the Maguu parish the shrines were

228

Julius Mndobesi Komba, mzee wa mila interviewed at Kingua 2013 229

Interview, op. cit. 230

Kimambo, op. cit. 1972, 231

Ogot, op. cit. 1972 232232

Interview with Anton Matanila Kapinga, 2012 and Longnus Mathias Tilia 2014

104

located at the hilltop of Mikiga Mountain at Hagati hamlet. There were other sacred

sites for offering at the hilltop of Kitogata and Matuta Mountains. The people of

Mkumbi parish used to make their offerings at Ndunguli. For the people of Mbinga

parish the sacred site was at Kilimani. The Mikalanga parish people used to make

their offerings at the hilltop of Ilela Mountain. The Mpapa parish had their site for

offering at Luhangalasi while the Tingi parish had chosen the Mpepo mountain

site.233

Other sites included the cave site at Mbugu, the rock boulders of Mbuji and

Ulobe, the waterfall site at Kingua Kwanangwele. Such sites were sacred places and

believed to be harbinger of gods (mahoka) who are close to almighty Sapanga hence

other members of the clan were not allowed to visit those places.234

Rituals were also performed to inaugurate new planting or harvesting season. The

clan head and other specialized elders had to officiate the planting or harvesting

season by making the offering to the ancestors. Usually local beer and goat was

slaughtered. Portion of beer and meat were deposited to the graves of the ancestors

(mahoka). It was believed that if the sacrifice was accepted the harvest of the season

would be good. In Kenya the Padhola performed special religious ceremony before

the family could sow. Thisceremony happened again at harvesting time.235

In short,

all the clan social, economic and political functions were preceded by a ritual as

signal of good wishes for their success.

The Matengo people recognized the presence of the higher authority over the

ancestor which was common to all, called Sapanga. The higher authority was

233

The use of parishes as geographical sites does not in any way show that the leadership was in

charge of these sites. After all the period we discuss was before the coming of Christianity. 234

Interviews with Ngahinyana (96), Sumila (90), Masenti (85) 235

Ogot,1972:125, op.cit.

105

contacted by each clan through their ancestral spirits (mahoka). Those practicing

traditional religion in Umatengo also honored the eternal spirit of deceased ancestors

(mahoka). When a person dies, many believed that their spirit continued on to live in

another realm. The deceased person became an ancestor and the family remembered

them through special prayers and offerings of local beer and slaughtered chicken or a

goat. Local beer, a mixture of cassava, finger millet and water (mandapalapa),

represents the local brew of the ancestors. The mahoka were believed to be very

close to the supreme that could be approached by the clan elders who were locally

known as wapenga utunu to convey the clan requests to Sapanga. Wapenga utunu in

the Matengo Highlands were people appointed in the clan to perform rituals to the

mahoka of the clan. The appointment to this post was based on the integrity,

generosity, fairness, humility and trustfulness of that elder.236

Here the Sapanga was

considered as the supreme God, the mahoka as ancestor mediums and the wapenga

utunu priests as the most immediate religious agents to the people.237

In the Matengo Highlands the mahoka were believed to be living in the form of soul

after death. In order to become a mahoka in the Matengo Highlands one has to live in

the worldly life with high ethical and moral authority. Another condition is that has

to die whereby it was believed that the soul escaped from the body and went to live

in non-earthly world. As such they were close to God/Sapanga. Mahoka controlled

lives of the people in the Matengo Highlands because they know the language of God

and that of the human beings. That is why the mahoka had to be venerated by the

living Matengo people. The mahoka were always venerated and remembered in

236

Interviews with Longnus Mathias Tilia, (2014) Anton Matanila Kapinga (2012) 237

Ndunguru, Egno; Historia, Mila na Desturi za Wamatengo, East African Literature Bureau, Dar-es-

Salaam: 1972:62

106

special occasions. An annual celebration was one occasion to memorize the

mahoka,a celebrationpopularly known as mandapalapa. A local beer was prepared

and a goat slaughtered during that occasion. Part of the beer and the blood of the goat

were poured on the graves of the fallen ancestors. This signaled a unity between the

living and those who are dead.238

Mahoka were also remembered during the occasion when a young child was crying

for a name. The Matengo used to believe that if a child cried continually while is

neither hungry nor sick, the child must be crying for a name. A foreteller was

consulted to communicate with the mahoka so as to name the child. If the name was

given and the mahoka accepted the crying child would stop crying.

The role of traditional religion in the Matengo Highlands was mainly to respond to

various challenges and crises which confronted the society. For instance during

invasions, famine, drought, floods, bad harvest and other calamities, Sapanga (God)

was consulted to rescue the people. The clan heads and the wapenga utunu would

assemble at the sacred place to offer sacrifices to the Sapanga through the fallen

ancestors or mahoka for that matter. Usually such calamities were said to occur in the

event when the living human beings of Matengo society have offended the ancestors

or Sapanga for one reason or another. Children in Umatengo were often renamed

after ancestors during life-threatening illnesses. Another cure might be for the child

to wear a necklace of beads with a central, triangular polished shell disk, called

mbatabata, in honor of the child's ancestors. The belief in such remedies suggests

238

Nchimbi, 1979:11

107

that the ancestors or deceased relatives have an ongoing relationship with their

families.

When a family member died, they are then in a position to watch over their

descendants. It is believed that if the ancestor is not remembered through offerings,

the family might encounter bad luck or even illness. For example, when a child is

sick, the parents might consult a traditional doctor, or mpenga utunu in Kimatengo. If

the doctor attributes the cause of illness to angry or offended ancestors, the remedy

might be for the family to give special offerings to venerate and appease the ancestor,

or even to rename the child after the ancestor.239

Another occasion which called for commemoration of the mahoka was when a

woman faced infertility problem or a young man was unable to marry because he was

refused by girls. This was also interpreted as sign of anger from the mahoka. This

kind of situation showed the powers that the mahoka had on the lining ones.

In Umatengo there was a diversity of religions. Many people practiced traditional

religion. Before the arrival of Christian missionaries and colonial governments, the

Matengo people had an organized form of religion which was practiced within the

confines of the family compound. Those who practice traditional religion still

worship god as the Supreme Being and creator of the universe. In Umatengo there

were several words for the creator god: Sapanga, Mahoka, Mpenga Utunu. The

practice of Matengo traditional religion does not take place in a structure like a

mosque or church. Instead prayers are said among the family in the compound and

239

Interview Mzee Xavery Mbunda (85) interviewed at Mbinga 28.07.2012

108

are directed to the creator god in hopes of good rainfall and prosperity. There were

sacred places where religious celebrations were taking place.240

Religious ideas have always governed the other activities of the traditional Matengo

society. The Matengo were developing socially, economically and politically and in

the course of that transformation religious ideas (transcendental sense) came into

being as reflection of that transformation. In this context religious ideas were very

important in influencing the transformation of humanity in the Matengo Highlands.

Therefore the concept of development in the Matengo context is heavily tied to the

change which was happening in the course of applying their labour and intellect in

appropriation of the natural endowments. In the final analysis there was an overall

socio-economic development of entire society. The values, ideas and practices of

traditional religion informed socio-economic development issues but of course not

excluding other factors.

During hunting, the Matengo people depended much on the ancestors – mahoka.

Before the hunting trip started there were special prayers which were conducted to

ask the protection of the ancestors during the hunting. When the hunting is

successful is the sign that that the mahoka had heeded the prayer. Hence a thanks-

giving prayer would be performed thereafter. The wapenga utunu usually conducted

the prayers as required by the Matengo code of ethics.

During farming season, the clan head had to inaugurate the occasion by a special

prayer. Thereafter the entire musi would start farming through the cooperative labour

240

Interview Mzee Xavery Mbunda (85) interviewed at Mbinga 28.07.2012, cf. Mzee Anton Kapinga

Interviewed on 27th August 2012, Mbinga

109

called ngokela. The sowing season likewise had to be inaugurated through a special

prayer again. This procedure was also done during the harvesting season. In short the

whole agricultural activities were very much tied to religious ideas. In the event of

failure in harvest for whatever reason, the event was always associated with the anger

of the ancestors and the Sapanga. Likewise in the event of successful harvest the

same was also attributed to the contribution of the mahoka and Sapanga.241

Prayers to the Matengo were governing every aspect of their life. The prayers

involved request to mahoka and Sapanga various things for their life sustenance.

Other prayers were for praising the mahoka and Sapanga. Yet other prayers were

meant for thanks-giving to mahoka and Sapanga for the society‘s successes.

Successes included the precious gift of life, a birth of a new born in the family, a

member of family getting married and other successes that occurred in the family.242

The Matengo people were very good in entertainments especially after the harvesting

season has lapsed. The important dances were kioda for women, mganda for men and

mhambo and linguga for both men and women. These dances were conducted in

competitive basis, whereby each musi presented its group to compete. At the end, the

announcement was made as to who came first, second until the last. In all these

competitions the role of religious ideas were pervasively applied. First it was

believed that through prayer peace will prevail in this occasion. Again it was

believed that there were bad people who wanted to inflict harm on other contestants.

Through prayer these bad people will be unable to inflict any harm to others.

241

Interview Makupe, Sumila, Nganyanyuka 242

Ibid.

110

With regard to property ownership was basically in the hands of the clan heads who

were apparently religious leaders. All members of musi had right and access to the

use of the property. In this case possessive values were not entertained in this

regard.243

The principle of communal ownership based on principle of inclusion was

the norm of the Matengo Highlands society.244

The Matengo traditional religion emphasized well-being of the community. They

wanted to see to it that the community is made up of strong and healthy people both

physically and spiritually. That is why they made sure that the welfare of each

individual is ta taken care of by the society. In the Matengo Highlands there was no

separation between economic activities and other spheres for the members of the

community. Everything, production and distribution was kinship obligation.

Therefore the Matengo Highlands had their religious beliefs based in common

humanity, solidarity and reciprocity.

2.9 Conclusion

This chapter has attempted to explore the essence, practice, and historicity of the

traditional African religion in the Matengo Highlands before the advent of

Christianity. We have looked into the past state of existence and the manner in which

they have historically interacted with other spheres of life of the Matengo people. We

have seen that there was superior deity/being at the top known as Sapanga, spirits of

lesser at lower level known as mahoka, and the mediums – people with mystical

power like witchcraft and sorcerers, healers, who were known as wapenga utunu in

the Matengo Highlands. The Matengo traditional religion centered on instrumentality

243

TNA, SDB. MF 40 Vol. II, Language Notes Wamatengo Sheet 3 244

Kapinga, op. cit. 1993:40

111

than spirituality, it was culture and environment specific – no missionaries, spread,

scriptures. It was flexible and fluid – no founders, creeds bureaucracy, it pervaded all

spheres of life - socio-economic and political life of the entire society.

More interesting to the Matengo traditional religion is that though there was

recognition of the Supreme Being, recognized and venerated throughout the whole

Matengo Highlands, he could not develop into a kingly personality cult as it

happened in other African societies.245

This explains some of crucial and unique

feature of the traditional religion in the Matengo Highlands.

It can be established that against Fr. Johannes Hafliger‘s and Fr. Ludger Breindl‘s

assertion that the Matengo Highlands was an area where paganism was still dominant

in its original form when in early 1900s they attempted to introduce Christianity, that

Matengo people had very strong transcendental sense (religious ideas). This religion

had its base in the Matengo culture and hence exalting very strong influence in the

whole life of the people. If they were showing resistance to Christianity could be

because its foundation was so strong.

245

Kimambo, op. cit. 1972

112

CHAPTER THREE

THE INTRODUCTION AND SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE

MATENGO HIGHLANDS DURING THE GERMAN RULE (1890S TO 1918)

3.0Introduction

This chapter investigated the introduction and spread of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands from 1890s to 1918. The periodization has been made deliberately in order

to cover the period of German rule. The German period is very special by

considering the fact that the missionaries who established Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands were Benedictine whose nationality was German. The study has

investigated what were the circumstances which pushed the Benedictines to come to

German East Africa and specifically the Matengo Highlands. Upon arriving in

German East Africa the study investigated the relationship that existed between the

German colonial state and the Benedictine missionaries and how did this relation

affect the Wamatengo people.

Given that the Wamatengo people had their own traditional religion, this study found

it imperative to explore the methods and techniques the Benedictine missionaries

used to introduce and spread Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. Then the study

went further to analyze how the Wamatengo reacted to this new influence. The

position of German colonial administration towards missionary enterprise in relation

to the perception of the Matengo society was also an object of investigation. The

overall purpose is to establish relationships of these dynamics to the transformation

of the Wamatengo society.

113

3.1 Evolution of Religion

The development of religion has taken different forms in different cultures. Some

religions place an emphasis on belief, while others emphasize practice. Some

religions focus on the subjective experience of the religious individual, while others

consider the activities of the religious community to be most important. Some

religions claim to be universal, believing their laws and cosmology to be binding for

everyone, while others are intended to be practiced only by a closely defined or

localized group. In many places religion has been associated with public institutions

such as education, hospitals, the family, government, and political hierarchies.

Some academics studying the subject have divided religions into three broad

categories: world religions, a term which refers to transcultural, international faiths;

indigenous religions, which refers to smaller, culture-specific or nation-specific

religious groups; and new religious movements, which refers to recently developed

faiths. One modern academic theory of world religions, social constructionism, says

that religion is a modern concept that suggests all spiritual practice and worship

follows a model similar to the Abrahamic religions as an orientation system that

helps to interpret reality and define human beings, and thus religion, as a concept, has

been applied inappropriately to non-Western cultures that are not based upon such

systems, or in which these systems are a substantially simpler construct.

So-called universal religions are religions with influence across the world. The

known universal religions include Christianity, Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism. The

main characteristics of world religions are the presence of leaders who invented them

(Jesus, Mohamed, Budha), basic scriptures, and claim followership across the world.

114

3.2 Origin of Christianity

Christianity (from the Ancient Greek word Χριστός, Khristos, "Christ", literally

"anointed one") is a monotheistic religion based on the life and teachings of Jesus as

presented in canonical gospels and other New Testament writings. Adherents of the

Christian faith are known as Christians.246

Christianity began as a Jewish sect in the

eastern Mediterranean in the mid-1st century. Its earliest development took place

under the leadership of the Twelve Apostles, particularly Saint Peter and Paul the

Apostle, followed by the early bishops, whom Christians consider the successors of

the Apostles.

The 15th-century Renaissance brought about a renewed interest in ancient and

classical learning. Another major schism, the Reformation, resulted in the splintering

of the Western Christendom into several Christian denominations. These challenges

developed into the movement called Protestantism, which repudiated the primacy of

the pope, the role of tradition, the seven sacraments, and other doctrines and

practices.

3.3Christianity in Africa

Christianity in Africa began in the middle of the 1st century in Egypt, and by the end

of the 2nd

century in the region around Carthage. Important Africans who influenced

the early development of Christianity includes Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria,

Origen of Alexandria, Cyprian, Athanasius and Augustine of Hippo. The later rise of

Islam in North Africa reduced the size and numbers of Christian congregations,

leaving only the Coptic Church in Egypt and the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo

246

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

115

Church in the Horn of Africa. The History of Christianity in Africa began in the

1stcentury when Mark the Evangelist started the Orthodox Church of Alexandria in

about 43 AD. It spread to Kongo, Angola and East Africa.

The imposition of European colonial rule on Africa was not merely the forceful

establishment of European political, economic and social power on colonial

possessions. It was also a cultural imposition and it used culture to buttress the

political, economic and social superstructure which colonialism represented.247

In

Tanzania the missionaries who are associated with this colonial period include the

Roman Catholics who belonged to the Holy Ghost Fathers, White Fathers,

Benedictine Fathers and later the Capchins, Consolata, Passionists Fathers, Pallottine

Fathers, Salvatorin and Maryknoll Fathers.

On the other side the Protestants missionaries in Africa included, the Anglicans, the

Lutherans the Moravians, and the Adventist Church. These missionaries established

their stations in different parts of the continent.

3.4Benedictine Missionaries in German East Africa

The history of this society goes far back to the period of intensification of imperialist

tendencies in Europe in general and Germany in particular. Missionary upsurge

during this period was a product of capitalist transformation which necessitated the

formation of missionary societies.248

Conversely, the capitalist society required the

247

K. Asare Opoku, Religion in Africa during the colonial era in General History of Africa vl.vii,

1985:508 248

A. E. M. Anderson-Morshead,The History of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa 1859-

1909,

Office of the Universities' Mission to Central Africa, London 9 Dartmouth Street, Westminster,

S.W.1909:424

116

religious societies to further their interests in the areas they wanted to occupy in

order to fulfill their exploitative desires.249

It is out of these relations we witness

mushrooming formation of evangelical societies throughout Europe.250

3.5The Formation of the Benedictines of St. Ottilien 1884

The Benedictine Congregation of St. Ottilien was founded during the 'Kulturkampf

i.e. the struggle between Bismarck's Germany and the Catholic Church. Only in view

of future mission work in German colonies now being acquired could Amrheim (the

founder of the Benedictine Congregation of St. Ottilien) get the official permission

for starting his Society. This point is important because right from the beginning, the

congregation had strong ties with the German colonial authority in its business of

acquiring colonies in East Africa. In 1870 the German Empire was proclaimed after

the victory of the Germans over the French. After a short period of time Bismarck

launched a campaign against the Roman church, a movement historically known as

Kulturkampf.

The dislike of the Germans with regard to the French influence in Tanganyika did not

stop at the political level only but rather extended to the missionary sphere.

Suspicious of the French connections of the two Catholic Missionary Societies

already present, the DOAG suggested the replacement of all Catholic Missionaries

with German Lutheran Missionaries. After the conclusion of the Berlin Conference

in 1885 defining imperial spheres of influence in East Africa, Germany began at once

to encourage the entry of Christian missionaries both Catholics and Lutherans. These

249

Example of Karl Peters in East Africa where he invited the Benedictine Order of St. Otillien to

come and Christianize. 250

Evangelical societies being formed in Europe

117

missionaries in the view of Germans were to act as vanguards of civilization in

German East Africa.

In the spring of 1887, Karl Peters, on coming back from Tanganyika, began to make

treaties with a Lutheran Mission Society namely Die Evangelische

Missionsgesellschaft für Deutschostafrika commonly referred to as the Berliner III,

to come and evangelize the newly acquired German colony-German East Africa

(DOA). At this stage Freiherr von Gravenreuth, a leading member of the DOAG and

a devout Catholic, intervened in order to safeguard Catholic influence in the Country

by obtaining German Catholic Missionaries. As he was quite influential in the

Company, he went to face the Archbishop of München Anton von Steichele in March

1887, and then he had talks with the Bishop of Augsburg Pankratius von Dinkel.

What he wanted to achieve through these meetings was a Catholic Congregation for

the evangelization of Tanganyika.251

Von Gravenreuth then faced Karl Peters the

head of the DOAG and persuaded him to invite a newly founded German Missionary

Congregation namely the Ottilien Congregation of Bavaria. Karl Peters was finally

persuaded, and made up his mind for this Congregation. He then made arrangements

to meet the Superior of the Congregation Fr. Amrhein. The meeting took place in

München on 12th April 1887. On the same day Fr. Amrhein and Baron von

Gravenreuth met Msgr. Angelo Agliardi the papal Nuncio in München. The Nuncio

was not able to clarify everything and so he referred them to Propaganda Fide in

Rome. He gave them a letter to carry with them to Simeon the then prefect of

Propaganda Fide. So reads the important section of the letter: ―The Baron Karl von

Gravenreuth one of the few Catholic members of the German Society for East Africa

251

Märtyerblut, St. Ottilien 1914:5

118

came to me yesterday together with father Andreas Amrhein. The former told me that

he was commissioned by the society to look for one missionary society with German

missionaries that should be established in the vast territory (German East Africa)

occupied by the same society; and the later expressed his inclination to accept the

offer of such a foundation. Both of them asked me for councel and direction. But the

only councel, which I would givein these circumstances is that of addressing myseilf

for the affair under discussion to the Sacred Congregation for the Propaganda of

Faith. Both, in fact, decided to come to Rome and it is to Fr. Amrhein that I entrust

this my respectful letter. Permit your Excellence … that I should recommend him to

your goodness.‖ 252

With this letter the three men, Amrhein, Carl Peters and von Gravenreuth journeyed

to Rome. In Rome they were met with Kurt von Schlözer, the German Consul to the

Holy See. The three discussed the missionary work of the Ottilien Congregation in

Tanganyika and its relationship with the DOAG. The end result of the discussions

was a Treaty signed by the three men.

3.6The Treaty between Fr. Amrhein and Dr. Carl Peters April 1887

The core of the Treaty was; the double duty of the Benedictines, namely civilizing

the nations of Africa as well as evangelizing them, which was to take place in

specified areas demarcated by the DOAG. The Benedictines were not to found a new

mission without the Company's expressed permission. The Benedictines were to

hoist the Company's as well as the Government's flags at the Mission stations.

DOAG officials were to have free access to and free accommodation in the Mission

252

Napachihi, op. cit. 1998:46

119

stations when on their duties. DOAG promised to protect the Missionaries as long as

both the DOAG and the Benedictines had mutual respect for their work. German

language was to be the medium of communication. Commercial activities were

forbidden for the Missionaries but they were allowed to produce things for the

upkeep of their missions. Should there be an excess, then it was to be handed over to

the DOAG. It was agreed upon that the Treaty would come in force only when the

German Government and the Holy See had given their consent and approval. The

Treaty was signed by the three men namely Amrhein who represented the Ottilien

Congregation, Karl Peters the head of DOAG and von Gravenreuth an influential

catholic member of the DOAG.253

Church and state fought as vigorously as in the

German Empire of 1870. It was in this atmosphere of Bismarck's hatred towards the

Roman church and his systematized campaign to annihilate the Roman Catholic

Church from Germany, that the Benedictine congregation of St. Ottilien (a Catholic

one) was founded. Indeed at first sight is not understandable! Exactly when Bismarck

was suppressing the Roman Catholic Church in Germany, he himself granted

Andreas Armheim a permission to found a Roman Catholic religious congregation.

Why? Amrhein impressed upon the officials of the Kulturkampf that his new

missionary society to be established was to operate hand-in-glove with the German

colonial officials in the process of colonization and of the boosting of German culture

and Nationalism in East Africa.254

253

P.A. Akten 911, Kurt von Schlözer to foreign office 21.4.1887 254

Kevin Haule, Mission und Kolonialherschft: With Special Reference to the German Benedictine

Missions in Southern Tanzania, Paper to the 100th

Anniversary of Maji Maji war, Wuppertal, 2005:2

120

3.7 Carl Peters in German East Africa

In the case of Southern Tanzania German colonizers preceded the Missionaries. It

was then German colonial authorities who invited the Benedictine missionaries of St.

Ottilien to come to Tanganyika and Christianize the area. German colonization of

Tanganyika was chiefly undertaken by Karl Peters the Head of the German East

Africa Company DOAG (Deutschostafrikanische Gesellschaft) who in 1884 landed

on the coast opposite Zanzibar and made a number of Treaties with local chiefs on

the mainland of Tanganyika. Being a business man he founded the German East

Africa Company (DOAG) for commercial purposes and political as well. The

Manifesto of Karl Peters‘ Society reads:

The German nation finds itself without a voice in the

partition of the World which has been proceeding since

the fifteenth century. Every other civilized nation of

Europe possesses in other parts of the World territories on

which they are able to impose their language and culture.

The German emigrant, after he has crossed the frontiers of

the Empire becomes a stranger in a foreign land. The

German Empire has been rendered great and strong by

the unity obtained by the outpouring of German blood.

The great stream of German emigration has been lost for

many years in foreign countries… To remedy this

deplorable state of affairs, a society has been founded in

Berlin which will resolutely and energetically undertake

the execution of colonial projects and will support the

efforts of associations having the same aim.255

Having arrived on the coast opposite Zanzibar, Karl Peters went into the interior and

made a number of treaties with the local chiefs. Within three weeks he had already

twenty treaties covering an area fifty miles around Morogoro. The Chiefs promised

to give their land to Carl Peters and his Society. Some of the treaties implied that the

Chief did not recognize the Sultan of Zanzibar as his Ruler.

255

G.L. Steere, The Judgement on German Africa, London, 1939:249

121

Here is an example of the treaties made by Carl Peters with Chief Msovero:

"Treaty of eternal friendship: Mangungo, Sultan of

Msovero in Usambara, offers all his territory with all its

civil and public appurtences to Dr. Carl Peters as the

representative of the society for German colonization for

exclusive and universal utilization for German

colonization."256

With these treaties in his pocket, Karl Peters took them to Germany and submitted

the Treaties to the German government. In March 1885 the German Emperor ordered

that the area visited by Karl Peters was to be under his protection. The Emperor did

so by issuing the famous Schutzbrief (letter of protection).

"Kaiser Wilhelm I. Unterzeichnet der Schutzbrief für die

Ostafrikanischen Erwerbungen der Gesellschaft für

deutsche Kolonisation 1885, 25, Feb."257

The Germans called their colony Deutsch Ostafrika or German East Africa. The

officials of the DOAG were the first colonial rulers of the country. They arrived at

Dar es Salaam in 1887 and made Bagamoyo their Capital. The following were

German Governors in Tanzania, 1889- 1918 in German East Africa.258

3.8 DOAG Invites the German Benedictines of St. Ottilien to Tanganyika 1887.

The religio-political situation in Tanganyika before the arrival of the Benedictines

was influenced by the following situation. Long before German colonization of

Tanganyika, a number of political and religious groups resided in Tanganyika. On

the political side there were the Arabs who were in Tanganyika since the 10th

century

but now more intensely at the beginning of the 19th century. On the religious side

there were two Catholic Mission societies whose members were mostly of French

origin. The Societies were the Holy Ghost Fathers and the White Fathers. In 1886, to

256

Zoe, M. The partition East Africa, Cambridge 1957:105 257

E.Kienitz, Zeittafel zur Deutchen Kolonalgeschichte, Ficht-Velag/Munichen, 1941:79 258

The list of governors is attached as Annex 8

122

ward off a French influence from the mainland Tanganyika, the Germans entered into

agreement with the French Government, by which the French were given free access

to govern the Comoro Islands in the Indian Ocean for a period of five years. In return

for this the Germans were assured of a free access to Tanganyika as well as

connections with the Sultan of Zanzibar.259

In Tanganyika, the Missionary work had pushed the Benedictines to relate politically

not only with the Germans but also with the Africans, especially African Chiefs. On

the part of the German colonial authorities in Tanganyika, there was a tendency to

view the Missionaries as their very powerful and effective collaborators in extending

and achieving their political ends. In Rome, as we have already seen, when Amrhein,

Karl Peters and von Gravenreuth signed the Treaty which defined their relation in

Tanganyika, the two parties namely the Ottilien Benedictines and DOAG made an

alliance of strong co-operation and collaboration. This collaboration was observed by

the Africans in Pugu when the German Colonial officials captured a number of slaves

from the Arabs and handed them over to the Benedictines in Pugu. So in the Ungoni

area, often times the German colonial officials would spend nights at Kigonsera

Mission on their way to and from Mbinga as Kigonsera lies half way from Mbinga to

Songea.260

Andreas Amrhein also read the mission accounts from Asia and East Africa,

especially about the Holy Ghost Fathers in Bagamoyo (Tanganyika) and of David

Livingstone in Zambia. His extensive reading and serious reflection yielded a more

concrete leitmotif of the monastic and missionary community that he was dreaming

259

Politischesarchiv Bonn, Akten 911, Berchem to Schlözer 21st May 1887 260

S.Napachihi, op. cit 1998:157

123

of. ―In November 1880 Father Amrhein wrote down the fruit of his years of

reflection in Maredsous.

• His missionary strategy would not rely on individual missionaries, but center

around a monastic community.

• The monastery would be a home for children and would train young natives in

workshops directed by the brothers.

• Its lands were not only to sustain the community but also to teach the people

agriculture and animal husbandry to make them settle down.

• The beauty of the liturgical celebration was to be a significant attraction in

missionary work.

―In Germany of his day – suffering from the laws of the ―Kulturkampf‖ that were

hostile to religious institutes – he was not allowed to found a monastery. Another

kind of foundation had to be devised.‖ And so contrary to his wish of establishing

from the very beginning a monastery, a community of monks at prayer and work,

Father Amrhein had to settle with what he thought would be allowed – a seminary or

a mission house. But even this did not meet the approval of the government. Finally,

after fourteen months of writing and rewriting his ―modified application‖ on March

15, 1885, he was told that his application which no longer mentioned a ―mission

seminary‖ but ―headquarters for a (private) association called ‗Catholic Mission

Society for the African Interior‖ would not need government approval. Having

obtained government clearance to go on with his foundation he then proceeded to

follow up his application of March 25, 1884 for ecclesiastical approval.

On May 4, 1884 Pope Leo XIII confirmed the provisional decision of the Propaganda

Fide cardinals to grant Father Amrhein the founding of a mission house. However,

124

Father Amrhein was asked to ―prepare more detailed plans for the training of

candidates. Also he was to explain whether they would make vows or promises

which later, outside Bavaria, could be pronounced as vows.‖ Father Amrhein lost no

time in providing the necessary papers which ―detailed his plans for training the

candidates, based on long explanations of the Rule of Benedict, drawing on the

Benedictine missionaries of the Middle Ages.‖ Likewise information about Father

Amrhein was obtained from Abbot Maurus Wolter by the Propaganda Fide.

The cardinals of the Propaganda Fide once more deliberated on his application and

on June 29, 1884, Archbishop Jacobini, the secretary of the Propaganda Fide asked

Father Amrhein to meet him at the sacristy of St. Peter‘s. Towards noon Archbishop

Jacobini informed him that Pope Leo XIII had ratified the cardinals‘ approval for

founding a mission house in Reichenbach and for the training of candidates.

From this obscure beginning the new missionary Benedictine congregation would

slowly grow from its first site in Reichenbach and then to Emming, later called St.

Ottilien. The foundation developed into what we know now as the Congregation of

the Benedictine Fathers of St. Ottilien. While still in Reichenbach Father Amrhein

would slowly include women in his foundation.261

The Benedictines of St. Ottilien were given papal permission in 1887 to work in the

southern half of the Apostolic Prefecture of South Zanzibar; in the same year the

ecclesiastical boundaries were changed to conform to the administrative boundaries

261

Sister Mary Bellarmine Bernas, OSB. Our Founder Father Andreas Amrhein, OSB

125

of the colony.262

The Benedictines started their work in Dar es Salaam in 1890 and

gradually expanded until, by 1905, they were working in the following main centers:

Kurasini (founded in 1894), Lukuledi (1895), Nyangao (1896), Tosamaganga (1897),

Madibira (1897), Peramiho (1898), Kigonsera (1899), Kwiro (1902), Rwiba (1903),

and Lindi.263

They did not question Germany's right to be in East Africa, and they appreciated the

protection the government could give them and the improvements in communication

it afforded. They too sought a trustful, confident cooperation with the administration

while at the same time trying to maintain their freedom and integrity. They stated

plainly that, according to Catholic teaching, the purpose of the mission was to

Christianize, not to Europeanize the Africans, and they took strong exception to the

following statement by Carl Peters:

―There are only two ways to deal with the black people. Either one submits to be

their servant and makes them "happy" through schools and education. In this case

one does not touch their country and founds no colonies in Africa. Or one seeks for

oneself a home on the black continent and in that case one train the indigenous

people through discipline and work, seeing oneself in principle as a conqueror. The

latter was the way of Africa's rulers in antiquity, in our day it is the way of the Boers

-- one way or the other! In any case it is fateful to choose the vagueness of the middle

way, which surely will ultimately lead to massacres and destruction.‖264

262

Franz Solan Schappi, Die katholische Missionsschule im ehemaligen Deutsch-Ostafrika

(Paderborn, 1937), 177. 263

Die katholischen Missionen, 34, 2 (November 1905), 50. 264

Wehrmeister, Vor dem Sturm, 253; Wehrmeister quoted from Deutsch Ostafrikanischen Zeitung,

June 17, 1905.

126

The Benedictines characterized Peters' aim as the enslavement of the Africans,265

and suggested a possible alternative approach might be found in the attitude of

Regierungsrat Chrapowski, a high German official who had visited northern

Rhodesia. Chrapowski maintained that British colonial practices were more relaxed,

reasonable, and humane than German ones and would be more effective in the long

run. His statement was a strong indictment of German colonial policies and practices.

In principle, the Benedictines said, colonial aims as expressed by Carl Peters were

incompatible with the aims of missions.

The Governor and the colonial press seem to have singled out the work of the

Benedictines for particular criticism on this score. The Benedictines pointed out,

however, that at Lukuledi only six of the 1250 Christians had joined the rising, one of

whom was a boy of fourteen who had followed his parents. At Nyangao the figures

were about forty out of 600 Christians, apart from the many children who followed

their parents. The Benedictines added that a superficial comparison with the Masasi

mission was unfair, since the Universities' mission worked among the Yao people

and none of the Yao Catholics had taken part in the rising. It appears, then, that the

Governor had overstated his case when he said that the "majority" of the Catholics

had joined the rising.266

In the Benedictine records, no reference is found to any plea for mercy, to the

provocations the whites had offered, or to the justice of the African anger, a distinct

difference, for example, from the outspoken criticism offered by the British

265

Wehrmeister, Ibid. 266

Maia Green, Priests, Witches and Power: Popular Christianity after Mission in Southern Tanzania,

2003:1

127

missionaries in Southern Rhodesia during and after the Ndebele and Shona rebellions

in 1896-1897.267

There appears to have been little appreciation for African

viewpoints in setting up schools, which is somewhat surprising in view of the stress.

German missionaries have generally laid on the study of all aspects of African life.

The missionaries came from a country where education was highly prized and the

compulsory school system regarded as a cornerstone of the country's strength. In

their effort to share this educational system, they did not always understand the fact

that Africans may not have appreciated the new ways, that they had the right to

refuse a school in the country.

3.9The History of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands

Matengo Highlands is a geographical region in the South West of Tanzania.268

It is

an area with people who have unique history known as Matengo. The Matengo are

Bantu-speaking people who occupy the highlands East of Lake Nyasa. With the

advent of colonialism this area became part of Lungenburg district during the

German period. In the due course the Matengo Highlands were put under the

administration of Litembo sub-station up to 1914.269

Later on the area was put under

the administration of Lipumba sub-station up to 1926 when this station was officially

closed down. 270

The local administration was still in the hands of clan heads who did not really

acknowledge the German administration in the real sense. This is also evident from

the German Annual Report thus:

267

Hassing, "Christian Missions,": 206-221. 268

Iliffe, Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit. 1979:117, cf. Egno Ndunguru, Historia, Mila na

Desturi za Wamatengo, East Africa Literature Bureau, Dar, 1972:1 269

APA, Peramiho, cf. Iliffe ibid. 117 270

Tanzania National Archives (hereinafter referred to as TNA) Acc. 155, SDB

128

―Although German rule is everywhere acknowledged, in

the remot military districts of the inland especially in the

mountainous areasthe real influence of the authorities is

still limited‖271

This observation was true to the Matengo Highlands which is a mountainous area in

the first place, under the militarily administered district of Songea and truly very

remote from the center of German administration in Dar-es-Salaam. This situation

attests to the conclusion made by that, in this area the cross was preceded the flag.272

It was until 1902 when the German government which established its headquarters at

Songea in 1897 dispatched messengers to the Matengo Highlands leader.273

It was

until 1904 when the Matengo Highlands were actually subjugated under the German

rule when Mandawa was deposed in favour of a much more compromising chief in

the personality of Makita.274

3.10 History of Evangelization in the Matengo Highlands

Discussing Christianity in the Matengo Highlands is in reality discussion on the

Missionary Congregation of the Order of St. Benedict (Benediktinerkongregation

von St. Ottilien fur auswartige Missionen), with headquarters at St. Ottilien in Upper

Bavaria since 1886, which was founded in 1884 in response to Carl Peter's plea for

German missionaries in German colonies.275

The evangelization of the Matengo

Highlands in the present diocese of Mbinga dates back to 1898 with the settlement of

Benedictine Missionaries at Peramiho. Before the Benedictine Missionaries, the

Matengo Highlands was under the Prefecture Nullius of Mozambique which was

271

Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika (Annual Report on the Development of

German East Africa) 1901/02 272

Mihanjo, The impact of Christianity in the Population History of Tanzania: A case of population

change in Southwest Tanzania, 1920s – 1980s. FASS SIDA/SAREC Research Report: 2000:22 273

Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika op.cit. 274

Iliffe, Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit. 1979:117 275

German Missionaries and the Maji Maji Rising: p. 374

129

occupied by Portuguese Missionaries.276

Due to prevailing difficulties it was not easy

for the Portuguese Missionaries from Mozambique to avail spiritual services to the

people of the southwestern Tanzania. The difficulties included long distance as well

as crossing the large Ruvuma river. Consequently, the southwestern Tanzania

remained without evangelical services until 1898 when Benedictines of St. Ottilien

arrived at Peramiho.277

The history of evangelization of the Matengo Highlands can

now be grasped from two main angles. The first premise is from the point of view of

introduction of Christianity by Benedictines of St. Ottilien. The second premise is

through looking at the history of the development of the Catholic Church in area of

the Matengo Highlands.

3.11 The Introduction of Christianity by the Benedictines of St. Ottilien

The introduction of Christianity in the Southwestern Tanzania in general and the

Matengo Highlands in particular is closely linked to the history of colonization of

German of Tanzania. German East Africa was colonized by Germans from 1884 to

1918 when the British took over as a mandate territory in 1919.278

During the

German colonial era, the Benedictines of St. Ottilien from Germany introduced

Christianity to the African population of Southwestern Tanzania including the

Matengo Highlands. The starting point was in November, 1887 when the first

contingent of 14 missionaries left Rome and arrived in Dar-es-Salaam on 28th

276

John Hardon, ―Prelature Nullius‖, in Modern Catholic Dictionary, Garden City, New York:

Doubleday and Company, 1980:435 (Prelature Nullius is a territory belonging to no diocese but

having its own superior called a prelate nullius and its own clergy and congregation. If such a territory

comprises a certain number of parishes, the prelate set over the area enjoys a jurisdiction similar to

that of a bishop in residence. 277

Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, Historia ya Uejjilishaji miaka 100, (1898-

19980), Songea: Peramiho Printing Press, 1998:21-22 278

Versailles Peace Treaty 1919, Article 119

130

January 1888. They established their first monastery at Pugu in February 1888.279

This monastery was however destroyed by the Arab rising under Abushiri and

Bwanaheri.280

From Dar-es-Salaam the Benedictines evangelized southwards to the

Ruvuma River where Songea is located. In 1898, the Benedictines opened station at

Peramiho, a place where their abbey is still in place.

From Peramiho another station was opened at Kigonsera on 10th

October 1899 in the

border area between Ungoni and Matengo Highlands.281

But the major interest of Fr.

Jannes was to explore the possibility of setting up a mission station in the Matengo

Highlands of chief Mandawa.282

With this idea in mind Kigonsera mission opened up

outstations at Litembo, Liparamba and Matiri. More specifically, the main interest of

Fr. Maurus Hartmann, the Prefect Apostolic was to transfer the Kigonsera mission to

Litembo which was heavily populated, endowed with fertile soil and cool climate.283

However, this decision turned out to be unattainable, because in March 1902 the

German administrator in Songea by the name of Captain Richter (Karonga284

) sent a

massage to Matengo ruler Mandawa that he wanted to hoist his flag and collect tax

from the Wamatengo.285

The Matengo leadership refused to oblige, consequently the

German authorities mounted a punitive expedition against Wamatengo chiefs

Mandawa of Litembo and Howahowa of Langiro.286

Mandawa was captured, taken to

Songea boma, fined, reinstated, and finally deposed in 1904 in favour of Makita. The

279

Fr. Gerold Rupper, Wabedediktini huko Pugu: Chanzo cha Kanisa Katoliki Dar-es-Salaam,

Ndanda-Peramiho: Benedictine Publications Ndanda Peramiho, 2005: 6-9 280

Bengt Sundkler and Christopher Steed, A History of the Church in Africa. Cambridge University

Press, UK. 2000, :529 281

Doerr, Peramiho 1898-1998 In the Service of the missionary Church, 1998:19 282

Ibid:19 283

Archives of Peramiho Abbey, (herein after APA) Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol. I, 1901 284

Karonga was a nickname given to Captain Richter on account of his brutality unleashed to the local

population. 285

Interviews, Anton Kapinga Matanila, 286

Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika 1901/02 op.cit.

131

Matengo people were conquered in 1904, they ran away to find refuge in the forested

mountain caves.287

The people of Litembo were so furious amounting to the

abandoning of the Litembo outstation and the mission school was set ablaze by the

angry masses.288

The worst scenario was in 1905 when there was an outbreak of

Majimaji uprising which left both Peramiho and Kigonsera missions in ashes,

missionaries were murdered coldblooded and the remaining missionaries escaped

through lake Nyasa to save their lives.289

This Majimaji uprising was smashed by the German authorities,290

an action which

convince scholars to be moved by speculation that, these mission stations were

attacked because there was no fundamental difference between the missionaries and

the German rulers in the eyes of native population.291

The situation was restored to

peace and Major Johannes; the German commander, granted permission that

missionaries could move to Songea by joining a military column going to Songea.

Upon reaching Songea they were assigned the building of former government school

as living quarters.292

The government brought supplies to both Peramiho and

Kigonsera missions which included food and mass wine. This again shows the strong

relation and affection that existed between the German authorities and the

Benedictine missionaries who were also from German. The missionaries on the other

hand worked tirelessly to organize famine relief efforts by helping to buy food in

287

John Iliffe, Modern History of Tanganyika, 1979:117. This account is based on APA, Diary of

Kigonsera, Vol. 1. 1901-04 288

Fr.Cassian Spiess, ―Eine Mission-Reise in die Matengo-Berge‖ in Das Heidenkind 12, 1899: 241-

242 289

Napachihi, The Relationship between the German Missionaries of the Conregation of St Benedict

from St. Ottilien and the German Colonial Authorities in Tanzania 1887 – 1907: 170-172 290


German East Africa)1907/08 291

Interview Anton Kapinga Matanila (86) interviewed on 27.08.2012 at Mbinga town 292

Doerr, op.cit. : 50

132

Umatengo and Lake Nyasa. This food was sent to the heavily hunger stricken

population in the areas where Majimaji had been fought, notably in Ungoni. In these

areas the German forces had used scotched-earth policy to deal with Wangoni

warriors.293

In this situation the German forces used hunger as a weapon for

suppressing Wangoni resistance. They destroyed homes and food granaries, crops

and animals were all burned, food stocks were confiscated, people were prevented

from planting their fields.294

The situation was very deplorable.295

In the Matengo

Highlands the situation was a bit different in comparison to Ungoni since the

participation of Wamatengo in the Majimaji uprising was very minimal. The

Matengo enjoyed relative peace, involved in production hence had reasonable

supplies of provisions.

The focus of Benedictines in post Majimaji uprising appears to be expansion into

what was known as Matengo proper with its center at Litembo. This was an area

which boosted the following advantages.296

It was firstly believed to be the center of

existing mission schools of Litembo/Mhagawa, Kindimba, Kipapa, Matiri, Maguu

and Mikalanga which by then were controlled from Kigonsera mission.297

The

second advantage of this area was a site Fr. Johannes had constructed the first

outstation in 1901 but was burned down by the 1902 uprising against the German

invading forces. Thirdly, Matengo Highlands were the most populated area of the

country. Being mountainous, this location was boasting of having very cool and

healthy climate suitable for European missionaries. The fifth was the area having

293

Napachihi, op.cit. :179 294

Doerr, op. cit. 1998:55 295

MB 11, 1906/07 :145 296

Bishop Spreiter visited the Matengo Highlands and was very impressed the people, land and terrain 297


German East Africa) 1908/09 and also Doerr op.cit. :79

133

very fertile soil for production of variety crops. Lastly, it is suggested that the need to

open up the Matengo Highlands was strategically aimed at countering the advance of

UMCA from their stronghold along the Lake Nyasa shore.298

These efforts produced big results in 1914 when the forth Benedictine mission was

launched at Litembo which was in the heart of the Matengo Highlands. This has to

bring in strong influence in the spread and expansion of Christianity in the rest of the

Matengo Highlands. From Litembo mission network of outstations including

Nangombo, Tingi, Maguu, were opened. This network went together with a fleet of

sixteen bush schools with a total of 2,182 pupils.299

This expansion was however,

curtailed by the outbreak of First World War in 1914. This war ravaged Litembo in

September 1916 when the British troops arrived from Lake Nyasa.300

Fr. Ludger the

superior of Litembo mission was interned by the British authorities left back 18

schools with 4000 pupils and 2000 adults following instructions in Christian faith.301

The British established themselves in the mission centers changing the infrastructure

into uses they thought of. Litembo mission in this aftermath became an

administrative headquarters of the British administration while Kigonsera became a

British military post. On the other hand Benedictine station at Peramiho was made a

British military hospital in the southwestern Tanzania.302

The end of First World War marked the end of German rule in German East Africa.

Concerning the German missionaries, their sphere of influence was safeguarded by

298

TNA, AB.4(1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, 1919/1920. Cf. Mihanjo, op. cit. 2001,:24 299

Ibid. :80 300

Kamati op.cit. 1998: 301

Doerr, 1998:81 302

Ibid. 1998:84-86

134

an agreement of allies in France. Versailles Peace Treaty of 1919 resolved that ex-

enemy missions should be replaced by same denominations from the allied powers or

neutral power.303

The orphan Benedictine church in southwestern Tanzania was now

entrusted to the White Fathers; most of them were French nationals, Luxemburger,

Dutchman, two Belgians and Canadian.304

Fr. Pierre Regent a French member of

Monfort missionaries was at Peramiho as chaplain of military hospital from

September to December 1917. Fr. David Roy a Canadian White Father was a

chaplain at Kigonsera military post from February to August 1917. Fr. Camile De

Chatonville a White Father stayed at Kigonsera as superior up to 1919. Between

September 1917 and April 1918 Fr. Camile stayed at Litembo but was frustrated by

what he purported as lack of response by the Wamatengo.305

A Dutch-born White

Father Joseph Laane was appointed Apostolic Administrator of Dar-es-Salaam in

1917. In 1919 he was named as administrator of Lindi Apostolic Prefect and he was

able to draw in other White Fathers to assist him care for the Benedictine missions.

Father David Roy came back in April 1919 stayed at Kigonsera before he moved to

Litembo. He removed the British administrative post from the mission buildings and

his consistent hard work was able to revive the Christian Community of Litembo.

This was the most badly affected mission as a result of removal of Benedictine

mission.306

303

Kamati ya Historia na Habari ya Jimbo la Songea, Historia ya Uenjilishaji Songea Miaka 100: 64.

See also TNA AB.635, Secretariat File 1920. A telegraphic conversation between the Governor of

Tanganyika Territory and the Foreign Office in London – Downing Street on the German Mission

property. 304

TNA AB.4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, Songea District Report 1920, Since this sphere

was occupied by White Fathers, the British authority refused UMCA mission permission to have hill

station in Litembo sub-District. 305

TNA AB.4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, Songea District Report 1920 306

S.Rweyemamu and T.Msambure, The Catholic Church in Tanzania,1989: 17

135

There was remarkable difference between the German Benedictines and French

White Fathers. The German Benedictines did not admit converts so easily. The

would-be converts were to undergo rigorous training before being admitted into the

congregation by the way of baptismal. Whereas the French White Fathers were much

liberal in the sense that upon a request for baptismal they did not bother much

investigating the history of the would-be convert. As a consequence many people

were converted during their short period of stay in southwestern Tanzania.307

By

1922 the number of Christians in the four missions of Peramiho, Kigonsera, Lituhi

and Litembo in the southwestern Tanzania had increased from 7,000 in 1916 to more

than 13,000.308

In 1922 the British authorities agreed to the return of all ex-enemy missionaries and

their getting back all their property. The Benedictines came back but they left the

Vicariate of Dar-es-Salaam in the hands of Swiss Capuchins and the Consolata

Fathers and went to the South where they had been working before the war. They

concentrated on the Southern Highlands notably in Ndanda and Peramiho.309

In 1922

the Swiss Benedictine Order were allowed to come back to southwestern Tanzania

(Prefect Apostolic Gallus Steigler and Fr. Xaver) to take charge in the abandoned

Benedictines missions.310

The Swiss Benedictines worked hard to bring to life the

already dilapidated church as an aftermath of the world war. The work is said to have

been involved the local catechists including Constantine James Akitanda of Matiri

307

Kamati op.cit.: 68 308

Doerr, op.cit.: 91 309

S.Rweyemamu op.cit: 17. See also John Baur, Two Thousand Years of Christianity in Africa,

Second Edition, Paulines Publications Africa 2009:233 310

Kamati op.cit.: 72

136

outstation311

and Petri Ndunguru at the Litembo Parish.312

The main task by this time

was to revive the decaying schools since education was the major concern of the

missionaries. ―Kusoma‖ Christianity was a distinctive form of Christianity313

but on

the other hand this enthusiasm was curtailed by the regulation imposed by the British

administration that there could be no opening of new schools.314

The explanation for

this regulation might be on the account that the Roman Catholic was so aggressive

since education was to them synonymous to Christianity, this attitude posed threat to

the existence of the Anglican British missionaries in the Lake Nyasa region. This can

be substantiated by the decision of Songea District Political Officer J.C.Cassian gave

permission to UMCA to establish their schools in villages where German Berlin and

Lutheran mission had schools.315

Come 1926, the German Benedictines of St. Ottilien were admitted to come back to

Tanganyika. During this phase the German Benedictines devoted much of their effort

to rehabilitate the dilapidated infrastructures which were destroyed during their

absence upon being interned by British authorities due to First World War. The other

preoccupation was that of undertaking the expansion of new missions. The effort

produced promising results in the Matengo Highlands as new missions were opened

at Liparamba in 1927, Mbinga 1936 and Matiri 1937 founded from Kigonsera

mission. Mbangamao 1964 and St. Killian 1997 founded from Mbinga. The other

missions at Nangombo 1933, Tingi 1937, Maguu 1949, Lundumato 1959, Mkumbi

1962, Kindimba 1998, Kitula 2005, Miyau 2011, Wukiro 2013 were founded from

311

Interviewed Benjamin Akitanda a last born son of the catechist (August 2013) 312

Kamati op.cit.: 74 313

Doerr : 96 314

TNA AB.16 Part 1733/15, Annual Report – Songea District 1923 315

TNA Ibid.

137

Litembo mission. Mpapa 1957 and Mikalanga 1966 were founded from Maguu.

Mpepo 2002 founded from Tingi. Mpepai 1994 founded from Mbangamao.316

Simultaneously with this development and expansion of Christianity in the

Southwestern Tanzania, there was phenomenon increase of Missionary Benedictine

Sisters from 1926. In every mission station the Benedictines opened, they built

hospitals and dispensaries to attend to the sick people around. Services in the health

centers were offered by sisters who began work with prayers regardless whether the

patients are Christian or not. Where there were serious cases of illness the sisters

used to baptize the sick people lest they die before joining the kingdom of heaven.

Sisters were also in charge of kitchen, garden and general cleanliness of mission

centers. Together with the sisters there were brothers, who were in charge of the

workshops; planned and designed mission buildings, supervised work in the fields

and animal husbandry. Sisters and brothers in some occasions assisted in giving

religious instructions to different groups of converts. In the final analysis the social

services they provided served as a strategy of conversion of the pagans.

This is true because the Matengo Highlands has never witnessed any other

missionary order apart from the Benedictine Fathers. It was understood to be a no

man‘s land in terms of ecclesiastical affiliation.317

This condition produced serious

challenges during the evangelization exercise. Often than not, there had been claims

which portray the assessment of the missionaries who embarked on evangelization in

the Matengo Highlands these people were conservative and reluctant to accept

316

Kamati ya Mawasiliano, Jimbo la Mbinga na Askofu Mstaafu, Jublei Pacha, Peramiho Printing

Press, 2012:21 317

Mihanjo, ibd. :24

138

Christianity. It all started when Fr. Johannes Hafliger in 1898 charged with the task

of exploring the possibility of establishing a mission in the Matengo Highlands the

land of chief Mandawa. However, it followed that the first mission was established at

Kigonsera in 1899 by Fr. Innozenz Hendle in the border area between Ungoni and

Umatengo.318

According to Lambert,319

the development of this mission was slower

than Peramiho due to the departure of the superior leaving back the mission vacant

until 1901 when a new superior came. The second reason is that the population was

less homogeneous. To the east there were the Wangoni who did not have a leader to

influence conversion. To the west the Wamatengo were conservative people who

were much slower to adopt new ways offered by the mission. Another problem is that

Umatengo was politically unsettled due to establishment of colonial rule. Lastly, Fr.

Johannes‘ personality lacked the winning way which Fr. Cassian used in his work in

Peramiho.320

Even Fr. Johannes had similar opinion that Wamatengo have

unpromising attitude towards Christianity. He alleges that the majority of the villages

in the Matengo Highlands did not have need to deal with Europeans. He speculated

that if the missionaries can move there, the Matengo will emigrate to another area.321

Though it is evident that Mandawa showed acceptance to erect a mission station at

his place when the Prefect Apostolic Maurus Hartmann visited him in 1901,322

and a

catechist was placed to start a school and to give instructions in catechism, it turned

out that the Matengo Highlands was not favourable for a mission.323

The reasons

given for not being favourable are; there were succession disputes, there were mutual

accusations of witchcraft and Fr. Johannes felt that Wamatengo were not promising

318

Mandawa was erroneously believed to be the paramount chief of the whole Umatengo. See also

Doerr, op.cit. :19 319

Lambert Doerr is Abbot Emeritus of Peramiho Abbey interviewed by the author 2013 320


APA, Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol. 1, entry for 1st January, 1902

322 Doerr, ibid. :32

323 Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02

139

to be Christians. Further to these explanations, the British authority claims that

Wamatengo are exceedingly superstitious, they practice witchcraft and they often use

poison ordeal. The Matengo witchdoctor eats human flesh by exhuming dead bodies

or obtains his desire by murder. The mission at Litembo has strange stories of their

behavior.324

On the other hand the British authorities point some positive side of the Matengo

people such as:

The Wamatengo are pastoral people, they also are iron

founders make good workmen when employed locally,

but are comparativefailures away from it.325

The British rulers continue to allege thus:

The Wamatengo are also experts in the art net making

(from bangi fiber). These nets are used for trapping

game326

The administrative Officer of Lipumba Sub-District in his annual report describes the

Matengo as the only cultivators of wheat which is hoped in future can be sold to

Nyasaland with profit. And he precedes by describing the Matengo as the only one

involved in industries by making crude hoes, part of the products are sold to the

Indian traders.327

Furthermore,

The hill people are calm, contented, agriculturalists who

have little interest outside their crops. …The upcountry

folk are peaceful, good, industrious and as rule law-

abiding 328

324

TNA Acc. 155, Songea District Book 325

TNA Acc.155, Songea District Book 326

Ibid. 327

TNA, AB. 78 Annual Report. Lipumba Sub-District, 1925 328

Ibid. See also Harry W. Basehart, Traditional History and Political Change among the Matengo of

Tanzania, Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1972), :87

140

These are some of the descriptions made against the Matengo people in a very

positive manner. Ironically these Matengo people are the same people whom the

missionaries described in a very negative way. The Matengo are presented by the

missionaries as good for nothing, troublesome, lazy, and anti-religious and cherish

witchcraft. This puzzle will require some explanations in the following paragraphs.

Though Lake Nyasa and Ungoni were very receptive to Christianity and schools of

missions during 1920s to 1930s, Matengo people are alleged to be slowest to respond

to the same. It is further alleged that there were a lot of so-called ‗school refugees‘ -

these were people who moved from vicinity of Litembo mission to other areas to

escape pressure requiring them to attend school.329

Fr. Ludger the founder of

Litembo mission in the heart of the Matengo Highlands claimed that; the Matengos

are extremely conservative just like other mountain people. They don‘t want to

change and they cling to paganism which is still dominant in its original form.330

A

point which was echoed by a White Father priest Emil De Chatouville who stayed at

Kigonsera and Litembo missions between 1917 and 1919 the time the Benedictines

were deported by the British administration upon their victory over Germany in the

First World War. Fr. Ludger ended up frustrated because of the lack of response by

the Wamatengo.331

However, Fr. David Roy returned to Litembo mission and was

able to revive the Christian community of Litembo through hard work and

commitment.332

Why this case was the way it was is a point of concern and for this

reason an attempt is made to address this puzzle. Why resistance in the Matengo

Highlands while in the Lake Nyasa and Ungoni area the message of evangelization

was received with relatively high enthusiasm.

329

Doerr, ibid. :74, 104, 116, 149 330

APA Chronicle of Litembo, 1914 331

Reported by Doerr, ibid. :86 332

Doerr, Ibid. :

141

The Lake Nyasa region referred to by the Benedictine Fathers is fundamentally the

Lituhi and Manda areas. These areas had very strong UMCA influence from

Nyasaland right from the time of Dr. David Livingstone. The UMCA had established

their headquarters at Likoma Island in Lake Nyasa from which they were able to

spread their word of God along the shores of Lake Nyasa including Lituhi and

Manda. There were two advantages of this contact to the people of Nyasa towards

acceptance of Christianity. One advantage is that the people around here were

exposed to Christianity through UMCA with its headquarters at Likoma in 1881;

especially the introduction of social services like schools and health services from it

spread Christianity along Lake Nyasa shore of Manda, Ukisi and Kyela.333

When the

Benedictines arrived in the area it was easy for local people to understand the

message they brought. Secondly, the Benedictines from Germany created

ecclesiastical scramble against UMCA who were from Britain along Lake Nyasa

area. It should be understood that the Anglo-German Treaty (Heligoland Treaty) of

July 1st 1890 established the Songwe River as the boundary between the British and

German colonial possessions. The German Administration arrived at the north end of

Lake Nyasa in January, 1893, some eighteen months after the arrival of the first

German missionaries. It was in the form of a party led by Hermann von Wissmann,

Imperial Commissioner and Commander-in-Chief, 08/02/1888 - 21/02/1891 and later

Governor of German East Africa between 04/26/1895 - 12/03/1896.334

He had come

to take possession of the territory in the South secured to the Germans by the Anglo-

German Agreement of July, 1890. The station they founded there, Langenburg,

remained the administrative center of the District of that name until the end of

333

Mihanjo, ibid. 2000 :23 334

Africa - German colony from 1885 to 1919 , http://www.flash-counter.com/counter/trackingpixel-

9452.gif / accessed 13th August 2013

http://www.flash-counter.com/counter/trackingpixel-9452.gif%20/

http://www.flash-counter.com/counter/trackingpixel-9452.gif%20/

142

1900.335

By then the German strategic post of Wiedhafen along Lake Nyasa by then

under the Langenburg District required a mission station to consolidate the German

administration as was the practice in other German sphere of influence.

Wiedhafen was situated along Lake Nyasa and it was among the earliest stations to

be established by Germans in the southwestern Tanzania. To prove its significance, a

port was established and a steamer was floated at this point to connect with Kyela

port also along Lake Nyasa. There was also a big trade traffic which the German

authorities had developed between Kilwa via Songea to Wiedhafen which included

the construction of road along this route.336

Furthermore, Wiedhafen was among the German administrative posts led by

European official, though it was not independent district. Others were Mwaya,

Atlasngenburg in Langenburg district; Chole, Mafia, and Liwale in Kilwa district;

Sadani in Bgamoyo district and Mikindani in Lindi district.337

The importance of

Wiedhafen is demonstrated by the project proposed by German of construction of

railway line from Ngerengere via Kilombero through Songea to Wiedhafen. The

German authority stressed that this railway was important in order to trap resources

in Southwestern highlands basin of Lake Nyasa in German protectorate as well as the

northern region of Nyasaland and eastern parts of North eastern Rhodesia.338

335

S.R.Charsley, The Princes of Nyakyusa, EAPH Uniafric House, Koinange Street, Nairobi,

1969:101. cf. see also Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02 336

Annual Report 1903/04 337

Ibid. 1901/02 338

TNA, AB.13, File No.1733:11

143

The lake shore area had jumbes who seemed to be very welcoming to the

Benedictine mission. It is evident that jumbe Ngalapa of Ngavi, jumbe Kapilakila of

Ngoma Juu, jumbe Ndembwela of Kihuru, jumbe Kinyakanyaka of Ndumbi, Jumbe

Kongolo of Mbaha and jumbe Ngurulai of Kihanga warmly welcomed Fr. Leo Lng

OSB in 1908.339

This welcome ended into the opening of bush schools in these areas.

It is also alleged that these jumbes refused the UMCA missionaries that ―you have

had the opportunity for a long time, but you did not teach us. You come only now,

since the mission of Kigonsera has come. But we prefer this mission.‖ However, one

would wish to understand why these jumbes preferred Benedictines to UMCA? The

Benedictines were the possessors of cloth, brass wire, guns and other European

products which the Nyasa wanted and could obtain from them in return for labour,

food and other commodities which had previously been practically valueless. During

big events like communion, confirmation, wedding the missionaries used to give the

communicants presents in the form of second-hand cloth (mitumba), sweets, and

many other items of European origin. The materialistic approach the Benedictines

were using was the secret behind them winning followers than other missionaries.

This is exactly what happened to people along Lake Nyasa shore.

As for the Ngoni acceptance to conversion, this can be explained in terms of the

manner in which missionaries approached them. Here the Benedictines specifically

Fr. Cassian Spies who was well-prepared for missionary work was so clever and

canning. He knew the Ngoni better as warriors and therefore used shrewd diplomacy

of befriending the Nkosi Gama through inducements in the form of presents. Upon

winning the Nkosi; who was believed to be the Ngoni paramount chief, it was him

339

Parokia ya Lituhi, Jubilei ya Miaka 100, . 2012:18

144

who convinced his subjects including his son who is believed to be among the first to

get baptismal. There is another added advantage that the Benedictines enjoyed from

Nkosi Gama. Gama is said to have migrated from Malawi where he was born and

had had experience with Scottish missionaries with their schools and other social

services.340

Mputa therefore accepted the Benedictines in order to enjoy the services

to be established shortly.341

In Ungoni there was strong Germany support to the

missionaries from the onset. Missionaries arrived in Songea in 1898 after the German

boma was erected 1897 by the German official.342

Upon arrival at Songea the

Benedictine missionaries first reported at the boma before proceeding to Peramiho.

This support from German authority was a morale booster to the missionary

enterprise establishment in Ungoni.

One can also attribute the Ngoni acceptive attitude to the adaptation tendency

advocated by John Iliffe and to some extent Terance Ranger who argues that the

defeat the Ngoni suffered in the Majimaji war made them to rethink of the worthiness

and credibility of their traditional religion in dealing with challenges of enlarged

world scale.343

They therefore found it wise to adapt new Christian religion if they

are to address their evolving challenge. It is this understanding that prompted the

Ngoni chiefs including Nkosi Mputa himself to accept baptismal before they were

hanged at Songea 1906.344

It is alleged that the acceptance of baptismal did not imply

that the Ngoni accepted Christianity; rather they anticipated to receive pardon from

340

Kamati ya Historia, ibid. 1998:40 341

John Iliffe, Tanganyika Under German Rule 1905-1912, Cambridge University Press, 1969,: 150 342

S.Napachihi, op.cit. 79-80 343

J.Iliffe, op.cit. 200, Terance Ranger, Religion in Africa: Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2005:3 344

APA, Diary of Kigonsera Mission 1906. Cf. G.C.Gwassa and Iliffe, Records of the Majimaji Rising

19:25-26, cf. Doerr ibid. 1998:49

145

the German authorities something which was not forthcoming.345

This point can be

appealing to truth because the period that Fr. Johannes was given to issue instructions

in Christian faith was not more than thirty minutes for 31 who accepted baptismal

and 17 others refused baptismal.346

3.12 Background to the Work of Evangelization in the Matengo Highlands

The analysis was guided by the assumption that the establishment of Christianity in

Africa had immense ramification on the life of the people in the early period of

colonial onslaught. It should be reiterated that Christianity was a foreign ideology,

which was imposed on the African people.At the first instance the African resisted

thus making it difficult to win followers. The lapse of time the Africans slowly

started accepting Christianity as a modern civilized church based on elitist way of

life.

The incursion of the German colonialists in the Matengo Highlands met the people in

the process of transforming themselves socially, economically and politically. One

important factor for the transformation was the Ngoni invasions that were searching

for food and other provisions during what is popularly known as the spear wars in the

mid-19th

century.347

In the course of these conflicts the Matengo were forced to unite

their segments of the groups into hierarchical system whereby the warlord was

recognized as the overall ruler of the entire Matengo society. It can be argued that the

Matengo society was at the time of advent of colonialism transforming itself towards

345

Fr.Mligo Prior of Peramiho Abbasia interviewed 2013 346

Doerr ibid. 1998: 49 347

Harry W. Basehart, Cultivation Intensity, Settlement Patterns, and Homestead Forms among the

Matengo of Tanzania, Ethnology, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Jan., 1973), pp. 57. See also Acc.155, TNA, Songea

District Book. It is alleged that the first invasion by the Angoni into the Matengo country took place

about the year 1870.

146

stratification. There is beginning of inequality marked by difference in terms of

access to political power as well as access to economic opportunities. It is within

these circumstances the emergence of bambos and Bambo Mkulungu like Makita and

Kawanila is conceived. His descendants were recognized by German and British

rulers as the paramount chiefs.348

It would also be argued that the political transformation influenced transformation in

agriculture especially the ngolo system in the mountain dwellings. This was a system

of farming was very unique to the Matengo Highlands people. Ngolo system

involved complex soil conservation, water retention and improvement of soil

fertility.349

With this system of farming together with the application of iron

technology, the little land available in the Matengo Highlands was able to cater for

the rapid growing population. An intensive and effective agriculture was now

possible in the Matengo Highlands. Population which was rapidly increasing was

squeezed in the good hilly land areas, consequently concentration of population

density of about 68 people per square mile over scarce resources especially land and

power. The Matengo population according to 1931 census stood at 25,942 people,350

that of 1948 was to the tune of 37,267 people351

and that of 1957 was 57,329

people.352

This pressure on land would ultimately intensify struggle for resources. To

allow proper and effective utilization of the scarce land called for improvement of

productive forces. In this situation discovery of iron was the necessary outcome.353

348

Ibid. :58 349

M.O.Kapinga, Capitalism and the Disintegration of Precapitalist Social Formation: the Case of Cash

Crop Production in the Matengo Highlands, 1885-1960, MA Dissertation UDSM.1993:48 350

Lord Harley 1950:297 351

East African Statistic Department, 1950:59 352

Basehart, op.cit. 1972:19 353

TNA AB.78, Annual Report. Lipumba Sub-District, 1925. See also Vitus Kapinga, Kuathirika kwa

Maendeleo ya Mwafrika, Benedictine Publications Ndanda-Peramiho, (n.d.), :11-12

147

The evidence elucidated from different sources admits that the Matengo people were

the founders of iron in the then entire Songea District.354

Pangwa iron-workers

requested permission to settle in the country in order to manufacture hoes for farming

during the second half of 19th

century. Until this time there had been no iron hoes in

Umatengo; this was the beginning of farming among the mountain people. To cement

the relationship with the iron smiths, Makita gave a daughter in marriage to the

Pangwa expert, Putuka.355

It is claimed that the earlier migrant did not possess iron

working skills but founded a village at Litoho and later migrated to Malala-Kipololo

they belong to the Kapinga clan.356

What accelerated population increase in the Matengo Highlands needs to be

historically explained and therefore the dynamics grasped. These historical dynamics

are well grasped from the point of view of theory of migration across Africa. The

Matengo Highlands society was a 19th

century creation which underwent numerous

processes.357

The Ngoni invasion as part of the events taking place in South Africa

played a significant role towards that creation.358

Their frequent attacks necessitated

the mobilization of resource among the Wamatengo for defense and offence. The

settlement in the highlands had some implications on defense. From the hill the

Matengo people were able to fight their enemies by just rolling big stones from the

hilltop against the Ngoni enemies who were at the hill bottom. The mountain sites

had series of caves which the Matengo used as the hideouts against the Ngoni

warriors. These caves were available at Litembo, Mitambo, Mbugu, Lubala,

354

TNA, Acc.155, Songea District Book, cf. Interviews with Masingi and 355

Basehart, op.cit. 1972:90 356

Interviews with Sunkono, Werner, Ngelageli 357

For further explanations on the historical creation of the Matengo society see Kapinga, op.cit.

1993:34-36 358

There is a line of that argue that the transformation and consolidation of Wamatengo society was

facilitated by the Ngoni invasion.

148

Nangomba, Hagati, Masiba, Mawindi and many others along the Mikiga mountain

range which is running from Litembo westwards to Nzwasu which overlooks Lake

Nyasa at Mkili.

Plate3.1: Plaque Erected at the Place of Battle between Wamatengo and

Wangoni 1885

This partly explains why when the Germans occupied the Matengo Highlands they

found clusters of clans‘ settlements circumscribing the Mikiga mountain range, the

Likengema and the Kilanga Mountains.

In each settlement broad status categories were based by birth on historical and

ethnic criteria. In descending order these were: Kapinga (in Mhagawa, Kingua,

Kipololo, Ngoma, Maguu, Matekela, Mango, Mpapa, Wukiro) or Nombo (in

Mkumbi, Litembo, Wukiro, Kindimba), Ndunguru (Litembo, Mahenge, Luwaita,

Mbinga, Mapelele, Lipumba, Maguu, Mpapa, Wulipo) Turuka (Litembo, Likwanza,

Lituru, Ngemo, Mahegu,Mpepo, Tingi) Komba and Hyera/Ndiwu are scattered all

over the Matengo Highlands. Agnates of the great head and of the same kilau ‗clan.‘

149

History has it that looking closely at the clan system of the Matengo Highlands one

denotes several dynamic movements from Msumbiji, Malawi, Upangwa and Ungoni.

There are clans of the Nindi origin who include Ndunguru, Kumburu and Matembo

are believed to have arrived from Mozambique. The Nchimbi, Ndimbo, Hyera clans

are believed to have migrated from Nyasaland according to the oral traditions. A

good number of clans are said to have migrated from Upangwa. These include

Kapinga, Komba/Hanzi, Mapunda/Rwanda, Lupogo and Njako. The other group is

believed to migrate from Ungoni, they include Komba, Mapunda, Kayuni Makita.359

Each of these clans founded a settlement in a selected ridge (lupimbi) forming a

socio-political and economic unit.

When the German colonialists and the German Missionaries arrived they met the

Matengo people organized along these clan structures. Even after settling in the

Matengo Highlands, the clans kept on migrating in search of better soil, pastures,

water and other resources. A good example is a Kapinga clan. Oral sources reveal

that the clan arrived at Manda in Upangwa after crossing Lake Nyasa using a log

(lupilinga) in 1830s hence the name Kapinga. Those who remained in Manda took a

name of Mahundi. From there they moved southwards and settled at Litowo briefly

before moving to Malala/Kipololo. This was like dispersal area for the Kapinga clan

having experienced frequent attacks from the Ngoni popularly known as soba in

Umatengo. Kapinga clan migrated to safer locations. One group moved to Litembo

settling at Mbuji caves. There were those who moved to Ngima, others went to

Pilikano, still others moved to Kingua, others went to Mitambo and Mbugu, and still

359

TNA Songea , District Book: Matengo Language Notes,. See also Egno Ndunguru, Historia Mila

na Desturi za Wamatengo, Dar-es-salaam, East African Literature Bureau, 1972:1-6. Interviewed

Howahowa and Makupe

150

others crossed the Mikiga Mountain to settle at Hagati. There were others who

moved as far as Matuta and Mango.360

Apart from search for resources the

movements were also prompted by a need for security. Constant attacks the Wangoni

made the Matengo People to find settlement in the thick forests (itengo) hence the

name Wamatengo meaning people of the forests. They were also very fond of rocky

hilltop dwellings for security purposes. It is therefore no wonder why Wamatengo

population concentrated in the highland areas of Mikiga, Likengema, Kilanga, and

this also necessitated the evolution of the ingolo farming system which was the most

appropriate farming method in the hilly terrain.

3.13 The German Occupation in the Matengo Highlands

The conclusion of the Berlin International Conference ended into the German nation

to proclaim its sphere of influence in German East Africa. The Matengo formed part

of the German possession. The occupation began with the occupation of Ungoni with

a center erected at Songea in 1897. There was virtually no resistance to speak of

among the Wangoni except the incidence of the boma massacre where the Ngoni

chiefs were put under arrest and five Ngoni generals were killed.361

To demonstrate

their prowess the Germans spread their flags across the villages in Ungoni. This

actually marked the acceptance of German colonial overlordship by the Wangoni.

The approach of annexing the Matengo Highlands was slightly different. Upon

hearing of the presence of the Wamatengo, the Germans summoned Mandawa a son

of Kayuni Makita, by then it was construed to be the paramount of the whole

360

Based on the interviews with Cosmas Masingi Kapinga, Werner Dudu Kapinga, Ngelageli Kapinga 361

Anold Temu, Tanzania Societies and Colonial Invasion 1875-1907, in Martin H.Y.Kaniki (ed.),

Tanzania under Colonial Rule, London, 1980: 112

151

Umatengo to the Germans Songea center. When Mandawa came back he hoisted a

German flag he had brought from Songea. This flag signaled the initial German

annexation of the Matengo Highlands.362

In 1889 two Germans arrived at Litembo.

They divided the Matengo Highlands into two parts. The Langiro area in the Hagati

valley under bambo Howahowa Komba was assigned to be under Unyanja in

Langenburg boma. This section was administered from a distant Manda (Wiedhafen)

station. The Litembo area of Umatengo was to be administered from Songea district

boma. Sultanates were placed in charge of the subdivisions. Under them there were

jumbes who were assisted by nyaparas.363

A sultan was responsible for maintenance

of order of his subdivision, clearing roads, constructing bridges, supplying labour,

reporting offences, collecting tax and arresting natives who are charged for

committing offences. He was also reporting the cases of immigrants wishing to settle

in the country, reporting epidemics and generally supervising native affairs of his

area.364

Fundamentally the early years of German rule were spent on an attempt to

establish political legitimacy in the area and consolidation of colonial state power.

In the Matengo Highlands the colonial government issued orders to the jumbes to

conscript labour which was to be used in the construction of a boma at Songea. In

1898 a tax was imposed to generate revenue for the colonial state.365

The Matengo

natives were therefore obliged to pay hut tax usually in foodstuffs, hoes or livestock

because they did not have cash. These items were taken to the German boma at

Songea. The Matengo people were required to carry heavy loads of lime, vigae

362

John Iliffe, A modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press, London ,1979:117 363

Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02 364

TNA, SDB. See also Basehart, 1972, ibid. :91 365

Hut Tax charged on annual basis from one to four shillings per hut. See also J Ilffe, op. cit.

1979:133

152

(roofing materials made from baked clay) and tiles from Umatengo at Mbugu and

Hiso industrial sites to Songea more than a hundred miles away. These materials

were to be used in the construction of the Songea District boma.366

In addition to government services natives were required to perform duties for their

sultans and jumbes. The services included hoeing the gardens, building and/or

repairing huts, building schools, and contributing food. Disobedience was severely

punished.367

The heavy hand and cruelty the German government used to administer

the natives made the Matengo people angry. In the execution of the administration

there were a lot of excesses performed by askaris, jumbes,nyaparas, akidas and the

district officers. There are complaints by missionaries at Kigonsera,368

Lituhi369

and

Litembo missions against excesses of the colonial officers. Some of the abuses

included repression campaign against the natives; this campaign was mainly

conducted by the so-called rugaruga, ill-disciplined auxiliary troops. They abducted

and abused women and children in order to force the Matengo pay tax and provide

labour for public works. They requisitioned food at will for their own use, they

burned houses and crops and quick to opening power at defenseless people. Other

excesses included deplorable included harsh working conditions including bakora

slashing during the public works. In the eyes of the missions these rugaruga were

altogether the biggest bunch of robbers and permitted themselves in every regard

violent encroachments against the people.370

On 8th

March 1902 Lt. Albinus sent a

letter to the Kigonsera missionaries advising them not to work in Litembo village

366

Interviewed; Malekano, Mandiluli. 367

TNA, SDB MF 38 Volume I, Folio 27 368

APA, Diary of Peramiho Mission, Vol. 1, 1906. 369

Parokia ya Lituhi, Jubilei ya Miaka 100, 1912-2012, Peramiho Printing Press, 2012:26 370

APA, Diary of Peramiho Mission, Vol. 1, 1907

153

because he was planning to go back and punish the people. He also added that on this

occasion he would not stop at the mission station.371

In 1902 the Matengo people at Litembo refused to pay tax and set on fire a school

opened by Fr. Johannes in1901.372

They also refused to provide labour and when the

askari entered Litembo in March1902 the people tore the badge off his uniform and

sent him back to Songea.373

Sergeant Muller was dispatched from Songea and arrived at Litembo with fifteen

askaris. They found about eight hundred armed Matengo with arrows, spears, clubs,

exes who withdrew to the nearby hill. Three days later the German forces appeared

andattacked the Matengo during what was popularly known as the Karonga War of

1902.374

The Matengo people were able to utilize the hilly landscape and the

available caves at Ngwindi fortress against the enemy. They lost forty soldiers and

finally conceded defeat. The bambo Mandawa was deposed and deported to the coast

where it is alleged he died.375

Bambo Howahowa of Langiro sultanate was captured

and deported to Tukuyu where it is said he was assassinated.376

It was out of this fact

that the Matengo were able to withstand German mighty until 1904 when the

Matengo were forced out of the hideouts as they faced shortage of food.377

Apart from tax collection and labour conscription for public works, the impact of

German rule was hardly felt in the Matengo Highlands. This was because Matengo

371

Rev. Fr. Sebastian W Napachihi, op.cit. : 157 372

RC Litembo school 1901 373

TNA, Acc. 155, District Book 1, Matengo 374

John Iliffe, A modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press, London ,1979:117 375

APA, Kigonsera Mission Diary, 1901-1904 376

Interviewed; Howahowa Komba 377

Iliffe, 0p.cit. 1979:117

154

Highlands was very far from the administrative posts of Songea and Tukuyu, but also

transport and communication were poor. Even when the Germans introduced

manufactured goods it was difficult to find their way into the heart of the Matengo

Highlands. Traders were unable to establish residence in the heartland of Umatengo.

Instead they established themselves at Mang‘ua in Ungoni. From Mang‘ua the small-

time African and Asian itinerant traders traveled to Umatengo to sell their

merchandise.378

Private investors showed little interest in testing the potentials of the Matengo

Highlands. Lemann a German settler and Henry Packham attempted to establish an

estate at Ugano.379

Consequently the German colonial government itself took over

this work in view of future possibilities of white settlement. The government

undertook to establish an experimental station for coffee growing at Lipumba which

was the seat of the government. The crop failed because it was attacked by borers.

Another government experimental center was established at Myangayanga. The

plants died because they were planted on an open ground without irrigation.380

It was

not very easy to force economic programmes onto the people whom you have not yet

politically subdued. The problem was more compounded by lack of colonial

manpower and poor transport and communication system. As such, the Matengo

people were living an independent political life. Even the claim of the Ngoni to be

the overlords of Wamatengo was proved wrong. Furthermore, bambo Makita‘s claim

to be the paramount chief of the whole Umatengo was yet another myth. This is

confirmed by Morgans the British Officer at … sometimes later:

378

M.O.Kapinga, op. cit. 1993:61 379

TNA, Acc. 155/33. Cf. Anton Matanila Kapinga, interviewed Mbinga 2012 380

TNA, SDB MF 40 Volume II

155

Makita does not govern his people, he left them alone

without theGovernment, the Matengo would rapidly return

to a state of savageryand unmanageable and

unapproachable. … It seems Matengo werepartially

subdued by Angoni.381

In fact it is further alleged that, the German was seriously short of staff to man the

whole district. The few they had concentrated at the district headquarters at Songea.

Many of the sub-districts were man by local authorities of the liwali, jumbe and

nyaparas. They were assisted by the local askaris and other assistants. Under

German colonial rule the surbornates were not controlled from the district hence they

had freedom to administer excesses to the native population. Furthermore, most of

the subordinates did not have the necessary expertise in running the modern

administrative functions like collecting tax and conscripting labour. The problem of

running the local administration was much serious in the stateless societies,

Matengos being one practical example.382

That is why, as it is revealed in the

preceding discussion that the Germans did not at the outset (1897) occupy the

Matengo Highlands physically; instead they summoned Mandawa a village headman

of Litembo village to Songea where he was handed over a German flag. This

situation tallies with a conclusion that the Germans did not actually rule the entire

Matengo Highlands through the chosen headmen since they were not recognized by

other clans. Each clan was paying allegiance to its clan head. Even the boundaries

demarcating the sub-districts were not consistent and extremely fluid. Sometimes you

have a person from Kingua refusing to belong to Litembo when confronted by tax

collector; instead he could claim to belong to Langiro. But when the reverse becomes

the case the same individual will claim to belong to Litembo sub-district.383

381

Ibid. sheet 5-8 382

Iliffe ibid. :117 383

TNA Songea District Book MF 40 Sheet 6F, cf. M.Kapinga, op. cit.1993:69

156

To the end of their occupation, German rule was spread most unevenly over

Tanganyika. Many areas became almost entirely ungoverned as it became apparent in

the annual report of the protectorate of 1901/02:

―Although German rule is everywhere acknowledged in

the remote military districts of the inland especially in the

mountainous areas the real influence of the authorities is

still limited.384

In 1901 the protectorate was divided into 23 administrative districts of which 10 were

civil administration districts and 13 were military administration districts Songea

being one of them.385

As late as 1911 the government agreed that some areas were

not worth taxing.386

It was easy to create administration along the coast and places

with centralized administration. But it was also very easy to conquer the stateless

societies. However, administering the stateless societies became one of the most

challenging undertakings on the part of the German administration. The Community

Ordinance of 29th

March, 1901 was a decree by the Reich Chancellor to put in place

public utility and other works such as establishment of schools, streets in towns,

refuse collection, build bridges, roads, railways and other utilities.387

The

implementation of this decree was far-fetched because of the lack of personnel, and

communication. Order from the capital might take months to reach remote districts

like Songea. No provincial commissioners to supervise the district officers. Remote

stations could expect vitiation from senior officer once in a decade. The district

officer exercised full jurisdiction over the local population. Although legislation

specified the punishments he might impose, nothing defined the offences for which

384


Ibid. The 10 civil administration district included Tanga, Kilwa, Pangani, Lindi, Bagamoyo,

Wilhelmsthal(lushoto), Dar-es-Salaam, Kilosa, Rufiji and Langenburg (Tukuyu). The 13 military

district included were Moshi, Iringa, Kisaki, Ujiji, Kilimatinde, Usumbura, Mpwapwa, Songea,

Tabora, MahengeMwanza, Bukoba and Bismarckburg (Sumbawanga/Ufipa). 386

Iliffe ibid. 118 387

Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1901/02

157

he might impose them. Officers were encouraged to remain in their posts for many

years. Their rule was based on force and always travelled with armed escorts. Their

offices were massive bomas sited to command the best fields of fire. With their brutal

soldiers and police, German instilled great terror.388

In 1914 German East Africa was

divided into 22 administrative districts of which two were still under the rule of the

military personnel. Whereas Songea district became under civil administrative

district in April 1, 1905, Iringa and Mahenge remained under the rule of soldiers until

the outbreak of the First World War.389

3.14 The Missionary Enterprise in the Matengo Highlands

We have mentioned in the preceding discussions, that it came to the perception of the

Benedictine and to some extent the White Fathers that unlike the Wanyasa and

Wangoni the Wamatengo were very slow to accept conversion into Christianity.

Different reasons were put across to explain this attitude.

What is conversion?

There is immense literature in conversion from varied approaches in Africa generally

and Tanzania particularly. It all began with enclaves in Ethiopia and Egypt in the first

millennium A.D., with further mission establishing themselves along the coast and

Kongo and Angola by the Portuguese.390

From 1840 there was advancement of

Christian missionaries into the inland of African continent and in the late 19th

century

388

Ibid. :119 389


Wolfgang Gabbert, Social and Cultural Conditions of Religious Conversion in Colonial Southwest

Tanzania, 1891-1939, Ethnology, Vol. 40, No. 4 (Autumn, 2001) :291

158

there was a tremendous increase of missionary activities in Africa.391

The

membership of Christians rose from around four million in 1900 to 200 million in.392

Some conditions and processes which made this phenomenal success of African in

conversion to Christianity will be analyzed here using the data on the Benedictine

mission Order, one of the oldest and most active Roman Missionary societies

working in the Matengo Highlands in Southwestern Tanzania. Missionary orders

differed in their background, in their interpretation of Christianity, in strategies and

methods, in their attitude towards colonial administrations, western civilization,

Africans and African customs. Potential converts also differed enormously in their

culture, status, gender, and social identity.393

In the final analysis conversion was a

complex and protracted process of individual social and religious change involving

the wide range of possible shifts in religion affiliation and conviction as converts

change from traditional to mixed beliefs, from nominal to fervent Christianity, from

one denomination to another, from Christianity to Islam, or from a mission church to

various forms of independency.394

Referring to conversion in Ufipa, it was possible

because it was inherently dialectical. Missionaries adapted to local culture, Fipa

integrated the missionaries into their own cultural framework. While the missionaries

put emphasis on the similarity between Catholicism and Fipa Traditional Religion,

391

K.A.Opoku, Religion in Africa During the Colonial E, in A.Boahen (ed.) General History of Africa

Vol. 7, Africa Under Colonial Domination, 1880-1935, 1985: 525. cf. also R.Horton, Patterns of

Thought in Africa and the West, Cambridge, 1993:178 392

The number of Christian followers in Africa in 2000 393

Thomas Spear, Towards the History of African Christianity, in T.Spear and I.N.Kimabo (eds.) East

African Expressions of Christianity, Oxford, 1999: 4-6 394

Emefie Ikenga-Metuh, ‗The Shattered Microcosm: a critical survey of explanations of conversion

in Africa‘, in Kirsten Holst Petersen (ed.), Religion, Development and African Identity, Uppsala,

1987: 11-27

159

Fipa interpreted these religious and cultural messages as either corresponding to their

own ideas about religion.395

On the part of the missionaries we have attempted explaining what they thought were

the reasons for reluctance among the Wamatengo to be converted to new Christian

religion. These reasons included being in the mountains hence naturally

conservative.396

The other reason the local people were suspicious of the Europeans

whom they conceived as not trustful.397

3.15 Theoretical Approaches to Conversion to Christianity

Christian idea of conversion has been considered as systematic reorganization of

individual beliefs and meaning system and radical personal change to be

characteristic of conversion processes.398

But this conceptualization is based on the

Christian idea that conversion is a cross-cultural comparison. This implies that there

is change from one religious community to another but not necessarily change in

fundamental convictions or root reality.399

Therefore, there are numerous continuities

with traditional religious ideas and practices are still in place in African

Christianity.400

The missionary perception of Christianity and indigenous religions as

discrete systems of belief was not shared by indigenous people.401

There are also

several perspectives present in any one conversion situation; those of converts, the

395

Kathleen Smythe, The Creation of Catholic Fipa society, in T.Spear and I.N.Kimambo (eds.) op.cit.

:130 396

An interview with retired Abbot Lambert Doerr, this argument is also expounded in his writings. 397

Interview with the elders, at Liembo, Mbinga, Matiri 398

R.Horton, On the Rationality of Conversion, Africa, 1975:394, cf. also see L.Rambo, Theories of

Cnversion: Understanding and Interpreting Religious Change, Social Compass 46, 1999:259-71. 399

L. R. Rambo, Conversion. Encyclopedia of Religion, Vol. 4, ed. M. Eliade, New York.1987: 73-79. 400

T. Ranger, An Africanist Comment. American Ethnologist 14(1): 1987: 182-85. cf. see also Giblin,

J. Family Life, Indigenous Culture and Christianity in Colonial Njombe. in T. Spear and I. N.

Kimambo, (eds.) op.cit. 309-23. 401

Landau, P. Religion and Christian Conversion in African History: A New Model. The Journal

ofReligious History 23, 1999:8-30.

160

adherents of new religion, and the group from which the converts have come.402

Conceiving conversion as primarily a radical change in personal beliefs runs the risk

of neglecting the social context in which individual religions takes place.

It appears safer to conceptualize conversion as a social process encompassing an

adjustment in self-identification through at least the nominal acceptance of religious

actions or beliefs deemed more fitting, useful, or true.403

In contrast to the absolute

juxtaposition of the believer and heathen so typical of Christianity, this does not

preclude the possibility that several moral authorities and identities can coexist each

having only local or situational validity.404

3.16 Conversion in Africa

Debate on conversion in Africa has been mostly understood as an expression of

individual deviance and explained with reference to the specific psychological make-

up of converts. In most cases it was conversion that has been interpreted as a

dimension of a broader social change in Africa and other parts of the Third World. In

many instances it was the adoption of world religion associated with the colonial

power in the case of Christianity or seen as opposition to colonialism as in the case of

Islam.405

402

Merrill, W. L. Conversion and Colonialism in Northern Mexico. The Tarahumara Response to the

Jesuit Mission Program, 1601-1767. Conversion to Christianity, in R. Hefner, (ed.) 1993, 129-63.

Berkeley. 403

Hefner, R. W. Introduction: World Building and the Rationality of Conversion, in R. Hefner, (ed.)

Conversion to Christianity, Berkeley,1993a:44 404

Bond, G. C. Ancestors and Protestants: Religious Coexistence in the Social Field of a Zambian

Community .American Ethnologist 14, 1987: 55-72. 405

Wolfgang Gabbert, op.cit.: 292

161

As a result of this perception, many have considered that spread of Christianity in the

continent as European and United of America missionary enterprise reducing

Africans to victim of colonial evangelism, treating missionary work as part of

colonialism and considered missionary as vehicles of hegemonic world view. For

most European missions in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries conversion to

Christianity was viewed as an essential part of a global project of modernization

premised on a particular notion of civilization as the culmination of an evolutionary

progression away from barbarism and savagery.406

Christian notions of the human

body and of perfectible humanity provided the ideological legitimation for

widespread mission involvement in service delivery, as did the need for funds.407

Christian missions in Africa were frequently engaged as contractors to governments

for the supply of health and education services, extending the reach and presence of

colonial regimes even into remote areas. Here the converts are treated as an

undifferentiated group. But the reality is that, there are African catechists, teachers,

helpers, evangelists and elders who played crucial role in the spread of Christianity

but are neglected and the only option to them is their role in adaptation or

resistance.408

Horton takes a different approach by looking at conversion as a result of individual

comparing coherence of their beliefs and those of others. The one which is coherent

with much explanatory force will be preferred. For the followers of Weberian stance

their perception is that Christianity is more logically coherent than the traditional

406

Maia Green, Priests, Witches and Power: Popular Christianity after Mission in Southern Tanzania,

Cambridge University Press 2003:2 407

Vaughan 1991 408

Wright, M. German Missions in Tanganyika, 1891-1941. Oxford. 1971. :6-8 cf. also Cooper, F.,

and A. L. Stoler, Tensions of Empire: Colonial Control and Visions of Rule. inAmerican Ethnologist

16(4)1989:609-21.

162

religions. The difference of two religions is not based on the rationality, but on the

fact that the traditional one is narrow in focus, is a pre-modern in context whereby

event affecting life of individual community is based on microcosm as opposed to the

modern one which is based on macrocosm or wider world or enlarged world.409

The

looks at conversion as world religion in relation to the extension of social, economic,

or political relations in the course of colonialism and integration into the world

economy. SAS boundaries of microcosm are weakened, more and more people come

to adopt universalistic doctrines such as Christianity which provide ready-made

answers to the intellectual challenges of the macrocosm.410

This approach has

advantage of taking converts seriously as actors and avoids reducing them to mere

victims of missionary persuasion and colonial pressure. It also relates conversion

phenomenon to changes in the social, economic and political environment.411

3.17 Conversion in the Matengo Highlands

In the Matengo Highlands the Missionary Benedictines of St. Ottilien took the task of

evangelizing the area. According to their founder, St. Benedict (480-547A.D.) puts

down three basic activities for such monastic community namely prayer (ora), work

(labora) and study (studia), hence the motto of Benedictines ―ora et labora‖ or

prayer and work.412

This mission center or monastery was an agent of change by

establishing a spiritual department which was under the priest. This section of the

monastery was assigned the work of evangelization so as to develop the convert

spiritually to enhance the richness of the individual souls. The department of manual

409

Horton, 1971 ibid. :10, cf. also Oliver, R. The Missionary Factor in East Africa. London.

1952:208 410

Horton, ibid :102-103, Wilson, 1971, op. cit. :26-51, cf. see also, Lewis, I. M. (ed.) Islam in

Tropical Africa. London. 1980:80-81 411

Wolfgang, 2001, ibid. 293 412

www.peramiho.org/en/abbey/history.html

163

labour was put under the brothers who were training the young natives in workshops,

agriculture and animal husbandry. This section was also intended to supply the

provisions for the monastery. The social service department was run by the

sisters/nuns who were running schools, hospitals and domestic science training for

girls. This structure was supposed to enhance human development an all-round

person. Their monasteries were to become centers of development and modern

civilization in the South of Tanzania.413

Basing on the monastic approach, the evangelization of the Matengo Highlands

cannot be discussed without linking it to Peramiho where the Benedictine mission

center was established in 1898 as it has been explained above. The usual practice of

the Benedictines is to open up outstations to feed the monastery. One of its outstation

was Kigonsera in the border between the Ngoni and the Matengo people. However,

the majority population was Wamatengo who are believed to have inhabited most of

this area before the invasion of the Ngoni from Mozambique and Nyasaland. It did

not take long; this outstation of Kigonsera was elevated to a full-fledged mission

station with several outstations. The most outstanding outstations were Litembo,

Matiri, Liparamba and Lituhi at shore of Lake Nyasa. The founder of the parish

mission was Fr. Innozenz Handle OSB in 1899.414

The formation of Kigonsera parish was preceded by preparatory factors which

essentially included politics and ecclesiastical ones. On the political sphere there was

the agenda concerning the consolidation of German colonialism in the Matengo

413

Method Kilaini, The Church in Africa and Tanzania in Particular, TEC, 1998:4 where examples of

Ndanda and Peramiho monasteries are given. 414

TNA, Annual Report 1901/02. Cf. see also Parokia ya Lituhi, Jubilei ya Miaka 100 – 1912-2012,

2012:8-9

164

Highlands which was not yet effectively occupied. This consolidation was conducted

by attempting to put to an end of the Ngoni attacks over the Matengo people. It was

envisaged by the Germans that in order to effectively govern the southwestern

Tanzania they had to suppress the Ngoni war lords who were believed to constantly

harassing the tribes around there. For the Matengo to be organized for colonial

enterprise peace and order had to be established in the first place. As discussed in the

above argument there was very close alliance between the Benedictines and the

German colonial masters. It is not by accident during the suppression of the Matengo

rising of 1902, the German troops used Kigonsera mission as a calling station on

their way to Litembo and back to Songea.415

The second factor for the establishment of parish mission at Kigonsera is found from

the ecclesiastical point of view. By this time the Matengo Highlands was free from

any other religious denomination, neither Christian nor Islam.416

However, along the

Lake Nyasa shore there was UMCA mission operating there. It was therefore the

intention of the Benedictines to check the expansion of the Anglicans into the

Matengo Highlands. It is not therefore by accident that the Benedictines later in the

year 1924 established an outstation at Nangombo as a buffer zone,417

a site in the

mountain ranges very close to UMCA station of Mbamba-bay along Lake Nyasa

which is very close to the UMCA headquarters at Likoma Island in Lake Nyasa.

415

Napachihi, op. cit. 1998:157 416

Mihanjo, op.cit.:24, refers to the Matengo Highlands as ‗a no man‘s land.‘ 417

Jimbo Katoliki, Ustawi wa Enjili Jimbo la Mbinga Kuelekea Mwaka 2000, Peramiho Printing

Press, 1997:86

165

The name Kigonsera is a name of a person who received the first missionaries.418

The

missionaries included one priest Innozenz and one brother Ivo. The brother started

the constructing buildings using the locally available raw materials of trees,

bamboos, tree ropes and grass thatch. Water supply was coming from a source at

nearby mountain. The first building was for housing the missionaries and the second

building was for the church services. The local people provided labour in the

construction work and in the garden which was part of the missionary enterprise at

the mission. In 1902 bigger church was needed due to increase of converts. At this

juncture the main raw materials were now bricks and tiles for roofing and the floor.

Fortunately, Kigonsera was rich in clay soil which was used for bricks and tiles

making. As a result of this innovation, in 1904 Kigonsera mission got permanent

church and school buildings.

In order to win followers Fr. Innozenz effectively applied the Amrhein Magna Carta

of 1883 which insisted on setting schools in all monastic mission stations.419

A bush

school was opened at Kigonsera as means to change the mentality of the young

people; older people were hard to change.420

The school taught prayers, reading,

religious instructions, manual work and good behavior. The education provided was

very elementary with emphasis on conversion. That is why religious teachings played

very special role in the school; even the environment of the school was to impress the

sense of religion to the school children. The school was decorated by cross, pictures

of saints and the behavior of teachers had to demonstrate holiness.421

Presents in the

form of cloth, sweets and other goods were given to the pupils to encourage them

418

Parokia ya Lituhi, op. cit. 2012:8 419

The Missionary Magna Charta of Fr. Andrew Amrhein in Napachihi op.cit. 1998:65 420

Napachihi, 1998:84 cf ibid. 421

Napachihi, op. cit. 1998:84

166

attend school. There was big expansion of the Kigonsera mission as is revealed in the

government annual report of 1902/03 which shows that there was one priest, two

brothers, eight Christians, 311 catechumens, seven people were baptized, one school,

16 pupils, one boarding school, twelve pupils of boarding school and several

catechists.422

The number of pupils grew to 28 in 1903, and further grew to 40 in

1904, in early 1905 the number was 113 pupils in two schools.423

Fr. Johannes

opened a number of bush schools at Litetema (Amni Makolo), Lihutu (Lipumba),

Ndemb, Lukarasi, Muhurumusi, Mihango, Mahanda, Masimeri, Litorongi, Lihale,

Kitai, Lupilo, Mkako and Ndolonela,424

Fr. Innozenz faced a language barrier in communicating with the converts. To solve

this problem he took trouble to learn the vernacular Kimatengo language. In

delivering his Christian faith instructions Fr. Innozenz used Kimatengo in order to

enable the local people understand. In other instances he had to employ interpreters

who knew both Kiswahili and Kimatengo. In July 1901 Fr. Johannes replaced Fr.

Innozenz as superior of Kigonsera mission. He emphasized school expansion but also

opening up outstations in the Matengo Highlands.425

The most important ones were

Litembo, Liparamba, Matiri and Lituhi along the Lake Nyasa shore. Bush schools as

a strategy of getting converts were opened in all outstations. At Litembo with the

approval of chief Mandawa a church was opened together with a school in 1901.426

A

catechist Wilhelm was in charge of the school with a responsibility of giving

catechism instructions.

422

Annual Report 1902/03 423

Doerr, op. cit. 1998:31 424

Eginald E. Mihanjo, op.cit. :30 425

APA, 1901 426

APA, 1901, Ibid.

167

The brief period of outbreak of the uprising in Umatengo against the German

invasion in 1902 and the Majimaji uprising in 1905 to 1907 halted the missionary

work in the Matengo Highlands. Kigonsera was briefly put to a standstill, while

Litembo church and school were all demolished. Missionaries of Kigonsera and

those of Peramiho vacated their stations through Wiedhafen to Dr-es-Salaam. The

missionaries came back after German troops had succeeded to suppress the risings.

The vigor that came after the Majimaji uprising succeeded in opening up new schools

in Umatengo proper. The first school was opened at Mhagawa Asili in 1909 boasting

170 pupils under teacher Kilian Komba; another school was opened at Kipapa in the

same year. In 1910 another school was opened at Kindimba whose teachers were

Yakob Pokela, Henrik and Paul Nombo Kandosa.427

The Matiri School was opened

in 1911. Additional schools in the Matengo Highlands were built at Maguu and

Mikalanga to forestall the advance of UMCA mission from Lake Nyasa into the

Matengo Highlands. The demand for the teacher – catechists - was so high because

they were needed to staff the ever increasing schools. In this situation, gifted pupils

were spared at the mission in Kigonsera to get more instructions as future teachers.

To manage all these outstations in an event shortage of personnel, the superior

devised a method of using the boys who excelled in the bush schools as catechists.

According to Bishop Gallus Steiger:

―It is quite obvious that we want first of all catechists i.e.

people whose is to convert non-christians by their own

example and by their instructions, further to instruct

Christians, children as well as adults, in their religion, to

visit the sick and take care that no one of them dies

without the last sacraments, to watch over the discipline,

the morals and the customs of the Christians: in brief to be

the representatives of the missionary in the village. But all

427

Aloys Makupe Turuka, Manuscript of Parokia Litembo Historia na Maendeleo yake (n.d.)

168

things taken into consideration … what we want, is the

teacher catechist‖428

The most popular catechists of Kigonsera mission included Yoseph Nchimbi of

Litetema, Florian Mbena of Kigonsera,429

Constantine Akitanda of Matiri430

and

Wilhem of Litembo.431

In order to easily pay visits to these outstations, the superior

insisted the converts to open their outstations by voluntarily constructing roads and

bridges to facilitate communication.432

In most cases missionaries travelled on foot to

offer services to the outstations or sometimes by donkeys or motorcircles. The terrain

of the Matengo Highlands is not very friendly to the use of bicycles. During

Christmas and Passover feasting, converts from all outstations assembled at

Kigonsera for prayers.

The success of Kigonsera mission was the founding of a new mission at Lituhi along

the shore of Lake Nyasa. However, the most crucial achievement in the Matengo

Highlands was witnessed on 28th July, 1914 when the Litembo outstation was

elevated to the rank of a parish mission. The founding superior was Fr. Ludger

Breindl. The choice of Litembo was justified by the following reasons. First, it was

claimed by the missionaries to be in the center of existing schools. The schools

included Maguu, Mikalanga, Lundumato, Nangombo, Kindimba, Lihiso, Mkumbi,

Kipapa, Matuta, Lugari, Mbugu, Hagati, Ugano, Unyoni, Ngima, Magingu, Mapera,

Mbuji, Mpapa, Manzeye and Litembo itself.433

With this fleet of schools and

outstations Litembo mission station was very strategic as a buffer zone against the

428

Quoted by Napachihi, 1998:87 429

Parokia, ibid. 2009:9 430

Benjamin Akitanda a retired teacher and a son of the late Constantine Akitanda (+1964)

interviewed, 2013 431

Doerr, op.cit. 1998:85 432

Fr. Cassian Spiess used to come to Kigonsera to encourage people to voluntarily work for God. 433

TNA, Acc.155/23/10, Mission schools, cf. Mihanjo, op.cit. 200:156

169

expansion of UMCA from the Lake Nyasa shore. Secondly, it is said that Litembo

was the most densely populated area in the Matengo Highlands. Thirdly, Litembo

had health climate and fertile soil. There is also claim going around that most of the

places the Benedictines established mission stations were rich in natural resources.

That is why parishes in southwestern Tanzania have nicknames reflecting the type of

available resources. Peramiho was referred to as the church of whisky, Kigonsera,

Litembo, Liparamba, Tingi, Litumba were referred to as churches of gold. Lituhi was

referred to as a church of diamond, and Nangombo as a church of uranium and gold.

Lundumato was popularly nicknamed a chatu church.434

This suggests that, among

other factors for the choice of mission station, consideration of the available natural

resources was very paramount.

The work of construction of the new station commenced with the focus on essential

buildings which included the church and the house for missionaries. Because the

World War I had been declared in German East Africa by August 8, 1914, the

brothers from Germany could not come to assist Fr. Ludger in the construction work

at Litembo mission station. According to Doerr, through the use of his energy,

hardwork and unskilled local labour Fr. Ludger was able to accomplish a makeshift

church and other important buildings using sun-dried bricks.435

In reality without the

local people the work of erecting a new mission station at Litembo wouldn‘t have

been possible without the commitment of the local people. The work of building

Litembo station was labour intensive. Making of the bricks was quite a tedious work

involving many people. The place where the bricks were made was some hundreds

434

Fr. Timoth Ndunguru is a parish priest of Kigonsera. He also served at the Abbatia of Peramiho in

early 2000s. cf. interview with Mzee Matanila who also subscribe to this reasoning. 435

Doerr, op.cit. :80

170

metres away. The other building materials included grass for thatching, tree poles,

bamboo poles; tree ropes were not available within reach. The reeds - matete and the

tree poles were obtained from Lituru about 1½ kilometres away from Litembo. The

bamboo poles and miyombo tree ropes were at Kingua about 8 kilometres away from

the Litembo station.436

To get all these building materials mobilization of labour was

very crucial.

The work of construction of the mission station was coordinated by the father

superior, but the real execution involved many people whose contribution cannot in

any way pass without acknowledgement. The catechists from different outstations

were very much committed to making this noble assignment well done. Under their

catechists, all the outstations were supposed to contribute in the construction of the

mission in materials and prayers. The schools were also involved in the construction

by way of providing labour in the construction process. Among the lesson

emphasized in the mission schools was manual labour, which apart from making the

pupils learn the different skills; pupils were also using their manual labour to assist in

the construction to supplement their upkeep. They were made the bricks, cleared the

ground, carried building materials to the building site, gathered grass for thatching,

drew water to the building site and made prayers to enable God protect the project.

The catechumens of the Litembo mission attended their Christian instructions at

Litembo where they had to ‗camp‘ for some months. Camps were a makeshift hut-

residence (lisekela) constructed by reeds/matete walls with grass/mapelele thatch.

The beddings (mandupa) which the catechumens used in the lisekela included beds

which were made offour wooden poles erected in rectangular shape; ropes were used

436

Cosmas Masingi interviewed at Kingua-Litembo, 2013

171

as the supporting gear. Then a mat made of reeds (ndengati) was used as a bed spread

and a bark cloth from amtaba tree (ndenda) or an animal skin were used as bed

sheets. They came with their food of maize flour and beans and stayed for a number

of months. Apart from spiritual instructions the catechumens provided labour to the

construction of the mission station and other mission activities. To qualify for

baptismal, communion or confirmation, a catechumen had to exhibit excellence not

only in spiritual instructions but also to excel in manual work.437

During the feasts of

Christmas and Passover all Christians across the mission had to come to Litembo for

prayers. Before communion a Christian was supposed to make confession in front of

a priest, who would finally instruct the convert to make malipizi/repentance in a form

of prayers and manual labour which included working at the fields/shamba,

construction site and gardens. The people around Litembo were also involved in not

only in the construction work but also in other mission activities of keeping gardens,

poultry, piggery, cooking and cleanliness in exchange with simple presents like

second hand cloth, food stuffs, salt and other foreign goods.

The superior of Litembo mission Fr. Ludger is remembered for introducing wheat

growing at Litembo and spread to the entire Matengo Highlands. Fruit growing and

trees planting were other inventions the superior introduced to the Matengo

Highlands. It is very common in the Matengo Highlands to hear such versions of

European fruits such plums, peaches, passions, oranges, avocado, vines and mioyo.438

While the superior of Litembo mission introduced afforestation exercise around the

mission station by planting different types of trees (eucalyptus, cypress, camellia,

437

Cosmas Masingi, ibid. 438

Jacob Hyera, Kilimo Mbinga interviewed, 2013

172

pines, and fir trees were most common), the people around Litembo used to work in

these fruit orchards and in planting and caring of the trees for small payments.

Evangelization was another challenge of Fr. Ludger at Litembo mission due to three

major factors according to the superior. The first problem was the lack of personnel

to spread the message of God, taking into consideration the vastness of the area

covering the Litembo mission. Litembo mission had big numbers of outstations and

bush schools under its jurisdiction. The second problem in facilitating evangelization

was communication barrier in terms of language. The superior did not understand

Kimatengo while the Wamatengo on their side did not understand Kiswahili. There

was also a transport problem to enable the superior visit the outstations and the

schools. This problem was much more compounded by the nature of the Matengo

Highlands terrain which is mountainous. The third problem according to the superior

was conservatism and dominance of paganism and witchcraft in its original form

among the people of the Matengo Highlands. In some areas the missionaries were

refused permission to build their stations. A good example was when the

missionaries were refused at Ngima then they proceeded to Mkumbi and

Lundumato.439

To solve the problem of personnel there were people who were employed as

catechists, cooks, cleaners and other helpers whose remuneration was by way of

presents.440

As for the languge problem, Fr. Ludger embarked on rigorous study of

Kimatengo language to allow him communicate with his converts. The transport

439

Anton Matanila interviewed, cf. Fr. Alex Kenyata, Maisha ya Wamatengo Kabla ya Ujio wa

Wamisionari Wabenediktini, 1999:30 440

Benjamin Akitanda interviewed

173

problem was solved by encouraging the each outstation to voluntarily construct a

road to connect with another outstation and vice versa. The problem of conservatism,

paganism and witchcraft was hard to get solution. Until Fr. Ludger left Litembo in

September 1916 when he was deported by the British, he showed frustration due to

the people of the Matengo Highlands failing to cooperate with the missionaries.441

This frustration was also shown by Fr. Johannes the superior of Kigonsera. The

feeling of these two superiors over the Matengo Highlands created an impression that

the Matengo Highlands people were anti-Christian. To the contrary there were young

people who willingly followed the influence of schools and of the mission. These

young people were allowed by their parents to follow up Christian instructions and

finally joined the new religion. So there was such increase of missionary activity in

the Matengo Highlands. However, the outbreak of World War I in 1914 interrupted

most of the Benedictine activities in the Matengo Highlands. In 1916 all German

missions were interned and deported to Europe while Litembo mission was used as

administrative headquarters of British administration. They left the 18 schools with

4000 pupils to the older pupils who were nominally paid. There were 500 Christians

who were baptized, 300 communicants every Sunday and 2000 adults following

instructions in Christian faith.442

Catechists did commendable work during the

absence of the missionaries. Occasionally the White Fathers were visiting to provide

spiritual services to the converts in the Matengo Highlands.

3.18 Why Matengo Were Reluctant to Accept Christianity before 1918?

The German government was ready to support the efforts of the missions against the

expansion of Islam. All public authorities were ordered to act according to those

441

APA, 1914, Chronicles of Litembo, cf. Doerr, op.cit. 1998:81 442

Doerr, ibid. :81

174

instructions. The standpoint of the German administration was that the missions

should consult the nearest authorities before settling down, in order to avoid discords

among denominations.443

The German government further accused missionaries for failing to win the Africans.

The most important obstacle to widespread of Christianity is the long preparation

which they insist before baptismal. But this limits the proper missionary activity to

the natives living around the mission thus making them difficulty to Christianize the

remote and fluctuating population. Askari, porters, traders, plantation workers whose

influence was pointed out by the missions as being unfavourable one, cannot become

Christians at all for their professions make it impossible for them to stay longer in the

mission stations. Actually missions will become embarrassed when if 2000 porters

from the inland ask to be baptized. These people will not stay for the preparation

period prescribed by the mission, if only because of their maintenance. The mission

will either turn them away thus leading them to paganism or Islam, or give up their

actual claims. 444

The problem here can also be looked from the point of view of the Matengo people

in its solid historical foundation. Historically the Matengo people had their traditional

religion before the advent of Christianity. It was religion which conformed to the

level of their culture, economy, political set up and above all their history. It was

used to address all their problems like calamities, social and political disputes. To

introduce new religion quite different from theirs was supposed to take a process of

transforming the society slowly to allow them internalize the foreign religion. The

443

German Annual Report 1902 444

Jahresbericht urber die Entwicklung Von Deutch Ostafrika, 1902/03

175

problem with Frs. Johannes and Ludger445

and Abbot Emeritus Lambert Doerr446

was

the assumption that the Matengo were tabula rasa on which new religion has to be

imprinted.447

A sheer disregard for African traditional religious beliefs which was a

reflection of European ethnocentric prejudices, the missionaries did not bother to

understand the society they intended to convert.448

If they studied the Matengo

culture they did it only to condemn them without taking into account that mere

condemnation of the Matengo system of beliefs in toto would not suffice to convince

people such as Wamatengo to convert to Christianity. The missionary explanation of

the Scriptures did not appear to make sense because the Wamatengo‘s cosmological

view was different from that of the missionaries. John Kirby, who is both a Catholic

priest and an anthropologist, puts it more emphatically:

Throughout its history, Christian missionary working in

West Africa has paid little cultural sensitivity toward

African society. Catholic missionaries like their protestant

brothers, were appallingly ignorant of African institutions

and did not care to investigate them. Indeed, they were too

busy suppressing traditional rituals and beliefs, thereby

preventing an objective, balanced view of African

traditional religions. With few exceptions, missionaries

saw African traditional religions as ‗morass of bizarre

beliefs and practices‘ … As a general principle we can say

that before 1960 mission founded churches insisted that

their converts abandon contact with their African

traditional religions and cultures. These churches were

poorly prepared theologically and culturally to accept any

alternatives to their own way of praying, thinking,

believing or behaving.449

445

Frs. Johannes, Ludger, and Fr. Camile De Chatonville were very frustrated when they realized that

the Matengo did not comply to the teachings of Christianity 446

Doerr ibid. interviewed in June 2013 at the Abbatia of Peramiho, was of the opinion that Matengo

were resistant to new religion because they are conservative just like other mountain people in Europe. 447

Adrian Hastings, Church and mission in Modern Africa, Fordham University Press, New York ,

1967:61 448

Lawrence E. Mbogoni, The Cross versus the Crescent: Religion and Politics in Tanzania from

1880s to 1990s, Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2004:6 cf. E.A.Ayendele, ‗External influence on African

Society‘ in Joseph Anene and Godfrey Brown, (eds.), Africa in the 19th

and 20th

Centuries, Ibadan

University Press and Nelson, Ibadn, Nigeria, 1972:135-7 449

John Kirby, ‗Cultural Change and Religious Conversion in West Africa,‘ in T.D. Blakely at al.,

(eds.) Religion in Africa, Experience and Expression, London, James Currey, 1994:60-61

176

The Fathers and Abbot missed the historical dynamics of the Matengo society and

groomed the feelings that they can just superimpose their foreign religion onto the

Matengo people very smoothly. The missionaries never troubled themselves to learn

if at all there is anything like religion practiced by the Matengo before the coming of

Christianity. It was evident that during missionary expansion in the Matengo

Highlands, the Benedictines did not consider African Traditional Religion as

competitor but paganism which ought to be wiped out completely and be replaced by

Christianity.450

For the Benedictines they only perceived the UMCA as their only

ecclesiastical competitor in the Matengo Highlands. This insensitivity and arrogance

towards Matengo traditional religion made the older generation in the Matengo

Highlands reluctant to join Christianity, though it was willing to release their children

to join the new Christian religion.451

So much so that at the beginning up until 1918

when the German colonial masters and the Benedictines were forced out of the

Matengo Highlands by the British and their friends the Christian population

constituted by the young people. The reason was that the missionaries struggled to

convince the old people through material incentives like salt, cloth, sugar and soap to

allow their children attend baptisms. The old people themselves were no ready to join

the new religion.

The traditional Matengo society had its cultural attributes which were historically

accepted and justified. Such attributes as polygamy was an accepted norm among the

Matengo people. Polygamy served as an institution of increasing labour in the

household and as symbol of power and authority in society. But according to the

tenets of Christianity polygamy was vehemently opposed and prohibited. Witchcraft

450

Fr. Fidelis Mligo, a prior of Peramiho Abbatia, interviewed by the researcher, 2013 at Peramiho 451

Anton Matanila, interviewed at Mbinga, 2012

177

which was heavily attacked by the Benedictines was another accepted practice

among the Matengo society. In most cases deaths were explained in terms being

caused by witchcraft. Only when death occurred during an advanced age was

accepted, but other deaths were believed to be caused by witchcraft.452

Veneration of

ancestors was another common cultural practice among Wamatengo. Each clan used

to have a priest – mpenga utunu who was charged with leading all clan prayers.

Prayers consisted of thanks-giving to the ancestors, requests of better harvest or

health and begging for relief from calamities. All these practices were accepted

practices among the Wamatengo people, hence in contradistinction to the wishes of

Christianity.

The manner in which the German colonial masters entered the Matengo Highlands

left much to be desired. In 1902 German troops invaded the Matengo highlands

forcing them to accept the German rule. The Matengo refused and were heavily

punished by the German troops. On their way to Litembo the German troop rested at

Kigonsera mission and after punishing Wamatengo the troops again passed by

Kigonsera mission where they were entertained.453

In such collaboration between the

Benedictine missionaries and the German colonialists the Matengo could not

differentiate between them. The Matengo perceived all of them as oppressors and

hence hard to trust the Benedictine missionaries and looked at with suspicion.

Politically, at the time of advent of colonialism and missionaries Matengo society

was organized along clan system. There was no centralized political structure with

452

Fr. Alex Kenyata, Mambo yaliyostawisha Maisha ya Watengo Kabla ya Ujio wa Wamisionari

Wabenediktini, Unpublished, 1999:17 453

Napachihi, op.cit. 157

178

one person commanding power at the apex of political hierarchy.454

The approach the

Benedictines used was that of top down system. Norbert Weber the Abbot Superior

for Benedictine Fathers of St.Ottilien put it thus:

‖The work of missionary Benedictines was not only to

convert individuals, but whole peoples‖455

This means that they had first to convert the ruling class then the rest of the people to

follow suit. This system which fared very well in Ufipa,456

Buganda, Rwanda and

Burundi by White Fathers missionaries457

and utilized very well by Benedictines in

Ungoni, did not find conducive environment in a non-centralized Matengo society.

Even the myth Makita as the paramount chief does not attest to the objective political

structure of the Matengo society.458

Matengo people were scattered from east

bordering the Ngoni and to the east bordering the Nyasa. This was quite a vast area

with a chain of mountain ridges (lupimbi or ntambo) to be easily controlled from a

single point of either Litembo or Lipumba. Each clan occupied a lupimbi which was

their economic, social and political unit under a clan head. The truth is the creation of

paramount was a British creation in 1926 when an indirect rule system was

introduced in the Matengo Highlands.459

In many parts of Africa where missionaries opened enterprise, they normally started

by creating settlements of destitute including freed-slaves and orphans.460

This was

the case in Ungoni where Fr. Cassian Spiess used to ransom slaves from Arab

454

TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Book 455

Doerr, op.cit.:16. Cf. John Ilffe, op.cit. 218 456

Smythe, op.cit. :129 457

Thomas Spear, op.cit. :10-11 458

Harry W. Basehart, op.cit. 1972:91 459

TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Book 460

Roland Oliver, op.cit. second edition 1965:172

179

traders.461

This was also the case with the founding Benedictine monastery of Pugu

where freed-slaves and orphans became the first converts.462

To the contrary, in the

Matengo Highlands there were no slaves to ransom and show it as a demonstration so

as to attract other followers. Outcasts and orphans were hard to find, in an event of

destitute the structure of the society which was egalitarian and clan based would care

for their orphans at the clan level.

The data collected and presented in the preceding discussion suggest that missionary

Benedictines arrived at the time colonialists were making their advent in the Matengo

Highlands. The colonial masters showed severe brutality and harshness to the

Matengo during the 1902 rising and during the suppression of Majimaji uprising of

1905. The cordial relationship between the missionaries and the colonial masters

made the Matengo look at them as the same oppressor and exploiter.463

That is why

the Matengo looked at missionaries with a lot of suspicions. There are incidences

where this alliance between the two groups of Europeans was so pronounced. An

incidence is sighted some people in Mkumbi killed a person illegally. The killers

went to confess at Litembo mission but it came to be discovered that the missionaries

reported the case to the Songea boma. To their surprise, all of them were

apprehended by the colonial askari and taken to Songea boma they were taken to

court charged for a murder case. Some were convicted for the offence and ordered to

be hanged and others were sentenced to life imprisonment.464

461

Doerr, op. cit. 1998:15. Fr. Cassian Spiess ransomed former slaves from an Arab trader Rashid bin

Masudi living at Mang‘ua at 40 rupees per head. These are the first people who came and live in the

young mission of Peramiho. 462

Fr.Gerold Rupper, (ed.), Pugu hadi Peramiho: Miaka 100 ya Wamisionari Wabenediktini katika

Tanzania, Historia na Masimulizi, Benedictine Publications Ndanda-Peramiho, 1988:29-30. Cf.

Napachihi, op.cit. :84 463

Napachihi, op.cit. 157 464

Anton Matanila, interviewed by author, 2012

180

The Benedictines of St. Ottilien were deported from Tanganyika after suffering a

defeat in the World War I they left behind an infant church in the country and in a

special way in the Matengo Highlands. As discussed in the aforementioned part the

Christian situation in the Matengo Highlands was much more frustrating due to

reluctance of the population to accept Christianity.465

However infant it was we

examine some influence Christianity impacted upon the Matengo Society by the time

the Benedictines were interned by the British authority.

3.19 Christianity and Socio-economic Development of the Matengo Highlands

up to 1918

When the Germans colonized the DOA they had to establish the administration

system which was charged with the following functions. The first one was related to

the maintenance of the law and order. This function was carried by state instruments

such as the police, the courts, the army and the bureaucracy. In this regard the

German East Africa Company; a business company was granted an imperial charter

to rule the German sphere of influence in 1885. The company officials started

arriving in 1887 to take up their administrative posts. The second function was that of

providing social services to the population. These included sanitation, water,

electricity, education, health services, roads, bridges, railways, telegraphs and

transportation. The company invited the Benedictines of Bavaria to accompany the

DOA in the administration of the colony. This invitation was intended to make the

missionaries involve themselves in the provision of the social services and in this

way the business company will not involve in the provision of social services. The

logic here is that being a commercial company engaging in provision of social

465

Conclusion emphasizing this position by Abbot Lambert Doerr in interview and also the superiors

of Kigonsera and Litembo missions subscribe to this position.

181

services is tantamount to reducing the profit of the commercial firm. Besides,

religious orders were experienced in the running of education and health services.

The DOA had to surrender and give up the administration of the colony for various

reasons. The first was inexperience in running administrative functions being

Business Company. Consequently, the company officials turned out to be very

unpopular among the people amounting to the rising of the Arab landlords along the

coast led by Bushiri and Bwanaheri. The people complained of brutality, forced

labour and heavy taxation imposed by the company officials. The other reason was

that the company ran bankrupt on account that much of the profit accrued in the

business was spent in running administrative costs. In 1891 the imperial German

government had to intervene and took over administration of colony. However, the

spirit of using missionaries as it was under the company rule in the provision of

social services in the colony remained unabated.

When the Germans occupied the Matengo Highlands in 1902, the cross had already

preceded the flag since 1899. However, the collaboration between the two was as

conspicuous as it is demonstrated in the preceding discussion. The Benedictines

opened and ran a fleet of bush schools in the Matengo Highlands unlike along the

coast where the German government had opened schools at Tanga, Pangani, Sadani,

Bagamoyo Mlingotini, Pwani, Dar-es-Salaam, Muhoro, Kilwa,Chole, Liwale, Lindi

and Kilosa. The government also opened schools at Mwanza, Bukoba, Kondoa –

Irangi, Mpwapwa and Iringa.466

466

Annual Report, 1903/04 op.cit.

182

Another manifestation of the German rule in the Matengo Highlands was the erection

of their flag at Litembo. This flag was a symbol of the German authority in the land

of Makita. This is symbolic because we have discussed in the assisted in the

aforementioned elaboration, that the Makita of Litembo was not paramount chief of

the whole Matengo Highlands until when he was institutionalized by the British

indirect rule administration in 1926. Otherwise, the rest of the area politically

remained percellised along clan units. It was these clan heads turned into new titles

of nyaparas who played crucial role in the collection of taxes. Tax collection was yet

another challenge to the German government and the native gents in the Matengo

Highlands. They did not possess the cash for paying tax. Consequently the adult

males were always on the mountain hidings. They also assisted in recruitment of

laborers for public works and very few recruited for agricultural labour on the coast

and elsewhere. Nearly all the recruits who volunteered for work came from the Lake

Nyasa shore.467

The British Administrative Officer of Lipumba Sub-District G, Van

Dam described the Wamatengo as:

―The hill people are calm, contented, industrious,

agriculturalists who have little interest outside their

crops‖468

It was also reiterated that the Wamatengo make good workmen when employed

locally, but are comparatively failures away from it. They dislike head porterage.469

The Matengo people throughout German colonial period were politically rather

uncaptured peasants by the imperialists. Even economically being expert iron smiths

the only contribution Matengo made was making iron tools such as hoes, knives and

grass cutters which they sold to some Indian businessmen. They could also collect

467

TNA, AB. 78, Annual Report. Lipumba Sub-District 1925 468

TNA, AB. 78. Ibid. 469

TNA, Songea District Book

183

wild products like honey and wax which were also sold to itinerant traders mainly

from Songea.470

Therefore we argue that colonial government was insensitive to the

matters pertaining to the Matengo Highlands‘ welfare. This is contrary to the effort

the colonial government was putting on the development of Wiedhafen port along

Lake Nyasa and the construction of road from Lindi a coastal port to Wiedhafen.471

This vacuum was to a greater extent filled by the Benedictines who worked very hard

to this effect. We examine here some of the activities the missionaries performed in

the Matengo Highlands which were otherwise supposed to be done by the German

colonial government.

The administrative work of providing for the welfare of the Matengo Highlands

focusing in social services was left to the Benedictine missions. This is in line with

the original agreement between the Carl Peters‘ DOAG and the Benedictines Order

of April 1887, where it was underlined that the duty of Benedictines was that of

civilizing the natives as well as evangelizing.472

This kind of conception is reflected

in the answer the first mission to Tanzania under Fr. Fava gave to Sultan Seyyid

Majid of Zanzibar. When the Sultan inquired why they came to Tanzania, Fr. Fava

the superior said:

―We have come to attend to the sick, to help the poor, to

educate the children and teach them different skills‖473

This kind of assumption presupposes that the Africans were in a mess and very

primitive conditions calling for immediate action by the so-called civilised society to

rescue them from the mess of diseases, abject poverty and grand ignorance. Since

470

Annual Report 1903-04 471

Annual Report, Ibid. 472

Para 1 of the Treaty between Fr. Andreas Amrhein and Dr. Carl Peters 473

Kutoka Risala ya Maaskofu kwa Ukumbusho wa Miaka 100 ya Kanisa, Kipalapala, 1975:3

184

Africa had its religion embracing the socio-political and economic life the

missionaries had two assumptions perhaps. One assumption was that the existing

African institutions were inferior hence incapable of transforming the society to a

civilized state. Second assumption was that, since Christianity was a product of

developed capitalist of European society hence missionaries were duty bound to

carry out a ―civilizing mission‖ geared towards recurring the uncivilized and

primitive Africans.

Equipped with such spirit we have the Benedictine mission in the Matengo

Highlands start establishing mission station at Kigonsera in 1899 and Litembo in

1914. These stations were made lively by a fleet of outstations established within the

vicinity of each outstation. These missions theoretically according to monastic

approach were supposed to be centers or argents of both spiritual and earthly

development of the surrounding outstations and the entire Christian population at

large. By the time the German Benedictines were interned by the British in 1916 and

finally repatriated in 1920, they boasted of 2 missions, a number of personnel

(priests, brothers, sisters and catechists) several outstations, number of Christians,

communicants, baptisms and catechumens.

185

Table 3.1: Development of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands During

German Rule

YEAR PRIESTS BROTHERS SISTERS CATECHISTS MISSIONS

1899 1 1 - 1

1900 1 1 - 1

1901 1 1 3 1

1902 1 1 3 1

1903 1 2 2 1

1904 1 2 2 4 1

1905 1 1 3 1

1906 1 2 5 1

1907 1 3 2 1

1908 2 3 4 1

1909 2 4 5 1

1910 3 4 8 1

1911 2 4 10 1

1912 2 3 13 1

1913 1 2 20 1

1914 2 2 54 2

1915 2 2 54 2

1916 2 - 56 2

1917 - - - -

1918 - - - -

TOTAL

Source: Annual Report on the development of German East Africa 1903/04,

: Lambert Doerr, Permiho 1898-1998, In the Service of the Missionary Church,

Volume 3

: Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu la Songea, Historia ya Uenjilishaji

Songea.474

3.20 Development of Missionary Education

Missionary expansion in the Matengo Highlands up to the World WarI was slow as it

is seen in Table 3.1 above. Opening of schools throughout the Matengo Highlands

474

The information was compiled from the sources as outlined below the table

186

went hand in hand with conversion into Christianity. There were bush schools which

were established in the outstations where pupils were prepared for baptism. Besides,

the pupils were taught other subjects such as crafts, singingand manual work.

Koponen pointed the fact that Roman Catholic and Germans stressed on the

importance of manual farm labour as education for work.475

However missionary

schools were for conversion, to mold the pupils while still young in the heathen

interior. From 1900 to1914, there was change in the colonial education due to the

change in colonial conditions. There was emergence of development imperative

which demanded close collaboration between the state and the missionaries by

restricting competition mission and state schools and to share functions. The state

supported mission schools in funds, books. School fees were paid through manual

work by school children on the Benedictines‘ fields, gardens and grounds.476

Though the German government had opened craftsman schools and Hinterland

schools in the coastal areas and few hinterland districts, the Matengo Highlands was

much more neglected. As such the Benedictines were the sole providers of education

in this area of the German protectorate. It is again argued that the children from

South western Tanzania could not safely be taken to the government schools because

of poor communication networks. There were no railroads, no good roads except

those constructed by followers of Christianity. Under such circumstances the

Benedictines embarked on construction of schools throughout the Matengo

Highlands. Table 3.2 below presents some data on the education sector operated by

the Benedictines in the Matengo Highlands.

475

Johan Koponen, Development for exploitation, German Colonial policies in Mainland Tanzania,

1884-1914. Printed in Finland by Raamattutalo, Pieksamaki, 1994:355 476

Juhan Koponen, Ibid. 357

187

Looking at the content taught in these schools the bulk of what was taught were

religious instructions with a little bit of reading, writing and counting.477

The pupils

were divided into three groups, the first group was that of the children, second group

included all Christians and the last group included those who were preparing for

baptism both children and adults. Those who excelled in their studies were recruited

as catechists. The other component of the content being taught were skills which

were aimed at teaching of manual labour.478

This syllabus was in line with the

Benedictine philosophy of ora et labora. But also the German government in the

protectorate during the governorship of Georg Albrecht Freiherr von Rechenberg

between 04/15/1906 - 22/04/1912 came up with the policy of development. To

implement his development imperative, the governor put emphasis on the

collaboration between state and missionaries. He restricted competition between

mission and state schools. Incentives in terms of funds and books479

were given to the

mission schools which taught German language and other subjects like handcraft as

it was echoed in the 1908/09 Annual Report:

As for the Benedictines … the missions have done

particularlygratifying work this year in the field of youth

education work in handcraft, agriculture, horticulture and

also in the sphere of medical auxiliary work.480

Kigonsera school was among the schools in which the German administration put

effort to encourage it adopt the German government education system more

specifically the teaching of German language apart from Kiswahili which was the

medium of communication. Furthermore, sisters instructed girls in all kinds of work

girls are supposed to do. Like in the government schools apart from learning subjects

477

Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea, op.cit. :41-42 478

Annual Report, 1901/02 479

Koponen, op.cit. 1994:509 480

Annual Report 1908/09

188

like Bible class, reading, writing, arithmetic, singing and German, pupils had to work

in the fields and in the house, in the kitchen and garden for four hours. Boys learned

blacksmith, joiner, bricklaying and how to sow plants.481

Table 3.2: Development of Christian Education in the Matengo Highlands

from1899-1918. YEAR SCHOOL PUPILS TEACHERS CATECHUMENS BAPTISMS CONFIRMATIONS

1899 8 1 9 5

1900 24 6 3

190I 1 8 80 55 35

1902 1 28 119 44 42

1903 1 16 178 84 65

1904 1 40 472 324 67

1905 2 113 617 332 80

1906 1 82 483 114 69

1907 614 211 87

1908 651 114 67

1909 2 170 753 213 69

1910 3 1,021 533 45

1911 4 1,311 309 87

1912 6 1,665 712 51

1913 2,746 1,678 -

1914 16 2182 4,901 2,157 45

1915 17 6,413 1,820 -

1916 18 4000 18 7,372 1,200 817

Source: TNA, 2286, Register of Mission Stations,

TNA, Acc. 155/23/10 Mission Schools for which no Right of

Occupancy are Registered 1922-1926

Mission stations based on the Benedictines‘ monastic approach acted as source of

employment. A monastery was supposed to be self-reliant in terms of provisions. In

order to implement this philosophy the Benedictines established variety of projects

like farms, workshops, gardens, and domestic activities. The personnel as is

presented in Table 3.1 above were so limited to cater for all projects in the

monasteries. The numbers of brothers and sisters were very small to perform all

481

Annual Report, 1908/1909, Ibid.

189

duties by themselves in the entire monastery. This situation called for extra massive

labour from outside the monastery. While the missionaries – priests, brothers and

sisters - did the supervisory functions, the manual labour was to be performed by the

neighbouring local population. The work of construction of churches, living houses,

schools, health centers, infrastructure, tiles making and bricklaying called for

intensive labour supply. The real construction work of the buildings also proved to be

labour demanding. Looking at the type of gothic structures of churches they

designed, intensive manual labour was highly demanded. The buildings especially

the churches were too tall especially the long naves or bell towers (minara) needed

abundance labour supply, this was more necessary because there was no technology

of winch and cranes. The fields and the gardens also needed reliable sources of

labour to attend them. This was true to the livestock keeping project. There was

demand of labour to attend the livestock which included pigs, chicken, cows, and

other available livestock in the mission centre. Furthermore, the workshops of

carpentry, masonry, shoe making, sewing, blacksmithing and food canning called

intensive manual labour. Employment was also available in the houses of the

missionaries for cooking, cleaning the houses, washing the clothes, and attend to the

missionaries as helpers.482

The transport of missionary provisions from the coast

involved enlisting of caravans in hundreds or thousands from the coast to the interior.

For all these activities missionaries needed the assistance hundreds of Africans as a

workforce.483

One observation ought to be done regarding labour situation in the

mission stations. The use of labour in the mission centers ended up using underage

children who worked in fields for some hours daily in addition to school

482

Koponen, op. cit. 357 483

Roland Oliver, op. cit.: 69

190

attendance.484

The catechumens who used to camp at Kigonsera and Litembo mission

stations for religious instructions for some months spend most of their precious time

to work in the field and construction work. The big ones were involved in making

bricks and floor and roof tiles while the small ones used to move the bricks from one

place to another as required by the brothers.485

Plate3.2: Litembo Parish Church

484

Roland Oliver, Ibid. 357-358. Cf. interview with Cosmas Masingi in June 2013 485

Cosmas Masingi, Ibid.

191

Plate3.3: Peramiho Abbey

Plate3.4: Mbinga Bishop’s Church

192

Plate3.5: Nangombo Parish Church

Plate3.6: Mbinga Parish Church

193

Plate3.7: Lituhi Parish

Plate 3.8 Kigonsera Parish

Plate3.9: Maguu Parish

194

3.21The Medical Services in the Matengo Highlands

The medical services in the Matengo Highlands were not very well established

during this period. It is well understood that there were two mission centers only in

the Matengo Highlands. The mission of Kigonsera did not have enough sisters to run

the medical center. The plan to bring some sisters from Germany did not materialize

due the outbreak of Majamaji war in 1905, the year planned to send sisters to

Kigonsera.486

The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 was another obstacle to

the coming of sisters. The war effect required that all German missionaries should

leave the protectorate in this situation bringing in more missionaries was no longer

possible. As the result of World War I the sisters leave Peramiho for the second time.

Some go to South Africa, while others start other new mission fields. The

Tanganyika Territory (as it was called at that time) was closed to German

missionaries.487

The second Litembo mission in the Matengo Highlands was still

very young since its inception in July 1914. In 1914 the Mission Benedictine Father

Ludger and some brothers from St. Ottilie established a mission station in Litembo.

They gave the sick medicine and start a local health service.488

Later in September the

war entered the Matengo Highlands when the British troops came from Nyasaland

through the Nyasa area. The British administration was forced to construct a road

from Mbamba-bay along Lake Nyasa to Ndengo in the Matengo Highlands to ferry

the British troops. Another road was constructed from Lituhi along Lake Nyasa to

Ruanda in the interior for the same purpose.489

486

APA, Diry of Kigonsera, Vol. 1 entry for 9.5.1905 487

http://www.peramiho.org Missionary Benedictine Sisters Peramiho, TANZANIA, East Africa,

2013 488

www.seniorenland.com poste 2010 489

Doerr, op.cit. :83

http://www.peramiho.org/

http://www.seniorenland.com/

195

3.22Christianity and Construction of Infrastructure in the Matengo Highlands

The German colonial government did not invest much in infrastructural construction

in the Matengo Highlands. The focus was partly to connect the coast of Lindi and

Kilwa with Wiedhfen in the shore of like Nyasa which apparently was so strategic.

As argued earlier, that in the Matengo Highlands there was typical case where the

cross preceded the flag. Missionaries had occupied this area established Christianity

in the remote rural area of the Matengo Highlands. The already established two

missions of Kigonsera and Litembo had established series outstations and bush

schools. The missionaries had to establish their own infrastructure which would

enable them to visit. The missionaries embarked in the construction of the road

between Kigonsera and Matiri under the supervision of brothers Rainald OSB and

Yustin OSB.490

Catechist Constantine Akitanda played a very important role in the

construction of this road and the bridges by mobilizing the faithful of Matiri to

participate in the road construction.491

Another road was constructed between

Kigonsera and Litembo. Another big road was that between Kigonsera and

Liparamba outstation. There were many small roads which connected between the

mission station and the outstations and the chain of bush schools. The good examples

were a road from Litembo to Nyasa/Nangombo outstation via Maguu outstation and

another road from Litembo to Lugari outstation via Ngima. A road was constructed

between Litembo and Kindimba outstation through Myanganga to Mbinga mission

station. 492

In all cases the Christians used volunteer in the construction of these

roads. The Matengo Highlands terrain is naturally associated with mountain ridges

490

Jimbo Katoliki Mbinga, Ustawi wa Enjili Jimbo la Mbinga kuelekea mwaka 2000, Peramiho

Printing Press, 1997:30 491

Interview with Benjamin Akitanda and Fr. Josephat Komb Malunda, 2013 492

Anton Kapinga Matanila and Fr. Francis Ndunguru interviewed in 2012 and 2013 respectively,

Remigius Michael Hyera, Paul Jeremia Ndunguru, Kostantin Manyuka Mwingira and Longnus Matias

Mwingira interviewed at Litembo, 2014.

196

and series of rivers and streams. In all these cases bridges were very common and

again the converts volunteered their time and energy in this construction. The

construction materials which included tree logs, big stones, ropes and many other

materials required were upon the Christians to bring them. At the end of the day most

of the infrastructure construction in the Matengo Highlands was the sole

responsibility of the missions who organized the Christians to perform this noble

responsibility until the end of the World War I.

3.23Christianity and Marriages

The German government in its Annual Report 1903 urged the missionaries to

encourage civil marriages recognized by law among the converts so as to legally

avoid polygamous relations among the Christians.493

To this effect the two missions

in the Matengo Highlands put efforts in pushing the convert to marry through

Christian procedures in front of a priest. The vows they declared before the priest

made the converts more committed to the Christian ethics. Table 3.3below

demonstrates gradual increase in the marriages in the Matengo Highlands attesting to

the acceptance of the Christian moral standards.

Table 3.3: Christian Marriages up to 1919

Year Marriages Age groups

1907 - 1909 16 15 - 44

1910 - 1919 109 -

- - -

1914 - 1919 55 10 - 59

Source: Parish Records of Kigonsera and Litembo

493

The government attributed the slow pace in conversion to challenges related to polygamous

relations and witchcraft.

197

The Kigonsera parish age group of people who married at 15 to 19 years were 14,

those who married at 20-24 years were 11, those who married at 25-29 years were

12,those who married at 30-34 years were 7, and those who married at 40 – 44 years

was 1. At Litembo the age groups who married at 10 – 14 years were 2 marriages,

those who married at 15 – 19 years were 20 marriages, those who married at 20 -24

years were 22 marriages, those marrying at 25 – 29 years were 10 marriages and

those marrying at 50 -51 years was 1 marriage. These data speak something on what

was discussed before regarding who were the first targets in conversion. The

majorities were youth who upon confirmation were encouraged to follow the

Christian life by completing all the necessary sacraments required of a Christian. But

to some extent it was the implementation of the call of the German government that

the converts should abide by Christian marriages in order to discourage the

polygamous life. In 1908/09 Annual Report494

the German government reiterated its

position by insisting that the mission work was slow due to polygamy. Urged the

missionaries to ensure that Christians are judged by Christian law and that bigamy

should be treated as crime. In this manner the government provided legal basis of

marriage so as to enhance and promote the missionary activity. Second wives in this

case were regarded as concubines and their children as illegitimate children who

cannot compete with the legal wives and their children. Ultimately, Christian man

will be hard to keep a second wife. Why did colonial government encourage

Christian marriage?

Matengo Highlands was one of the most remote rural areas. With the establishment

of mission centers there was slow and systematic rural transformation towards

494

Annual Report 1908/09

198

urbanization. The establishment of schools in the mission centers attracted many

people and many activities were also performed in these centers. Catechumens used

to camp at the mission centers for some months for ecclesiastical instructions for

baptismal, confirmation or marriage. In this way the missions became business

centers as well. The opening of projects like workshops of carpentry at Litembo and

shoe and brick making at Kigonsera, attracted apprentices who later became experts

in these fields. This process encouraged the people around to emulate the new trades

and adapted to their environment leading to transformation of the rural setting.

3.24 Conclusion

This phase of Christianity marked the initial attempt to introduce the new religion to

the people who had their traditional religion. The response was therefore negative

and frustration among the missionaries was evident. Despite all these setbacks

missionaries through the use of material inducements were able to convince the

youth who accepted conversion and in the long run formed the foundation of strong

Christian tradition in the whole of southwestern Tanzania. These youth were much

more attracted to the material things like cloth, salt, sugar, kerosene, utensils and

different trades rather than the spiritual values. The colonial government benefited

from the missionaries who provided social services which otherwise was the role of

the state. As reciprocity to this contribution the state assisted the pacification of the

rebellious natives as it happened in the Karonga war. The state was also all out to

assist the missionaries alienate land from the natives through the provision of offers

of land occupancy different mission activities.

199

The World War I on the other hand derailed the process of evangelization as the

German missionaries were interned and deported by British authorities when they

were allowed to come back. The catechists in this regard played a crucial role in

providing guidance to the converts. The number of catechumens increased during

this period. This partly is due to the White Fathers missionaries who assisted to

provide spiritual services in the Matengo Highlands. Unlike the German

Benedictines, the White Fathers from France, Canada, Holland, Belgium and

Luxemburg were much liberal in admitting people to the congregation. The

Wamatengo were much relaxed with White Fathers unlike the Benedictines who

were German nationals just like the German rulers who acted very harshly.

200

CHAPTER FOUR

CHRISTIANITY IN THE MATENGO HIGHLANDS DURING THE BRITISH

PERIOD 1919 TO 1950

4.0 Introduction

This chapter investigated how Christianity was operating in the Matengo Highlands

in the context of changing colonial power, from German colonialism to British

colonialism. Investigated the change of colonial administration from German to

British and its influence to the expansion of Christianity and how it influenced the

Matengo society. The study analyzed the attitude of British authority towards the

Benedictine missionaries in theMatengo Highlands. This period was characterized by

phenomenal growth of Christianity in theMatengo Highlands hence this study found

it imperative to investigate what were the causes and the dynamics thereof. The

study proceeded to evaluate how the missionary enterprise established in theMatengo

Highlands transformed the socio-economic conditions of the Wamatengo society.

Finally in a way of conclusion the study highlighted the relationship between

Christianity and the reality of Wamatengo people.

4.1 Christianity in the Context of World Wars.

Historians of Christianity in Africa hold consensus that from the end of World War I

there was tremendous expansion in Christianity at least numerically and in terms of

spatial coverage. Originally the missionaries spread to all populated areas of

Tanzania. The German Benedictine spread in Lindi, Uhehe, Ungoni between 1895-

1902; the Moravians spread from Rungwe base to Usafwa, Unyiha and to

Unyamwezi in 1898; Berliners moved East to the southern highlands in Ubena,

western Uhehe in 1898-1900 and to Uzaramo in1903; the Bethel worked in Udigo,

201

Usambara and later in Urundi (1907) and Bukoba (1910); the Leipzig missionaries

spread in the Kilimanjaro then to Meru and Upare; and German Adventists arrived in

southern Pare in 1903. The Catholic Spiritans consolidated their hold between the

coast and Morogoro and established themselves in Kilimanjaro in1891. The White

Fathers occupied Unyamwezi and spread all over the region between lakes Victoria,

Tanganyika and Rukwa in the 1890s.495

After the colonial government was

effectively established the missions expanded beyond their first strongholds. The

missionary influence started being felt outside their original closed communities.

With this process in place the whole nature of missionaries‘ interaction with their

environment was transformed. Slowly each station occupied by European

missionaries became a center of a network of outstation from which African teachers

and evangelists could carry their influence into the villages around.496

This is a line

of argument stressing on the effectiveness of colonial government as the motive force

of missionary expansion in numbers and space wise. The missionaries expanded

from the heavily populated areas discussed above to the periphery areas which

originally were considered not fertile for missionary work.

The other line of argument which prompted the spread and expansion of Christianity

during this period is the need for education which was a symbol of civilization and

westernization. The products of Kiungani497

were envied by many natives who were

thence encouraged to be converted into Christianity. Literacy carried great

495

Juhani Koponen, Development for exploitation, German Colonial policies in Mainland Tanzania,

1884-1914, Printed in Finland by Raamattutalo, Pieksamaki, 1994.:165-166 . cf. I.Kimambo, ‗The

Impact of Christianity among the Zaramo‘, in Thomas Spear and I.Kimambo (eds.). East African

Expressions of Christianity, Mkuki and Nyota, Dar-es-Salaam, 1999:69-70. Cf. John Iliffe, A Modern

History of Tanganyika, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York, 1979:216-219. 496

Roland Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa, (2nd edition) Longmans, 1965: 195/172 497

Kiungani was one of the earliest mission schools in Zanzibar opened and ran by the UMCA Church

in 1869 drawing pupils from among the freed slaves from different parts.

202

prestige.498

It was further held that the Christian religion was capable of solving

problems beyond the capacity of indigenous religions.499

The need to have new

religion to solve the problems of the society was necessitated by the fact that the

entry into the scene of colonialism had enlarged the world scale and hence bringing

in complexity in the problems encountered by the society. The enlarged world scale

and its attending problems were no longer congruent to the pre-colonial religion.500

It

is further argued that as a result of these challenges the Africans had to conform to

adaptation strategy whereby the imperative was only to imitate the ideology of the

foreigner in order to get rid of the problems encountered. The argument is

vehemently justified by the claims that, presence of local institutions

notwithstanding, the Africans were encountered by crises from 19th

century up to

1919. There were great epidemics of livestock and human diseases with a climax of

flu in 1919. There were series of wars of resistance against colonial onslaught

throughout Africa like Shona-Ndebele, Nama-Maherero and Majimaji uprisings

which local religions were unable to forestall. There was intensified violence which

culminated into World War I.

The situation of suffering called for religious innovation in Africa and this took place

in various forms. There were African religious innovation and there were African

adaptations to Christianity.501

Adaption went hand in hand with the age of

improvement which involved local people to accept Christianity and western

498

John Iliffe, 1979, op.cit. : 235 499

John Iliffe, Ibid. 236 500

Godfrey and Monica Wilson. The analysis of social change (reprinted, Cambridge, 1968),

esp. ch. 2. Cf. Isaria Kimambo, ‗From Enlargement of Scale to Globalization‘, University of Dar-es-

Salaam, 2001:3 501

Terence Ranger, Religion in Africa: Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2005:3

203

education on top of accepting to cultivate cash crops.502

The reasoning was based

much in the modernization theory which did not acknowledge the power of

traditional institutions to address the challenges they confronted. It is out of this kind

of conception that it is claimed that the acceptance of baptismal by the majimaji war

leaders in Songea was prompted by the failure of magic water to turn German bullets

into water.503

Furthermore, there was a steady growth of the number of the Wangoni

who after majimaji opted for the mission and for Christianity.504

Such views neglect

the varied ways Africans interpreted and appropriated Christian scriptures, practices,

and institutions for their own purposes within the contexts of their values and needs.

Confronted with new epidemic diseases, natural disasters and widespread political

and economic destructions in the wake of colonial conquest, Africans sought new

religious concepts to regain moral control over their lives.505

However, there is

counter arguments which allege that the acceptance of baptismal by the Ngoni

warriors was in anticipation that they would be pardoned by the German colonial

officials if they repented.506

This wish was however, not forthcoming.

Proximity to most of the changes associated with colonialism, such as railway

construction, labour migration, cash crop production and European settlement

influenced conversion to Christianity elsewhere.507

Examples drawn from the

Baganda case, the Kikuyu case and the Chagga case are just some few cases where

the colonial influence played a crucial role in the spread of Christianity.508

502

John Iliffe, Tanganyika Under Colonial Rule, 1902-1912, Cambridge University Press, 1969: 503

APA, Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Volume I, February 1906. 504

Doerr, op. cit. 1998:63 505

Thomas Spear, Toward the History of African Christianity, in Thomas Spear and I.Kimambo (eds),

op.cit. 1999:3 506

Fr. Fidelis Mligo, the prior of Peramiho Abbacy, interviewed June 2013 507

Kathleen Smythe, ‗The Creation of the Catholic Fipa Society‘, in Spear and Kimambo, op.cit. :129 508

Thomas Spear and I.Kimambo (eds), op.cit. 1999:7 and 55

204

4.2 The Missionary Work in the Matengo Highlands 1919-1950s

This section makes an attempt to explore the historical reasons which led to the

phenomenal spread and expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. One

observation to be made in the Matengo Highlands during this period is the fact that

German missionaries were the sole providers of social services. This is testified by

the 1900 Agreement between German government and Bishop Maurus Hartmann

which required the missions to educate minor government officials and to expand

and modify their curricular to meet the purpose of government get officials. In return

the government was not to found schools where mission schools were already in

place. Further to that, the government announced to support the mission schools

which educate government officials by providing teaching equipment free of

charge.509

The World War I therefore hit the Matengo very hard in terms of social

services after the departure of the German missionaries. This is true because the

German missionaries were not wanted by the British war victors, and that is why they

were interned and finally deported to Germany.

The other thing worth mentioning among the Matengo was that the World War I

physically affected the Matengo. The British soldiers from Nyasaland invaded the

German bomas and the mission stations in the Matengo Highlands area.510

The

German priests at Litembo and Kigonsera mission stations were interned and finally

deported. Kigonsera mission was made a military hospital and Litembo mission was

made an administrative post for the British government.511

509

Heinke, The Report of negotiation with Hartmann, November 23rd

, 1900. Heinke a Secretary for

Schools and Mission Affairs in 1900 negotiated with Bishop Hartmann leading to Benedictine

Agreement. 510

Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea, Historia ya Uinjilishaji Songea, Jubilei ya Miaka

100 (1898-1998) : 1998:62-63 511

Doerr, op.cit. 1998:84

205

All these challenges notwithstanding it is argued that this period of British rule in the

Matengo Highlands achieved phenomenal expansion of Christianity.512

Examples are

given to testify the expansion.

Table 4.1: Mission Centers of Umatengo

YE

AR

MIS

SIO

NS

PR

IES

TS

BR

OT

HE

RS

SIS

TE

RS

CA

TH

OL

ICS

BA

PT

ISM

S

SC

HO

OL

S

HO

SP

ITA

LS

PU

PIL

S

CA

TE

CH

IST

S

1899 KIGONSERA 2 3 2 6 6 1 - 6 2

1914 LITEMBO 1 2 - 97 81 4 - 269 7

1927 LIPARAMBA 1 1 - 78 54 1 - 75 3

1933 NANGOMBO* 1 1 - 56 45 1 1 45 2

1935 MBINGA 1 1 - 89 69 1 - 149 2

1937 TINGI 1 1 - 56 36 - 97 75 1

1937 MATIRI 1 1 - 84 64 - 63 64 2

1949 MAGUU 1 - - 99 85 1 85 79 3

1953 MPAPA 1 - - 64 51 - 67 56 1

1959 LUNDUMATO 1 - - 56 45 1 64 58 1

1959 MKUMBI 1 - - 74 63 1 76 63 2

1966 MBANGAMA

O

1 - - 77 69 1 74 64 1

1966 MIKALANGA 1 1 - 95 86 1 89 79 2

*This parish is situated within the buffer zone between Catholic versus the

UMCA in content and geography. It was however founded by Litembo

though geographically is counted as being in Nyasa. The population is

predominantly Matengo.

512

Doerr, Ibid. 1998:85

206

However, there are must be some historical reasons which can explain the

phenomenal expansion. There are questions very pertinent to be raised. One question

is whether the expansion and spread is due to the change in the colonial state? The

second question is whether the growth is due to the changing missionary strategy in

the spreading of Christianity? And the last is whether the expansion is due to the

perception of the Matengo people about Christianity? The field survey conducted in

the Matengo Highlands regarding the reasons which prompted phenomenal

expansion of Christianity during this period of history was varied with relatively

wide spectrum.

This section examines how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands, the

theory guiding the operation and how the local people responded to the new social

dynamics. In this section it will be convenient to situate all what was happening in

the context of British colonialism. The aftermath of World War I put German East

Africa under the mandate territory.513

The present Tanzania was placed under the

British administration. Rwanda and Burundi were placed under the Belgians.

The end of World War I marked the end of German colonization of Tanganyika.

However, the position of the German missionaries in their spheres of influence was

guaranteed by the Treaty of Versailles of 1919. It was decided in this agreement that

all ex-enemy missions had to be given over to the missions of the same denomination

of the allied powers or of neutral origin.514

This agreement allowed the Catholic

French, Dutch, Belgian, Luxembourger and Canadian White Fathers to oversee the

German missions in southwestern Tanzania. White Fathers representatives in

513

The Paris Peace Treaty 1919, Article No. 22 514

TNA, AB. 635, No. 3197, Secretariat File, 1920. Cf. The Paris Peace Treaty 1919, Article No. 438:

Richard Hacken (hacken @ byu.edu) or Jane Plotke (cd078 @ gwpda.org).

207

residence were placed at Kigonsera and Litembo missions in the Matengo Highlands.

There were others stationed at Peramiho and Lituhi missions. They reopened several

schools opened by the German missionaries.515

Whereas the Benedictine missionaries used the monastic approach in evangelization,

the White Fathers used the indigenization or Africanization approach of

evangelization.516

The German Benedictines spent a lot of time to give instruction to

the would-be convert before one is baptized. The Benedictines would make sure that

the family of the applicant is also of an outstanding Christian integrity before

admitting the catechumen in the congregation.517

Consequently, there was tedious

process towards conversion into Christianity in the Matengo Highlands by German

missionaries.518

To the contrary, the White Fathers did not apply strict observation of

the principles. They did not bother to screen so much the catechumens before

admitting them to the congregation. The result was that many people were instantly

admitted to the congregation without much odor. The White Fathers baptized even

those people who were refused or delayed by the German Benedictines. There was a

comment in 1920 that Ungoni was the second to Uganda in having baptized 800

people and more than 2000 catechumens were under preparation.519

White Fathers believed on mass conversion as they did in Bukoba, Buganda,

Ukerewe, Unyanyembe, Ufipa and Kigoma. Given the considerable expansion and

large numbers of the converts, the White Fathers embarked on the system of

515

TNA, AB. 4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, 1919/1920, Songea District Report 516

Maia Green, The Witches, … op. cit. :2 517

Kamati, op.cit. :68 518

Cosmas Masingi interviewed June 2013 519

Kamati, Op.cit. :69

208

Africanization of the clergy. Apart from the European staff, there were many African

catechists who were instructing the catechumens and the new converts. From the

statistics issued by the Apostolic Delegacy in 1946, it was apparent that White

Fathers‘ mission had made creditable progress in training an African clergy in all its

areas.520

This approach did have influence in the spread and expansion of Christianity

in the Matengo Highlands during their stay in the area when German Benedictine

missionaries were deported by the British colonial authority.

In the Matengo Highlands Fr. David Roy a Canadian White Father was posted at

Kigonsera mission as a military chaplain from February to August 1917 and attended

the Christian community there. After going back to Nyasaland he was requested to

come back in Tanganyika in 1919. He stayed briefly at Kigonsera mission before

moving to Litembo mission where he managed to remove the British administrative

post from the mission buildings. He worked tirelessly until 1922 to revive the

Christian community of Litembo. Fr. Camil de Chatouville a French White Father

came to Kigonsera serving as a supervisor of his missionary society. He stayed at

Kigonsera mission and Litembo mission between 1917 and 1919. When the White

Fathers left in 1922, the number of Christians in the missions of south-west Tanzania

had increased from 7,000 in 1916 to more than 13,000.521

In 1922 the Swiss Order of Benedictine was allowed to come back and entrusted to

run the Prefecture Apostolic of Lindi which was under the German Benedictines

before the World War I. Upon their arrival, the Benedictines of the Swiss Order

occupied the mission stations in the Matengo Highlands. At Kigonsera mission Fr.

520

S.Rweyemamu and M.Msambure, The Catholic Church in Tanzania, BPNP, 1989:14 521

Doerr, op.cit. :91

209

Heribert Meyer was the one who was stationed there from 1922 to 1928 and from

1928 to 1932 he was sent to Liparamba mission station as a founding superior. Fr.

Fulko Schrer French born Benedictine Father was stationed at Litembo from 1922 to

1930. Fr. Nikolaus von Holzen joined Fr. Fulko at Litembo mission from 1926 until

1928 when he was transferred to Kigonsera mission. The priests were charged with

the spiritual work of evangelization of the population.

There were also Swiss missionary brothers who were stationed in different mission

stations. Br. Gallus Wiederkehr was stationed at Kigonsera mission from 1922 to

1928. A Dutch-born Br. Willibord Budde was stationed at Kigonsera in 1922 and in

1923 was transferred to Litembo mission where he was again transferred to Lituhi.

Br. Liborius Leutenegger was stationed in Litembo from 1922 to 1929 where he was

building the parish church. Br. Fidelis Gillieron was stationed at Litembo where he

stayed from 1926 to 1942. At Litembo mission station Br. Willehad Peterhans was

posted to Litembo from 1923 to 1926. The brothers were in charge of the workshops,

the fields, and other manual activities. Abbot Norbert Weber the superior of the

Benedictines had insisted that brothers should work among the converts in the

fields.522

Lipumba Sub-District had 15 European personnel, of whom 3 were nuns

whose main duty was to attend to the sick and open up dispensaries to serve the

population from diseases.523

They also included lay workers.524

They maintained a

number of schools and Christian adherents in the sub-district. Kigonsera mission

station had 37 schools and 4,183 Christians. While the Litembo mission station

maintained 35 schools and the Christian adherents attended by the station were

522

Fr. Mbiku, op.cit. :71 523

Ibid. :81 524

TNA, AB. 16. Part 1733/15, Annual Report Songea District 1923

210

1,919.525

There were also pupils and catechumens amounting to 17,820 in several

schools. Four new schools on the old sites were opened and one closed at the request

of inhabitants who did not want disturbance of their life by foreign innovations.

During this period 206 marriages were solemnized under the Marriage Ordinances.526

All these steps taken by the Swiss Benedictines contributed a lot to the expansion,

spread and consolidation of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands after the

deportation of the German Benedictines by the British government.

The Swiss Order of Benedictine made further impact to the phenomenal expansion of

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands due to the fact that by entrusting the

Prefecture Apostolic of Lindi in 1922 to Fr. Gallus Steiger ushered in new direction

towards strategies and tactics in Christian activities. In 1928 Fr. Gallus Steiger

became Abbot Nullius after the Prefecture of Lindi was elevated to the status of

Abbatia Nullius. The situation was much more on the side of Fr. Gallus when in 1931

Lindi Abbatia Nullius was divided into two Abbatia leading to the formation of

Abbatia nullius of Ndanda. Abbatia of Lindi had its name changed to Abbatia Nullius

of Peramiho with Fr. Gallus as its Abbot. He ultimately became the Abbot Bishop of

Peramiho in which Matengo Highlands became part of its area of jurisdiction. He

held this position until 1952 when he retired at 72 years.527

525

TNA, AB. 78, Lipumba Sub-District Report 1926. 526

TNA, AB. 16. Part 1733/15, Annual Report Songea District 1923 527

Fr. John Baur, 2000 years of Christianity in Africa, (2nd

ed.), 2009:352, Paulines Publications

Africa, Nairobi

211

Table 4.2: Mission Personnel: Priests

YR

S

KIG

ON

SE

RA

LIT

EM

BO

LIP

AR

AM

BA

MB

ING

A

TIN

GI

MA

TIR

I

MA

GU

U

MP

AP

A

LU

ND

UM

AT

O

MK

UM

BI

MB

AN

GA

MA

O

MIK

AL

AN

GA

TO

TA

L

1922 2 1 3

1923 2 1 3

1924 2 1 3

1925 2 1 3

1926 3 2 5

1927 3 3 1 7

1928 5 3 2 10

1929 2 3 2 7

1930 1 4 2 7

1931 1 4 3 8

1932 3 4 4 11

1933 2 4 3 9

1934 3 4 3 10

1935 3 4 4 1 12

1936 4 4 3 1 12

1937 5 4 3 1 1 1 15

1938 4 4 1 1 1 1 12

1939 9 5 1 3 4 3 25

1940 8 4 1 3 3 2 21

1941 5 3 1 4 3 1 17

1942 6 4 1 4 3 1 19

1943 8 3 1 5 2 1 20

1944 6 4 1 4 2 1 18

1945 6 4 2 4 2 1 19

1946 6 5 1 3 2 1 16

1947 7 5 1 3 1 1 18

1948 6 6 1 3 1 1 2 20

1949 6 5 1 4 1 1 2 20

1950 7 4 1 4 1 1 2 20

1951 6 5 1 3 2 1 2 20

1952 7 6 1 4 1 1 2 22

1953 6 5 1 5 1 1 3 1 23

1954 5 6 3 4 1 2 3 1 25

1955 5 7 3 2 1 1 3 1 23

1956 5 7 3 3 1 1 4 1 25

1957 6 5 3 2 1 2 3 1 23

1958 5 3 3 1 1 1 2 1 17

1959 4 3 3 3 2 2 3 1 1 22

1960 3 2 3 3 1 3 2 1 1 19

1961 3 1 2 1 3 3 1 1 1 16

1962 4 2 2 1 3 3 1 1 1 18

1963 3 1 2 1 2 5 2 1 1 18

1964 5 1 2 1 2 3 2 1 1 18

1965 4 2 2 1 2 5 3 2 1 22

1966 3 1 2 1 1 6 2 2 1 1 1 20

1967 3 2 2 1 1 1 5 4 1 1 1 1 23

1968 2 1 1 1 2 1 3 3 1 1 1 2 19

Total 206 163 83 80 48 47 66 24 12 10 3 4 746

Source: Parish Records and Registers

*Shaded missions were founded and ran by indigenous priests.

212

The contribution of Abbot Gallus to the development and spread of Christianity in

the Matengo Highlands was so profound. The strategic school method continued

under the efficient direction of the Abbot. He gave it priority over the training of

African clergy: he argued that vocation would come from a large number of Christian

families. He was putting into practice the theory of his superior Bishop Spreiter528

who put emphasis on the establishment of schools in which religious instructions and

manual work were emphasized.529

The idea was that if the children are taken to

school they will easily be indoctrinated to the new faith. When these young people

entered adulthood, they were able to transmit the word of God to their children. This

strategy would enable to enhance the spread and consolidation of Christianity. In

reality this approach worked very well in the later years in the Matengo Highlands,

though at the beginning there were a lot of blames on the reluctance of the Matengo

people to join Christianity.530

Basing on Table 4.2 above, when Abbot Bishop Gallus Steiger got into power in

1922 there were only two missions in the Matengo Highlands, which were Kigonsera

and Litembo. When he officially left office to Abbot Bishop Eberhard Spiess in 1953

there were nine mission stations in the region. The British government had originally

refused permission to the missions to build new schools or churches.531

The reason

for the restriction was the bitter ecclesiastical scramble between the Roman Catholic

and the UMCA over places to open up schools and churches. It was also alleged that

the missionaries were more pro-German in their sympathies because the German

528

Bishop Thomas Speiter was the head of Catholic Church in southern Zanzibar vicariate from 1906

to 1920 when he and other German Missionaries were deported by British government. 529

Fr. Deogratias H.Mbiku, Historia ya jimbo Kuu la Dar-es-Salaam, BPNP, 1985:69 530

Abbot Lambert Doerr is among people who were very skeptical about the Matengo loyalty to

Christianity. 531

TNA, AB. 4 (1733), Annual Reports Southern Area 1919/1920: Songea District Report 1920

213

administration accorded the missionaries very tangible executive support.532

The

scramble was so intense along the Lake Nyasa shore. With the change in education

policy by the British government, the missionaries started opening and registering

schools as Table 4.3 below indicates.533

Besides, these mission stations were flanked

with a fleet of bush schools, ‗V‘ schools and a number of middle schools at Litembo

and Mbinga.534

In 1968 when the German missionaries retreated to the Peramiho

Abbatia leaving the church leadership to the indigenous clergy, there was an addition

of only four mission stations in the Matengo Highlands namely Lundumato and

Mkumbi founded in 1959 and Mbangamao and Mikalanga founded in 1966. Being a

Swiss Benedictine and a superior of the diocese who stayed very long and

demonstrated politeness to the natives, he was likely to win the Matengo people. This

was contrary to the German missionaries who usually demonstrated arrogance,

prejudice and segregation to the natives. That is why the German missionaries had

always lamented of non-cooperation of the Matengo people because the Germans

were not well received by the Matengo people who are culturally very inquisitive to

strangers‘ behaviours. If a stranger shows arrogance the Matengo would simply

ignore him and will never at all cooperate.535

It was very unfortunate to the Germans

missionary to refuse to learn the Matengo socio-philosophical underpinnings of the

Matengo society.

532

TNA, AB. 7 File No. 1733, Annual Report – Kondoa Irangi, Lindi, Lushoto, Mwanza, Songea,

Mahenge, Pangani, Ufipa, Arusha, Rufiji, Tabora, Dodoma, Kilimatinde, Mpwapwa, Singida. 1920-

1921, Annual Report on Songea District March 1921 533

TNA, AB. 13 File No. 1733:11, Annual Report Tanganyika Territory 1925. The Education

Conference of 5th

to 12th

1925 in Dar-es-Salaam chaired by the Director of Education Mr. Rivers

Smith issued a circular to guide educational activities of the Missions 534

TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea: Songea District Education Committee, 1946. 535

Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, Interviewed July 2013. Cf. Abbot Lambert, interviewed June 2013 indicated

that it is easy to live with the Matengo people than the Wangoni.

214

Table 4.3: Schools Registered in the Matengo Highlands

YEAR OWNER PLACE IN MATENGO

HIGHLANDS

STATUS OF

SCHOOL

1946 Roman Catholic Litembo, Mbinga ‗D‘ Schools

1947 Native

Administration

Mbinga Native School No pupils, school

did not open

1948 Roman Catholic Ndengo ‗V‘ School

1949 Roman Catholic Wukiro, Mpapa ‗V‘ School

1950 Roman Catholic Ilela, Mikalanga ‗V‘ School

1952 Roman Catholic Ukata, Longa, Makata ‗V‘ School

1952 Roman Catholic Mbinga Middle School

1953 Roman Catholic Kagugu ‗V‘ School

1955 Roman Catholic Maguu, Kindimba ‗V‘ School

1956 Roman Catholic Tingi, Mbuji, Lugari,

Kilawalawa, kingirikiti,

Mbugu, Mkumbi,

Mikalanga

Prepatory schools

ordered to be

closed,

substandard

enrolment schools

1958 Roman Catholic Kipapa ‗V‘ School

1959 Roman Catholic Mitanga-Mbinga,

Luyunu-Liparamba,

Luwino-Mkumbi,

Nyelele-Tingi

Sub-grade Schools

1960 Roman Catholic Maguu New Boys Middle

School

1961 Roman Catholic Unango, Mbugu 3rd

Classrooms

Primary school

Roman Catholic Mkumbi, Kindimba New middle

schools desirable

Roman Catholic 12 (Twelve) Trade schools and

Domestic Science

schools

Source: TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Education Committee – Meetings Minutes

for various years.

*‗V‘ School for Village school

**‘D‘ School for District School

The Swiss Order of Benedictines maintained in Songea district 129 schools.536

Education in the Matengo Highlands was entirely in the hands of missionaries. A

536

TNA, AB. 78, op.cit..

215

government school which was tried at Lipumba in 1923 did not have any success and

as a consequence was transferred to Lituhi/Manda along the Lake Nyasa shore.537

At

Lituhi/Manda again the school experienced poor attendance and enrollment leading

to its closure in 1924.538

The reason for the failure was a matter of speculation on the

part of the British government. However, the numerous chances offered by the

mission schools; both the UMCA and the Benedictine Roman Catholic mission,

could be the major reason. Moreover, the mission schools were much handier for the

parents of the children to accord their preference to them.539

The Roman Catholic

schools seemed to be much popular among the natives because they had fine

buildings at Kigonsera and Litembo where natives were able to learn different trades.

UMCA schools were less appealing being housed in temporary structures along the

Lake Nyasa shore.540

The other speculated reason for apathy to western education in

the Lipumba sub-district was a fear of this education to break family ties.541

Apart from priests the other missionary personnel were the brothers who were in

charge of production in the fields, animal farms and gardens. They also supervised

construction work in the buildings and infrastructure construction. Brother Crispin

Schulz in 1934 embarked on construction of the first road to Litembo from Ndengo

on the Mbamba-Bay road.542

On the same vein, Brother Otmar Kuster embarked on

the construction of road from Mbinga to Chipole joining the two Roman Catholic

missions.543

Brother Fidelis Gillieron who stayed at Litembo mission from 1926 –

1942, 1947 - 52 and 1954 – 1955 embarked on afforestation around the parish. This

537

TNA, Ibid. 538


TNA, AB. 78, op.cit. 540

TNA, AB. 4 (1733) op.cit. 541



Lambert Doerr, Volume 2,:

216

tree planting inspired many people in the Matengo Highlands to plant small forests in

their farms.544

There were factories established to supplement the parish requirements

together with offering products to the population around. The factories were as well

used as a training ground for the youth in the mission center. There was big carpentry

factory at Litembo mission and shoe making factory at Kigonsera, both were

supervised by mission brothers. Table 4.4 below attests to the importance of this

group of missionary personnel. All through the brothers were kept intact in all

strategic missions definitely because of their crucial contribution to the health of the

missions.

Table 4.4: Mission Personnel, the Group of Brothers

YE

AR

KIG

ON

SE

RA

LIT

EM

BO

LIP

AR

AM

BA

MB

ING

A

TIN

GI

MA

TIR

I

MA

GU

U

MP

AP

A

LU

ND

UM

AT

O

MK

UM

BI

MB

AN

GA

MA

O

MIK

AL

AN

GA

TO

TA

L

1922 3 1

1923 2 3

1924 2 2

1925 2 2

1926 3 3

1927 3 2 1

1928 3 2 2

1929 2 3 1

1930 2 2 1

1931 4 3 2

1932 4 4 1

1933 2 4 2

1934 3 3 2

1935 4 3 3 1

1936 4 3 2 1

1937 4 2 3 1 1 1

1938 5 2 2 2 1 1

1939 10 2 2 2 2 1

1940 10 2 2 2 3 1

1941 4 2 2 2 3 2

1942 7 4 3 2 2 3

544

Cosmas Masingi op.cit.interviewed June 2013.

217

1943 5 5 1 2 1 2

1944 5 3 1 2 1 2

1945 5 3 1 2 1 2

1946 6 3 1 2 1 2

1947 5 3 1 2 1 2

1948 3 3 1 2 1 2

1949 5 2 2 2 1 2 1

1950 4 3 1 2 1 2 1

1951 2 2 1 2 1 1 2

1952 2 2 1 2 2 1 1

1953 2 2 1 2 2 1 2

1954 4 2 1 2 2 2

1955 5 2 1 2 1 1 2 1

1956 6 3 1 2 1 2 2 1

1957 6 2 1 2 1 2 1 2

1958 4 2 1 2 1 1 1 1

1959 4 2 1 3 2 1 1 1

1960 3 3 2 3 1 1 1 1 1

1961 3 3 2 1 1 2 1 1

1962 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1

1963 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 1

1964 2 3 2 1 1 2 1 1

1965 3 1 1 1 1 2

1966 3 2 1 1 1 1

1967 3 2 1 1 1 2 1

1968 3 2 1 1 1 2 1 1

Total 183 125 61 57 40 46 28 7 7 1

Source: Parish records and registers

The underlying principle of Congregation of St. Ottilien of Benedictine Order was

not only aimed at winning people to Christianity, but also to care and transform the

whole status and welfare of the converts in all different aspects of life.545

This is

typical of the missionary work as a principal apostolate being cherished by the

Benedictines everywhere. To implement the strategy, the Benedictines came with

missionary brothers who were in most cases skilled in different trades ranging from

masons who did much of the construction of schools, churches, hospitals and

monastery structures. There were blacksmiths in the mechanical workshops that were

545

Cf. the Benedictine Constitution; see also Sister Mary Bellarmine Bernas, OSB. Our Founder

Father Andreas Amrhein, OSB (Summarized from Sustained by God‘s Faithfulness by Sister Bernita

Walter, OSB)

218

apart from running instructions to the youths; they also supervised construction

works in different mission stations. We have site above cases where some of the

brothers embarked on roads and bridges construction to link the different mission

centers. The mission stations had a fleet of outstations and bush schools which were

under African teacher-catechists, who had to be inspected. For this reason, the

construction of infrastructure component was an impeccable component. Many more

were stationed in the mission stations with industrial schools where they worked as

instructors. Looking at Table 4.4 above, it was not by accident that Kigonsera and

Litembo stations recorded the highest number of brother missionaries. While

Kigonsera boasted a huge shoemaking section of industrial school and a minor

seminary which was established in 1926, Litembo on its side boasted a big carpentry

section of industrial school.546

The Second World War II had a great influence on the distribution of missionary

personnel. The war adversely affected the German missionaries who were supposed

to be removed from the southern province on the account that they bordered

Mozambique a Portuguese colony, which by then was considered to be a close friend

of Germans. There was an agreement concluded between the British government and

the Abbot-Bishop of Peramiho in 1942 that the missionaries of German origin South

of the road from Lindi to Mbamba Bay should be evacuated. As a result of this

evacuation the parishes of Tingi, Liparamba suffered most. The convent of sisters at

Liparamba was forced to close down. The Kigonsera station though on the south of

Lindi-Mbamba Bay road was allowed to retain German missionaries on account that

546

Fr.T.Ndunguru a parish priest of Kigonsera and Fr. J.Ndunguru, a deputy parish priest of Litembo

interviewed in July 2013.

219

it was running a minor seminary which needed enough personnel as instructors.547

This was compensated by evacuating German missionaries at Nangombo parish

which was on the north side of Lindi-Mbamba Bay road. Nangombo mission had

also to close its convent due to the lack of German sisters who were evacuated in

compliance to the agreement concluded.548

More German missionaries concentrated

in Kigonsera, Litembo, Mbinga and Matiri. This explain why there were big numbers

of brothers in parishes which were located in the north side of Lindi-Mbamba Bay

road as indicated in Table 4.4 above.

The Swiss Benedictine Order is also reckoned with due to their substantial

contribution towards the phenomenal growth of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands on the following areas. Due to the mistrust on the German missionaries by

the British government, the Swiss missionaries had to shoulder all top administrative

posts in south western Tanzania.549

At the headquarters of the Abbey Nullius of

Peramiho Gallus Steiger a Swiss national missionary was the Abbot-Bishop. At the

Abbey itself the prominent lieutenants were all Swiss nationals. The prior at the same

time Vicar General and parish priest, the sub-superior, the procurator, the headmaster

of the Peramiho schools and the educational secretary were all Swiss nationals. The

parish superiors in the whole of Peramiho were to be of Swiss origin and those of

neutral missions from allied powers including French nationals.550

Some of the

Benedictines missionaries were exchanged with the Holy Ghost Fathers. The

following Benedictines were transferred to Moshi diocese from Peramiho Abbey

547

Doerr, 1998:165 548

Doerr, 1998:167 549

TNA, AB. 7 File No. 1733, Annual Report on Songea District 1921. The report blamed Roman

Catholic Native Teachers employed by the Benedictine Missions in Songea District were somewhat

pro-German in their sympathies. 550

Doerr, 1998:167

220

Nullius: Elzear Ebner, Enhard Bundshuh, Ferrnand Fitchtner Nathanael Biller,

Wener Brodhun, and Bonaventure. From Moshi diocese the following priests were

transferred to Peramiho: Richard Gillet, Alois, Joseph and Mcquire.551

Besides, the personality of Abbot-Bishop Gallus was an outstanding and impressive

to the British administration. The Abbot-Bishop was indeed trusted by the colonial

administration as he did not afford to annoy the administrators and could even afford

to compromise the demands of the Roman Catholic Church.552

He did not want to

jeopardize the survival of the Benedictine mission in case the German aggressive

foreign policy can provoke war between Germany and Britain.553

The Abbot-Bishop

further made sure that in front of the colonial officials he maintained good relations.

The government officials often visited Peramiho and were indeed well entertained.

He could give them assistance when necessity arose. In August 1942 the District

Commissioner of Songea Wyatt needed assistance from brothers of Peramiho to

work at the Songea boma. The Abbot-Bishop made available two brothers Gislar and

Alto.554

He insisted his missionaries to abide by government regulation, lest they

offend the officials concerned. Further to that, the Abbot-Bishop created an

impression that even though the majority of missionaries were Germans, the Abbot

created an impression in the eyes of the colonial administration that Peramiho

continued to be perceived as a Swiss mission. As a result the official blue book of the

Songea Distrct government always listed the Swiss Benedictine Fathers of Uznach.555

551

Kamati, 1998:78 552

Doerr 1998:163 553

Doerr, Ibid. :154 554

Doerr, Ibid.1998:168 555

Blue Book, was published annually by the Songea District government

221

More important is the work of Abbot-Bishop Gallus in consolidating Christianity in

the Southern Tanzania. During the period of Second World War the Benedictine

Fathers faced a threat of collapse due to the British authorities‘ intention of

evacuating the German missionaries who happened to be the majority in the area. It

was the trusted personality and the personal good relations Bishop Gallus had

nurtured with the British authorities. British authorities regarded Bishop Gallus as a

man who could be trusted and whose authority over his subjects could be relied upon

by the British side.556

The cordial and harmonious relationship between the British

authorities and Bishop Gallus enabled the church to peacefully sail through the rough

waters without him the boat would have sunk. His resignation in 1952 implied thus

not only a change in leadership but it was in fact the end of an epoch in the history of

the mission.557

4.3 The Return of German Benedictine Missionaries

The Tanganyika government agreed to the return of ex-enemy and to the getting back

of all their property558

. With that government order, the German Benedictine Fathers

came back in 1926, but they left the Vicariate of Dar-es-Salaam to the Swiss

Capuchins and the Consolata Fathers and went to the South where they had been

working before the war. They concentrated on the southern Highlands and on the

districts of Lindi comprising Peramiho and Ndanda.559

The return of German

missionaries had impact on increase of personnel in the Matengo Highlands as is

reflected in Tables 6 and 8 above. The number of priests and brothers show a steady

increase in the Matengo Highlands. Moreover, the increase in personnel led to the

556

APA, entry of 1943 557

Doerr, 1998:208 558

The Paris Peace Treaty 1919, op.cit. cf. TNA, AB, No. 3197, op.cit. 559

Rweyemamu and Msambure, op.cit. :17.

222

increase of mission stations. In 1927 the Kigonsera mission embarked on the

foundation of another station at Liparamba. The Litembo mission station undertook

to found a daughter mission station at Nangombo in the hills close to Lake Nyasa.

The other important mission station was established at Mbinga in 1935. An

additional mission station at this period was founded at Matiri in 1937 from the

Kigonsera mission. It is argued that Matiri was anticipated that the Benedictines

would launch a large scale gold mining in the area.560

In the southern part of the

Matengo Highlands Tingi was established as a separate mission from Litembo in

1937.

Table 4.5 below suggests that the arrival of German missionaries from 1926 pursued

a very aggressive strategy in conversion. There were 24 mission stations manned by

priests which were opened in Abbatia Nullius of Peramiho. The statistics in Table 4.5

show that most of the stations were opened in Ungoni and Ubena, 8 mission stations

each. Umatengo and Unyasa 4 mission station each. For Unyasa the problem was that

of intense competition from the UMCA with a very stronghold in the shore of Lake

Nyasa. The case of Umatengo had been portrayed by missionaries as being very

conservative to accept a foreign culture especially Christian religion.561

Even the

colonial government condemned the Matengo as being predominantly and obsessed

with witchcraft.562

The Lipumba court reported cases of witchcraft dominating the

court sessions which prompted them apart from using the Witchcraft Ordinance of 18

December 1928, to come up with Witch-weed Rules of August 1, 1945 to deal with

560

Doerr, op.cit. 134 561

Ibid. Throughout his discussion he accuses the Matengo as being conservative and reluctant to

accept conversion. 562

TNA, Acc. 155, Songea District Book

223

problem of witchcraft in the Matengo Highlands.563

In 1923 for instance, Lipumba

court reported that out of 14 convictions of witchcraft contravention of Witchcraft

Ordinance 0f 1928, ten (10) of them were Matengo who are obsessed of malignant

supernatural powers.564

Table 4.5: Mission Stations Established from 1926 to 1939 (2nd

Phase of

Benedictines’ work)

YEAR MISSION LOCATION FOUNDING

SUPERIOR

NATIONALITY ARRIVAL

YEAR

1926 Mahanje Ubena Fr. Oswald Friedl German 1926

1927 Liparamba Umatengo Fr. Herbert Meyer Swiss 1922

1928 Matimira Ungoni Fr. Beatus Iten Swiss 1922

1928 Mpitimbi Ungoni Fr. Trudbert

Muhling

German 1926

1928 Lugarawa Ubena Fr. Joseph Damm German 1927

1929 Luilo Ubena Fr. Eugen Feller German 1926

1930 Lundu Unyasa Fr. Odo Braun Swiss 1924

1930 Matogoro Ungoni Fr. Fulko Schurer French 1922

1931 Mango Unyasa Fr. Odo Braun Swiss 1924

1931 Ruanda Unyasa Fr. Stephan

Muller

Swiss 1929

1931 Ifinga Ubena Fr. Justin

Baumgartiner

Swiss 1930

1931 Uwemba Ubena Fr. Joseph Damm German 1927

1932 Lupingu Ubena Fr. Thaddaeus

Hausler

German 1928

1932 Mgazini Ungoni Fr. Daniel Fah Swiss 1929

1933 Nangombo Unyasa Fr. Leodegar

Olbrecht

Swiss 1927

1934 Kifanya Ubena Fr. Meinuf Kuster German 1927

1934 Madunda Ubena Fr. Leonhard

Wuest

Swiss 1931

1934 Namabengo Ungoni Fr. Vinzenz

Holzgassner

German 1931

1935 Mbinga Umatengo Fr. Innozenz

Muller

German 1933

1937 Magagura Ungoni Fr. Elzear Ebner German 1930

1937 Tingi Umatengo Fr. Werner

Brodhun

German 1931

1937 Matiri Umatengo Fr. Rainald

Braun

German 1930

1938 Mtyangimbo

le

Ungoni Fr. David Schmid German 1933

1939 Ligera Ungoni Fr. Bonaventura

Breunig

German 1934

Source: Parish Records, APA,

563

TNA, Acc. 155 L 5/9, Sheria za Utawala wa Wenyeji 1945. 564

TNA, AB. 16 part 1733/15 Annual Report Songea District, 1923

224

The evidence through oral interview and the archival sources gathered show that the

years when the government or missionaries shouted very loud against witchcraft

were preceded by an outbreak of epidemics. In1920/21 the missionaries at Litembo

complained very much of witchcraft practice among Christians and non-Christians

among the Matengo.565

However, there was a severe outbreak of influenza and

smallpox in 1918/19 in the area which killed many people.566

In 1923 many Matengo

people were convicted at the Lipumba Sub-District for violating the witchcraft law as

recorded in the Songea District Report of 1923.567

This situation was preceded by

severe outbreak of influenza in mid-1923 which ended up killing 540 people in the

Lipumba Sub-District.568

There were also outbreaks of chickenpox in 1925 and 1926

killing a number of people which were also followed by serious crisis in Christianity

as well as the government administration. There was also another outbreak of

chickenpox in 1931 followed with many deaths which were construed to have

resulted from witchcraft. There was intense witch hunt the case which was presented

to the chiefs‘ court (baraza) at Myangayanga on 12.11.1931 in the presence of the

Provincial Commissioner of Lindi province.569

The witchcraft problem came again

very forcefully in 1942 among Christians and non-Christians. There weregreat

number of people from the Matengo Highlands who crossed Lake Nyasa to

Nyasaland where a famous mganga (a native doctor) by the name of Chakanga and

Ngonyani of Songea lived.570

The Matengo believed that amganga was capable of

unveiling, recognizing, and win over a witchdoctor.571

The missionaries attempted to

combat witchcraft beliefs but also other traditional institutions like polygamy,

565

TNA, Songea District Book 566

TNA, AB, 7 File No. 1733 – Annual Report 1920-21 567

TNA, AB. 16 op.cit. 568

TNA, Ibid. 569


Kamati, 1998:84-86 571

Fr. Alex Kenyata, Maish ya Matengo Kabla ya Ujio wa Wamisionari Wakatpliki, 1999: 31-32

225

ancestor veneration, ritual offerings, traditional dances and healing and customary

marriage (libagula) by offering special instructions in the church and in schools

against beliefs in witchcraft. Articles attacking witchcraft were published in the

Katolikinewspaper to educate people so that they can discredit witchcraft. The church

also meted severe punishment including excommunication to the Christians who

practiced witchcraft. The colonial government on the other side strictly applied the

Witchcraft Ordinance to fight against witchcraft and witchdoctors.572

All these steps by the missionaries and the colonial government notwithstanding, the

Matengo Christians and non-Christians continued to practice witchcraft and other

traditional practices in secrecy. The Matengo believed that the cause of death is

either the unfolding of the wish of God (Sapanga) or the plan of wicked people

(witches).573

The Matengo believe in no natural death except that of advanced age.

Any premature decease is the result of witchcraft and suspicion is cast upon various

people as having caused the death by witchcraft. The reason of persistence was not

concretely grasped by the neither the missionaries nor the colonial government. One

explanation is that, as it is already argued above, witchcraft was part and parcel of the

Matengo culture. The superimposition of foreign religious beliefs in the name of

Christianity did not thoroughly percolate into the mantle of the Matengo system of

belief. Whereas the Matengo thought that would solve human problems like sickness,

misfortune and death the reality was not the case. There was also no direct impact of

Christianity in solving day-to-day challenges of life as a result they laid much trust to

their traditional beliefs in solving their this-worldly problems.574

Moreover, as also

572


Kenyata, op.cit. 1999:32 574

John Iliffe, 1979, op.cit. 1979:236

226

mentioned above, the tendency among the Matengo up to 1940s was to send their

children to schools and where they were converted into Christianity and observe

what the effect was. Most of the old people converted to Christianity at a very

advanced age. Most important was the insensitivity and arrogance showed by

German missionaries and the colonial officials and later the British officials towards

the solid, complex and instrumentalist the Matengo cultural values towards their

material life. It was therefore difficulty to make change and forego their solid cultural

values without seeing any tangible replacement.

However, the evidence shows that there was a fleet of bush schools in the Matengo

Highlands as it is reported in the Lipumba Sub-District Report of 1926 that the Swiss

Order of Benedictines maintained 129 schools and 12,404 Christian pupils.575

To put

more emphasis on education at conference of all bishops and leading missionaries at

Dar-es-Salaam in August 1928 the Apostolic Visitator Bishop Hinsley gave his

orders:

‗Collaborate with all your power; and where it is

impossible for you to carry on both the immediate task of

evangelization and your educational work, neglect your

churches in order to perfect your schools.576

These bush schools were run by African catechist-teachers who were answerable to

the priests at the nearby mission station in terms of training and remuneration.

According to Table 4.3 these schools were not officially registered by the British

government and thus were categorized as village schools whose main objective was

to train young people in spiritual instructions and some basic reading and counting.577

The impact of these schools in the Matengo Highlands was enormous. The graduates

575

TNA, AB. 78, Lipumba Sub-District Report 1926 576

Roland Oliver, Missionary Factor in East Africa, (2nd

ed.), Longmans 1965: 275 577

TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Education Committee – Meetings Minutes for various years.

227

were qualitatively transformed by adapting new system of life like changing their

consumption pattern through adapting modern life of dressing, eating, housing, doing

white-collar jobs and entering Christian vocations as priests or sisters.578

The first to

adapt coffee production and planting of European fruits guavas, plums, peaches,

oranges, passions and trees were these graduates.579

The schools were again used as

recruitment ground for new Christians. As the young people understood the religious

instructions as catechumens they then qualified to be baptized hence increasing the

numbers of Christians. Monogamy marriages were steadily increasing with the help

of Marriage Ordinance which was instrumental in solemnizing marriages.

Furthermore, the Native Authority Ordinance (cap. 72) Rules of Songea District

Marriages and Divorce (non-Christians) Rules 1952 to some extent consolidated the

monogamous marriages as required by the Roman Catholic Church in the Matengo

Highlands.580

The increase of monogamous marriages in the Matengo Highlands

suggests that there was an increase of Christians in the area from 1920s to

1940s.581

Table 4.6 below shows the steady growth of Christianity through increase of

Christian marriages.

578

The first African priests were ordained in 1943, one of them was a Matengo Simon Kapinga from

Litembo and the second priest was a Gervas Ntara a Mngoni. The second ordination in 1944 saw

another indigenous priest Christian Kapinga from Litembo joining the ranks of local clergy. 579

Osmund Minga Kapinga, retired DC, interviewed at Mbinga June 2013. His late father Makarius at

Lunoro/Nuntula and his uncle Mpwata at Mhagawa Asili are among the pioneers. The first church in

the Matengo proper was built in 1901 at Mhagawa Asili by Fr. Johannes Hafliger 580

T59NA, Acc.106 155 L5/9, Sheria za Utawala wa wenyeji 581

Mihanjo, op.c95it. :36

228

Table 4.6: Annual Totals of Marriages 1926-1968

YEAR KIGONSERA LITEMBO LIPARAMBA MBINGA TOTAL

1926 51 12 7 - 70

1927 70 12 - - 82

1928 55 22 23 - 100

1929 50 33 13 - 96

1930 56 33 16 - 105

1931 79 39 15 - 133

1932 67 65 21 - 147

1933 55 56 17 - 128

1934 52 48 40 - 140

1935 35 46 22 - 103

1936 25 80 15 24 144

1937 35 69 8 24 136

1938 25 72 16 19 132

1939 41 77 16 28 162

1940 29 78 17 23 147

1941 16 73 8 22 119

1942 20 44 14 9 87

1943 26 94 7 9 136

1944 20 94 7 20 141

1945 22 94 9 25 150

1946 25 163 27 35 250

1947 35 101 28 29 193

1948 39 71 25 24 159

1949 27 48 21 22 118

1950 31 70 35 25 161

1951 30 58 28 29 145

1952 24 73 18 36 151

1953 34 63 10 33 140

1954 25 71 12 34 142

1955 33 75 17 53 178

1956 44 56 15 77 192

1957 30 84 31 78 223

1958 34 82 39 92 247

1959 34 106 18 68 226

1960 40 99 31 82 248

1961 28 47 20 64 159

1962 27 106 17 39 142

1963 26 35 19 27 107

1964 23 46 10 27 106

1965 21 47 14 22 99

1966 25 40 15 34 114

1967 7 30 8 18 63

1968 25 63 21 49 157

Source: Parish Records and Registers

229

The fluctuation of figures in different parishes must be understood from different

contexts. The first context should be looked from the point of view of the monastic

approach of evangelization applied by the Benedictine Order. They used to establish

a monastic mission stations as centers which were self-supporting.582

The station was

served with various outstations and bush schools which were under the control of

catechist – teachers. The priests used to visit the stations and the bush schools four

times annually. The converts from all outstations used to attend masses at the

monastic centers during the feasting days especially Christmas and Passover. What

happened is that when an outstation grows in terms of numbers of converts it

becomes an independent mission station. The number of converts in the founding

parish will necessarily decrease. For example,Table 4.6 above shows that Kigonsera

parish had the biggest number of converts who married in 1926 being the earliest

parish in the Matengo Highlands, Litembo the least number. As years went by the

marriages increased in Litembo parish reaching 80 in 1936 after 10 years. The

explanation here is that in 1927 Liparamba parish was founded and Mbinga parish

was founded in 1935 both broke from Kigonsera parish. Litembo parish on the other

side founded Nangombo parish in 1933 which also reduced the number of marriages

of Litembo parish. The foundation of daughter parishes reduced the converts,

marriages, as well as the geographical jurisdiction of the parent parish. This process

continued as many outstations were transformed into full mission stations until 1968

when the church was left to the indigenous leadership there were 12 parishes in place

in the Matengo Highlands.

582

Doerr op.cit.:114, discusses in detail how monastic life look like by using the concrete example of

Peramiho.

230

Another cause of fluctuation of marriage figures and consequently the number of

converts in individual parishes is the outbreak of Second World War in 1939. The

British government was very suspicious of the German missionaries who were

suspected of supporting the Nazi course. It was a period of uncertainty on the part of

German missionaries in Tanganyika. The colonial government imposed regulation on

the German missionaries. The British imposed restrictions to the German

missionaries. The government had decided to remove all of them from the southern

province. Thank you to Abbot-Bishop a Swiss national and a friend to British district

authorities at Songea who was allowed to keep them but a very close supervision.

The eventuality of which was the transfer of all German missionaries South of Lindi

- Mbamba-Bay road. The Liparamba and Nangombo parishes had to be evacuated

until when Holy Ghost missionaries from Kilimanjaro were brought in. The rest of

the German missionaries had to concentrate at Litembo and Kigonsera where they

were put under close supervision of missionaries from neutral nations. Lack of

personnel led to the decline of marriages and hence the number of converts at

Liparamba and Nangombo parishes as per Table 4.6 above. There was virtually no

founding of a mission for 12 years from 1937 when Matiri parish was founded to

1949 when Maguu parish was founded as Table 4.5 above indicates.

The problem of personnel was further compounded by financial constraints. When

the number of Protestant missionaries working all over the world declined between

1925 and 1938, the Roman Catholic Church maintained the momentum of its

missionary recruitment but suffered severely in financial support.583

This problem

583

Roland Oliver, op.cit. 1965:232

231

was another challenge to the missionary work in the Matengo Highlands.584

The new

German of Hitler was pursuing anti-Catholic stance with his new policy of not

sending funds from Germany to the missions.585

There was no longer any support

from Germany, the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho depended on the procures from

Uznach in Switzerland and Schuyler in the United States which continued to provide

financial assistance as did the Propaganda Fide in Rome. There were in addition

some funds generated locally by various projects of different missions.586

Lack of

new missionary personnel and financial constraints had inhabited further growth of

the missionary work. Though no mission was opened in the whole of the decade, the

number of Christians grew from 81,000 in 1939 to 105,000 in 1945. The number of

pupils also increased from 28,000 in 1939 to 31,000 in 1945.587

Contradictions among the missionaries arose out of the difference in nationality.

Evidence obtained through available literature and interview revealed that the

German missionaries looked down upon the Swiss missionaries who apparently were

the superiors.588

At the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho Abbot-Bishop Gallus Steiger was

Swiss national and all big departmental offices at the Abbey Nullius were under the

Swiss nationals. The Vicar General was Fr. Heribert Meyer who was also the Prior of

Peramiho parish; Fr. Odo Braun was a Procurator; Fr. Otmar Morger was the

Headmaster of Peramiho schools and Fr. Gerold Rupper was Education Secretary.

The rest of the Swiss missionaries were parish priests across the area under the

584

Kamati, 1998:78 585

Doerr, 1998:154 586

Doerr, 1998:169 587

Archives of Peramiho Abbey, entry of 1943 588

Fr. Fidelis Mligo, prior of Peramiho Abbatia, interviewed May 2013, cf. Doerr interviewed May

2013 at Peramiho

232

jurisdiction of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho.589

Among other blames labeled against

Abbot-Bishop Gallus include that he had no rigorous theory of development of the

church, he was never a great strategist and not man of brilliant theories. A man of

eminently practical nature man, concerned with the tasks immediately at hand.590

Further blamed for being authoritative to his subjects and he never took to task the

high-handed manner in which Fr. Prior Heribert that was unpopular with the

community. His leadership was neither dynamic nor charismatic, though it provided

framework necessary for the growth of mission work in the area. The German

missionaries also blamed the Bishop for forging good relationship with British

government which was a natural enemy of Germany. Finally he is alson blamed for

not giving sufficient attention to the indigenization and African in Christian

community developing under his leadership. This kind of relationship nursed a kind

attitude not giving cooperation to the Bishop in pursuing the noble job of God for

which they were committed to. There is a very big possibility of deliberately

sabotaging the work as assigned to them. Coupled with the negative attitude the

British government on them for their pro-Nazi attitude, German missionaries seemed

to be very frustrated and desperate.

Despite all these challenges, the available statistics attest to phenomenal growth of

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands from 1922 to 1950s. The growth of

Christianity is measured here using the numbers of Christians by using baptismal

records, marriage records, number of missions, number of schools, number pupils,

number of communicants, number of seminaries, number of missionaries –priests,

brothers, sisters and catechists. The commitment to Christianity through looking at

589

Archives of Peramiho Abbey, entries of 1940s 590

Doer, op. cit. 1998:153

233

spiritual values is difficult to ascertain nevertheless. Basing on this available

information the following can be taken as the factors for the phenomenal growth of

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. There was enormous commitment of the

teacher – catechists who labored much to hold intact the converts even when the

missionaries were not forthcoming. Though not very well remunerated, catechists did

much of the basic training of the catechumens and conducted the Sunday services in

the outstations.591

The catechists were also in charge of the bush schools which were

again the recruitment ground for the would-be Christians.592

On the other hand relatives of catechists were compelled to be converted to

Christianity for the following reasons. First it was easy for them to secure

employment in the mission centers. But the first and foremost qualification for

employment in mission center one has to be Christian. The mission centers offered

employments in cooking, gardening, cleanliness, shamba work and in the workshops.

The second reason is the security of job of the catechist. It sounds not good for a

catechist whose wife; children and his siblings are not Christians. In order not to

subject the catechist into difficult situation it would be considered wise for relatives

be converted into Christianity.593

There was steady increase in Christian marriages as it is indicated in Table 4.6 above.

One of the reasons for the increase was the material incentives the missionaries used

to provide to the couples. They were given such things as cloth (mitumba) for the

591

Benjamini Akitanda, a retired teacher and a son of Benjamn interviewed at Matiri August 2013. 592

Xaver Mbunda an ex-catechist, interviewed at Mbinga August 2012 593

Ibid. cf. John Nchimbi, a catechist at Litembo parish, interviewed June 2013

234

wedding, salt, sugar and utensils.594

For the married couples to remain committed

members to the church they had to baptize their children so that the children would

also join the kingdom of God. It is during this period when it became common for

infants to be baptized without necessarily undergoing spiritual instructions as it was

the case to the adults. The near-death people and the elderly were among the targeted

groups. There were always close coordination between the hospitals and mission

centers especially during epidemics. For instance, during the influenza outbreak of

the Matengo Highlands in 1918 catechists Costantin Akitanda of Matiri and Petri of

Litembo baptized many near-death patients. When a patient was in bad situation a

priest or a nun was called to administer baptismal or pray for the sick person. This

helped to increase the number of Christians in the mission station. It should be born

in mind that the missionaries were receiving subsidies, subvention and capitation

from their home governments depending on the number of Christians in their mission

station.595

The counting of Christians basing on baptismal records tended to inflate

the number of Christians and therefore phenomenal growth of Christianity.596

The other groups of people who offered themselves for conversion included those

who wanted to join seminary schools or sisters‘ convents. To join these institutions

one has to be a Christian and it was also necessary for parents to be Christians. This

exercise boosted the number of Christians in the Matengo Highlands especially after

the opening of the Kigonsera minor seminary and Peramiho major seminary in

594

Mzee Manyahi, Nangombo parish, interviewed July 2013 595

Fr. Fidelis Mligo, prior of Peramiho Abbatia, interviewed May 2013. Cf. Fr. Timoth Ndunguru,

parish priest of Kigonsera, interviewed June 2013. 596

The second generation Christians where children of first generation Christians who were recruited

through bush schools as teenagers. These are the ones who married in the church and found it

reasonable to baptize their children just at birth.

235

1926.597

The sisters‘ convents for girls were opened in the Matengo Highlands at

Litembo (1930), Kigonsera (1931) and Liparamba (1935).598

The same conditions

applied to the young people who wanted to join Peramiho, Kigonsera and Litembo

Central Schools and Peramiho Teachers Training College.599

In addition, an

industrial school was also established to provide training in different crafts.600

The missions and their institutions were very important employers and job creators of

the people around them. It was a natural development of the mission station that the

first employees were the families around the mission station. Local inhabitants who

came to work for the mission were expected to receive instructions and in due course

to pray at the mission.601

Taking a look at Kigonsera parish with very huge shoe

making factory and health center of necessity it needed reasonable labour supply.

Litembo with very big carpentry workshop, a health center, a central school and

many other activities required reasonable amount of labour. The labour requirement

was also true to other mission stations of the Matengo Highlands as enumerated in

Table 4.5 above. As a custom, all these mission stations were centers of innovation

and rural transformation, hence to secure workforce the people around were potential

employees. To secure an employment in these mission centers one of the prerequisite

was to become a Christian. This again contributed to the growing number of

Christians.

597

Wamisionari Mashujaa, Padre Severin Hofbauer, OSB na Padre Josef Dmm, OSB, Benedictine

Publictions Ndanda – Peramiho, 1998: 23-25 598

Doerr, op.cit. 275-276 599

Wamisionari Mashuja, op.cit. :26 600

Doerr, Op.cit. 1998:101 601

Roland Oliver, op.cit. 196:172

236

Evidence from an interview survey in the Matengo Highlands created an impression

that; some people had found out that there was no fundamental contradiction between

Christianity and their traditional beliefs. Christianity did not make local religion to

collapse because Christianity didn‘t seem to pose a threat to local Matengo

religion.602

These types of people were ready to join the new religion and at the same

time continue with traditional beliefs practices. One deputy parish priest Mmatengo

himself puts it clear that having grown up in the Matengo society he can‘t deter the

converts to perform traditional rituals because it is not easy. So long as they don‘t

interfere in the activities of the church, the best he can is to pretend that he doesn‘t

see them.603

4.4 The British Government and Christianity in the Matengo Highlands

In 1918 Germany lost the war and her colonies were mandated to the allied powers as

per Article No. 22 of the Versailles Peace Treaty.604

Tanganyika was put under the

British rule as a mandate territory. The British policy pursued by Horrace Byatt its

first governor in Tanganyika from 1917 to 1924 was to destroy the German presence

and he ruthlessly deported German missionaries and settlers. He further reorganized

the administrative machinery, the police force and introduced Indian Penal Code. He

admired German social services and thought to revive the state education system.605

602

Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, parish priest at Kigonsera, interviewd in June 2013. 603

Fr. Majeshi interviewed at Litembo 604

Versilles Peace Treaty 1919 605

John Iliffe, 1979, op.cit. :262

237

Map 4.1: Administration Groups of Songea District as at 1926

Source: TNA, AB. 56 1733/7/61, Secretariat File, Annual Report 1926 Mahenge

Province

In the Matengo Highlands the British government undertook to reorganize the

political set up in view of allowing and enhancing the exploitation of the economic

potential of the area. Langiro division which was under Tukuyu District during the

German rule was transferred to Songea District.606

They established an administrative

boma at Litembo mission from 1917 to 1919 when the White Fathers missionaries

returned to the mission station. The boma was then shifted to Lipumba from 1920 to

1926 when it was closed due to further reorganization of boundaries.607

The necessity

of Lipumba sub-district seized and closed down because Wabena, Wapangwa and

Wakisi as they appear in Map 4.1 were put under the Mlangali administration

606

M.O.Kapinga, Capitalism and the Disintegration of the Pre-Capitalist Social Formation: The case

of Cash Crop Production in the Matengo Highlands, 1885-1960, MA Dissertation, UDSM,1993:68 607

TNA, Songea District Book 1: Matengo

238

division.608

At the end of 1926 the whole of Umatengo was organized along

sultanates and jumbeates whose areas were quite difficult to define. It was observed

by one district officer that in one hour‘s walk, one might pass over lands belonging to

four or five different sultans.609

Due to these problems, the British government

attempted to introduce a system of grouping the chiefs into a paramount. Hereditary

paramount in the Matengo area were found in Bambo Makita at Myangayanga and

Marcus Howahowa at Langiro.610

4.5 Indirect Rule in the Matengo Highlands

This reorganization was executed in line with legal backing through Native

Authorities Ordinance of 1926. The native administration of Umatengo was gazetted

in January 1927.611

It was then followed by the establishment of first class Native

Court at Mahenge near Litembo mission and it was later in 1928 abandoned in favour

of Myangayanga where the so-called paramount chief or Bambo Mkulungu Makita II

of Umatengo was living. Second class courts were established at Langiro under sob-

chief Markus Howahowa and another at Liganga under sub-chief Putire.612

Putire

ruled a Ngoni section in the Matengo Highlands.In the understanding of this

discrepancy the British authority transferred Putire to Ungoni in 1926.

Furthermore, the Matengo Native Treasury was established in 1926 at the Matengo

headquarters of Myangayanga. Sub-treasuries were established at Langiro and

Lipumba. Under this system, workers of Native Authorities were paid salaries

608

TNA AB. 56, 1733/7/61 op.cit. 609

TNA, Songea District Book, Micro Film 40 Volume II Sheet 6F. 610

From the Diary of Bambo Chrisostomus Makita in possession of his son Kastor Makita,

Myangayanga. Cf. Bambo Elaxander Howahowa son of Bambo Markus Howahowa, interviewed at

Langiro 611

TNA, Tanganyika Gazette 1927 612

TNA, Songea District Book 1: op.cit.

239

collected through hut and poll tax, court fees and other revenues. The collection of

these taxes was so aggressive forcing the Matengo people to produce cash crops or

look for wage labor. The most common crops were European potatoes, wheat and

later coffee which were introduced in the Matengo Highlands by the missionaries.613

The missionaries at Kigonsera and Peramiho were the major market of the Matengo

wheat, European potatoes, onions and the Arabica coffee.614

Besides, the missionary

educated elite and devout Christians pioneered the production of cash crops in the

Matengo Highlands.615

The British government was busy conducting agricultural

researches on how to incorporate the Matengo into the capitalist production system.

A.H. Kirby, who was an agricultural officer, was entrusted with the task of

conducting an economic survey of Umatengo in 1928. He recommended the growing

of tropical and temperate cereals beans, peas, tobacco, flax, potatoes, groundnuts,

wattle bark, tungo oil. Vegetables, citrus fruits, stone fruits, and robusta coffee were

allowed to be in limited scope. With regard to the production of Arabica coffee in the

Matengo Highlands the expert discouraged its production.616

The recommendations

were presented to the district administration for the policy formulation. However, the

District Administrator in his Annual Report of 1923 commented that the district has

excellent agricultural prospects but the district is by far isolated.617

This way of looking at Songea was again repeated in the Annual Report of

Tanganyika Territory of 1925 when the debate came again for discussion. This time

613

TNA, AB. 4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area 1919/20 Songea District Report, 1920. Cf TNA

AB. 16 Part 1733/15 Annual Report Songea District 1923. Germans successfully experimented coffee

at Songea, Kigonsera Mission planted coffee before World War I 614

Kapinga, op.cit.:62, cf. Cosmas Masingi interviewed who himself carried European potatoes to

Peramiho in 1942 in order to get school fees and uniforms. 615

Osmund Minga Kapinga, interviewed at Mbinga, he cited his father Makarius , his uncle Mpwata

as among early Christians who were the pioneers of cash crop cultivation. 616

TNA, SDB, MF. 40 op.cit.Folio 5-11 617

TNA AB. 16, part 1733/15 op.cit.

240

it was proposed that the German proposal to connect rail link between Ngerengere to

Manda on Lake Nyasa via Kilombero be revived. The reason for the construction of

this railway was to assist development of south western highlands and the basin of

Lake Nyasa. The Germans gave the following reasons for the construction of this

railway. Firstly, it was said to be the best and cheapest route for dual purpose.

Secondly, it would open up rich, well-watered country to the East and South of

Uluguru Mountains. Thirdly, it will also open the Kilombero valley-great alluvial

plain to be turned into fine cotton, sugar and rice production areas in the world.

Fourthly, it would develop southwestern Tanganyika. And lastly, it would provide

quickest and cheapest route and outlet for northern half of Nyasaland and eastern

parts of North-eastern Rhodesia.618

The project was however rejected by the British

government on the account that it was expensive. What we can gather from these

observations is that the Matengo Highlands and its adjacent areas were very potential

in resources. However, the political will among the decision makers has been absent

and hence letting down the people of this area. This situation is still haunting the

people of south western Tanzania to date.

4.6 British Administration and Infrastructure

The other move to facilitate political legitimacy made by the government

administration was to do away with transport problem. The Governor visited Songea

District in 1925 who admitted that Songea is so remote and has been neglected in the

past.619

To this effect the construction of roads was given ample consideration in the

District of Songea. The main artery of the district is Mbamba Bay-Songea-Tunduru

boundary road. Whereas the road was classified from Songea eastwards to Tunduru

618

TNA, AB. 13, File No. 1733:11, Annual Report Tangnyika Territory, 1925 619

TNA AB. 56, 1733/7/61 op.cit.

241

boundary as under main road Grade A, the Songea westwards to Mbamba Bay road

was classified as district road grade B.620

A road was to be constructed from Songea boma to Peramiho mission, from there to

Mitomoni and from there to Likuyu. From Likuyu one route branched to Kigonsera

mission and from there to Lipumba. From there it branched to Mbamba Bay and

another branch to Litembo mission. Another branch from Likuyu junction went as far

as Manda (Weidhafen) through Lituhi mission.621

All other roads were village roads

and were made and maintained from the funds provided annually by the Native

Treasury estimates. Annually all the able-bodied male natives supervised by their

headmen were called upon to turn out for the annual cleaning which consisted of

filling the holes, cut grass and provided bamboos and ropes for bridges. Sultans and

jumbes cleaned and maintained good paths between villages and between the villages

and the trunk roads.622

Bridges and culvert were done by skilled laborers who were

paid per diem.623

In the construction of these roads one can note that there is big concentration to cover

the mission stations. The bulk of the Matengo Highlands was not well covered by the

road networks. This was not by accident since mission stations were indeed the

nucleus of rural based Matengo society. These mission stations were also used by the

colonial government as centers of tax collection.624

The Mbinga to Myangayanga,

620

TNA, Acc. 155 SDB 621

TNA, Songea District Book, Micro Film 38 Volume I Sheet 27. Cf. TNA, District Book 1:

Matengo 622

TNA, AB.4 (1733), Annual Reports Southern Area 1919/1920. Cf. TNA, Acc. 155 F.64/1, Native

Treasury Matengo-Nyasa 1938 and 1942 the N.T. embarked on the repair of village roads between

Myangayanga and Mbinga 6 miles, between Mbinga and Litembo, and between Mbinga and Langiro. 623

Op.cit. 624

TNA, SDB, Litembo mission was one of the British colonial tax collection station

242

Lumeme to Langiro and a road to Litembo from Kwanga bridge on Songea –

Mbamba Bay roads were maintained by the Native Authorities because all were

bomas through them taxes were collected.625

4.7 British Rule and Social Services

The Aministrative Officer of Lipumba Sub-District G. Van Dam reported that in the

Annual Report of 1925:

―There is no Government School in this Sub-District. In

the early part of 1923, with the permission ofthe

Education Department the then existing Government

School at Lipumba was transferred to Manda on Lake

Nyasa where it was hoped such an institution would be

more useful‖626

It is not that the Matengo Highlands children did not want to go to school but the fact

was that the Catholic missionaries had established and spread schools deep into the

remote interior. Right from the beginning the British admired the state education and

vowed to adapt it.627

However, the German government did not have any school in

the Matengo Highlands because it was so remote and there were limited resources to

run the schools. The only option was to encourage and emphasize the coming of

European missionaries who would among other things establish schools, health

services and other social services on behalf of colonial government.628

When the British took over, the mandate territory did not establish schools in the

Matengo Highlands. The evidence available from the archival sources, show that,

until 1961 at independence, there was no government school in the Matengo

Highlands. The first attempt to establish native school during the British rule was in

625

Cicular 4 of 1930 in SDB 626

TNA, AB. 78, Annual Report, Lipumba Sub-District, 1925 627

Iliffe 1979 op.cit. 1979:263 628

TNA, Acc. 155, The Minutes of Education Committee of Songea District, 1960

243

1923 at Lipumba.629

However, this school with the permission of the Education

Department was closed and was transferred to Manda due to poor enrolment and

attendance. Furthermore, the area of Lipumba Sub-district was supplied with schools

by the Benedictine Mission.630

The other attempt to establish Mbinga Native

Administration School in the 1947 Ten Year Plan for Development of Education was

once again proved futile.631

The reason for the failure was it being very close to

Benedictine school at Mbinga. The Bambo Markus of Myangayanga and jumbe of

Mbinga informed the Provincial Educational Officer that no children of school going

age in the area who were not attending mission schools. Consequently the native

Administration school was therefore not recommended to open.632

Basing on the recommendation of Phelps Stokes Commission Report on Education

(1924) the colonial government in Tanganyika convened a conference of 1925 in

Dar-es-Salaam which deliberated on how to forge cooperation between the

government and missions in the field of education provision in Tanganyika.633

The

Benedictines were represented by Fr. Gallus Steigler (later Abbot-Bishop of

Peramiho in 1931). The conference agreed that the colonial government will subside

in educational materials and to mission schools. The mission should appoint

Educational Secretaries to liaise with Education Department in the matters pertaining

to education. The government will design uniform syllabi and inspect the schools,

and on the other hand the missions should abide by the government regulations. With

these issues in place, the colonial government passed an Education Ordinance in

629

TNA, AB. 16 op.cit. 630

TNA. AB. 78, Annual Report Lipumba Sub-district 1925 631

TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea, Minutes of Songea District Education Committee. 632

TNA, Ibid. 633

TNA, AB. 13, File No. 1733: 11, Annual Report Tanganyika Territory, 1925

244

1927 which provided the legal framework on how to implement provisions agreed

upon in the 1925 Educational Conference.

The implementation of the Ordinance in the Matengo Highlands included the

application for registration of schools.634

The Secretarial Confidential Circular

required that only schools which were long established where land is available,

where the natives desire the schools and the Native Authority have given their

consent can be granted registration. In order to establish a school, missions were

supposed to lodge a request for right of occupancy.635

The work of sorting out

mission schools, visiting them ascertaining the wishes of the native population

regarding them, and eventually recommending where necessary, the granting to

various missions of Right of Occupancy is being done.636

British further laid down

regulations to be followed when missionaries wanted to set a school.637

At the

national level there was a Central Advisory Committee assisted by Provincial and

District Committees. In the Songea District the Benedictine mission was represented

in the committee by its Educational Secretary.638

As far as education in the Matengo Highlands is concerned, the Benedictine Order

was the main player. The government however, provided grants-in-aid for the

registered mission schools. That is why when in 1951 the mission asked the Matengo

634

TNA, AB 1322, File No. 7981/5/13, Mahenge Province, Right of Occupancy for school plots and

other Missionary purposes. 1926, provides a Secretarial Confidential Circular for Missions 29.3.1926

M.P. 0374/15 635

TNA, AB. 570, Secretariat File No. 312/1/36 (10.02.1926) cf. TNA, AB. 1320, File No. 7981/4/13,

1926 636

TNA, AB. 56. Secretariat File No. 1733/7/61, Annual Report 1926. Mahenge Province 637

TNA AB. 4 (1733), Annual Reports Southern Area 1919/20 638

The first Secretary for Benedictine Fathers was Fr. Patrick, Fr. Edmund Lederer (1929-1939) and

was relieved by Fr. Gerold Rupper(1939-1952), Fr. Matthias Tremel (1957), Fr. Bruno Zwissler

(1956-1962)

245

Native Authority to extend assistance for school fees of poor pupils studying in

Roman Catholic mission schools; the District Commissioners‘ Conference did not

approve the request.639

The ground for the refusal was that grants-in-aid provided for

the approved schools were a satisfactory contribution. Besides, the Matengo Native

Treasury from its inception 1926 used to subscribe to the running of Luhira Native

Administration School at Songea. The Matengo Native Treasury also used to set

aside expenditure on the upkeep and school fees of pupils attending Luhira School

from Umatengo.640

But it is important to note here that, all pupils who were attending

the government school of Luhira from the Matengo Highlands were children of

Bambos and jumbes only. The children of the common people of the Matengo

Highlands relied on the Benedictine Roman Catholic mission schools only. It can be

concluded that, in the absence of the mission schools in the Matengo Highlands even

the elementary education provided by missionaries would not have been there.

This is evidenced by the available archival data which show that, the Provincial

Education Officer set aside £6000 for the construction of secondary school at

Songea. The first intake of standard VII students was taken in 1951 school year. The

entrance exam for the same was administered to the following schools Luhira,

Mbamba Bay, Songea, Mbemba, Mbesa, Ziwani, UMCA Liuli, RC Mission

Kipatimu, UMCA Ngumbo, Masasi, Benedictine Ndanda, and Mahuta middle

schools.641

The strange thing here is that the Benedictine middle schools in the

Matengo Highlands which included Kigonsera, Litembo, Mbinga and Maguu were

639

TNA, Acc. 155, File 428/1 640

TNA, Acc. 155 F.64/1, Native Treasury Matengo-Nyasa, 1938 641

TNA, EDU. 137/6, Education, 1948,

246

not allowed to sit for the entrance examination for secondary education.642

The only

alternative given to them was either to go to Kigonsera Minor Seminary, Peramiho

Teachers‘ College, Nursing School Peramiho and Peramiho Trade School. This in a

way explains why during the early years of independence, the majority of the

Matengo youths who had secured jobs were in the fields of the professions

mentioned above.

The next social service needed was health provision to the Matengo people. The

Matengo had their traditional healing system using herbs and when the Benedictine

missions established their centers there were health services which were being

offered. The British colonial government established a health station at Lipumba but

still acknowledged the existence of uganga. In his visit of Myangayanga Baraza in

November 12th

, 1931 R.A. Thompson the Provincial Commissioner of Mahenge

province urged the chief to militate against alien native doctors and the sale of

imported medicines.643

This implies that he accepted the use of local native doctors

as they did not pose any threat or danger. The hospital was becoming much more

popular with the natives who were coming for treatment. It had a native dresser who

looked capable and well up in his responsibility. It was a non-dietary hospital

whereby patients who were admitted had to supply their own food except in rare

cases. The bulk of the patients were attending for either dressing of cuts and wounds

or for medicine. In 1925 there were 58 in-patients and 394 out-patients attended at

the Lipumba government hospital.644

642

TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea : Songea District Education Committee minutes of various

years. 643


TNA, AB. 78, Annual Report , Lipumba Sub-District, 1925

247

The colonial government provided grants-in-aid to the mission medical

organizations. Much of the money was spent in staff training and reposaria training

of village nurses. This training was conducted at Liuli, Peramiho and Mwanza.645

Training of Medical dressers was conducted at Lindi Hospital and Mwanza School

whereby the government through grants-in-aid and the Native Treasury sponsored

the training of the personnel. There was always a warning from the government to

the missionaries and the volunteer societies that they should not incline to regard

grants-in-aid as their right.646

But the fact was that, mission societies were doing the

work of the government and hence it would appear imperative for the government to

step up provision of health services.

Steps were being taken to provide public health, sanitation and to combat epidemics.

The Matengo Highlands was frequently affected by epidemics as demonstrated in

Table 4.7 below. As it is discussed above, the outbreaks of these epidemics were

associated with the witchcraft practice. Witchcraft beliefs among the Matengo was so

rampant and caused a lot of conflicts among relatives and even neighbours. Though

in scientific terms, these are diseases caused by the deteriorated state of hygiene

related to poor housing and living condition. However, the Matengo did not

subscribe to this cause. The epidemics are extremely colossal if health precautions

are not taken. The ignorance of the cause and how the disease spreads culminated

into enormous death tolls. It was out of this reality that the British colonial

government addressed this problem by instituting preventive measures through

645

TNA, Acc. 155/428/1, Songea Provincial Administration, District Commissioners‘ Conferences,

10th

-12th

July 1952 646

Ibid. 17th

-18th

November 1950

248

public health initiative.647

Emphasis was also made on medical expenses and tribal

dressers by allocating a substantial amount of money from the Native Treasury. The

other important expenditure in the field of health involved the purchase of drugs as is

revealed in financial statements of the Matengo Native Treasury.648

Table 4.7: Outbreak of Epidemics in the Matengo Highlands

SN YEAR EPIDEMIC

1 1918 Influenza

2 1919 Smallpox

3 1920 Smallpox

4 1921 Smallpox

5 1922 Influenza

6 1923 Influenza

7 1925 Chickenpox

8 1926 Chickenpox

9 1931 Chickenpox

10 1942 Influenza

Source: TNA Records

Looking at the extent to which the Matengo Highlands is covering, the colonial

effort of addressing the health challenge was so minimal. For instance the

government Hospital at Lipumba was rather difficult to be reached by the remote and

unreachable places. To the contrary the missionaries had deeply penetrated in the

interior of the Matengo Highlands. They had established bush schools and outstations

which served as centers of innovation and civilization in the Matengo rural setting.

These centers were equipped with among other things medical centers or first aid

kits. Apart from serving the souls of the converts, the Benedictine missionary priests,

647

TNA, Acc. 155. 64/4, Songea Native Affairs, Final Financial Statements 1945/47 648

TNA, Acc. 155: 64/1 Native Treasury, 1933, cf. TNA, AB. File No. 1733, Annual Report, Songea,

Mahenge 1920-1921

249

brothers and nuns made sure that the souls of Matengo are in health bodies. The

majority of Matengo however, kept on using their local native medicines and they

were still very essential component in the diseases and healing.

In June 1919 the Civil Postal Authority took over posts as one of the important

component of communication. There were postal links between Songea and Lipumba

on a weekly basis. Another postal service connected Lipumba to Wiedhafen on

monthly basis.649

Mails from Britain to Songea were received from Nyasaland

through Manda.650

A telegraph line stationed at Johannesbruke equipped with

telephone line running to Lipumba. Massages went to Songea from Lipumba through

Johannesbruke or to Songea directly.651

Just like other services in the Matengo

Highlands, the posts and telegraphic networks did not penetrate deep in the interior

of the Matengo Highlands. Alternatively the Matengo people received their services

through the mission. It was very often to receive postal mails through the mission.

The addresses used to bear the following tags. Osmund Kapinga, Primary School

Mbugu, via C.M. (Catholic Mission) Litembo, Mbinga.

British colonial authorities had been suspicious of German Benedictine missionaries

much as the missionaries helped them to provide social services. British were

negative to Roman Catholic missionaries from the beginning but very parternerlistic

to UMCA. The British authorities put restrictions to German missionaries. Just like

what happened in 1919 when German missionaries were interned and repatriated; in

1942 the British authorities had decided to remove all German missionaries from the

649

TNA, AB. 4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, 1919/1920, Songea District Report (1920). 650

TNA, AB. 7 File No. 1733, op.cit. 651

TNA, AB. 4 (1733) Annual Reports Southern Area, 1919/1920, Songea District Report (1920).

250

southern province which bordered the Portuguese Mozambique a friend of

Germany.652

Friction between British administration and Benedictine Fathers became

assertive. The missionaries were barred from trading in the mission stations on

account that it was detrimental to African traders.653

They also wanted to remove all

German missionaries in southern Tanganyika as it was suspected that some of the

German missionaries were supporting Hitler claims of returning Tanganyika mandate

territory to Germany morally and materially. British authorities resented influence of

Benedictine missionaries because they were believed to be pro-German Nazi

ideology. The British authorities ignored and neglected the contribution of the

missionary enterprise to the general development of the Matengo Highlands and the

entire south western Tanganyika in the field of social services and infrastructure.

4.8 Phenomenal Progress and Continuities in the Matengo Highlands during

British Rule

This section will attempt an explanation on how the Matengo perceived Christianity

and what their contribution and response towards the phenomenal expansion of

Christianity at this juncture. In the foregoing discussion evidence has been presented

to show how Christianity was growing and expanding in the Matengo Highlands.

Different indicators have been presented including numbers of missionaries, schools,

mission stations, outstations, baptisms, confirmations, infrastructure and social

services. The role of missionaries and the British colonial state has been analysed.

This section attempts to address the role of the Matengo society towards this

phenomenal expansion of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands.

652

Doerr op.cit. 1998:173 653

TNA, Acc. 155/428, 1949

251

Colonialism and Christianity all over Africa were running simultaneously

constituting what is popularly known as union or cooperation between the rulers and

the evangelists. The cross preceded the flag.654

In the Matengo Highlands for reasons

specific to the area, missionaries followed the German occupation of Ungoni in

1898.655

The Wangoni are said to fiercely ravaging the southern eastern towns of

Mikindni, Kilwa and Lindi. The south western parts of Tanzania including the

Matengo Highlands and Undendeuli were not safe from the Ngoni frequent attacks. It

was amidst these attacks the German forces of conquest mounted expedition against

the Ngoni invading forces.656

The German erected their administrative boma at

Songea.657

Peace and order was thus established in the southern Tanzania in general

and the Matengo Highlands in particular.

The peaceful situation established by the German colonial rulers made the

Benedictine Fathers to establish their station at Peramiho in 1898. From there the

Benedictines moved to Kigonsera, where the first station of Benedictine missionaries

was established among the Matengo. From there the missionary activities spread to

the other parts of the Matengo Highlands. They included the Ngima area where it is

alleged that the elders did not welcome them as a result the missionaries went further

to Litembo where a second parish station in Umatengo was established in 1914, few

654

Many places in Africa were colonized after the missionaries had prepared the ground for colonial

occupation. Examples are abound Moffat in Rhodesia, Livingstone in Nyasaland, 655

The Matengo Highlands were believed to be under the fierce Wangoni warriors hence the

missionaries felt insecure in the area. When the colonialists subdued the Wangoni the Benedictine

missionaries started entering Ungoni and Umatengo. Cf. Kamati op. cit. :39, cf. Napachihi op. cit. :27

and 80 656

Temu,Anold Tanzania Societies and Colonial Invasion,1875-1907, in Kaniki,M (ed), Tanzania

Under Colonial Rule, London, 1980:112. Cf Oscar Mapunda and Gaudens Mpangala, The Majimaji

War in Ungoni, Dar-es-Salaaam, 1968:12 657

Kamati, op. cit. :39

252

days before the outbreak of World War I.658

At this juncture Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands was no longer negotiable, it had to be accepted in any way due to

the obtaining objective conditions. The British colonial masters were forcing their

way consolidating their political, economic and social system. The remaining issue to

the Matengo was not to choose to accept or not rather how to accommodate it. There

were other places where missionaries were cordially received by Matengo. Such

places include Matiri, Liparamba, Mbinga, Maguu, Tingi, Mpapa and Nangombo.659

However, evidence from oral histories have it that most of these areas where the

Benedictines established their stations were very rich in natural resources notably

minerals, land and wild game.660

There were plenty of gold at Kigonsera, Litembo,

Tingi, Matiri, Liparamba, Mpepo, which have been secretly mined by the

Benedictine missionaries. That is why among the popular projects at Peramiho is

gold smith and an expert on that field a brother was stationed as an in charge of that

factory.661

Lundumato was said to be very rich in pythons. The missionaries are said

to have killed the bulk of them and the skins of which were smuggled outside the

country. As a signal of appreciation for the riches they took away from Lundumato,

the missionaries used some of the wealth accrued to build a magnificent church at

Lundumato.662

Along with these resources many parts of the Matengo Highlands accepted

Christianity at least at the level of accepting their children to be baptized at a tender

age. The youth accepted joining the new religion by marrying through the Christian

658

Matei Kinunda: Interviewed in Litembo. Cf. Fr. Alex Kenyata, Mambo Yaliyostawisha Maisha ya

Matengo, Kabla ya Ujio wa Wamisionari Wabenediktini, 1999:29 659

Kenyata ibid. :30 cf. Fr. Egno Ndunguru, Mila na Desturi za Matengo, 1972:18 660

Interviews with Frs. Timoth Ndunguru, Ben Akitanda, Gerold Kalenyula, Anton Matanila, Xaver

Mbunda, Osmund Minga Kapinga 661

Lambert Doerr, Peramiho1898-1998, In the Service of the Missionary Church vol. 3 :101 662

Fr. T.Ndunguru a Kigonsera parish priest interviewed 2013

253

procedures in the church. In the previous discussion some statistics have been

presented to demonstrate the increase in numbers of Christians in the Matengo

Highlands. That increase notwithstanding, the evidence from the field survey

demonstrates that it was not due to the proper understanding of the Christian

principles which made the Matengo to accept Christianity. To the contrary, there

were several inducements which the missionaries used to attract the Matengo people

into Christianity. Fr. Josephat Malunda a parish priest of Mbinga speaks of visaidizi

and Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi a deputy parish priest of Litembo speaks of

zawadi za kizungu. Benjamin Akitanda a son of prominent catechist of Kigonsera and

Matiri and retired teacher speaks of vijizawadior inducements which included

provision of social services such as education and health services; provision of basic

needs especially calico cloth, sugar, money and salt; teaching of life skills such as

masonry, brick-making, roof and floor tiles making, carpentry, and gardening;

introducing to the Matengo European crops such as coffee, fruits, wheat, Irish

potatoes and variety of trees.663

The UMCA used to ridicule Matengo for accepting

what they called as dini ya mitumba meaning that secondhand cloth were used as an

inducement to convince Matengo to join Christianity.664

This line of argument seems

to be shared by a number of respondents who were interviewed in the course of field

research.665

Matengo were not disturbed by Christianity in the sense that the Benedictines did not

impose very strict rules towards conversion. It appears that the quantity of converts

663

Fr. J.Malunda a Mbinga Parish Priest interviewed 2013 664

Fr. T.Ndunguru Kigonsera Parish Priest interviewed 2013 665

Most of the respondents indicated the important role of the use of salt, second cloth, sugar, cash as

inducements to win converts. Frs. Timoth, Josephat, Francis. Others include Mzee Matanila, Xaver,

Masingi, Nyang‘ali, Werner, Sunkono, and Ngelageli.

254

was more important than the quality of the Christians. The approach of Benedictines

did not concentrate on evangelization like the Protestants.666

According to Fr. Fidelis

Mligo, a prior of Peramiho, the Benedictine Order of St. Otillien used to award its

missionaries who manage to convert many people. The missionaries were

remunerated big sums of money for work best done in the form of salaries and other

benefits like tax exemption, insurance benefits and medical allowances.667

In order to

achieve this expectation the missionaries sometimes had to make compromise by

allowing some polygamous men, wachumba/makunja (traditional marriages) and

non-communicants into the congregation.668

The services of the traditional religion

continued unabated among the Matengo elders.

For example on 8th

March 1956 was a day of coronation of Bambo Mkulungu the

paramount chief of the whole Umatengo for the first time to conform to the British

Indirect rule policy as stipulated in the Native Authorities Ordinance of 1926. This

ceremony was attended and participated by three main authorities. It started off by a

holy mass conducted by parish priest of Mbinga Fr. Yustin O.S.B. The procession

then proceeded to the ground where the District Commissioner made a speech to

usher in the inauguration the Umatengo paramount chiefdom. Thereafter, the

Matengo elders performed a traditional ceremony by saying prayers, dressed the

bambo into tradition robe and a hat and gave him nyengo/mundu a traditional bill-

hook as a symbol of authority.669

The masses thereafter celebrated the event through

traditional dances including mhambo, kioda, lindeko, linguga, mganda and traditional

666

Doerr, op. cit. 1998 :151 667

Fr. Mligo interviewed at Peramiho Abbatia 2013 668

Frs. T.Ndunguru, Francis Ndunguru Majeshi, interviewed 2013 669

Fr. Egno Ndunguru, 1972:36-37

255

songs.670

This is a typical example of compromise which the Benedictines tolerated

the Matengo people. The missionaries did not make the local religion to collapse

consequently the Matengo also understood that Christianity was not a threat to their

traditional worship.

Preoccupation in conflicts between Makita clan and Kawanila clan over paramount

control of the whole Umatengo created conditions for conflicts. Literally, from 1926

when the Council of the whole of Umatengo was created by British government most

of the time was spent in trying to solve the conflict of who should assume the office

of paramount chief. The conflict which was finally resolved on 8th

March 1956

Yohhanes Makita was confirmed to the throne. However the conflict kept on

haunting the Matengo Highlands until the time of independence. The conflict

revolved around two clans Makita of Myangayanga and Kawanila of Litembo.

Whereas Makita was not a Mmatengo by origin Kawanila clan was hereditary chiefly

clan.671

This conflict over who should assume the office of a paramount chief created

central power vacuum. Sultans and jumbes settled most of the petty cases and

disputes.672

For example bamboo Markus Howahowa of Langiro council took most

active part in looking after his sultanate and was conscientiously working in the

interest of his people.673

Out of this power vacuum the mission stations assumed a

central role of organizing the population not only spiritually but also politically. The

church structure of Diocese at the top, followed by parish at the lower level, followed

by outstation and a small Christian community at the bottommost place in the

structure was so efficient in organizing the population. It has been mentioned in this

670

Fr. Ndunguru, E. Ibid. 1972:39 671


TNA, AB. 78, Lipumba Sub-District Annual Report 1925 673

TNA, ibid.

256

study that a mission station provided a parallel administration to that of political

structure. Missions acted as an economic center, as social services provider, as place

where Christian could get shop services and disputes and conflicts among the

converts.

The rite of passage among the Matengo people was also tolerated by the

missionaries. A new born among the Matengo followed a procedure of introducing

the child to public eight days after the child is born. Here there is a ceremony being

done whereby amganga is commissioned to perform the celebration. Prayers were

said to Sapangaand mahoka asking them to protect the new born baby.674

Relatives

gathered in a procession towards a place where the ceremony has been arranged to be

performed. Traditional dances and songs coloured the event. In this ceremony the

child was then given a name, in most cases the names were those of the fallen

ancestors.675

If the child did not accept the given name he/she will continuously keep

on crying until a new name is given once again. This process will continue until the

name given is accepted.676

It did not matter whether the child was born at home or at

the hospital. The issue was that before the performance of the kupia mwana

celebration there was no permission to the members of the public to see the child.677

This child was after one month taken to the church for baptismal where he/she was

given a Christian name. Missionaries did not allow traditional names in the church;

instead the parents were instructed to choose European names for the new born

674

Fr. Emilian Kapinga, Parish priest of Kigonsera 1992 (Fr.Kenyata) 675

Bishop Maurus Komba, Mbinga, 1991 676

The child was given a hen signifying he/she is officially known by that name. 677

Kenyata, 1999:43

257

babies. This partly explains why it was very common for Christians of this period to

bear two names; the Christian/European one and a traditional name.678

Table 4.8: Catechumen Class of Lihiso Bush School 1942

TRADITIONAL

NAME

CHRISTIAN

NAME

SURNAME DEATHDATE

Mihobile Silvanus Kapinga 2009

Kamunga Marianus Ngui 2012

Masingi Cosmas Kapinga Alive

Kingolingoli/Kitukula Christian Mapunda 2013

Kimwaga Casmir Kapinga 2012

Makuta/Tumbuu Alois Kapinga 2001

Lindu/Magesa Maurus Kapinga 1990

Imbegu/Komeka Henrick Ngui 2014

Magonso Camilius Kapinga 1991

Mwiili Kajugu Ngui Alive

Ngelageli Kastory Kapinga Alive

Kabumaji Alois Ndunguru Alive

Kajusi Liborius Kapinga Alive

Kivumbi Thobias Kapinga Alive

Sophia

Otilia

Ostina

Source: Field survey by the author

The bringing up of children was the role of the whole society. The boys were

involved in hunting and gathering which went together with looking after animals.

The Matengo family used to have some livestock including about 3-10 cattle goats

and sheep though not as many as those kept by pastoral societies. While attending

livestock depending on the season, a boy was supposed to hunt small animals like

imboku, ihehe, makupi, ipesa, holoku, insects like mapai, inyenda, mabongu, inama,

etc. For girls, their duty according to the Matengo division of labour was mainly in

the home assisting their mothers or elder sisters to perform household chores.

678

Cosmas Maingi Kapinga, interviewed

258

However, during the period from 1940s children were taken to the bush schools for

religious instructions as well as some elementary reading, writing and counting. It

was now customary for the children of ten to eighteen years to be taken to the bush

schools and later subgrade (primary) school which were not registered by the

government.679

Mzee Cosmas Masingi narrated his personal experience that his

father Bwanalika attended a bush school at Lihiso during the German colonial period.

Bwanalika and his collegue Malingana were then to be sent to Kigonsera for further

studies (there was training programme for future catechists at Kigonsera). However,

the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 aborted the plan. Masingi himself was

also enrolled at Lihiso as a catechumen on the request of his father in 1942. He

recites that he was forced to abandon school for some intervals in order to work in

the tile factory at Lihiso and Peramiho mission garden in order to get some cash for

buying some cloth.680

The marriage system also reflected the kind of tolerance between the missionaries

and the Matengo traditional marriage system. The process of payment of dowry was

following traditional system. Part of the dowry (two goats) also known as mpeto, was

set aside for informing the mahoka/ancestors and Sapanga about what is happening

in the family. It was believed that in an event of the girl getting some problems (most

common one was infertility or sickness) one of the goat should be slaughtered to

inform the ancestors and request them to relieve her out of the problems. If the goats

are used for another purpose they have to be replaced immediately. The process of

paying and receiving dowry involved consulting the mahoka/ancestors through

prayers conducted by elders and wapenga utunu.Normally early in the morning the

679

Masingi was interviewed as one of the child who were taken to school 680

Ibid. interviewed 2013

259

elders would go to the graveyard to inform the ancestors about the event and request

their protection and clean (kupyagia) the graves.681

After this process was

accomplished, the couples then went to the church to solemnize the traditional

marriage through Christian procedures. But as they left the church grounds they went

home where the marriage was celebrated in a traditional way. Many traditional

procedures were performed. The procedures included inviting the mahoka to the

celebration, a rain-maker was commissioned to monitor the metrological changes and

specifically see to it that no downpour during the event. Traditional prayers, dances

and songs coloured the event.682

Here it should be emphasized that the missionary

teachings among other things had imposed ban and prohibition on native dances,

ritualistic purification, native medicines, girl‘s initiation and traditional offerings.683

Power of Christianity over traditionalism was another attraction which made the

Matengo people to be attracted to Christianity.684

This is demonstrated by western

medicines which missionaries brought them in the form of health services. Different

medicines were made available in most of the mission stations. The priests, brothers

and sisters worked hand in hand with the natives in administering western medicines.

The medicines performed very well in the area of wounds and epidemics such as

influenza, chickenpox, smallpox, malaria and dysentery. Natives rushed to the

mission centers and dispensary for treatment of different ailments. In the dispensaries

and hospitals the treatment activities were preceded by prayers ran by sisters. The

priests paid visits to the hospitals and dispensaries to give a word of God to the

681

Masingi, Nkwenda, interviewed 2013 682

TNA, AB. 56 1733/7/61, Annual Report 1926 683

TNA, AB. 16, Part 1733/15, Annual Report – Songea District 1923 684

Mzee Kakobano interviewed by Fr.Alex Kenyata 1993

260

sick.685

In the event of the preaching the power of Christianity was demonstrated

convincing the local people to accept conversion. The power of Christianity was also

demonstrated through destruction of the powers of local healers. Fr. Venant Hunja

working in the Matengo Highlands in 1960s broke and destroyed tools and charms of

a traditional healer. To the surprise of many who thought that the priest will be hurt,

the priest went unhurt. In the eyes of the Matengo, it demonstrated that Christianity

had power over witchdoctors. Many started appreciating Christianity and

disregarding traditional medicine men.686

Unlike the surrounding areas of Umatengo which included Ungoni and Unyasa

which were predominantly Christian, the Matengo Highlands was predominated with

paganism. The theory says that, Christianity worked better in areas where paganism

is predominant.687

Throughout the history of Christianity in southwestern Tanzania

there has been a constant complaint among the Benedictine missionaries accusing the

Matengo being very conservatives to accept new religion and education.688

After

World War II the Benedictines expansion in Ungoni and Unyasa seized because of

presence of Islam in Undendeule and presence of UMCA in Unyasa area. The only

area for further expansion was in the Matengo Highlands. According to Abbot

Lambert Doerr the Matengo people were receptive and generous to live with

compared to Ngoni.689

That explains why from 1949 to 1968 six mission stations

were established in the Matengo Highlands which now appeared to be a buffer zone

685

Kamati, :42, 686

Fr. Josephat Malunda parish priest and Vicar General Mbinga Diocese interviewed. Cf Jimbo

Katoliki Mbinga, Ustawi wa Injili Jimbo la Mbinga Kuelekea Mwaka 2000, Printed by Peramiho

Printing Press, 1997:40. Fr. Gregory Mwageni research on ―Uchawi na Majini ― at Mkumbi Parish in

1950s. 687

TNA, AB 7File No 1733, Annual Report1920-21 688

Doerr, :30, 32, 33, 74, 80, 86, 104, 116, 149, 689

Ibid. interviewed at Peramiho 2013. The funny thing is that these are the same people who Doerr is

claiming conservatism in accepting new religion.

261

between UMCA along Lake Nyasa and a predominant RC Ungoni.690

But Fr.

T.Ndunguru has the feelings that the ignorance of Matengo about their resources

explains why the missionaries this time praised the Matengo people.691

The

missionaries capitalized on this ignorance of Matengo to open up mission station in

all areas with abundance of resources and highlands with the best climate. Even the

British administration officer at Lipumba Sub-District described Matengo as

peaceful, calm, industrious cultivators and law-abiding.692

Some Matengo were interested in securing employment at the mission centers.

Several job opportunities were available in the mission centers in the form of

household work, cooking, cleanliness and gardening and in the workshops. Due to

transport problem between one mission and another, head portage was so common.

The Matengo Highlands has a unique terrain which is mountainous with series of

range of ridges demarcated by river valleys. This physical feature required

abundance of resources in financial, human and materials for construction of roads

and bridges. These required resources were not forthcoming so that the use of head

porters was the best option. Often than not, there were people from Litembo carrying

with them luggage of potatoes and wheat to Peramiho, Kigonsera and Lituhi mission

stations.693

Many others were engaged in teaching bush schools, and others served as

catechists to undertake the spiritual instructions.694

The African catechists gained

substantial significance in the Matengo Highlands for the following reasons. One, the

area was so vast with very limited number of missionaries. In order to satisfactorily

690

Catholic Directory Taanzania, 2006, :145-146 691

Fr. T.Ndunguru, interviewed 692

TNA, AB. 78, Annual Report Lipumba Sub-District,1925 693

Masingi, Gerold, Nyang‘ali, Nkwenda, interviewed 2013 694

Interviews, Ibid.

262

run the work of evangelization, the need for training of local catechists was so

pressing.695

Secondly, when the White Fathers took over the evangelization of the

Matengo Highlands they perused an aggressive policy of recruiting catechumens

without regard to the number of missionary personnel at their disposal. This situation

again called for increase recruitment of catechists. In some cases he missionaries

made use of the senior pupils to give instructions to the junior pupils.

Third reason is associated with the two world wars. After the World War I the

Benedictine Fathers in the Matengo Highlands were interned and finally deported

hence creating serious shortage of missionary personnel.696

Furthermore, during the

World War II, the German missionaries stationed to the South of Lindi-Mbamba Bay

road were removed living their mission stations Liparamba, Tingi and Nangombo

without missionary personnel. This situation made it compelling to extensively make

use of local catechists. Fourthly, during the outbreak of epidemics we have referred

to in Table 4.7 above, the need to serve the souls was also so pressing in the area.

Catechists assumed control of the situation in the absence of European personnel.

Catechist Constantin Akitanda of Matiri, Petro Ndunguru of Litembo, Cassian

Homahoma Gama of Lituhi baptized many sick and near death people during the

influenza epidemic of 1918-1919.697

These catechists went further to disregarding

the command of the British government who had imposed a travel ban in order to be

able to minister to the sick and dying.698

In order to secure employment in the

mission station it was obligatory one should be a Christians. It is therefore plausible

695

Parishes organized training programmes for the local catechists. 696

Doerr, cf. Kamati :66 697

CKO 1923/7,10 698

Kamati, :74 cf. Doerr, :85

263

to conclude that job seekers were mainly interested in getting jobs rather than

commitment to Christianity itself.

In 1926 the British colonial government erected a council at Mahenge in Umatengo

to cater for the administration of the entire Umatengo area in line with the indirect

rule policy which inter alia required the creation of Native Administrative

Authorities. Makita Kipwele a sub-chief of Myangayanga council, Mathias Kawanila

a sub-chief of Litembo council and Markus Howahowa were given legal and

administrative training on British system of government at the Mahenge Baraza.699

Yohannes Krisostom Makita and Dominikus were appointed secretaries to the

Mahenge council on account that they had already acquired considerable amount of

mission formal education.700

There were also a number of literate tax collectors who

assisted tax collection in areas far distant from the Matengo courts. Tax centers had

been set up at Lipinda for Langiro court, at Gumbo and Hanga for Myangayanga

court and another clerk should also visit Litembo mission and Kipapa plantation at

various times for the purpose of collecting tax.701

According to the report of Native

Treasury of Matengo-Nyasa of 1937 and 1941, the recurrent expenditure incurred on

wage bill was used as personal emoluments to the chiefs, headmen, advisor, clerks,

messengers, foresters, tax collectors and tribal dressers.702

These were among the

individuals who were able to secure jobs in the Matengo Native Authority.

699

Fr. Egno Ndunguru op. cit. :22 cf. TNA, Acc. 155 Songea District Book 700

TNA, Acc 155. SDB 701

TNA, Ibid. 702

TNA, Acc. 155/64/ Native Treasury Matengo-Nyasa, 1937-1941

264

When coffee was introduced in the Matengo Highlands the main pioneers were

mainly Christians, political leaders, court elders and migrant labourers.703

Mpwata of

Mhagawa Asili, Makarius of Kipololo, Kakuli of Kingua, Limuka of Kindimba, and

Chrisostoms of Myangayanga were some of the Christian pioneers of coffee planting

in the Matengo Highlands.704

Most of them had been a product of the German

government order of 1910 that the chiefs and the jumbes of the Matengo Highlands

had to persuade parents to send their children to school. Several boys joined

Kindimba Roman Catholic elementary school where they learned elementary

reading, arithmetic, writing and catechism. In 1913 they went to Kigonsera mission

school to continue with studies and there they were converted to Christianity. From

1914 to 1916 they joined another school at Ugano where they completed their formal

education.705

These pioneers with at least formal education formed cooperative union

– Matengo Native Cooperative Union (MANCU) which was registered on 10.9.1954

to facilitate production and marketing of their produce.706

Employment opportunities

in the local authority, cooperative, tax collection required some formal education.

The situation in the colonial Matengo Highlands was that, all schools were mission

schools until independence in 1961. For this reason young people had to join mission

schools to get formal education which will serve as a springboard to employment.

Here the condition was one to join Christianity hence increasing the number of

converts.

703

Haule, The Entrepreneurs, in Iliffe, Tanzanians, EAPH, 1973:163 704

Osmund M.Kapinga a retired long serving DC interviewed at Mbinga 2013. 705

Kapinga, op. cit. :81 706

Tanganyika Territory: Annual Report of Provincial Commissioners on Native Administration,

Government Printer, 1956

265

4.9 Conclusion

All through no indication that Matengo accepted Christianity because they had

understood and appropriated the basics of Christianity. It is to the contrary, that the

inducements provided by missionaries were basically the motive force for joining

Christianity. Furthermore, Christianity did not threaten the existence of traditional

worship there was continuities in local religion. No fundamental contradiction

between the two faiths. Missionaries thought to be clever over Matengo on the other

hand Matengo thought to be clever by cheating missionaries. Utility to each side was

relative, missionaries took land, minerals, game which to Matengo were useless; to

them Wamatengo salt, sugar, mitumba and skills were valuable than land and

minerals. The criteria the missionaries used to measure the success of Christianity

were not reliable. Using the number of baptisms, marriages, growth of vocations and

school attendants were in most cases inflated hence unreliable. Wamatengo kept on

venerating their ancestors, traditional religion was still intact, polygamy and church

un-solemnized marriages were still practiced by many baptized people. The people

who benefited from missionary services were also those who lived close to the

missionaries, while those in the distant outstations were least advantaged. There was

a creation of center-periphery relation between the mission center and the outstations.

266

CHAPTER FIVE

TRANSITION FROM MISSIONARY TO AFRICAN OR LOCAL

CHRISTIANITY 1950-1968

5.1 Introduction

This chapter intended to investigate the reasons for the transition from mission

Christianity in theMatengo Highlands to African local church. Specifically the

analysis revolved around the changes of attitudes regarding missionary work in

Europe and America. There was also the contribution of the Second Vatican Council

of 1962 to 1965 which was urging for indigenization of the church. The relation

between the processes of decolonization with transition from missionary Christianity

was another area constituting the object of investigation. The motive was to establish

whether there was some influence exerted by one variable on the other variable. The

forms of transition and how the Wamatengo appropriated them was another subject

of investigation. The overall purpose was to evaluate how this transition in

Christianity impacted upon the socio-economic development of the Matengo people.

5.2 Things that Entailed Transition from Mission Christianity to Local Church

After the World War II Christianity in the Matengo Highlands had started to

experience changes in form and content towards local church. The transition entailed

a shift from mission church to indigenous or local church. Some scholars refer to the

local church as folk Christianities whereby Catholics introduced Lourdes grottoes

and Fatima shrines;707

the Anglicans introduced village Christianity; the Methodists

707R i c h a r d Gray, Christianity, in Andrew D. Roberts, (ed.) The Colonial Moment in Africa:

Essays on the movement of minds and materials 1900—1940 Africa, Cambridge Univesity

Press,2003:168

267

introduced Revival camps.708

The local church was to shift the area of focus from

that of evangelist approach of working in extensive manner, baptizing and

converting, building networks of bush schools, middle schools and catechistical

schools and encouraging converts to abandon their old beliefs. Instead the mission

stations whose main task was to evangelize for expansion or quantitative growth they

were tuned to embark on pastoral work organized and implemented by regular

parishes with the major objective of strengthening and deepening faith.709

Also a shift

from a mission church manned by European personnel to indigenous church manned

by African personnel, self-supporting and self-propagated church. It also involved

the change in the liturgy by including African language, dressing, music and

melody.710

The structure of the church buildings also changed from Romanesque rectangular-

shaped character churches with long nave to roundish-shaped or cruciform buildings

where the Christians from all sides will have easier eye-contact with the altar. These

structures can be witnessed at the Bishop‘s Church of Songea, and the new churches

of Chipole, Nakahuga, Maguu, Mpandangindo and Kitura.711

The transition also

involved the quest for decolonization of the church so as to bring independence to the

running of church as it was the case in the political sphere. The context of the

transition from Missionary Christianity to African Christianity or local church in the

Matengo Highlands and its timing needs to be historicized. This historicization will

708

Terence Ranger, Religion in Africa: a series of three lectures, OCMS, 2005:16 709

Adrian Hastings, Church and Mission in Modern Africa, Fordham University Press, New York

10458, 1967:34-37, cf. Roland Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa, Longmans, London,

1965:288-292 710

Kamati 1998:97 711

Lucius Marquart, ‗Peramiho: Benedictine Mission to African Local Church 1953 to 1998‘, in

Lambert Doerr, (ed.), Peramiho 1898-1998: In the Service of the Missionary Church , volume 2,

BPNP, 1998:58

268

involve examining factors for transition, forces involved from international level

down to the local level and how did this transition affect the transformation of the

Matengo social formation.712

Vuguvugu la Siasa lilileta changamotomoja kubwa la

kuwafanya viongozi wa kanisa yaani wamisionariwa

jimbo la Peramiho waanze polepole kufikiria kutoa

madaraka ya ngazi ya juu kwa mapadre wazalendo.713

The process of political independence made the European missionaries in the

Diocese of Peramiho started to feel a state of insecurity. The fears which

missionaries showed proved to be unfounded. Instead there was rich relationship

between missionaries and the new independent government.714

Even in theMatengo

Highlands there was no fundamental contradiction between the independent

government and the missionaries.715

5.3 Mission Christianity

The meaning of the word ‗mission‘ in an expansionist sense is of recent origin. The

only Gospel that refers explicitly to mission is John‘s, which speaks of the sending of

the Son by the Father and the sending of the Holy Spirit. In biblical theology,

therefore, the word ‗mission‘ primarily connotes communication between God and

the world and communication within the Trinity.716

The word "mission" was

historically often applied to the building, the "mission station" in which the

712

Kamati, op. cit. 1998:89 713

Kamati, 1998:89 & 91 714

TNA Acc. 155 TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, 1964 & 1965, TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39/vol. II, District

Council Development Project. In Mbinga district the parish priest was a member of the District

Development Committee. 715

TNA ibid. 716

A missionary of 19th

century was not different from other colonial agents.

269

missionary lives or works. In some colonies, these mission stations became a focus of

settlement of displaced or formerly people.717

Missionary is a member of a religious group sent into an area to do evangelism or

ministries of service, such as education, literacy, social justice, health care and

economic development. The word "mission" originates from 1598 when the Jesuits

sent members abroad, derived from the Latin missionem, meaning "act of sending" or

mittere, meaning "to send".

However, it is not the missionary who brings God to those who do not know him.

God is already there, working in mysterious ways. The missionary‘s task is to

discover and reveal God among them.718

This understanding derives from the early

Christian belief in the universal presence of the divine Logos. The technical meaning

of mission as it is known now dates back to 16th

century Jesuit mission, when

mission was equated with territory. ‗Going into the mission field‘ meant going

abroad to serve the church in a foreign country. In contemporary terms, however,

missiologists regard mission as demonstrating the universal relevance of their own

message.

5.4 Mission Christianity in African Context

Christian mission is "an organized effort for the propagation of the Christian faith."

Mission often involves sending individuals and groups, called "missionaries", to

foreign countries and to places in their homeland for the purpose of proselytism

(conversion to Christianity, or from one Christian tradition to another). This involves

evangelism (preaching a set of beliefs for the purpose of conversion), and

717

Wikipedia the Free Encyclopedia 718

Healey, 1981

270

humanitarian work, especially among the poor and disadvantaged. There are a few

different kinds of mission trips: short-term, long-term, and relational and ones meant

simply for helping people in need. Some might choose to dedicate their whole lives

to missions as well. Missionaries have the authority to preach the Christian faith (and

sometimes to administer sacraments), and provide humanitarian work to improve

economic development, literacy, education, health care, and orphanages. Christian

doctrines (such as the "Doctrine of Love" professed by many missions) permit the

provision of aid without requiring religious conversion.

The first category, Mission Christianity, represents those churches established by

Christian missionary agencies from Europe and America in Africa during the 18th

and 19th centuries. Usually, these churches came with the advent of European

colonialism, although there are some exceptions, for example, in Nigeria, where the

first contacts between the indigenous peoples and European missionaries was in the

16th century when Portuguese Catholic priests visited the Kingdoms of Bini (1485-

1707) and Warri (1574-1807).

There are some discernible features of missionary Christianity in Africa. Although it

came in varied denominational incarnations, they all carried with them, Euro-

American formalized theology, liturgy and method. Furthermore, because missionary

Christianity came with the baggage of Euro-American culture, the feeling of

superiority by the missionaries inadvertently caused them to demonize indigenous

cultures and everything African. The missionaries viewed Africans as ‗savages‘ who

needed western/missionary intervention in overcoming their ‗barbaric stage‘ of

development and access ‗civilized stage‘ which the missionaries represented. Much

271

of the agenda of missionary Christianity was to eradicate African cultures and

replace them with Euro-American ways of living. This is not just true with material

aspects of culture but also with non-material aspects such as names, drinks,

organizational systems and dress codes.

Missionary Christianity is an importation from the West; it also had a leadership

structure that was dominated by non-Africans. Foreign leadership of any organization

is often perceived as authoritarian and exploitative. It was not long, therefore, before

such sentiments were translated into action such as agitations for self-governance and

self-determination by the local membership of some of these churches.

Because Africans were conceived of as ―uncivilized‖, one important defining social

feature of missionary Christianity was, and still is, its immersion in social services:

education and hospital works. Missionary Christianity provides significant strategies

of social transformation through the construction of schools and health care facilities

in many African cities and towns, thus creating a new cadre of educated African

elites necessary to man the new bureaucracy of colonialism. While these projects

introduced new forms of learning and knowledge, they further demonized and

discredited African indigenous knowledge and medical traditions and systems. What

counted as knowledge was the ‗Whiteman‘s ideas‘ and, in some places, there were

legal strictures to stop the people from using indigenous medicines and participating

in indigenous religious rituals.

Perhaps the most important image of missionary Christianity was, and still is, its

identification with colonialism. It was perceived as a religion of ―the Whiteman‖

272

which came with the cultural baggage of the Euro-Americans who did not separate

the gospel message from western cultural practices and idiosyncrasies. Because

colonialism was seen as unjust, oppressive and repressive, Christianity was as well

perceived as an ally or collaborator in a system of unwarranted economic, cultural

and political exploitation. Such perception not only bred resentment, it soon became

one of the most important weaknesses of missionary Christianity. Colonialism was

associated with the obnoxious trade in Africans as slaves; this was a basic

contradiction in the integrity and sincerity of purpose of the gospel message the same

group of White men and women claimed to bring.

5.5 Reasons for Transition from Mission Christianity to African

Christianity

5.5.1 The International Situation – Religious Revivalism

By the 1870s Protestant missions around the world generally acknowledged the long-

term material goal was the formation of independent, self-governing, self-supporting,

self-propagating churches. The rise of nationalism in the Third World provoked

challenges from critics who complained that the missionaries were teaching Western

ways, and ignoring the indigenous culture. The Boxer Rebellion in China in 1898

involved very large scale attacks on Christian missions and their converts. The First

World War diverted resources, and pulled most Germans out of missionary work

when that country lost its empire. The worldwide Great Depression of the 1930s was

a major blow to funding mission activities.719

The priority of Germans was no longer

to support missionary work. This impact was strongly felt in theMatengo Highlands

when the funds from Germany were no more forthcoming.720

719

Erwin Fahlbusch, ed. The Encyclopedia of Christianity (1999) 1:301, 416-7 720

Doerr op. cit. 1998:169

273

5.5.2 Nazism and Fascism

Fascism describes certain related political regimes in 20th-century Europe, especially

the Nazi Germany of Hitler, the Fascist Italy of Mussolini and the falangist Spain of

Franco. About Italian Fascism Pope Pius XI is said to have been moderately skeptic

and G. K. Chesterton friendly but critical. Nazi ideology was spearheaded by

Heinrich Himmler and the SS. In the struggle for total control over German minds

and bodies, the SS developed an anti-religious agenda. No Catholic or Protestant

chaplains were allowed in its units (although they were allowed in the regular army).

Himmler established a special unit to identify and eliminate Catholic influences. The

SS decided the German Catholic Church was a serious threat to its hegemony and

while it was too strong to be abolished it was partly stripped of its influence, for

example by closing its youth clubs and publications.

After the Second World War which began in September 1939, the Church

condemned the invasion of Poland and subsequent 1940 Nazi invasions. In the

Holocaust, Pope Pius XII directed the Church hierarchy to help protect Jews from the

Nazis. While Pius XII has been credited with helping to save hundreds of thousands

of Jews the Church has also been falsely accused of encouraging anti-SemitismAlbert

Einstein, addressing the Catholic Church's role during the Holocaust, said the

following: "Being a lover of freedom, when the revolution came in Germany, I

looked to the universities to defend it, knowing that they had always boasted of their

devotion to the cause of truth; but, no, the universities immediately were silenced.

Then I looked to the great editors of the newspapers whose flaming editorials in days

gone by had proclaimed their love of freedom; but they, like the universities, were

silenced in a few short weeks. The Catholic Church was in opposition to Nazism as

274

well as other ideologies like Communism, because these ideologies were deemed

incompatible with Christian morals. Most Catholics and their bishops also expected

their priests to promote the Centre Party's interests. In addition, the majority of

Catholic-sponsored newspapers also supported the Centre Party over the National

Socialist Party. The church faced opposition from the fascist regimes of Hitler and

Mussolini in Europe and sometimes the missionaries were recalled home for war

mobilization hence causing shortage of personnel in Africa.

5.5.3 Second World War

After World War II the Catholics in the zone occupied by the Soviet army found

themselves under a militantly atheist government. Many parishes were cut off from

their dioceses in the western part of Germany. Modern society is changing old

structures. Exclusively Catholic environments are disintegrating, even in traditional

areas like the Bundesländ Bavaria where the Catholic majority was lost in the capital

city of Munich. The number of Catholics who attend Sunday mass has decreased.

One of the biggest challenges facing the church is to retain the registered, tax-paying

members (regardless of how often they attend services) to fund parishes and church

agencies, especially its international relief organizations like Adveniat. German

Roman Catholics, however, are divided over the issue of a compulsory Church tax.

The European economies collapsed as the World War II raged. The war disrupted life

in Europe and left huge numbers dead or maimed. Personal suffering and starvation

was widespread.721

The European nations had to accept American Marshall Plan for

reconstruction that extended loans to European nation to assist them in revamping

721

Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th

print) A History of the Catholic

Church Paulines Publications Africa,2010:193

275

their economies.722

These loans were with many strings attached including

decolonization of their colonies. Missionaries in various African countries started

contemplating about their future in Africa in the absence of colonial powers. This

condition was aimed at allowing American capital and investments to penetrate in

African colonies. The European powers had no choice except to prepare a neo-

colonial strategy in their colonies. This policy had effects on the missionary position

in Africa considering the close relation that existed between the European

missionaries and the colonial administration. Missionaries were in a way forced to

start thinking about preparing local personnel to take over the administration of the

church.

5.5.4 The Second Vatican Council

Pope John XXIII took over office the Holy See after the death of his predecessor

Pope Pius XII 1958. He announced the convening of the Second Vatican Council to

deal with restating the church‘s ancient faith in new ways to the modern world. The

Catholic Church engaged in a comprehensive process of reform following the Second

Vatican Council (1962–65). Among other things, Second Vatican Council fostered

the development of local clergy and the indigenization of hierarchies; and opening

the door to co-operation between Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox Christians. The

choice of bishops which was largely in the hands of missionary societies was now

vested in the powers of the Pope. By contrast to the missionaries, religious and

priestly vocations grew in the young churches including the foundation of local

communities. After long years of colonialism the Council also allowed the

indigenous liturgies to develop. The liturgy incorporated the invocation of the

722

Ibid. 193

276

ancestors, communal dance and tribal symbols and dress. Music using local

instruments proved particularly important for liturgical inculturation.723

In the final

analysis the Second Vatican Council accelerated the transition from missionary

Christianity to local indigenous church.

Changes to old rites and ceremonies following Vatican II produced a variety of

responses. Some stopped going to church, while others tried to preserve the old

liturgy with the help of sympathetic priests. These formed the basis of today's

Traditionalist Catholic groups, which believe that the reforms of Vatican II have

gone too far. Liberal Catholics form another dissenting group who feel that the

Vatican II reforms did not go far enough. The liberal views of theologians such as

Hans Küng and Charles Curran, led to Church withdrawal of their authorization to

teach as Catholics. According to Professor Thomas Bokenkotter, most Catholics

"accepted the changes more or less gracefully. In 2007, Benedict XVI eased

permission for the optional old Mass to be celebrated upon request by the faithful.

In the 1960s, growing social awareness and politicization in the Latin American

Church gave birth to liberation theology. The Peruvian priest, Gustavo Gutiérrez,

became it primary proponent and, in 1979, the bishops' conference in Mexico

officially declared the Latin American Church's "preferential option for the poor.

Both Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI (as Cardinal Ratzinger) denounced

the movement. Liberation theology scared the missionaries and leaders of the church.

They were thinking that such movement can spread to Africa and pose a threat to

missionaries.

723

Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th print), op.cit. 200

277

5.5.5 Secularization Process in Europe and America

Characteristic of Christianity in the 19th century were Evangelical revivals in some

largely Protestant countries and later the effects of modern scientific theories such as

Darwinism on the churches. In Europe there was a general move away from religious

observance and belief in Christian teachings and a move towards secularism. The

"secularization of society", attributed to the Age of Enlightenment and its following

years, is largely responsible for the spread of secularism. Secularization was rapidly

growing in Europe brought about by the growth of science and resultant loss of

religious certainties.724

Cox a scholar on religion and development describes the

secularization as a process in which human beings digress from the "beyond-world"

in order to turn towards the "present-world". Secularization indicates the changing

process from a sacred to a more profane worldview, in which the mysterious,

reverence and awe attitudes have to give way to the commonplace, mundane and

ordinary aspects of life.725

Economic development, functional and structural

differentiation, urbanization, science, technology, industrialization and rising

education are said to weaken religion.726

The number of church goers especially

among the youth was drastically dropped. Only the old people were the main group

of church goers.727

724

Erich Kolig, Modernisation without Secularisation? Civil Pluralism, Democratisation, and Re-

Islamisation in Indonesia, in New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies 3, 2 (December, 2001): 17-41 725

Kibreab Wolde-Mikael, The interrelation of modernisation and religion in western countries, Term

Paper Intercultural Communication 1 , Medien / Kommunikation - Interkulturelle Kommunikation,

2004 726

Thorleif Pettersson, Church Oriented Religion as a Factor for Global Development: Eroded by

human well-being and supported by cultural diversity, but still kicking and alive? Paper presented at

the Conference on Religion and Development, Centre for International Cooperation, Vrije Universiteit

Amsterdam, the Netherlands, June 14 – 16, 2007 727

Fr. Timoth Ndunguru Kigonsera Parish Priest interviewed 2013 at Kigonsera.

278

The events in Europe had impact on the decline missionary work in Africa and

Matengo Highlands in particular. The increase in modernization reduced the number

of youth who joined vocations in the mission congregations in Europe and

America.728

Consequently, the number of mission personnel going to Africa

dwindled and therefore some mission stations did not have priests to perform the

spiritual work. In such situation the need to hand over the mission stations to local

personnel was now pressing. The decline of the church goers meant reduction in

income. For instance in Germany the state deducted tax from the church goers among

the Lutherans and the Catholics to use it for church matters. With their number

declining, the income from church tax also dropped. The drop in income from tax

meant shortage of funds to be spent on church matters including sending money to

African missions.729

This challenge to the missionary Christianity called for effort to

introduce self-reliance in the church financially and human resource by recruiting

African clergy to take over the leadership of the local church.

5.5.6 Communism and Cold War

Christianity found itself locked in conflict with growing communism and Cold War

after the end of World War II. While in the West the dilapidated church underwent

reconstruction, in the East the communist regimes persecuted Christian churches,

churches were confiscated, their bishops imprisoned, tortured, expatriate missionary

priest were expelled.730

The church experienced serious setback in East Europe as a

result of the communism and cold war existing between the western bloc and eastern

728

Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th print), op.cit. 200 729

Roland Oliver, op.cit. 243-5 730

Norbert Brockman, S.M. and Umberto Pescantini, M.C.C.J. (5th print) op.cit. 194-5

279

bloc. To some extent this setback impacted upon the activities in other areas where

missionaries were working particularly in Africa.

During Nazism the position of Christians affected by Nazism is highly complex.

Regarding the matter, historian Derek Holmes wrote, "There is no doubt that the

Catholic districts resisted the lure of National Socialism [Nazism] far better than the

Protestant ones." Pope Pius XI declared - Mit brennender Sorge - that Fascist

governments had hidden "pagan intentions" and expressed the irreconcilability of the

Catholic position and Totalitarian Fascist State Worship, which placed the nation

above God and fundamental human rights and dignity. His declaration that

"Spiritually, [Christians] are all Semites" prompted the Nazis to give him the title

"Chief Rabbi of the Christian World."

Catholic priests were executed in concentration camps alongside Jews; for example,

2,600 Catholic Priests were imprisoned in Dachau, and 2,000 of them were executed.

A further 2,700 Polish priests were executed (a quarter of all Polish priests), and

5,350 Polish nuns were displaced, imprisoned, or executed. Many Catholic laymen

and clergy played notable roles in sheltering Jews during the Holocaust, including

Pope Pius XII (1876–1958). The head rabbi of Rome became a Catholic in 1945 and,

in honour of the actions the Pope undertook to save Jewish lives, he took the name

Eugenio (the Pope's first name). A former Israeli consul in Italy claimed: "The

Catholic Church saved more Jewish lives during the war than all the other churches,

religious institutions, and rescue organisations put together."

280

The relationship between Nazism and Protestantism, especially the German Lutheran

Church, was complex. Though many -Protestant church leaders in Germany

supported the Nazis' growing anti-Jewish activities, some, such as Dietrich

Bonhoeffer (a Lutheran pastor) were strongly opposed to the Nazis. Bonhoeffer was

later found guilty in the conspiracy to assassinate Hitler and executed.

5.6 Reasons for Transition from African Context

5.6.1 The Second Vatican Council

Vatican II also encouraged the development of local ecclesiastical leadership,

precisely at the time when African nations were asserting their independence from

colonial domination and developing local leadership. By the close of the 19th

century,

new technologies and superior weaponry had allowed European powers to gain

control of most of the African interior. The new rulers introduced a cash economy

which required African people to become literate and so created a great demand for

schools. At the time, the only possibility open to Africans for a western education

was through Christian missionaries. Catholic missionaries followed colonial

governments into Africa and built schools, monasteries, and churches. This rapid

occupation of sub-Saharan Africa by virtually independent, and sometimes rival,

Catholic missionary societies created problems of co-ordination and control for the

Vatican, even though the missionaries were among its most trusted supporters.731

In 1966 Hastings called for the need to make assessment of church work, especially

mission work. This assessment is important because by then African church was

facing crisis of reorientation being hit by hurricane of social and political revolution

731

Andrew Roberts, (ed.), The Colonial Moment in Africa,Cambridge University Press, 2003:160

281

of Africa, rapidly church expansion and the revolution of the universal church

represented by the Vatican Council.732

5.6.2 African Church Facing Crisis

With the exception of North Africa, Egypt and Ethiopia most of Africa was

effectively evangelized less than two hundred years ago. Outside North Africa and

the Nile valley, Christianity had arrived in Africa in partnership with European

colonialism.733

Christianity has grown very fast, so that while in 1900 Christians

constituted only 9.21% of the population, by 1950 they had grown to 24.79% and in

year 2000 they are estimated to be 46.59% and the major religious belief on the

continent. Christianity, though divided, is the fastest growing religion in Africa. With

few exceptions Southern, Central and Eastern African countries have a Christian

majority. Some countries, though strongly Christian, have an almost equally strong

Muslim presence, examples being Nigeria, Tanzania, Liberia and Cameroon. In the

Christian majority countries there are some where the Catholic church is the big stake

holder like Tanzania, Uganda, Togo, Cameroon, RD Congo, Rwanda Burundi etc.

and in others especially the English colonies Catholicism is a minority like South

Africa, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Ethiopia and Zambia.

5.6.3 Popes’ Attitude to Local Church in Africa

From the end of First World War the popes and the Propaganda Fide wanted to

propagate Catholic faith and educate indigenous clergy to prepare them for taking up

leadership of the church.734

There was a pressing need to rethink on how to conduct

732

Adrian Hastings, Church and Mission in Modern Africa, Fordham University Press, 1967:13 733

GHA VII p.139 734

Sunkler, op. cit. 609

282

themselves especially in Africa. There was the directive role of the Popes and the

Propaganda Fide. The `Missionary Popes', Benedict XV and Pius XI, responded

magnificently to the challenge of the new era. In 1919 Benedict published the

encyclical Maximum Illud which emphasized the necessity of propagating the

Catholic faith to all and the need for an educated indigenous clergy prepared to take

over the leadership of the Churches in their respective countries.735

Seven years later,

Pius XI, the `Missionary Pope' par pre ÂfeÂrence, issued his Rerum Ecclesiae which

can be seen as a reinforcement of Maximum Illud. Indigenous clergy were to be given

precedence while the Western missionary was to take an auxiliary position. While

Pius XI emphasized indigenization, he also exhorted `every religious order to engage

in missionary work, with the result that he saw the number of missionaries doubled in

his reign'.736

Pope Pius XI also undertook to send supervising Apostolic Delegates to

South Africa (1922), British Africa (1928), Belgian Congo (1930) and French Africa

in 1948. This new evangelizing impulse from Pope Pius XI inspired the missionaries

to expand to all corners of Africa.737

It was the wish of the Popes and Propaganda

Fide to prepare Africans to take up the leadership of the church in Africa. It was

thought that the black church will convert Africa while the church of missionaries

was in transitory stage.738

The dramatic theme of the 1950s was to be a resolute preparation of the African

clergy and an African hierarchy. There was dramatic transformation in village life

through schools, middle schools, boarding schools seminaries, new culture and

735

Ibid. 736

John Baun, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, (2nd

ed),Paulines Publications Africa, 2009:365 737

Bengt Sundkler and Christopher Steed, A History of the Church in Africa, Cambridge University

Press, Cambridge, United Kingdom, 2004:627 738

Zulu Observer, 4 March, 1988.

283

community life. Scholarships were granted to African priests who were sent to USA

and Europe for further studies. Two decades after the Second World War the number

of major seminaries rose from five in 1920 to 33 in 1960 while some 12,000 students

were in minor seminaries. The number of African priests rose from 50 to 2,000, half

of them ordained in the 1950s.739

An effective bond between Rome and Africa was

established through the twentieth-century institution of `Apostolic Delegates', i.e.,

papal envoys to the Churches with a supervising function. The 1950s saw a

fundamental change in canonic law, of immense importance for the Church in Africa

and its future. This change meant the ending of traditional ius commissionis by

which, until then, mission territories had been entrusted to missionary societies. From

then on they were commissioned to hierarchies in Africa and were soon, as we shall

see, entrusted to African archbishops.740

5.6.4 Decolonization of Africa and Transition to Local Church

The Church establishments were thus part of the colonial structures that African

independence movements were trying to decolonize and the search for nationalist

ideology. Most of the leaders were products of Western education, but they were

nonetheless most conscious of the extent to which their education had involved a

degree of mental colonization, enforced subordination to Western ideas, and

alienation from the roots of African culture.741

One of the important changes of post-

war era was the liquidation of colonial imperialism and with it began the shift from

missionary Christianity to indigenous churches. Territorial hierarchies were already

in place throughout much of the colonial world under Pope Pius XII, who accelerated

739

Baun op.cit. 367 740

Sundkler, op.cit. 632 741

General History of Africa, vol.VII

284

the appointment of indigenous bishops. It was not by accident that when each new

country in Africa achieved independence, a national hierarchy was established,

normally headed by native archbishop. While Pope Pius XII named the Asian

cardinals, Pope JohnXXIII appointed Laurean Rugambwa of Tanzania the first

cardinal from Africa. Under Pope John Paul VI cardinals from young churches

became numerous.742

Thus, decolonization had to begin with the Church, not only to transform its

structures and replace European leadership with African, but also to seek

indigenization of its form and content without losing the essence of Christian values.

This task of indigenizing the Christian Church was tackled by both Catholics and

Protestants, but it was widely recognized that the issues involved went beyond the

question of control, content and form of the Christian churches. It concerned the

whole development strategy, Nkrumah's search for an ideology of social

transformation, the adaptation of Western science and technology, the search for an

African philosophy, and a definition of the identity of the African in the modern

world.743

The decolonization of the church in Africa was not a simple and automatic process

because of the existence of contradictions between missionaries and the Africans.

One of the most influential documents on the question of the indigenization of the

Church was the collective work of African leaders of the Catholic Church published

in 1956 and setting out the various issues involved: Des prêtres noirs s'interrogent

(Black priests ask themselves questions).

742


print) op.cit. 200 743

General History of Africa, vol.VII op.cit.

285

Diop used the journal Présence Africaine to conduct a lively debate on African

religious thought, and specifically even theological research. AtRome in 1959, a sub-

committee of African theologians and philosophers was established. In 1962, at the

time of the Second Vatican Congress, Alioune Diop canvassed the opinion of African

Christian intellectuals and, in 1963, published a special issue of the journal on the

work of the Vatican Congress entitled Personnalité africaine et catholicisme. Diop

was also the moving spirit in the three international symposia, in Abidjan in 1961 on

'Religions in Africa' in general, in 1970 in Cotonou on 'African Religions as a Source

of Values of Civilization.' and in Abidjan in September 1977 on 'The Catholic

Church Festival and Black Civilization'.744

While Africans wanted more authority

over the control of the church, which is presented as a local initiative in church

leadership; missionaries on the other hand wanted to retain their superior in the

church hierarchy.745

The Vatican on the other hand used to control Roman Catholic

through appointing the superiors, providing financial support, monitor mission

activities through Apostolic Deligates and urged for rapid indigenization of the

Church. What is happening here is the same as neo-colonial solution advocated by

the colonialists.746

That can be explained as that, indigenous church was detached

from colonialism of missionaries to colonialism of Vatican. The indigenous

leadership was to be used to cater for the interests of the Holy See at Vatican.

The ultimate check on the powers of the missionary societies depended, however, on

the emergence of an African priesthood from which eventually could be recruited

African hierarchies in direct relation with Rome. From its creation in the seventeenth

century, Propaganda had insisted on the paramount need for an indigenous clergy

744

General History of Africa, vol.VII 745

Andrew Roberts 746

Adrian Hastings, op.cit.

286

which, following the Council of Trent, had to conform to universal standards of

training and discipline. This charge was solemnly given absolute priority in Benedict

XV's Maximum Mud (November 1919). It was reiterated in a circular letter dated

20th

May 1923 sent from the prefect of Propaganda, Cardinal van Rossum, to every

Catholic missionary institute, and in Pius XI's Rerum Ecclesiae gestarum (28th

February 1926). At the same time Catholic missiology, as professed by Pierre

Charles at Louvain, was turning from J. Schmidlin's earlier emphasis at Munster on

the saving of souls or the evangelisation of individuals.747

5.6.5 Colonial Governments

After First World War the colonial governments were preoccupied with schools in

their colonial possessions. African territories required personnel with reasonable

education which has to be well organized. Governments offered money to the

missionaries in the form of grants-in aids, but the governments insisted on

supervision of the schools. Both Roman Catholic and Protestants rushed into the new

work. Bush schools were transformed into government recognized primary schools,

catechist training became Teachers Training Colleges and secondary schools came

above primary schools.748

The Apostolic Visitor addressing the conference of

bishops at Dare-es-Salaam in 1928:

Collaborate with all your power; and where it is

impossible for you to carry on both the immediate task of

evangelization and educational work, neglect your

churches in order to perfect your schools.749

The wave of construction of educational system with externally recognized standards

from primary to university level led to a new pattern of mission work is beginning to

747

Roberts op.cit 748

Adrian Hastings, op. cit. :80 749

Quoted in Roloand Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa op.cit.275

287

show up. The cost of running education was growing and the mission orders were

unable to provide enough trained staff. Many lay people who participated in teaching

these institutions demanded high salaries which only the governments were able to

afford.750

As a result at independence the new governments took over the schools

from missionaries. Training centres for catechists were closed down, the earlier

prestige of catechist was slowly lost, and people refrained from taking up the job

which was poorly paid. Poor pay forced the catechist to work for himself and his

catechist‘s activities suffered most.

The collapse of colonial regimes in Africa led to the achievement of political

independence. This meant that the European colonization had come to an end; it

meant the end of overseas rule and the end of nationalist struggle for independence.

The expectations remaining were now economic and mental liberation. Missionary

who have always enjoyed the patron-ship of the colonial regimes found themselves

unprotected hence contemplated to retreat to Europe.

5.7 Tanzania Situation

The transition from missionary Christianity to African Christianity in Tanzania

started showing signs in 1940s when revival movements started showing signs and

manifesting itself as a critique to mission Christianity in Bukoba, Dodoma, Mara,

Rungwe, Mbeya, Mwanza and Shambaa.751

These revival movements were

advocating for the responsibility of the lay people in the running of church matters.

Some steps were underway towards African control of mission churches. The

consecration of Rugambwa in 1952 was a clear sign of transition to African control

750

Hastings, 81-85 751

John Iliffe, op.cit. 364

288

of the church. This process accelerated as self-government neared. It is argued that

Roman Catholic had smooth transfer of power because priests were so well trained,

partly because Tanganyika‘s dioceses were elements in the universal hierarchy.752

On the other hand the Protestants found the transition remarkably smooth partly

because mission often lacked staff and money. The German missions had been

weakened so much during the Second World War. During this period Moravian

church in Rungwe and Lutheran work in Meru had almost entirely passed to under

the African control.753

Nationals were given responsibility and leadership during this

period of war because the number of missionaries and financial support drastically

reduced in contradistinction to the phenomenal growth of Christianity.754

5.7.1 Decolonization Process

Tanzania was engaged on nationalist movement from 1930s when peasants, workers,

proletariat and petty bourgeoisie demanding different benefits which they were

denied by colonial regime. This movement was articulated by the formation of

political parties in 1950s such as All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika

(AMNUT) with very strong support of urban Muslims;755

United Tanganyika Party

(UTP) supported by Europeans, African chiefs, and some Indians;756

Tanganyika

African Union (TANU) with strong support from peasants, workers, proletariat,

African elites and petty bourgeoisie.757

Of all the nationalist movements, TANU was

the most popular across the country.

752

Ibid. 753

ibid. 754

Roland Oliver, op.cit. 178 755

John Iliffe, op. cit. 551 756

Illffe,Ibid. 521 757

Illffe,Ibid. 523

289

The mission Christian attitudes to growing nationalism were diverse. This was so

because missions were extensively intertwined with the colonial state which paid

ninth of tenth of their teachers‘ salaries. But there were cases where TANU suspected

missionaries of obstructing the nationalist movement like it was the case in Songea,

Masasi, Dodoma and Ukaguru.758

On the other hand missionaries sympathized with

the nationalists because missionary schools had produced these nationalists. Julius

Nyerere was a product of the Roman Catholics while Oscar Kambona was a son of

Anglican priest; Job Lusinde was a product of Anglican Church. At independence

many high standard students opted to go into secular employment in the government

where wages were five to ten times than that of the clergy.

Further to this relation in 1960 the missionaries controlled 70% places in the primary

schools and 56% places in the secondary schools.759

In 1961the population of 71% of

the children in Tanganyika were educated in the church owned schools from primary

to secondary level. Only 29% of the student population in Tanganyika found their

way into government schools.760

On the field of medical services, Roman Catholic

Church owned 52 hospitals and 198 dispensaries in 1959; the Lutheran Church

operated 12 hospitals, 70 dispensaries and Nurses Training College at Bumbuli in

1963; the Anglican Church was operating 9 hospitals and several dispensaries the

rest of the denominations operated one hospital each.761

This contributed much to the

war against the three enemies of poverty, disease and ignorance which Nyerere and

his TANU vowed to combat with all vigor.

758

Illffe,Ibid. 546 759

Illffe, ibid. 364 760

Lloyd W. Swantz, Church, Mission and the State Relations in Pre and Post-Independence

Tanzania(1955-1964) Occassional Paper 19 Maxiwell Graduate School, of Citizenship and Public

Affairs, 1965:6 761

Ibid. 10

290

The church contributed much in national building during the maiden days of

independence. For instance the clergy supported in civic and national affairs. The

Roman Catholic made series of publications on responsible citizenship and what

people should expect from the state and vice versa. They also contributed to the

refugee and relief services to the needy and the Christian Council of Tanganyika

organized study groups to inform the population on their civic responsibilities and

rights as independent citizens.762

The second and successful evangelization in the 19th century pioneered by three

religious congregations, the Holy Ghost Fathers, the White Fathers and the

Benedictine Monks. The Holy Ghost Fathers, under the leadership of Fr. Antoine

Horner, were the first to arrive in Zanzibar in 1863 and crossed to Tanzania

mainland, Bagamoyo in 1868 where they opened freed slaves' villages. In these

villages they received and taught slaves freed by the British marines from the Arab

slave traders. With the help of catechists trained in these villages, the missionaries

evangelized northwards till the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro. The ex-slaves were the

first catechists. The missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) led by, Fr. Livinhac,

arrived in 1878 in two groups. One group started on the shores of Lake Tanganyika

and the other on those of Lake Victoria. This mission to the great lakes evangelized

all the West of Tanzania together with the neighboring countries of Rwanda,

Burundi, Uganda and East Zaire.

The Benedictine missionary Monks of St. Ottilien landed in Dar es Salaam in 1887.

From there they evangelized southward to Ruvuma River on the border with

762

Ibid. 12

291

Mozambique. Their two monasteries of Ndanda and Peramiho became centers of

development and modern civilization in the South of Tanzania. After the First World

War, more missionary congregations and societies came in to help. The

congregations that arrived at this time were: the Capuchins, Consolata, Passionists

and the Pallotines. More missionaries came after the Second World War namely: the

Maryknolls, Rosminians and the Salvatorians. Propaganda Fide gave to each of these

missionary groups a Diocese or two to evangelize.

The characteristics of the Three Main Evangelizers: During the period of struggle for

independence though some individual missionaries and the local clergy participated,

the official church maintained its neutrality.763

To a large extent the Catholic elite

followed the church stand. Though the post-independence government had many

Moslems and some anti-missionary Marxist politicians, the fact that Julius Nyerere, a

committed practicing Catholic headed the government assured the church. Nyerere

even managed to calm the fears of the Bishops concerning the ruling party's

"Ujamaa" ideology (a blend of African Socialism). The Bishops suspected Ujamaa of

Communist elements.764

The relations between the church and government were

strained after the Arusha declaration in 1967. In the implementation of the

Declaration not only the big houses, factories and banks were nationalized but also in

1970 the church owned schools. The economic crisis of the late 1970s and 1980s

weakened Ujamaa and the 1990s saw the introduction of multipartism and liberal

economy. In spite of all the church's mistrust of Ujamaa, they concurred on the social

policy towards the poor. This included free education and health services given by

763

Lucius Marquardt, in Lambert Doerr (ed.), volume 2, op. cit. 1998:29-30, The majority were

European missionaries who were apparently worried about their future in independent Tanganyika. 764

J.K.Nyerere Adress to religious leaders 1967

292

the government. With the introduction of liberal economy, everybody has to pay for

the services that one gets. The rich became richer while the poor became poorer and

desperate. The government employees are poorly paid and corruption has increased.

Against this trend in 1993 the church issued two strong pastoral letters: "Ukweli

utawapeni uhuru" (Truth will make you free); and "Dhamira Safi - Dira ya Taifa

Letu" (Good Conscience - Vision of our Nation). These two letters were well

received by the people.

5.7.2 Second Vatican in Tanzania

The Second Vatican Council brought a new life to the Tanzania church. Liturgical

books were translated into Swahili and Mass hymns in Swahili were composed.

Drums and other traditional musical instruments were introduced in the liturgy. This

increased the people's active participation in the liturgy. Lay people became more

involved in the church activities. For effective pastoral work, the church introduced a

system of Small Christian Communities. The Catholic families are divided into small

Christian Communities of 12 to 20 families each. These communities become the

basic churches with leaders, liturgical services and a shared social life. Where these

have succeeded, the church is healthy and alive with a strong lay participation in the

church leadership. Nyerere's (the first president of Tanzania) political ideology of

Ujamaa (African Socialism) which was organized on similar lines facilitated the

introduction of these basic communities. Now though Ujamaa ideology is declining,

the Small Christian Communities are still strong.

During the thirty-five years from 1914 to 1949, while the missions have been

declining, or at least ceasing to expand, the membership of the Church has increased

293

five-fold. The year 1955 churches were in great transitional period in organizational

sense. The societies of missions 1875, British UMCA, French Holy Ghost Roman

Catholic 1868, Lutheran Berlin Mission Society 1887, Moravians German 1891,

German Benedictine Fathers, Swiss Capuchin Fathers, Italian Passionist Fathers,

Italian Consolata Fathers, White Fathers, German Bethel Mission Society and

German Leipzig Mission Society, found themselves redundant as the colonial regime

was active in social service provision especially intervention in secondary and

tertiary education.765

There was also lay participation in education system; a sector

hitherto was controlled by missionaries.

5.7.3 Economic Transformation of Africans

Many Africans have indulged in economic transformation especially agriculture.

Many societies have accepted cultivation of cash crops as means of getting income.

Coffee growing became a popular investment in Buhaya, Kilimanjaro, Umatengo,

Southern highlands, and Tarime. Cotton was important crop cultivated in the lake

zone of Mwanza, Shinyanga, Mara and Tabora. Other cash crops cultivated in

colonial Tanganyika included cashewnuts in southwestern Tanzania; tobacco in

Songea; tea and pyrethrum in Southern Highlands and livestock in Arusha, Mara,

Mwanza and Shinyanga. To profitably market their produce the farmers launched

cooperative unions under their own leadership. Most of the farmers were Christians

and therefore influenced the missionary enterprise.766

765

John Iliffe, op. cit. 355, 439, 444, government educational spending increased by 126 per cent in

1939-45. 766

Iliffe, op.cit. 463-65

294

5.8 Transition to Local Church in the Matengo Highlands

The players in the transition from mission Christianity to local Christianity were the

colonial state, the missionaries and the Matengo society. Each of this group had a

role to play according to their perception of transition or otherwise. The Matengo

area was politically administered using indirect rule through the Matengo Native

Authority under a Bambo Mkulungu assisted by sub-chiefs of Litembo and Langiro

barazas who were assisted by majumbe at the lower level.767

This administration did

not have decisions of its own. This was an administration receiving orders from the

Songea District boma where the District Commissioner was the head. The District

Commissioner was answerable to the Provincial commissioner who was stationed at

Lindi.768

At the apex of the administration was the Governor who was housed at Dar-

es-Salaam and who apparently was in charge of the whole Tanganyika Territory.769

The other player was the colonial state which represented the interest of the

governor. It was administering all policies, rules and laws which were coming from

the territorial administration in Dar-es-Salaam. It was responsible to carry over the

economic, political and social policies. The other player was the missionaries who

were also receiving instructions from their superiors who were stationed at their

Abbey Nullius at Peramiho under Abbot-Bishop. The Abbot-Bishop was answerable

to their superior Archabbot of Benedictine Order at St. Ottilien in Germany.770

The

Congregation liaised with the Propaganda Fide at Vatican for final decisions

regarding the running of the Roman Catholic Church.771

767

TNA, AB.56, Annual Report 1926 Mahenge Province, This Authority was gazetted in March 2nd

1926 as Matengo group together with Wanyasa, Wangoni – Mbonani and Wangoni Zulu constituting

the Songea District 768

Songea District was removed from Mahenge Province and placed under Lindi Province to allow

smooth running of its affairs. 769

The governor was the representative of the head of state in London. 770

The Benedictine Order Constitution of 1880 771

Vatican is the organ in the running and coordinating of the Catholic Church across the world.

295

This study set out to look at several areas regarding transition from mission

Christianity to local church. Starting with the perception of Matengo regarding

transition an interview formed part of the method of understanding the whether the

Matengo understood the process of transition. The responses showed that the local

Matengo people were not aware of the difference in the two epochs. To the contrary

it was a period of much consolidation of Christianity. The number of mission stations

increased from 6 in1937 to 12 in 1968 as it is presented in Table 5.1 below. This

means that for 50 years (1899 to 1949) Matengo Highlands had established only 6

mission stations. While for 17 years only (1949 to 1966) the same area was able to

establish 6 mission stations. There are three historical phases in the establishment of

mission stations in the Matengo Highlands. The first was from 1899 to 1914 which

was essentially the formative phase with only 2 mission stations. During this period

the Matengo people were still suspicious of the missionaries. This phase was

interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War. The German missionaries were

interned and ultimately deported hence creating a situation of orphan church in the

hands of catechists and from 1922 the White Fathers held a brief in running the

church in the Matengo Highlands. The White Fathers were not enough in number in

numerical terms to run the church given the big numbers of catechumens in the

Matengo Highlands but also the geographical expansion of the area.

The second phase was that of 1926 to 1939 when the British government offered to

allow the German missionaries to return to the Matengo Highlands. Despite its short

period, the Benedictine missionaries were able to establish 4 mission stations as it is

presented in Table 5.1 below. This progress again was interrupted by the outbreak of

296

Second World War in 1939. As it was during the World War1 the German

missionaries once again were restricted to move around freely by the British

government. Save for the personal amicable relationship of a Swiss-born Abbot

Gallus Steigler with the Songea District administration who was able to persuade the

government authority to spare German Missionaries in the Matengo area. The

government granted permission on condition that these missionaries should not hold

superior positions in the mission stations. Furthermore, German missionaries were

not allowed to be stationed in mission stations south of Lindi to Mbamba Bay road.

As a result the Liparamba and Tingi mission stations together with the Sisters‘

Convent at Liparamba which was running a Health Centre were temporarily closed

down. Once again, missionary work in the Matengo Highlands experienced another

setback.

The third phase in the Matengo Highlands was that of post-World War II era. This

was a historical epoch which was characterized by increase in the establishment of

mission stations as Table 5.1belowseems to present that 6 mission stations were

found during this period. One striking feature of this phase was that one third of

mission stations opened had local founding superiors. These were Fr. Venant Hunja

the founding superior of Mkumbi mission in 1959 and Fr. Matthei Mapunda a

founding superior of Mbangamao mission in 1966. There were also diocesan priests

who were appointed to large mission stations as parish priests, for example Fathers

Christian Kapinga for Mbinga and Baltasar Soko for Litembo.772

By the

772

Lucius Marquart, 0p.cit. 50

297

establishment of minor seminary at Kigonsera in 1938 it was an enough incentive to

the youth around to join the vocation and consecrated priests in the end.773

Construction of smaller mission stations or parishes which would be manageable for

African priests who do not have outside resources as expatriate priests was

emphasized by Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho.774

To

this effect, a number of small scale mission stations were built at Mpapa and

Lundumato. If both Europeans and African priests were for Christianity, why outside

resources were only available to expatriate priests only? Besides, a number of priests;

Christian Kapinga and Daniel Mbunda from the Matengo Highlands, were sent to

Europe and United States of America for further training in order to prepare them

take up posts manned by European missionaries.

Table 5.1: Mission Station in the Matengo Highlands (1899-1968)

S/

N

MISSIO

NS

YE

AR

NU

MB

ER

FOUNDING

SUPERIOR

NATION

ALITY

1 KIGONS

ERA

1899 1 Fr. Innozenz Hendle German

2 LITEMB

O

1914 1 Fr. Ludger Briedl German

3 LIPARA

MBA

1927 1 Fr. Heribert Meyer Swiss

4 MBINGA 1935 1 Fr. Innozenz Muller German

5 TINGI 1937

2 Fr. Werner Brodhun German

6 MATIRI Fr. Rainald Braun German

7 MAGUU 1949 1 Fr. Joseph Damm German

773

Wamisionari Mashujaa Padre Severin Hofbauer OSB na Padre Joseph Damm, BPNP, 1998:32 774

Abbo-Bishop Eberhard Spiess, in Peramiho 1898-1998, vol. 2, 1998:50

298

8 MPAPA 1953 1 Fr. Adelgott Ruckli Swiss

9 LUNDU

MATO

1959 2 Fr. Aidan Krapf Swiss

10 MKUMBI Fr. Venant Hunja Tanzanian

11 MBANG

AMAO

MIKALA

NGA

1966

2 Fr. Matthei Mapunda Tanzanian

12 Fr. Michael Heinlein German/A

merican

13 TOTAL 1968 12 12 3 Nations

of origin

Source: Abbey of Peramiho Archives - Parish Records

The numbers of Christians were increasing steadily as it is presented in Table 5.2

below. The number doubled between 1945 and 1968. This is partly because the

Matengo had accepted and internalized the new Eurocentric based culture given the

advantages they accrued economically and socially.775

In view of the above, the

establishment of missionary stations was part of inducing the local population into

Christianity. It has to be taken into account that the numbers were based on the parish

baptismal records and registers. That is why the column in Table5.2 below shows

how baptisms form the life line of the expansion of Christianity. However, looking at

criterion of baptism as indication for the expansion of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands cannot communicate the clear and objective reality. One reason to support

this argument is that during this period most of the baptisms were to the infants who

did not understand what Catholic faith really meant. For this reason Christianity was

showing quantitative expansion rather than qualitative expansion.

775

E.Mihanjo, Impact of Christianity on Population…, 2000, 56

299

This quantitative expansion of Christianity called for more personnel to cater for the

growing numbers. Missionaries were however, not enough anymore because there

was lack of new missionary personnel coming to the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho.776

In Europe and America there was rapid decrease in vocation among the young

people. Partly because during this period was strongly affected by secularization

process in Europe and America due to the growth of so-called modernization,

urbanization, science and technology. The number of church goers among the youth

declined drastically leaving only the old church goers. The other reason for shortage

of mission personnel was due to the loss of manpower during the Second World War.

Some German missionary were mobilized for the war and others were repatriated by

the British authorities suspected of supporting war mobilization for Germany leaving

back vacant mission stations.777

Furthermore, the missionary authorities at Peramiho

found the other missionaries had become older to perform their duties effectively.

For these reasons and others the Abbot-Bishop could not help except prepare

transition to local church hierarchy which would be able to mobilize human

resources for the church within the changing times and the people.778

776

Lucius op.cit. 777

Abbey of Peramiho Archives (APA), File ‗Evacuation‘, November 1948, All mission stations in

the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho south of Lindi to Mbamba Bay road were not allowed to have German

missionaries or else they were under travel restriction within Songea District. There was also a plan to

repatriate them to Germany 778

Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess was among other things charged with the task of establishing local

church under African Leadership.

300

Table 5.2: Growth of Christianity in the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho

YE

AR

MIS

SIO

NS

CA

TH

OL

ICS

BA

PT

ISM

S

LO

CA

L

PR

IES

TS

LO

CA

L

BR

OT

HE

RS

LO

CA

LS

IST

ER

S

LO

CA

L

CA

TE

CH

IST

S

1945 28 105,559 8,723 3 - 66 1,325

1948 28 119,178 8,579 4 - 75 1,421

1951 30 136,205 9,202 4 - 72 1,258

1954 31 154,880 10,020 7 - 78 1,171

1957 34 170,794 11,905 14 - 64 1,249

1960 40 192,075 12,040 26 7 74 1,172

1964 45 223,524 11,902 36 13 113 1,067

1967 51 257,193 13,077 55 16 149 1,183

Source: Documentary Survey

The other factor for transition was the funds being cut off from German. From 1933

German of Hitler was so anti-Catholic has imposed new regulations which forbade

sending out money from Germany. This policy made transfer of funds to the Abbey

Nullius of Peramiho. There was no longer any support from Germany to the

missionaries abroad. The only remaining source of financial support were procures of

St. Ottilien, Munsterschwarzach, Schweiklberg, Meschede, Uznach in Switzerland

and Schuyler in the United States of America as well as Propaganda Fide in Rome.

There were some locally generated incomes from the existing projects in different

missions.779

Despite these constraints in monetary terms and missionary personnel,

the number of Christians continued to grow as Table 5.2 above would tend to

confirm. What this suggests is that the growth was attributed to hard work of the

catechists who labored much to put together the converts. The number of catechists

was so big according to figures presented in Table 5.2 above. One can ask why the

number of catechists was growing while the missions‘ financial status was declining.

779

Lucius, op.cit. 67 cf. Doerr, op.cit. 169

301

The explanation for this situation was that catechists were lowly paid and sometimes

they were remunerated in terms second hand clothes and other fancy materials.780

The justification for underpaying the catechists was the fact that most of them were

not trained in that profession. Benjamin Akitanda narrated the story of his father who

worked as catechist at Matiri outstation from 1914 to 1960. The Matiri outstation

grew into full-fledged mission station in 1937 passing through all rough waters

emanating from First World War and Second World War. But when he retired he

received a token of 500/= (five hundred shillings only).781

Another story was narrated by Anton Kapinga Matanila about catechist Daniel

Thomas of Kigonsera mission station and catechist Galus Kapinga Mpwata of

Litembo mission station. These catechists worked very hard to evangelize in their

respective areas of jurisdiction. Among other activities the catechists performed,

were teaching the catechumens; giving instructions to sick people; teaching the bush

schools the basic literacy, writing, numeracy and basic religious instructions. This

hard work notwithstanding, these catechists were remunerated only 5/= (five

shillings) per month. This pay was sometimes topped up with presents in the form of

second hand cloth, sugar, salt and taking their children to mission schools free of

charge.782

780

Xaver Mbunda, retired catechist of Kigonsera Parish from 1940s to 1980s. Interviewed at Mbinga,

2012. Cf. Benjamin Akitanda, a son of catechist Constantin Akitanda who passed away in August 12th

1964 781

Benjamin Akitanda, a son of catechist Constantin Akitanda who passed away in August 12th 1964.

Interviewed at Matiri, August 2013 782

Anton Matanila, among the beneficiaries of mission education, worked as a teacher at

Tosamaganga secondary school, as entomologist, as magistrate and Matengo Native Cooperative

Union officer, interviewed at Mbinga, 2012

302

The problem of insufficient financial support to missionary work and lack of

missionary personnel compelled the authority of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho to start

contemplating the possibility of transition from mission church to local church in the

area including the Matengo Highlands. This need was more pressing when the

qualified local mission teachers gradually started getting dissatisfied with low wages

and went on strike demanding for higher wages. Missionaries were unable to pay

those high salaries to the workers.783

In 1963 the Abbot Bishop Eberhard Spiess and

his auxiliary bishop Jacob Komba issued a pastoral letter on mission schools. This

letter insisted on self-reliance instead of depending on donors from Europe and

America. It revealed that the diocese was the last in self-reliance among all the

Catholic dioceses in Tanganyika784

despite its big numbers of Christians, local

priests, local sisters, local brothers and local catechists as it is shown in Table 5.2

above. It further called on the missions to be self-reliant on building and maintaining

its schools; paying salaries of its catechists; upkeep and feed its priests, brother and

sisters; to build and maintain its churches; to build other buildings like hospital,

school and missionaries‘ building.785

This was a preparation to take up challenges as

the missionaries were preparing a transition towards a local church.

Another challenge to the missionary work during the period of transition was

growing signs of stagnation were to be observed. Christian practice and life were

often becoming more a matter of routine and custom than the genuine conviction.786

There existed a contradiction between the numbers of baptisms and marriages against

783

Fr. Francis Ndunguru deputy parish priest of Litembo, interviewed 2013 at Litembo. He argues that

whereas missionaries were supported by home companies, governments, donors, exempted from

different taxes and paid high salaries, African local clergy did not benefit from those facilities. 784

Kamati,op. cit. 93 785

Kamati, idid. :92-93 786

Lucius Marquardt, op.cit. 17

303

the number of communicants; the number of catechumens declined so did the

number of those who took penance.787

Once the church administration complained

about the Catholic Church was confronted with beliefs in witchcraft and Catholics

easily became prey to the agents of witchcraft elimination movement during sickness

or death. The period between 1950s and 1968 a big mob of Matengo boarded MV

Ilala, a Nyasaland-bound ship plying between Tanganyika and Nyasaland. This mob

headed to Nkata Bay in Nyasaland where a famous witch hunter by the name of

Chakanga was believed to cure people who have been bewitched.788

This mob was

composed of majority baptized Christians and few unbaptized as well. This tendency

clearly indicated a movement towards relapse into ‗paganism‘. It was therefore a

disappointment to the missionaries. This partly explains why the missionaries had to

make arrangement for a transition towards local church which if applying the ethos

and spirit of Vatican II Council of inculturazation the local clergy will be able to

synchronize the Christianity and traditional beliefs in witchcraft.

The other challenge to the mission church in late 1950s and 1960s was polygamous

marriages. The available statistics show that there was rapid increase of church

solemnized marriages as the shown in Table 5.3 below. This is an indication of the

success of spreading of Christianity if we take solemnized marriage as criterion for

ones‘ commitment to Christianity. But there was an increase relapse into polygamy

mainly in the Matengo Highlands on a scale never anticipated by the early

missionaries.789

The explanation for growing polygamous marriage in the Matengo

787

Kamati, op.cit. 106 788

Werner Dudu interviewed, 2013. Cf Kamati op.cit. 84-85 789

Lucius, op.cit. 18

304

Highlands was necessitated by the intensification of coffee growing.790

The rising

coffee prices encouraged many Matengo to enter into this enterprise by expanding

acreage which consequently demanded more labour. Marrying many wives and

therefore producing many children guaranteed constant labour supply. Labour

demand was so high during peak seasons notably during coffee weeding and

harvesting season.791

These trends seemed to frustrate missionaries and were

intolerant in it. The local church was better placed to address this challenge because

the clergy has been reared within this same cultural setting.

In response to this imperative there was an increase in seminarians both in the minor

and major seminaries. In 1955 when Fr. Severin Ofbauer OSB the founder of

Kigonsera minor seminary boasted of having trained more then 200 seminarians.792

The number of seminarians kept on growing as the number of local clergy was

needed as a necessary prerequisite to take up the leadership positions in the mission

centres as well as undertaking pastoral work for the local church. The missionaries

have already erected the church but the faithful in the young Christian communities

needed to grow in faith. To cater for this demand it was necessary for local clergy to

be in place not only seminarians but also the local sisters‘ orders as it is presented in

Table 5.2 above. The number of local sisters was growing steadily in comparison to

the brothers as the statistics in Table 5.2 above suggests. It was the policy of

Benedictine missionaries to restrict African brothers to be recruited in their

congregation. Even when the African Benedictine Brothers opened a monastery in

1957, it was decided that it should be situated at Hanga far away (around 100 km)

790

Kapinga 1993:116 791

Kapinga 1993 :102 792

Wamisionari Mashujaa, op. cit. 35

305

from Peramiho.793

This attitude has been blamed by many people who accuse the

Benedictine Fathers of St. Ottilien of racial segregation, and the Benedictines have

not been able to prove otherwise.794

Table 5.3: Marriages in the Matengo Highlands, Selected Missions

YEAR KIGONSERA LITEMBO LIPARAMBA MBINGA

1929 392 157 43 NOT YET

1939 470 579 186 95

1949 259 860 163 218

1959 319 738 223 525

1969 255 506 165 393

1979 218 744 82 282

1989 123 985 94 527

Source: Mihanjo, 2000

The leadership of the Catholic Church was all out to challenge the practice of

witchcraft. Among the steps instituted to curb witchcraft were preaching against

witchcraft in churches and schools. Newspapers wrote articles to castigate witchcraft

practices; ‗Katoliki‘ newspaper was in the forefront producing pieces aimed at

educating people the negativity of witchcraft in people‘s lives. Fr. Clodwig Hornug

OSB wrote a book ‗Uchawi Mjini Lusuma‘ with the aim of opposing the practice of

witchcraft among the Christians and other people.795

Above all, the church

administered severe punishment to Christians who in one way or another practiced

witchcraft. Furthermore, the colonial government on its side enacted law which

793

Kamati op. cit, 186 794

Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, Parish priest of Kigonsera, and Fr. Fidelis Mligo the Prior of Peramiho

Abbasia. Interviewed 2013 795

Kamati, op. cit. 85

306

prohibited the practice of witchcraft.796

All these steps notwithstanding, the Matengo

Christians clandestinely practiced witchcraft. A good number of those who went to

Chakanga and other witchdoctors were Christians.797

This situation was against

living styles of the missionaries hence contemplating to surrender the mission

stations to the local clergy.

5.8.1 Education

From the onset of missionaries in the Matengo Highlands, they had constantly been

usingeducation as an important component for evangelization. Up 1950s there was a

chain of mission schools in the Matengo Highlands. Together with these registered

schools there was another fleet of sub-grade schools which were established, owned

and operated by the Roman Catholic Church in the Matengo Highlands as they are

presented in Table 5.5 below. Sub-grade schools were mainly offering ecclesiastical

instructions to catechumens and those pupils preparing for confirmation in

Christianity. These schools were also used as bush schools where children were

prepared to enter the mission registered schools. Catechists did great job of teaching

large numbers of pupils in these schools sub-grade schools with very low wages as

we have argued above.798

The 1963 pastoral letter issued by the Abbot-Bishop

required that where there is a sub-grade school and/or catechetical centre, the faithful

of that location/outstation should form a Council to run the schools and pay the

catechists.799

796

Witchcraft Ordinance, of 18th

December, 1928 797

Interviews, retired catechist Xavery 798

The Abbot-Bishop had issued a pastoral letter in 1963 which required 799

Kamati, op. cit. 93-94

307

Table 5.4: Schools Existing in the Matengo Highlands

REGISTERED

SCHOOLS

CATECHESTICAL

CENTRES

MISSION

SCHOOLS

PUPILS SCHOOLS PUPILS

KIGONSERA 1 121 19 715

LITEMBO * 4 793 33 2,061

MBINGA ** 2 506 33 1,699

TINGI 3 298 27 778

MAGUU *** 2 418 32 1,943

TOTAL 12 2136 144 7196

Source: Catholic Directory as quoted by Mihanjo, 2000

NB: * Includes Lugari an outstation of Litembo

** Includes one district school

***Includes Mpapa an outstation of Maguu

The concept of sub-grade schools was coined by the colonial government when it

started intervening in the control and supervision of education in the Matengo

Highlands in 1946.800

Through its power to register schools, colonial government

was able to prune down the Catholic schools by registering only 12 schools as they

appear in Table 5.4 above. The rest of the schools were denied registration

purportedly of being sub-grade. By refusing registration to sub-grade schools, the

colonial authority reserved all rights to deny the so-called sub-grade schools right to

get assistance through government grants-in aid. The missionaries had to keep on

800

TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea: Songea District Education Committee, Minutes of Meeting

30.10.1946

308

maintaining these schools since they helped the missions to train their catechumens

and other religious instructions to the young people. In a way the Benedictines

accused the British colonial government of indifference to the Roman Catholic

despite its important role it played to provide education for the entire Matengo

Highlands.801

This negative attitude is based on the fact that Benedictines were

basically of German nationals, from Germany which apparently was an arch enemy

of United Kingdom. The British authority had no trust on the missionaries of German

nationals since the time of World War I and World War II. This mistrust had a

paralyzing effect on many missionaries Abbey Nullius of Peramiho as Fr. Lucius

puts it:

―… the relationship between colonial officials and

missionaries, though on the whole correct (good weather

friends!), was not free from distrust. … negotiations

concerning school policy health policy and marking out of

new mission plots were sometimes characterized by

bickering and haggling, even in questions of minor

importance.‖802

During the Songea District Education Committee meeting of 26.02.1951, the

Educational Secretary of Peramiho presented request to the Southern Province

Development Plan for assistance of Native Treasury in paying school fees of boys

attending Roman Catholic Mission schools who are unable to pay school fees. The

request also wanted the Native Treasury to assist in contribution towards the cost of

school materials.803

The District Commissioners Conference of Lindi Province in

their meeting of 12-14th

July, 1951 declined to approve the request on the grounds

that Roman Catholic missions should exempt poor pupils from payment of school

801

Until the time of independence in 1961, the Matengo had all its schools belonging to the Roman

Catholic missions. 802

Lucius op. cit. 30 803

TNA, Acc. 155, File 428/1, Minutes of Songea District Education Committee Meeting 26.2.1951

309

fees. And for the costs of purchasing school materials, argued that the government

grants-in aid was enough and adequate.804

In comparison of the two missionary groups working in Songea District the British

colonial authority did not hide their negative attitude to the Roman Catholics. The

other missionary group working in Songea District was the U.M.C.A. whose centre

was in Likoma Island. Roman Catholic mission was locked into conflict with the

U.M.C.A. over establishment of schools along Lake Nyasa shore. The British

colonial authority did hide its partisanship to the U.M.C.A. group which was

apparently made up of British nationals. The British District Officer did not hide his

hatred to the German Roman Catholic missionaries by blatantly saying:

―The Roman Priests in this district cannot be considered

all cultured men, thus they are prone to condemn all non-

Romans unheard. It is worth of note here that the

U.M.C.A. repudiate the name of ‗Protestant‘ as applied to

them, … it seems ‗Protestant‘ means ‗Mshenji‘in this

district‖805

It is this negative attitude on the part of British authority in Songea District which

contributed towards Roman Catholic missionaries in the Songea District and

Matengo Highlands in particular to start contemplating on their retreat to the

Peramiho monastery where they will rarely get into contact with British authority.

Instead they advocated for the local church that will have to interact with the colonial

authority and the independent government which was around the corner.

804

TNA,Acc. 155, File 428/1Provincial Administration, District Commissioners Conference, Lindi

Province of 12-14th

July 1951 805

TNA, Acc. 155, Songea District Book

310

Table 5.5: Sub-Grade Schools under Roman Catholic 1950s

S/N MISSIONS SCHOOLS LOCATION/VILLAGE/OUTSTATION

1 Kigonsera 8 Lipumba, Litorongi, Mkako, Mtandazi,

Iringa, Makoro, Mkurumusi, Lukarasi

2 LITEMBO 6 Mahenge, Mandita, Wukiro, Mbuji,

Kindimba, Mbugu

3 LIPARAMBA 6 Nindi, Sesenda, Mpepai, Lipembe,

Mamanda, Mtua

4 LUNDUMATO 2 Kipololo, Mpikira

5 MATIRI 8 Kihangi*, Kilindi*, Luluhai*, Mahuka*,

Mapipiri*, Liwihi, Majira, Ngeruka

(*subject to suitably qualified teacher)

6 MBINGA 13 Kilmani, Luwaita, Mtama, Ndembo,

Mbangamao, Lifakara, Ilela, Mkwaya,

Uzena, Mombasa,Kitanda, Masasi,

Tukuzi

7 MPAPA 9 Buruma, Kimbango, Kingoli, Mhekera,

Lusilingo, Ndengo, Punga, Ngingama,

Unyoni

8 TINGI 11 Luhonda, Malungu, Mtetema, Manzeye,

Lumeme, Mkutano, Tindo, Kunane,

Mbelembe, Luhongahi, Lulimbo

9 MAGUU 5 Hagati, Kioga, Kiyosi, Kihoro, Magingu

10 MKUMBI 3 Longa, Linda, Ngima

11 TOTAL 71

Source: TNA, Acc. 155, District Office Songea: Songea District Education

Committee Minutes, Registration of Sub-grade Schools, 1957.

From the evidence above the following conclusions can be drawn. First education as

a missionary strategy of evangelizing the Matengo Highlands had reached saturated

condition and its agenda was somewhat accomplished. Almost all the children in the

Matengo Highlands were either enrolled in the mission registered schools or in the

so-called sub-grade schools. At the bottom line, the objective of spreading

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands had reached a point where schooling was no

311

longer an important component in missionary work. Furthermore, the Christian

character of the schools had to undergo changes in the late fifties because of losing

its intrinsic Christian character.806

Teachers of mission schools were no longer

accepting the position of passive employees of mission, but were ready to take up an

active part in the shaping of the whole education policy. Further emancipation of

teachers was the result of increasing share in the running of schools through grants-

in-aid. Until 1969 when schools were nationalized in the Matengo Highlands, the

government was paying up to 90 percent of teachers‘ salaries. Many teachers felt

much more government employees than that of missionaries.

Rising and escalating costs of running educational sector was another challenge to

the Benedictine missionaries. This cost rose because the number of pupils had

increased drastically in the 1950s as Tables 4 and 5 above tend to reveal. This

challenge was made more complicated due to the lack of funds from Europe and

America which were now not forthcoming. At the same time the colonial government

was reluctant to assist the schools financially especially the so-called sub-grade

schools which formed the majority of school children. Furthermore, the government

intervention in the education system disturbed the missionaries in the Matengo

highlands. Policy of registration of schools was not very friendly to the Benedictines

who seemed to prefer relative freedom. That is why when they found increase of

colonial interference they could not want to stay in the mission stations where

freedom was not forthcoming. With few exceptions many missionaries retreated to

the Abbey Nullius of Peramiho. But the missionaries had succeeded through

806

Lucius, op.cit. :44

312

Christianity and education for that matter to bring about cultural formation and

indoctrination to the western culture.

Christianity had brought all the children of up to seven years old into its circles and

children were no longer exposed to traditional upbringing. Instead the children

passed through bush schools, catechetical centers and registered schools where they

got learning skills, writing and numerals, they were also indoctrination of Euro-

Christian ideologies.807

Above all children were detached from traditionalism and

local skills, were integrated into new demands, behavior and taste such as elitist

attitude. The youth who were the products of missionary schools started looking for

wage labour at the coastal plantations and in the South African mines in order to

meet their modern demands which included cloth, sugar, salt, shoes payment of poll

and hut tax and other exotic goods.808

There was a contradiction in this regard due to

the fact that the missionary schools had produced experts who needed jobs which

were not available in the Matengo Highlands. As a result the youth started marching

to the coast where there were jobs in the plantations; mines and in offices. Sometimes

basing on the Masters and Servants Ordinance of 1923 many recruitment agents

arrived in the district to recruit labors. An agent arrived in the district in 1948 to get

labourers for Messrs Bird and Company Ltd sisal plantations; for Mikindani sisal

plantation in Lindi District. However the Matengo were no forthcoming for jobs

attainable outside their locality. One of the reasons was that the Roman Catholic

missionaries in the Matengo Highlands were reluctant to allow their followers to go

to the coast.809

The reasoning was that when the youth went to the coast they never

807

Mihanjo, op. cit. 58 808

TNA, AB. 78Annual Report Lipumba Sub-District 1925 809

TNA File AB part 1733, Annual Report Songea District 1923

313

returned. If it happened that they return to their homes in Umatengo they came as

members of other religions, they changed their Christian religion. The other reason

was that Matengo did not want to work in plantations where the wages were very low

shs 14/= per month while if they cultivated coffee crop it was earning them huge

money. As a result the recruitment agencies preferred taking the Wanyasa and

Wangoni.810

Traditional courtship was abandoned as the Christian codes required them to abide

by Christian ethics of courtship. Even the bride price system had to be changed from

a traditional system where some traditional rituals like consulting the ancestors were

part and parcel of dowry payment process. The new system of dowry was supposed

to abide by the Native Authority rules (Sheria za Utawala wa Wenyeji). Bride Price

Rules which was passed in 1946 by the Matengo Native Authority provided a

maximum ceiling of bride price of dowry payable at shs.150/= only in the Matengo

Highlands.811

Marriages were to be solemnized in church otherwise traditional

marriages (makunja) were not recognized by the Christian authorities. Dressing

pattern shifted from the tradition ndenda clothing to modern clothing. This was a

precondition for a child going to bush school, going to catechumen class, going for

confirmation, a couple going for marriage one had to put on modern cloth.

5.8.2 Economic Transformation in the Matengo Highlands

The economy of the Matengo Highlands revolved around cultivation of food crop

which included maize, beans, peas, wheat and coffee. At the beginning the

missionaries encouraged their followers to practice agriculture in order to produce

810

TNAA, Acc. 155, Songea District Book 811

TNA, Acc. 155, 5/9: Sheria za Utawala wa Wenyeji

314

cash crops especially wheat and coffee which the missionaries were the potential

market for crops.812

Wheat crop was introduced by Fr. Johannes Hafliger at Litembo

Mission station before World War I in order to get bread for the community.813

From

there it spread like bush fire to other areas of the Matengo Highlands constituting one

of the most important cash crop.814

The Acting Provincial Commissioner was

worried with the expansion in the production of wheat, and he urged the district

authority to discourage expansion of production until a reliable market is secured

probably in Nyasaland, Portuguese East Africa and Northern Rhodesia.815

The

missionaries introduced the European potatoes which again became an important

money generating crop to the Matengo people. The first coffee experiment in the

Matengo Highlands was done by missionaries at Litembo. The German colonial

rulers tried it at Lipumba, but it was the British government which established coffee

as a cash crop in the Matengo Highlands. The real commercial production started in

1930s. The experiment was done at Lipumba in 1920s by L.V.A. Haviland an officer

incharge of Litembo boma. The results of the experiment proved encouraging, the

thicket of coffee trees were in excellent condition.816

These good results at the

Lipumba experimental station encouraged the District Officer to bring seeds of Kent

coffee which were planted at Lipumba, Litembo, Pilakano, and Myangayanga

nurseries in 1934.817

The coffee seedlings were then distributed to the Matengo

native growers under the close supervision of the agricultural officer. Table 5.6below

812

TNA, Acc. 155, 37, Acting Provincial Commissioner‘s Report of Songea District 1930, cf. TNA,

Acc. 155/37, Provincial Commissioners‘ Report for Songea, July-August 1929, Mahenge Province. 813

TNA, Acc. 155, AB. 78, Annual Report, Lipumba Sub-District, 1925. Cf. Fr. Francis Ndunguru

Majeshi, Deputy parish priest Litembo, interviewed 2013 at Litembo, cf. Jacob Hyera Agricultural

Officer, Mbinga District, interviewed at Mbinga 2013 814

Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi, Deputy parish priest Litembo, interviewed 2013 at Litembo 815

TNA, Acc. 155, 37, Acting Provincial Commissioner‘s Report of Songea District 1930 816

TNA, SDB MF 40, Volume II cf. TNA, Acc. 155, 37, ibid. 817

Kapinga op. cit. :80

315

shows the villages to which coffee seedling in the Matengo Highlands were

distributed:

Table 5.6: Summary of Kent Coffee Planting in 1935 in the Matengo Highlands

PLACE GROWERS PLANTINGS

MYANGAYANGA 60 4882

WALANZI 44 4400

PILIKANO 45 4123

LITEMBO 49 2500

UGANO 10 1200

LIPUMBA 5 376

TOTAL 213 17,551

Source: TNA Acc. 155 A. 3/22

The colonial government instituted close supervision on coffee growing in order to

get best quality coffee. The government issued coffee rules under the Sheria za

Utawala wa Wenyeji (Rules of Matengo Native Authority).818

The coffee rules are

appended as Annex 12. Through these Native Authority Rules the state was able to

supervise coffee production in the Matengo Highlands. It was further agreed that

Coffee Industry (Improvement and Registration) Ordinance of 1936 be applicable to

Umatengo. This law required coffee growers to sell their coffee through a

cooperative union.819

The result of this state intervention is revealed in the increase

of coffee production as presented in Table 5.7 below:

818

TNA, Acc. 155, L 5/9 819

TNA, Acc.155 File 64/7, Songea Annual Report 1936

316

Table 5.7: Ngoni-Matengo Cooperative Marketing Union Ltd (Coffee Handled

by Ngaka Cooperative Society – Unregistered)

Coffee sold 1936/37 1937/38

Handled by Union 1399 kgs 5675 kgs

Sold Locally 199 kgs 175 kgs

Sold – England 1200 5500 kgs

Local Price 50-60 cents per kgs 50-60 cents per kgs

England Price 40 – 72 cents per kg -

Price to Growers 53cts per kg. -

Levy 5 cents -

Source: TNA, Acc. 155 Coop/27/II

NB: Growing Areas:-Lipumba Cooperative Society at Lipumba and Answika

villages.

Mbinga Cooperative Society of Mbinga and Walazi villages.

Tingi Cooperative Society at Tingi

Mbangamao Coperative Society at Mbangamao

From 1950s coffee production in the Matengo Highlands has become generalized and

a concerted effort by the colonial government to improve coffee production was

producing positive results. The price available to growers in Umatengo Highlands

rose from 53 cents per kilogram in 1936/37 season as it is shown in Table 5.7 above

to 5.50 shillings per kilogram in 1950.820

To some extent the rise in price of coffee

contributed to the rapid expansion of coffee planting in Umatengo as it is indicated in

Table 5.8 below. The number of coffee trees increased from 271,909 in 1940s to over

one million trees in 1952.821

The number of villages producing coffee increased from

six (6) in 1935 as it is presented in Table 5.6 above to twenty four (24) villages in

1952 as it is presented in Table 5.8 below. The number of coffee growers in the

Matengo Highlands also increased from 278 growers in 1935 as in Table 5.6 above to

820

TNA, Acc. 155 11/260/50 821

TNA, Acc. 155 A. 3/22 Folio 207-213

317

4420 growers in 1952 as presented in Table 5.8 below. In 1945 coffee was for the

first time planted in Hagati area which originally was not recommended for coffee

planting. However, the rapid spread of coffee growing in Hagati valley was achieved

in in the 1950s.822

Above all, the volume of production in terms of tonnage increased

ten folds from 12 tons in 1941 to 110 tons in 1950. Production further increased

almost two folds from 110 tons to 196 tons in 1952.823

The introduction and consolidation of coffee production in the Matengo Highlands

cannot be discussed exhaustibly without touching missionaries because they are the

first to experiment growing it during their early days in the Matengo Highlands at

Kigonsera and Litembo. The crop did very well at Kigonsera and Litembo unlike at

Peramiho. At Litembo the crop was planted in the valley of River Ruhunei near the

mission station. However, when the First World War broke out in 1914, the crop was

neglected. But it was evident after the war that coffee could successfully be grown in

the Matengo Highlands. 824

The other contribution the missionaries made towards

coffee production was the fact that the social services they were providing like health

and education required the beneficiaries to contribute some money. For this reason

the Matengo people had to grow coffee in order to get money to pay for these

services.

The missionaries had introduced western education in the Matengo Highlands since

the time of their arrival. The products of the missionary schools were among the

coffee planting pioneers in the Matengo Highlands. Many of the early coffee growers

822

Mageuza Nganyanyuka Ndomba, Simon Soteka interviewed at Maguu, cf Kapinga, op. cit. 88 823

TNA, Acc. 155.A 3/22 Folio 435 824

Kapinga, op. cit. 64

318

in Umatengo were Christian older people with formal education who included

Makitas relatives and school mates, court elders and ex-migrant labourers.825

Other

mission educated elite were employed as instructors and inspectors in coffee

cultivation. In 1935 the colonial government sent Chrisostomus Makita to Moshi for

studies on how coffee was cultivated.826

Henrick Limuka and Kalistus Kayuni were

chosen as coffee planting demonstrators. They then were sent to Moshi to attend a

seven months course on matters pertaining to coffee production. That is the choice of

land and seeds, preparation of coffee nurseries, planting, lining out, holing, catch

crops, shade planting, weeding, compost pits, manuring, capping, topping, pruning

and handling, preparation of the crop, identification and control of insects pests, and

preparation of time table of seasonal work.827

In 1954 several mission educated

Matengo youth teamed up to form Matengo Native Cooperative Union (MANCU)

which was charged with marketing, supervising and improving quality of the coffee

crop.828

It is in this context that mission education produced learned people in the

Matengo Highlands who were then instrumental in improving the coffee production.

It was true that the proceeds of coffee sales contributed to the improvement of lives

of the Matengo people. The Matengo were able to build better houses using baked

bricks and thatched with corrugated iron sheets; they were able to send their children

to schools; they were able to pay for health services; the Matengo were able to buy

transport facilities; they could manage to procure uptodate furniture; and to buy

agricultural inputs and better cloth for their families.

825

Kapinga, Ibid. 82 826

Kapinga, ibid. 82 827

TNA, Annual Report 1929 828

Anton Kapinga Matanila, interviewed at Mbinga – Mkumbi, 2012

319

Missionaries from different stations were potential buyers of coffee especially before

the formation of MANCU. Missionaries bought coffee for their consumption in their

monasteries but they also used to export the crop to Germany and other places

outside Tanganyika. For this reason missionaries were potential market for the

Matengo coffee. Presence of reliable market was an incentive for increase and

improvement of coffee production in the Matengo Highlands. However, the District

Commissioner was of the opinion that the mission trading was detrimental to African

traders. For this reason it was his opinion that mission should be barred from trading

so as to avoid competition.829

In 1953 coffee growing achieved further development when a warehouse was

constructed at Mkinga ten kilometres from Mbinga.830

This development ushered in

the transfer of all activities pertaining to coffee handling from Songea to the Matengo

Highlands. Such tasks as weighing and packing of coffee were done under the

supervision of the Ngaka Cooperative Society. More primary societies were formed

at Mhagawa, (Litembo mission), Pilakano (Mkumbi mission) and Mapera (Maguu

mission). Finally these primary cooperative societies of Matengo Highlands united to

form Matengo Native Cooperative Union (MANCU) which was registered on 10th

September, 1954 to handle the Matengo coffee instead of Ngoni Matengo

Cooperative Marketing Union (NGOMAT).831

829

TNA Acc. 155 File 428/1 Provincial Administration, Distrct Commissioners Conference at Lindi

1949. Cf. intrviews Anton op. cit. 830

TNA,NA/39. Minutes of the District Team, 1961 831

Tanganyika Territory: Annual Reports of Provincial Commissioners on Native Administration,

Government Printer, DSM, 1956

320

Table 5.8: Coffee Tree Census in Umatengo Highlands 1952 (31.3.1952)

S/N Village/Area Coffee

Growers

Old

trees

Trees planted in Total

trees

1950 1951 1952

1. Lituru 355 22,401 9,455 9,019 23,682 64,557

2. Litembo 97 11,759 6,522 6,522 10,107 34,910

3. Mhagawa 220 30,901 13,069 15,063 10,107 52396

4. Mbuji 181 11,263 12,625 14,863 17,905 56,660

Langiro 1045 35,412 23,527 73,067 81,088 213,094

Mpapa 251 4,715 7,345 14,336 37,224 57,620

Litindo 84 534 417 4,580 8,117 13,648

Tingi 9 - - 433 1,445 1,878

5. Kindimba 259 25,275 10,910 14,367 28,989 79,553

6. Walanzi 129 11,440 11,898 5,389 14,584 43,291

7. Lubino 83 5,999 1,366 908 4,273 12,546

8. Lipumba 92 1,500 - 971 7,255 9,726

Kilumbalero 150 6,922 - 2,151 1,179 10,252

Linda 95 16,550 - 8,216 10,125 34,891

9. Longa/Lugal

i/Pilakano

243 32,910 3,445 15,341 8,693 60,391

10. Ngima 266 7,686 26,066 13,539 5,843 53,134

11. Wukiro 100 11,715 3,871 5,782 5,277 26,645

Gumbiro 163 978 2,121 1,641 19,170 23,910

Mbinga 180 2,520 12,555 12,817 2,513 30,405

12. Myangayang

a

126 8,910 - 7,370 6,846 23,126

Lipitigu 66 19,008 1,751 8,987 17,928 47,674

13. Ugano 226 3,500 400 831 900 5,631

Umatengo -

Total

4,420 271,909 147,336 236,193 341,118 995,566

Source: TNA 155/A.3/22

321

NB: The numbered villages are the traditional coffee growing villages.

The colonial government apart from price incentive introduced what was known as

increased productivity plan. Under this plan, the Matengo coffee growers were urged

to use insecticide against antestia. Antestia was a disease which happened when

insects had suck juice from the premature coffee cherries. As a result coffee beans

are destroyed. Staff for the coffee scheme was brought to the Matengo Highlands

towards the end of 1958whose duty was to advise coffee growers on how to obtain

higher yields from the existing acreage. This was a practical translation of a colonial

so-called transformation approach to Matengo situation. On top of that move, the

colonial government staged an agricultural show at Songea in 1958 whereby different

trade goods were displayed. The goods shown were an eye opener and inspiration to

African peasants to enter commodity production.

From 1950s when coffee prices went skyrocketing and therefore the acreage kept on

increasing and the colonial government increased its intervention. Through the

primary cooperative societies the government loaned pulpers to coffee growers.

These loans were recovered through the proceeds from coffee sales. Since it was not

easy for each individual farmer to purchase pulper, a group of people within one clan

or friends purchased one which was used by them all. From 1960s each grower had

to have his own pulper due to the rapid increase in coffee planting. In 1960s the

production of coffee in the Matengo Highlands had reached the climax with almost

every household producing the crop. The average trees for each household were

about 1000 trees which was almost one acre depending on the spacing one adopted.

322

This intensification of coffee production had some implications to the Matengo

Society. These households as we discussed above were Christian families who had to

abide by Christian rules and regulations. Since most of the coffee produced found

market in the mission stations, this time it was difficult to get coffee from growers

who now preferred selling the crop to cooperative unions which provided better price

compared to mission station.832

This was a blow to the mission economy, taking into

consideration that the financial support to missions was no longer forthcoming as it

has been highlighted in the preceding discussion.

The other implication with regard to mission enterprise was that coffee production as

it was rapidly expanding it became very labour intensive especially during peak

seasons. Peak seasons included weeding season which was at the same time a season

to attend to food crop farms. Coffee picking season was another peak season which

demanded abundant labour supply.833

The family labour was all round required to

attend to coffee processing. This demand for labour brought in two interferences in

the Christian life. The first interference made was that family Christian members had

to sometimes compromise their church routine in order to get time for attending to

the coffee crop. Some Christian started working on Sundays hence failing to attend

Sunday mass and other church obligations. It was like the Matengo people started

worshipping coffee rather than God hence relapsing to paganism.834

832

Mission stations used to buy coffee and exported it to Germany where they used to fetch best price. 833

Kapinga, op. cit. 111 834

The late Archbishop Jacob Komba of Songea Archdiocese during celebration of mass at Litembo

parish once condemned the Matengo for worshipping coffee rather than God. Cf. Xaver Mbunda,

retired catechist interviewed at Mbinga 2012

323

The second implication was also related to labour. Since coffee was mainly attended

by family labour, the need to expand family was so pressing among the Matengo in

1960s. The only possible and easy solution was for the Matengo males to marry more

wives. Therefore polygamous marriage, became so common among the Matengo

during this period. Table 5.9 below is a sample of catechumen class of 1968 at Lihiso

bush school an outstation of Litembo mission station. The group had solemnized

their marriages in church at different times. However, by 1968 seven or 54% of them

had already entered into polygamous marriage. These polygamists were having big

coffee farms and other farms of food crops which needed reliable source of labour.

Due to the big families in terms of number of wives and the big number of children

thereof the polygamous families were capable of managing their big farms. In view

of this, the practice of polygamous marriage became a common phenomenon in the

Matengo Highlands. Consequently, Christianity was facing a serious challenge which

the missionaries were no longer capable of addressing it. It was therefore anticipated

that if the local church is established and inculturazation institutionalized it would be

able to deal with this problem of polygamous marriages.

Table 5.9: Polygamous Marriages in 1968

TRADITIONAL

NAME

CHRISTIAN

NAME

SURNAME MARRIAGE

STATUS

DEATHDATE

Mihobile Silvanus Kapinga POLYGAMOUS 2009

Kamunga Marianus Ngui POLYGAMOUS 2012

Masingi Cosmas Kapinga POLYGAMOUS Alive

Kitukula Christian Mapunda POLYGAMOUS 2013

Kimwaga Casmir Kapinga POLYGAMOUS 2012

Makuta Alois Kapinga 2001

Magesa Maurus Kapinga POLYGAMOUS 1990

Imbegu Henrick Ngui POLYGAMOUS Alive

Magonso Camilius Kapinga 1991

Mwiili Kajugu Ngui Alive

Ngelageli Kastor Kapinga Alive

324

Kabumaji Alois Ndunguru Alive

Kajusi Liborius Kapinga Alive

Kivumbi Thobias Kapinga POLYGAMOUS Alive

Sophia POLYGAMOUS Dead

Otilia POLYGAMOUS Dead

Ostina POLYGAMOUS Dead

Source: Field survey by the author

Polygamy was a practice which contravened the Christian rules and norms. There

were a lot of complaints among the missionaries on the practice of polygamy among

the Christians. But this cry met a deaf eye because it was a historical necessity that

coffee an income generating crop cannot be left unattended because of religion. In

response, missionaries started imposing strict measures against defaulters. Among

the punishments included barring or excommunicating polygamous partners from

receiving sacraments. In this case the victims were mainly men and those women

who were married outside wedlock. For the missionaries there was no wedlock

outside the Roman Catholic Church. A woman married outside the church was

believed to have an illegal marriage or perpetual courtship (makunja) and in fact the

couple was alleged to be committing adultery or fornication.835

Another punishment was that of barring a polygamous parent from baptizing children

who are born by mothers who are not officially married in the church. These same

children were also not accepted to take any other sacrament such as communion,

confirmation and marriage. The children of a polygamous father were not accepted in

the church vocations such as priesthood, brotherhood or sisterhood.

835

Kamati, op. cit. 1998:95

325

Missionaries were quite uncompromising with the polygamous habits of Matengo,

relapse into paganism by not attending Sunday prayers and also working on holy

days and Sundays. Out of this situation the missionaries started preparing the local

clergy whom they were convinced that they will be able to compromise with the

Matengo people. With inculturation as one condition stipulated by the Second

Vatican Council of 1962-65, the local clergy would be able to bring at the fore in the

Liturgy things like family life, marriage, healing practices; music dances songs and

burial rituals could flourish in local dioceses as was emphasized by a missionary at

Peramiho:

―… but it will surely take a long time to connect the

wisdom of the ‗Wahenga‘(old folks) with the Christian

gospel and contemporary experience. In any case, genuine

inculturation will come more from the grassroots, from

simple folk whose style of life is not any assumed manner,

nor an imitation of a foreign perfection. It rather grows

from from the inside, and is an expression of the people,

their culture and tradition.‖836

This shows how the missionaries in Peramiho started realizing that there was a need

to restructure the church. In order to effect this restructuring there was need of

involvement not only of the local clergy but also the local faithful population. Even

the Abbot-Bishop of Peramiho in his pastoral letter namely Communicationes

Officialles 1965, No 2 emphasized this fact by reiterating that:

―We should follow common line in introducing liturgical

innovations, avoiding any individualism and superficial

improvisation, always keeping in mind the mentality and

spiritual background of our faithful.837

‖

Most of these suggested liturgical changes required through inculturation, were only

possible if the local church was put in place. The mission church according to Abbot

Bishop Eberhard Spiess was no longer at this juncture capable of bringing the

836

Lucius, op. cit. 57 837

Quoted by Lucius, op. cit. 56

326

innovations which was required by the Vatican Council and the objective conditions

pertaining to Christianity in Africa generally and Matengo Highlands in particular.

Under such obtaining material conditions the Abbot-Bishop from the beginning

(consecrated in 1953) adopted a pastoral approach as opposed to the hitherto mission

approach in dealing with the faithful. The mission approach adopted by Benedictine

from the time they arrived in the Matengo Highlands was that of treating the local

people as pagans, primitive and above all very conservative people.838

Fr. Johannes

Hafliger for instance, felt strongly that the attitude of the Matengo was not promising

by saying:

―The majority of the villages do not wish to have any

dealing with Europeans and it would be only a question of

time if not many would emigrate in case we should

actually move there.‖839

He insisted that the success of mission would depend on the right attitude of priests

to the Christians. Priests should be firm in principles, but they should show love and

understanding in handling individual cases. Controversies should not be tackled and

settled in the manner as was done in local courts, but in an atmosphere of charity and

sympathy. Threats, insults, and coercion should be avoided on all accounts. Instead

persuasion and appeal to conscience should be used. Christians should be helped to

make their own decisions. Reactions and feelings of the Africans should be taken

more into account. The authority of missions should be in his integrity and dedication

to his work and not a superior bearing. Missionaries should rejoice over all the good

elements to be found in African traditional and culture.840

838

Doerr, op.cit. 30 839

APA, Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol. I, entry or January 1st 1902

840Lucius op.cit. 19-20

327

In dealing with the faithful, the bishop identified three groups to deal with; the older

generation who are simple and unlettered folk who are not difficult to relate. But the

local leaders should be given due respect and their weaknesses should not be exposed

in public. The young generation was educated in mission schools with growing sense

of self-consciousness and self-assertiveness often a bit sophisticated. Missionaries

should relate with them in a nuanced attitude and a special sensitiveness. He

recommended patience and prudence by which young people would be more easily

won over. Missionaries should regard teachers not as employees but in an informal

way so as to win their confidence and readiness for collaboration.841

The new approach suggested by Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess was a reaction to the

hitherto existing relation between the missionaries and the faithful. The relation was

that of a superior missionary and an inferior faithful, the missionaries had the

perception that Africans are empty and have nothing to offer to the development of

missionary work in the Matengo Highlands. It was a realization that the signs of

stagnation in Christian life manifesting in polygamous marriages, poor attendance,

witchcraft practice and relapse into paganism in the Matengo Highlands was a sign

that there is weakness on the part of missionaries to distance themselves from the

faithful. The missionaries were insensitive, rigid, arrogant and coercive to the

faithful.

The Abbot-Bishop‘s first task was to prepare and facilitate the establishment of the

local church under African leadership. He did this by appointing African priests to

top posts in the church and some of the priests were sent for further studies in order

to prepare them for top posts in the church institutions. The Educated lay people were

841

Ibid. 20

328

given responsibilities which were held before by the missionaries such as Education

Secretaries, Heads of Colleges and schools. And above all, the lay people were to be

given responsibilities in running the church affairs so that they should fill themselves

as responsible ―for their own church, for their own country, for their own future.‖842

Evidence is also available that there was conflicting outlooks between the

Benedictines of German nationals and those of Swiss nationals. The retired Abbot-

Bishop Gallus Steiger was of Swiss origin that was so compromising with the British

colonial administration. German confreres because of their extreme nationalism and

inherent hatred to Britain were not happy with the way Abbot-Bishop Gallus was

relating to Brish authority. That is why when he retired he strongly recommended

that his replacement should better be a German national in order to make the existing

missionaries cooperative.843

The new approach pursued by the new German Bishop

can also be construed as a critique to the approach which was used by his predecessor

as it is summarized by Lambert Doerr the third Abbot of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho

thus:

―If Abbot-Bishop is blamed for not giving sufficient

attention to indigenization and Africanization in the

Christian community developing under his leadership, this

is not suprising. But then the Abbot was never a great

strategist nor a man of brilliant theories, …844

.

5.8.3 Political Transformation in the Matengo Highlands

The study investigated whether the transition from mission Christianity to local

church was influenced by political transformation taking place in the Matengo

Highlands in the following areas. There was power struggle for office of paramount

842

Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess quoted in Lucius 22 843

APA, Abbot-Bishop Gallus, Diary for 152, cf. Doerr, op. cit. 204 844

Doerr, ibid. 152-53

329

chief of the whole Umatengo between Makita clan of Myangayanga boma and

Kawanila clan of Litembo boma. The British had altered political system comprising

a paramount chief and three subordinate chiefs (Myangayanga, Langiro, and

Litembo) continued in force in Umatengo until the period just prior to Tanganyikan

independence. The conflict revolved around who should be the paramount chief

(Bambo Mkulungu) between Mathias Kawanila of Litembo and Makita Kipwele of

Myangayanga. Whereas Mathias claimed to be a proper descendant of Matengo,

Makita was alleged to be a descendant of Ungoni hence lacked justification to

become a paramount chief of the whole Umatengo.845

Even the investigation done by

the Songea District Officer in 1929846

and the Mahenge Provincial Commissioner in

1930 attest to the claim of Mathias Kawanila.847

This conflict did not however, stop

with the election of Mathias as executive young man to assist the illiterate, inept and

old Makita in 1930. It was finally in 1946 decided that no paramount in Umatengo,

instead there were established three councils one at Myangayanga, another at

Litembo and the third at Langiro with a central council at Myangayanga848

The

struggle for paramount did not end until 1955 when the District Commissioner

allowed a voting to decide whether the paramount should be erected. The voting

decided in affirmative in favour of Chrisostomus as the Bambo Mkulungu. In 1956

the Bambo Mkululungu was coronated with a ceremony which was coloured by a

mass celebrated by a Roman Catholic parish priest of Mbinga. Bambo Alex

Howahowa of Langiro and Bambo Daniel Kawanila of Litembo did not attend the

coronation ceremony contesting the establishment of paramount for the whole

845

TNA, Acc. 155/37/2/22, Administrative Office Songea District, 1929. Cf TNA, Acc. 155/37,

Provincial Commissioner‘s Report for July-August 1929, Mahenge Province 846

Ibid. 847

TNA, Acc. 155, 37, Provincial Commissioner‘s Report for July-August 1929, Mahenge Province.

Cf. ibid., Acting Provincial Commissioner of Mahenge, August, 1930 . 848

TNA, Rport 1946

330

Umatengo.849

This suggested the British authority was deliberately fuelling seeds of

discord in the Matengo Highlands through divide and rule. This conflict lasted until

when chiefdoms were abolished by the independence government. With this unstable

native administration the missionaries were not happy because they could not get

support or influence as they used to get in Songea, where the Nkosi were of a great

help for the missionary work.

The structure of paramount chiefdom was a British colonial creation when in 1926

they constructed a baraza for the whole Matengo Council based on the principle of

indirect rule. Before that, Umatengo was administratively such a fluid society

without central administration.850

It was therefore the missionaries who created the

missionary structures of administration based on mission station with several

outstations with several bush schools. Even the Administrative Officer of Lipumba

Sub-District raised this reality in his annual report to the Provincial Commissioner in

1925:

―The Roman Catholic Mission continues to endeavour to

increase their hold over the native and undoubtedly

among a simple population who are easily overawed their

position is a powerful one.‖851

In order to run their administration in the Matengo Highlands, the British authority

had to create chiefs, jumbes, and paramount to assist in running their affairs.

However, this artificially created administrative structure did not have intrinsic and

solid foundation in the communal-based Matengo political structure. The jumbes

were colonial appointees (employees?) who were loyal to the colonial rulers with less

legitimacy to the population they purported to rule. The conflicts for paramount

849

Fr. Egno Ndunguru, op. cit. 36-37 850

TNA,AB.78, Annual Report Lipumba Sub-District, 1925 851

TNA, AB.78, ibid

331

position were not very big issue to the common Matengo people since it was not

making any sense to them. The focus of the majority common men in the Matengo

Highlands was to the mission station where they were getting almost everything for

their life.852

Table 5.10 below shows the distribution of the Matengo population in

terms of villages under certain jumbes who also belonged to one of the three

bambosbaraza. The barazaswere a colonial creation rather than the traditional setting

of the Matengo society. On the other hand there is a presentation of mission stations

created by the missionaries.

The Matengo had never in history accepted colonial rule since the period of war of

Karonga in 1902. They have always been very suspicious to colonial authority than

they were to missionaries. Even the distribution of the jumbe territories were a

reflection of conspiracy and may be corruption in getting loyal followers. This was

reflected by the nature of proximity of the bambo, the jumbe and the bambo. For

instance jumbes Kahwahi, Kakoyo and Kambombo are in Maguu mission which is

proper to be located in Langiro baraza of Howahowa. They are very far from

Myangayanga baraza and worse still they have to pass through Litembo baraza to

pay tax to Myangayanga which was in Mbinga Mission station. One can ask what

was the reason for these jumbes to be under the authority of Bambo Makita if no any

use of inducement was employed? One can also ask why Litembo baraza the original

ruler of Matengo and most populated area had only three jumbes. Why Litembo the

most expansive mission station had only three jumbes while the reality was that most

of the Matengo people belonged to the Litembo mission. These questions suggest

852

Mission station was a place where most of the basic needs were accessed by the Matengo people.

For them the government was just a peripheral affair and just felt its presence when tax and labour

were needed by the government.

332

that the British authority found that they can profitably make use of bambo Makita

and there they used all available support to make him paramount chief for their

smooth running of the administration of Umatengo.

Table 5.10: Matengo Paramount Chiefdom

1. BAMBO

MKULUNGU

(PARAMOUNT) MAKITA

KIPWELEBARAZA OF

MYANGAYANGA

JUMBE PLACE MISSION

KAKOYO HANGA MAGUU

GABRIEL LIPUMBA KIGONSERA

KANGEKA NGUMBU LITEMBO

LINDENGA MKURUZI KIGONSERA

KANDULILA NKEGETU LITEMBO

KAHWAHI KITOGOTA MAGUU

KAMBOMBO MKUKA MAGUU

2. BAMBO MARKUS

HOWAHOWA

BARAZA OF

LANGIRO

LUKONDELA LISAU LITEMBO

JIMUA WOLELU MAGUU

GOMERA MKOHA MAGUU

MPONDA MATIRI MATIRI

MASOLA MIKALANGA MAGUU

3. BAMBO MATIAS

BARAZA OF LITEMBO

KASULUSI NGIMA LITEMBO

KITIMBWILI SEPUKILA MBINGA

MPUTA KITUNDA LITEMBO

Source: Field Survey by the Author 2012

Despite the colonial authority having very reliable evidence from the very old people

that Matias was the grandson of Kawanila, the headman of Matengo of Litembo, yet

they did not grant Matias the administration of Matengo.853

Further proved that the

Matengo never had paramount chief but was made up of numerous clans which had a

chief and that Kawanila lived at Litembo and was the head of the clan residing in the

area.854

And that the British authority accepts that the reason for Makita to refuse

853

TNA, Acc. 155, 37, Songea District Administration Report, 1929 854

Ibid.

333

Matias being given a sub-chief position is that he was educated more than anybody in

Umatengo and he may be tempted in a course of time to eliminate all his followers.

The district officer also acknowledged that Makita was useless, illiterate, lenient and

incapable of understanding and carrying out the colonial orders. Still the British

authority refused to recognize this fact instead Matias was given a post of advisor to

the Bambo Mkulungu – paramount chief of the whole Umatengo.

Why the British refused Matias and insisted on Makita, can be explained in the

following arguments. The British wanted a submissive and unquestioning puppet

ruler whom they can bulldoze the way they wished. This character was very rich in

Makita. To the contrary Matias was well educated and was a teacher by then, was

suspected would be prone to questioning the colonial administration. To make

Makita more accountable, he was being paid well some of money as monthly salary.

The headmen or jumbes were also remunerated per month hence automatically

becoming employees of the colonial regime through the Native Authority and hence

accountable to the colonial regime. In his inauguration of the Matengo Native

Treasury in 1938, the Provisional Commissioner of Mahenge insisted that the native

administrators‘ salaries should be raised to make them motivated and hence

aggressive to carry out colonial orders regardless how unpopular they may be.855

The

headmen and other colonial workers were receiving salaries plus provident donation.

Table 5.11 below presents some of the available data of payments made to the

Chiefs, headmen, messengers, tribal dressers, forest supervisors and advisors. The

monthly payment of salaries made headmen very aggressive in collection of taxes

and in carrying out other colonial directives. That also explains why Makita was able

855

TNA, Acc. Native Treasury Matengo-Nyasa, 1938. The two accounts of Matengo-Wanyasa Native

Treasury were amalgamated in 1938, but each kept its balance.

334

to bribe headmen of Maguu to support the Bambo Mkulungu at Myangayanga

instead of Bambo Markus of Langiro baraza.

Table 5.11: Matengo Native Treasury, Tribal Administration Personal

Emoluments

YEAR STAFF NUMBER AMOUNT TOTAL

1937 3 CHIEFS, 1

ADVISOR,

SUBCHIEFS

4 £ 69

HEADMEN £ 39.09.36

CLERKS £ 45.09.50

TAX

COLLECTORS

£ 20.08.00

MESSENGERS £ 48.00.00

FOREST

SUPERVISORS

£ 22.17.00

TRIBAL

DRESSERS

£ 24.12.60 £ 269.16.40

1938 Bambo Mkulungu 1 45/=@12=540/=

Bambo Mathias 1 40/=@12=480/=

Bambo Markus 1 30/=@12=360/=

Headmen (Jumbes) 16

1940 Chiefs – Bambo

Mkululngu

1 50/=@12=600/=

Sub-chiefs 3 45/=@12@3=162

0

Headmen 36 3424/=

Advisor 1 85/=@12=1020/=

Clerks 9 2292/=

Messengers 19 2256/=

Forest supervisors 2 300/=

Tribal dressers 2 960/= £ 625

335

1941 Chiefs 3 £ 111

Headmen 36 £ 170

Advisor 1 £ 51

Clerks 9 £ 113

Messengers 19 £ 113

Forest supervisors 2 £ 15

Tribal dressers 2 £ 14.05.00 £ 588.01.00

1949 Chief 1

Sub-chiefs

Advisor

Headmen

Clerks

Drivers

Messengers

Market staff - clerk

& sweepers

Forest guards

GRAND TOTAL £ 2146

Source: Native Treasury of Matengo-Nyasa, 1937,1938, 1940, 1941, 1942, 1949,

1951,

The statistics in table 5.11 above tend to tell something on the importance of the

tribal administration in carrying out colonial orders. The creation of a vote in the

Native Treasury for the personal emolument for the tribal administration was

supposed to be a motivation of the chiefs and jumbes to work more responsively

towards the realization of colonial policies in the Matengo highlands. The

missionaries on the other hand showed their support to the Native Authority. During

the coronation of Bambo Mkulungu of all Umatengo on 8th

February, 1956 the event

was launched by a mass celebration supervised by the parish priest of Mbinga parish

Fr. Yustin O.S.B. assisted by Fr. Maurus Komba one of the early local priest in the

336

Matengo Highlands and Fr. Yohnes Mwageni (later Fr. Gregory Mwageni O.S.B.)

another early local priest from Uwemba. Fr. Felix Huber the assistant parish priest of

Mbinga parish led the mass during this coronation of Bambo Mkulungu.The altar for

the mass was arranged just under the eaves of the Myangayanga baraza. Fr. Yustin

gave the homily after the gospel was read out. Students of Mbinga Middle School

which was a mission school and their teachers led the procession of the event they

also participated in games and singing. The missionaries from Peramiho carpentry

school prepared the platform plus the podium.856

Ivo Mhaiki a teacher from Mbinga Middle School gave a word of thanks on behalf of

his colleagues and the students. Joseph Ponera from Kigonsera minor seminary

presented greetings from the seminary community wishing Bambo Mkulungu

success and prosperity in pursuing his duties. From Litembo Middle School Joseph

Liwa a teacher at that school presented greetings and well wishes to the Bambo

Mkulungu and prosperity to the whole Umatengo society from students of Litembo

Middle School. From the foregoing discussion, missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands were collaborating with the Native Authority in the same way as the

political atmosphere was changing. While the colonial state was assigning much of

the powers over the Matengo tribal administration, the missionaries were also

acquainting themselves with the local administration which actually owned the

people. On August 2nd

, 1956 the Matengo Divisional Council under Songea Council

was created its constitution provided that there should be three advisors to the

council, one of which was from religious leaders, Roman Catholic in this case which

was the only denomination in the Matengo Highlands. Traditional religions in this

856

Fr. Egno Ndunguru, :36-39

337

case were not counted as religions. Fr. Maurus Komba from Mbinga parish was

appointed an advisor from religious sector.857

The expectation was to make a smooth

transition to the local church which will be supported by the tribal administration.

After independence in 1961 Provincial Commissioners were replaced by Regional

Commissioners from the political party – TANU. In 1962 District Commissioners

were replaced by Area Commissioners. From 1st July, 1962 all Native Authorities

became District Councils under Cap.333 which replaced Cap.72 of the laws.858

The

District Team which was a colonial creation was renamed District Development

Committee under the chairmanship of the Area Commissioner with expanded

membership.859

In July 1st 1963 Ruvuma region was officially formed with three

districts namely Songea, Tunduru and Mbinga. The Mbinga District Development

Committee held its first meeting in December 20th

1963 at its headquarters at

Ndengo.860

Among its pressing issues on the agenda was to deliberate on where the

district headquarters should be. Evidence from minutes of the District Development

Committee maintained its relationship to the missionaries by appointing Fr. Venant

O.S.B. from Mbinga parish one of its members.861

5.8.4 Decolonization, the Colonial State and the Missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands

Just like other parts of Tanganyika, the post-World War II Matengo Highlands was

characterized by struggles for independence. By this time the British colonial

government was pursuing new policies towards their colonies in order to prepare

857

Fr. Egno Ndunguru, op. cit. :50 858

TNA, Ref. No. TNA/18/120 - 1963 859

TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, Minutes of the District Team – Songea 860

TNA, Ref. No. NA/18/120 861

TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, Muhtasari wa Kamati ya Maendeleo ya Wilaya – Mbinga 1964-65

338

themselves for new colonialism. Tanganyika changed from mandate to trusteeship

territory under the newly formed United Nations Organization. The attitude of

colonial authority was also changing under such circumstances. The British

government resented the Benedictine Fathers influence in the Matengo Highlands

especially the fast expansion of schools which the missions used as an instrument of

indoctrination. This expansion of mission schools hindered the opening of Native

Authority schools in the Matengo Highlands. The District Commissioners‘

Conference of 17-18th

June, 1950 castigated the missionary‘s insistence on religious

instructions was not desirable. They further warned that missionaries should not

incline to regard grants-in-aid as their right. The grants-in-aid will stop as soon as

Native Treasury concerned reached certain percentage of total expenditure.862

Until

the advent of independence there was no single native school in the Matengo

Highlands. The fleet of middle schools, primary schools and bush schools were all

the property of missionaries. This influence of missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands was no longer tolerated by the government and was no longer accepted

unquestioned and unchallenged. In the July District Commissioners‘ Conference it

was insisted that the Native Treasury assistance to mission schools should be refused

and that the Native Treasury should use more on coastal regions and those districts

with less mission schools. The conclusion drawn by the missionaries was that the

colonial government is at loggerheads with the missionary enterprise. This attitude

again pushed the missionaries to hasten the process of transition towards local church

from 1950s onwards.

862

TNA, Acc. 155/428/1, Songea, Provincial Administration District Commissioners Conferences.

339

The Benedictine missionaries perceive this with mixed feelings. However, the

concern of the missionaries under this frustrating situation was to make sure there

was survival of the things sown, planted and ripened over decades in the hearts of the

Matengo people. The missionaries were all out to make sure the foundation of

Christian faith is strong enough to withstand suddenly erupting forces that can deter

the faithful from maintaining their beliefs system.863

Contrary to the general

perception that there was collaboration between the colonial masters and

missionaries in exploiting and suppressing the African masses, this case showed it

was not the case always and everywhere. For instance, the situation in the Matengo

Highlands was further complicated with the fact that most of the missionaries were

German nationals while the colonial masters were the British. History is very clear

about the antagonistic relation existing between United Kingdom and Germany since

the event of World War I. Here the two groups lived on constant suspicion; none of

them trusted the other party a hundred percent.

When this transition was well under way there was another development which took

place in the Matengo Highlands in particular and Tanganyika in general. This was

nothing other than the anticolonial movements. It began with the rudimentary

movements like peasants organization through the formation of cooperative

movement. The breakthrough in Umatengo started with the formation of Ngaka

Cooperative Society in 1934 which was led by Matengo mission educated group of

Henrick Limka, Chisostoms Makita, Anton and others.864

Ngaka Cooperative Society

though not registered used to market Matengo coffee through the Ngoni Matengo

Cooperative Marketing Union (NGOMAT). With the expansion of coffee production

863

Fr. Lucius, 29-30 864

Illife, op.cit. 195

340

in terms of acreage, a number of villages, number of growers and above all volume

of coffee produce, many other primary societies were formed at Pilakano, Mhagawa

Asili, and Mapera.865

These primary societies united to form MANCU in 1954. The

main preoccupation of MANCU was to ensure that the Matengo coffee and tobacco

growers get better prices for their crops and agricultural inputs at a reasonable price.

Apart from peasants the urban population had formed branch of African Association

at Songea in August, 13th

1948. In the Matengo Highlands the tribal association by

educated elite concealed essentially factionalambitions.866

This association was

essentially geared towards welfare improvement of the black elite who were facing

humiliation at the hands of the colonial masters. They were segregated in residential

facilities, work place and social amenities.867

Matengo Highlands was facing and experiencing very poor social services deliveries

despite their contribution in terms of taxes they were paying to the colonial

government.868

Infrastructure were very poor in the area making communication

within and with outside the area extremely difficulty. Roads were very poor and

impassable during the rainy season. Bridges were poorly constructed using tree logs

which were swept by water during rainy season. It took almost the whole day for

instance to travel from Litembo and Langiro barazas to Songea the district

headquarters some hundred kilometres distance. This is evident from the early days

of British administration when the District Commissioner reported that ‗despite its

agricultural prospects but the district is isolated.‘869

This observation was amplified

865

Anton Matanila, interview 2012 866

John Illife, op. cit. :489 867

TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4 868

TNA, Songea District Book MF 40 volume II 869

TNA, AB. 16 Part I 733/15, Annual Report – Songea District 1923.

341

by the Excellency the Governor after his visit in Songea District that ‗Songea is so

remote and that it has been neglected in the past …‘870

Health and education services

were solely left in the hands of the missionaries. The colonial government was less

responsible to the provision of social services in the Matengo Highlands. In a

meeting of District Development Committee of January 1965 at Ndengo, an agenda

was tabled informing the Committee the worse condition of a road from Ndengo

which was the seat of the District Council to Litembo mission where there was the

largest mission hospital for the whole district. After a long discussion it was found

that not only that road which is in bad condition, but almost all roads were in very

bad condition. The meeting resolved to write to the Regional Commissioner

informing him of the bad situation of roads and appealed for regional support to

maintain all district roads.871

This is a proof that theMatengo Highlands and the

entire district which was founded in 1963 was among the neglected areas in terms of

infrastructure, leave for efforts made by missionaries to make the roads passable.

The people of Matengo Highlands were very bitter about maltreatment unleashed to

them by the colonial administration. Interference into the Matengo traditional

administration which the colonialist did by stirring up seeds of discord among the

Matengo clan leaders was very destructive to Matengo political set up. Through the

introduction of indirect rule the British reorganized the administration in the Matengo

Highlands by creating three barazas at Liembo, Myangayanga and Langiro which

were all competing for paramount position. Through this perpetual conflict among

Matengo clan heads, the British colonial rulers were able to control the Matengo with

870

TNA, AB. 56 1733/7/61, Annual Report Mahenge Province 1926 871

TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, Muhtasari wa Mkutano wa Kamati ya Maendeleo ya Wilaya uliofanyika

tarehe 18.01.1965 katka jumba la Halmashauri Ndengu

342

easy. Furthermore, the colonial rulers were harsh in the collection taxes imposed on

the natives. District Commissioner Insley of 1950s in Umatengo was nicknamed

kalwembi(razor blade) meaning he was as harsh as razor blade in a way he was

treating the Matengo natives.872

Male adults in the Matengo Highlands spent most of

the time in the hideouts escaping from tax collectors who used to harass them if they

have not paid the poll and hut taxes. If caught tax defaulters,were subjected to torture

and sometimes were conscripted in hard manual labour notably the public works.

These grievances basically were problems which TANU came to articulate later

hence winning the support of Matengo.

TANU made its appearance in Songea District in 1957 when they convened the

TANU Annual Conference from 17.3.1957 to 22.3.1957. There were five

representatives from Umatengo Amandus Hyera from Litembo, Beatus Whero from

Langiro, Kalistus Kayuni from Kindimba, Melkion John and Bonavetura Justus from

Mbinga.873

Series of TANU branches were registered in the Matengo Highlands

beginning with the registration of TANU branch at Mbinga – madukani area in

Myangayanga sub-chiefdom on 11th

November, 1958 with Damian Kumburu as the

branch secretary.874

On 17th

January, 1959, Julius Nyerere arrived at Mbinga and

held a mammoth meeting at Mbinga – madukani which was attended by a big crowd

drawn from different parts of the Matengo Highlands demonstrating their support to

the course of TANU and its clear message of uhuru.875

872

Fr. E. Ndunguru op. cit. :28 873

TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4Songea Genaral African Clubs and Associations in Tanganyika. 874

TNA, ibid. 875

TNA, ibid.

343

Another development took place in August, 28th

1958 when another TANU branch

was registered at Litembo Umatengo division. The following were the founding

members Ivo Lilanika, Franz Ngalima, Yeremiah Polisa, Yohanes Lulukila, Elias

Lilanika, Lusia Yatembo, Thomas Hildefins and Kanisius Abdala. This branch

attracted membership from many different villages of the Litembo division who were

disrupted by the colonial policies of exploitation, repression and humiliation.876

Another TANU branch was opened at Kigonsera – Halali in order to capture the

population in the vicinity of Lipumba sub – division in 1960.877

For the purpose of familiarizing the party policies and ideologies of independence,

series of public meetings and rallies were held in the Matengo Highlands. The

meetings were organized by local secretary of TANU of the Umatengo division

Nathaniel Ngambila. The first phase of the meetings took place from 24th

November,

1959 to 1st December, 1959. The main speakers were Mmuni the Songea District

party secretary, J. Nzunda the Provincial Secretary of Southern Province and Oscar

Kambona the national Organizing Secretary General. The second phase of the

meetings took place from 23rd

July to 12th

August, 1960. These meetings were

addressed by M.U. Hinjuson and Chief Ivo Mhaiki. The main agenda was to educate

the masses on siasa ya TANU, how to vote and the work of Legislative Council

members.

Table 5.12: Schedule of TANU Meetings in Umatengo 1959

DATE PLACE SPEAKERS

24.11.1959 Upolo Oscar Kambona, J.Nzunda, Mmuni

26.11.1959 Mpapa Ditto

876

TNA, ibid. 877

TNA, Ibid.

344

27.11.1959 Langiro Dittto

28.11.1959 Litembo Ditto

29.11.1959 Lundumato Ditto

30.11.1959 Pilikano Ditto

01.12.1959 Kigonsera Ditto

01.12.1959 Mbinga Ditto

Source: TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4,

Table 5.13: Schedule of TANU Meetings in Umatengo 1960

DATE PLACE SPEAKERS

26.07.1960 Mbinga M.Hinjuson, Ivo Mhaiki

27.07.1960 Pilikano Ditto

28.07.1960 Litembo Ditto

29.071960 Langiro Ditto

Source: TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4,

TANU was able to win strong followership in the Matengo Highlands as it

articulated the existing grievances of the population. Uhuru message percolated deep

into the remote villages where conversations among the villagers revolved around the

issue of uhuru. The collaboration between TANU and MANCU which had spread its

networks over all coffee growing villages (primary cooperative societies) made it

easy for TANU to spread rapidly in the Matengo Highlands. It was hoped that at one

time TANU will be able to liberate the people from the colonial oppression and

exploitation. Some people were very pessimistic on the objectives of TANU and its

policies. The bambos and jumbes were among the group of people in Umatengo who

were very negative to the activities of TANU. The colonial government imposed

strict measures to bar civil servants from joining political parties.878

Relations

between TANU and chiefs and jumbes were not good. Chiefs and jumbes were

878

TNA, Acc. 155 A.6/14, Tangazo la Serikali No. 14 ya 1953

345

regarded as mere skilled in administration. They are public servants and TANU was

not supposed to interfere with chiefs.879

This negative attitude to political party of

chiefs was natural since they were all aware that TANU was aiming at taking over

their position in the administration of the Matengo Highlands.880

That is why the

chiefs were supporting the colonial masters in opposing TANU.

5.8.5 Response of Missionaries to TANU

Evidence shows that the missionaries received message of TANU with mixed

feelings. There were worries that the decolonization movement can plunge the nation

into chaos like what was happening in the neighbouring Kenya under Maumau.

There were cases where missionaries were equated to the colonial as oppressors,

exploiters, and racists. During this transition period towards freedom, missionaries

were abused, harassed and humiliated.881

Political independence in 1961 adversely

affected missionary work on the ground that Christians started to go back to

paganism. Missionaries and most of the catechists were very hostile to TANU and its

liberation movement by accusing it for causing insecurity by inciting Christians to

humiliate missionaries and the church in general.882

Before Tanganyika gained her independence, Julius Nyerere twice paid a visit to

Peramiho in 1954 and in 1959. His audience with community of Peramiho and

private talk to Abbot-Bishop left missionaries rest assured that there was no cause of

worry since the decolonization movement was in right hands. He assured them that

no European or Asian will suffer in independent Tanganyika because TANU policies

do not subscribe to racial bias and that the real of the country were not the

879

TNA, Acc. 155, A.6/4, General African Clubs and Associations in Tanganyika. 880

John Illife, op. cit. 534 881

Kamati, op. cit. 86-88 882

Ben Akitanda narrating a story of catechist Constantin Akitanda who was so bitter to TANU and

urged his faithful not to join it.

346

expatriates, but ignorance, poverty and disease.883

Before that missionaries of

Peramiho and Matengo Highland in particular were very suspicious with TANU

movement. Pastoral letters were written to alert the faithful and teach them what

independence meant.884

All the worries raised by missionaries were found baseless

after Nyerere‘s clarifications in his speeches. The arrival of Hashim Mbita the TANU

secretary at Peramiho in 1959 where he appealed to the crowd in a public meeting

that missionary came to save souls of the people and not to colonize them. He called

on the missionaries to remain in Tanganyika even after the colonialists had left the

country after gaining independence.885

Missionaries of Peramiho had to chart out strategies on how to fit in post-

independence era. Understandably, the missionaries confirmed that the new

independent Tanganyika state had granted freedom of religion hence there was ample

room for continuation of missionary work. But this exercise was to take place in a

quite different milieu. With this effect the missionary leadership in Peramiho called

the missionaries to follow the government guidelines and regulation on how to run

missionary institutions. It was further directed that priests should not involve

themselves in politics. This directive was in line with Tanzania Episcopal Conference

of 1965 which restricted priests, brothers and sisters not to accept posts of leadership

or functions or responsibilities in politics nor stand as candidates or stand for such

functions or posts.886

883

J.K.Nyerere, Uhuru na Umoja 1955 884

Abbo-Bishop Spiess, ―Wakristu na Mamlaka ya Wakubwa‖ in Katoliki, Machi 1958 885

Hashim Mbita, Katoliki Machi 1959 886

lucius

347

With the independent government assuming powers in most areas of Matengo

Highlands where the missionaries had an upper hand, the missionaries found

themselves redundant. The transition of missionary church to local church further

eroded the primary role of missionaries in the Matengo Highlands. With exception of

few parishes like Litembo, Lundumato, Mikalanga and Maguu which were still under

the Benedictines, all parishes in the Matengo Highlands were under the local

clergy.887

Besides, spiritual transformation was also taking place together with other changes in

other fields. With the influence of Vatican II there were changes in liturgy whereby

inculturation was introduced in the language of communication. Kiswahili was used

as a medium of instruction in running the church services instead of Latin which was

hitherto used.

5.8.6 Missionaries in the Midst of the Arusha Declaration

The TANU slogan of uhuru na umoja was changed to uhuru na kazi during the eve

of independence. This slogan wanted to tell the people of Tanganyika that without

hard work independence means nothing. It also became clear that development and

transformation of the people will only come through involvement of the people from

the grass root level. Pursuance to this the Arusha Declaration was promulgated in

1967 as the TANU policy of Ujamaa and Self-reliance.888

In the course of

implementation of the villagization policy ujamaa villages were created by

transferring people closer to social services such as schools, hospitals, water and

infrastructure. This policy affected missionary stations as they were abandoned by

the faithful. In other words they had to shift the already existing social service

887

Ibid. 92 888

J.K.Nyerere, The Arusha Declaration, 1967

348

structures to newly formed villages. This factor did not very much affect most part of

the Matengo Highlands as there was little movement of people to form new Ujamaa

villages in this part of Tanzania.889

The effect of Africanization and nationalization as required by Ujamaa policy

affected the missionary work. Some of their institutions were nationalized; all the

schools in the Matengo Highlands belonged to the missionaries. As a result of

nationalization policy all mission schools in the Matengo Highlands were

nationalized in 1969. There was also some encroachment in the health services

whereby the government provided some subsidies and personnel so that they can

provide free health services to the population. This was true to Litembo Hospital

which was designated as District Hospital.890

On the same vein the missionaries

speeded up the process of handing over leadership of the church to the local clergy

and urged the local church to design self-reliance strategies. An African local bishop

was consecrated in 1962 that came to take over the newly created Songea diocese in

February 1969 with its seat at Songea.891

The missionaries were to be confined at a

small Abbey Nullius of Peramiho marking the end of long endeavor of

evangelization and civilization of the Matengo Highlands and the entire Songea

diocese.892

Local clergy was entrusted with the pastoral task of keeping the faithful

intact by preaching the word of God from the Matengo context. However, there was

a tendency of giving responsibilities without financial and human resources.893

Until

recently the treasurers for many years in this diocese were German Benedictines and

889

The terrain of Matengo Highlands did not allow resettlement. The existence of coffee a permanent

crop and very productive by the time commanding high rank in foreign exchange generation the

government did not afford to disturb the Matengo people. 890

Fr. Josephat Malunda, interviewed at Mbinga parish, 2013 891

Kamati op. cit. 892

Kamati, ibid. 893

Fr. Timoth Nduguru Kigonsera parish

349

nobody else knew where they got the money. The clergy just went to beg for

financial assistance and to get their monthly stipend. The treasury of the diocese of

Songea was still under a European missionary which meant that the local clergy was

not able to perform its functions without Abbey Nullius of Peramiho approving it.894

Wealth was concentrated in the Benedictine Abbey and all monks could go and enjoy

it there. The Abbeys were developed into economic centres in the areas with

everything a government needs except prisons.895

The big problem with the local

clergy especially after getting the indigenous hierarchy is that they had no economic

independence; they continued to depend on the abbeys.896

This dependency though

led to rebellion by some of the clergy especially the first generation that studied in

Europe.897

Unfortunately even the people became dependent on the abbeys as for a

long time they were the only ones who could give salaried jobs in the area. They

were like in old Europe the centers of civilization. They must be complemented that

they also produced some of the most convinced Christians. There still a lot of

questions regarding the source of the wealth accumulated by the Abbey. Evidence

from respondents indicates that apart from the Swiss- German monasteries continued

to support the monasteries and the dioceses, there is every reason to believe that

much of the wealth was internally generated by fair and foul means. Projects like

hunting, mining and gold smithing in the Matengo Highlands leave a lot of questions

unanswered. Natural resources from the forest products, animal products, farm

products, and many others must have contributed towards accumulation of wealth

894

Bishop M.Kilaini, op. cit. :4 895

J.K.Nyerere address to Peramiho community 1960s 896

Bishop Kioaini, Ibid. 897

Frs. Christian Kapinga, Mbunda, Chengula, took up employment in the government where their

performance was very productive

350

that is lying at the procure of Peramiho and its parishes like Litembo, Tingi,

Liparamba, Lundumato, Mbinga and even Nangombo.898

When the Benedictines retreated to Abbey Nullius of Peramiho it was common to

transfer most of the valuable assets to Peramiho and if the assets were not

transferable, the parishes with that wealth were not handed to local clergy. In case a

local priest is stationed in such wealthy parish there were European brothers and

sisters who were in charge of those stations, local priests were not allowed to

supervise parish income generating projects. Small parishes were put under the local

clergy who was dependent to the abbey in terms of resources.899

It was also very

strange that the Benedictine missionaries did not train African brothers in their order.

Peramiho was strictly an Abbey for European monks. Even when it was accepted that

there should be training of African Benedictine monks, the monastery was

established in 1957 at Hanga more than a hundred kilometres away from

Peramiho.900

Whatever reasons can be propounded, the reality is that there was

generation gap in the Benedictine Order as discussed above. Very few people took

vocation in Europe and America.901

The demand for personnel in Abbey Nullius of

Peramiho was rising so rapidly. Though the Benedictines have been segregative from

the beginning, the reality was that there was no other alternative except to allow

Africans join the order but not at Peramiho.902

Why didn‘t they want to mix with

Africans is a question which has not been answered adequately.

898

Fr. T.Ndunguru, Anton Matanila, Xavery Mbunda, Gerold Komba, Fr. Fidelis Mligo, 899

Fr. Lucius op. cit. Introduction 900

Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess inaugurated the monastery in January, 1st 1957

901 Fr. Timoth Ndunguru Kigonsera Parish Priest interviewed 2013

902 Fr. Fidelis Mligo and Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, interviewed 2013

351

The catechists were relived from teaching the sub-grade schools which were now

converted into primary schools. The reason was to allow the catechists ample time to

intensify preaching of the gospel to the faithful. Besides, catechists were given one

occasion in a month to appear at the parish station for recollection. A syllabus for

religious classes for each month was prepared during that occasion. Furthermore, a

catechist was obliged to attend a one week workshop on religious instruction once or

twice a year.903

The faithful were at this juncture very much involved in the running of the church

through taking more responsibility in the spiritual milieu. Priests were encouraged to

involve the faithful in formulating plans and the implementation of which. In 1958 a

step was taken to put in place a church body known as Washauri wa Kanisawhich

was charged with the work of administering the church funds from taxes or tithe and

offerings the faithful for catechist salaries and payment of the cult. The body also

advised the priest on pastoral issues. This structure was improved and perfected in

the following years to form a strict structured Church Council or Halmashauri ya

Kanisa.A new form of integration came in 1968 when the church put in place the so-

called Pastoral Council or Halmashauri ya Uchungaji which was dealing with

pastoral issues.904

The Christian intellectuals with membership drawn from teachers

and other professionals formed what was called ―Social Guilds.‖ They used to

organize meetings, workshops and seminars to train the lay apostolate in political,

social and economic issues.

903

Lucius op. cit. 26-27 904

Lucius, Ibid. 53

352

These discussions and meetings between the lay apostolate and the missionaries were

not received well by missionaries who claimed them to be meaningless. But in the

long run they often proved to be very fruitful and valuable for the smooth running of

the mission work. Participation in the meetings of the lay apostolate indeed offered

missionaries an avenue to learn better how to live and work with the African

Christians from the point of view of their angle.905

The question of self-reliance was supposed to be introduced to the faithful step by

step. The payment of church taxes was made obligatory not only to the Matengo

Highlands but the whole mission territory. The purpose for the introduction of church

tax was to cushion the financial deficits caused by failure of donors in Europe and

America to disburse funds to the monastery. On top of that from 1960s it was laid

down that no schools, churches, or chapels were to be built without the faithful had

contributed money for the bricks. The upkeep of catechists had to be shouldered by

the contribution from the faithful. Since some parishes in the Matengo Highlands

were unable to meet these obligations, the catechists lived very difficult lives. Some

of the catechist decided to quit the job so as to join the secular employment were they

received big salaries.906

As a result of this plight many outstations lacked enough

personnel which caused shockwaves in the entire church enterprise. The shock was a

necessary result of heavy dependence on the catechists to do most of the church work

with exception of administration of sacraments which was deserved to the priests

only.

905

Lucius, ibid. (ibidem) 906

Anton, Xavery interviewed 2012

353

From these Small Christian Communities, leaders are chosen to represent the faithful

in the Sub-Parish, Parish, Diocesan and finally in the National Lay Council. These

councils at sub-parish and parish level control most of the church activities. They

have been instrumental in raising the self sufficiency of the local churches

financially. Together with the clergy, they prepared the church programs and the

budget, including the maintenance of the clergy and the catechists and engage

themselves in raising the funds. Coordinated by the Lay Council at all levels are the

lay organizations and movements. There were many traditional pious organizations

as the Sacred Heart of Jesus, Legionaries of Mary, Charismatics, Tertiaries of

different orders and prayer groups under the patronage of different saints. The

association of the Sacred Heart of Jesus is very strong in the country and very

active.907

5.8.7 Response of Matengo to Transition Process

During the period of transition from missionary church to local church, the entire

Matengo Highlands was already evangelized. More than 85% of the people were

already Christians at least by virtual of being baptized.908

In one way or the other this

population of the faithful was involved in the transition. The transition was an effort

initiated by the missionaries due to the material condition obtained in the church as it

is discussed at length in preceding paragraphs. Since the Matengo Highlands was the

theatre on which missionaries were interacting, the society was necessarily to

experience some shockwaves. From the ecclesiastical point of view the Matengo had

to participate in supporting the church materially in form of offerings and tithe in

order to facilitate the running of the local church. Missions were supposed to build

907

M.Kilaini op.cit. (opus citatum), 1998:7 908

Doerr, vol.3, 1998:233

354

and maintain their schools, to provide for the upkeep of the priests, brothers and

sisters. The faithful was to construct churches, priests‘ and brothers‘ houses and

those for sisters. Statistics show that this role of the faithful was very challenging.

For instance the last mission stations of Mbangamao and Mikalanga by missionaries

were built in 1966. Since then, it took the Matengo Highlands more than 29 years to

build another mission station in 1994 at Mpepo.909

The missionaries left with their

income generating projects leaving the local clergy without reliable sources of

income and heavily dependent on the Abbey of Peramiho.

The lay apostolate of the Matengo Highlands was not accustomed to giving and self-

reliance unlike their Anglicans counterparts along Lake Nyasa who had been

groomed to be self-reliant. When the idea of contributing to the development of the

local church was raised it was received with mixed feelings among the Matengo

people. The priests had to employ some measures to induce the Matengo to comply.

Some of the measures were to disallow them from baptizing their children, to

solemnize weddings, to receive confirmation and to deny them sick and funeral

services. This move was detrimental to the development and consolidation of

Christianity in the area as many people found recourse to pre-Christian era and an

increase in non-Christian marriages (mabagula/makunja) and polygamous marriages.

In reaction to this situation the Abbot-Bishop Eberhard Spiess had to intervene by

ordering the priests not to deny the people sacraments for failure to pay the tithe and

other church obligations.910

909

Kamati ya Mawasiliano, Jimbo la Mbinga na Askofu Mstaafu Jubilei Pacha, 2012:21 910

Lucius, op. cit. 54

355

The faithful were confused with the transition from missionary church to local

church because they appeared not to understand what was happening in the church.

On the one hand they perceived the changes to local church as a formation of new

religion. Many wondered the how traditional music was relevant in the church

environment.

―Mh, dini inakwenda wapi siku hizi jamani.? Eti

zinaingizwa kanisani hata nyimbo za porini‖911

Of course the lay people had rationale to raise this concern because at the beginning

the missionaries used to condemn everything of the natives as ‗ushenzi‘ and sheer

paganism. More serious was the time when the local clergy was so much close to lay

postulate to point that, there such sarcastic songs among the Matengo people leveled

against the local church.

―Nakaungama kwako na patii wee nkohanu, na

nakaungama kwako na patii wee mbona ntwae,

nakahungama kwako na patii wee nndamu, na

nakaungamaa kwako mbona patii na nzemba wango?‖912

An unofficial translation in English is as follows:

―Where can I take penance sacrament when the priest in

my son-in-law, where do I take penance sacrament when

the priest is my mtwae, where can I take penance

sacrament when the priest is brother-in-law, where can I

take my penance sacrament when the priest is my

mjemba?

This song used to convey a message showing a corrupt relationship between the

clergy and the lay apostolate which is unbecoming. The worst scenario is when

priests were accused of having an affair with a daughter or wife of the lay apostolate.

This individual in the song is complaining how he/she is going to say his/her sins in

front of the in-law because it will be embarrassing. To them a European priest would

911

Kamati, op. cit. 97 & 99 912

This was a song very popular among the Matengo accusing the local clergy of involving in

unethical interactions with lay apostolate to the extent it was difficult for some people to take penance

sacrament from a priest very closely related.

356

have done the justice. But again the message is how can one go for repentance to a

priest he/she is sure committed similar sin with someone known to him. In this

situation the Matengo people started looking at local Christianity in a very negative

perspective.

Matengo had their traditional beliefs, customs and practices in which Sapanga the

divine was acknowledged and venerated but the missionaries tried to fight. By the

end of the Territorial Abbey Nullius of Peramiho, mission stations were placed in the

hands of native priests.913

But after the transition most marital relationships were

polygamous and second or third marriages were very common. About ninety percent

of the Matengo were Christians belonging to the Roman Catholic Church, although

beliefs in witchcraft, traditional religions and medicines were very prevalent. A dual

standard in religious practice was therefore very common and the Matengo people

performed most of their cultural activities concurrently with church festivals and

ceremonies.914

Cultural performance during official events of the government, party

and religious were so common among the Matengo. The 39 songs performed at one

occasion, 20 songs were self-praises of the groups, 15 songs were lamentations to the

dead, and 4 songs were about a church event (the inauguration ceremony of the

Mbinga Catholic Cathedral Church).915

There were also religious functions such as

consecration of new clergy and churches and ordination ceremonies which were

coloured by traditional dances and songs.

These traditional dances were part and parcel of the Matengo traditional cultural life

which the missionaries had challenged throughout their stay in the Matengo

913

Sr. Redemista Ngonyani, The Power of Governance of the Docesan Bishop in Relation to the

Institutes of Concecrated life …, PhD Thesis, Catholic University, Nairobi, 2011:18-19 914

Frowin Nyoni, 1998, 118 915

Ibid. 156

357

Highlands. Their appearance in the 1960s context suggests that these traditions were

still intact despite the existence of Christianity. Again the acceptance of traditional

ngomas to colour Christian events suggests the acceptance of procedures through

which these ngomas are prepared. For mganda or kihoda dance to be prepared it had

leaders known as kingi, these were essentially clan leaders possessing magical

secular powers to protect their groups against rival groups‘ ill-intentioned

machinations masopa.Ironically, most of the leaders of the cultural groups were

Christians who sometimes commanded high positions of authority in the church

including members of the Halmashauri ya Kanisa. This shows that the Matengo

people had joined Christianity and accessed what was good in Christianity, but at the

same time retained what they thought was good and good for the reproduction of

their society.

It is true that after the introduction of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands many

families kept on following the traditional customs and cultural values. There was

constant communication with the ancestors through mahoka, ibuta and the Sapanga.

In the Matengo Highlands there was no any event that was performed without

involving the ancestors through preparation of local beer, slaughtering animals,

administering cassava flour kondagolaand conducting traditional prayers. Fr. Francis

Majeshi Ndunguru advised that the effort should be to discourage all destructive

traditional and cultural practices which are detrimental to the society. But for those

positive practices they should be improved and promoted for the purpose of

cementing the society together for the good of all members.916

916

Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi deputy parish priest of Litembo in Mbinga Diocese admitted that it

is difficult for the Matengo to stop performing traditional ritual in their undertakings.

358

This argument tallies with the concept of acculturation as embodied in the Second

Vatican Council of 1962 to 1965 which called for the church of the place Kanisa

Mahalia which is required to incorporate the culture of the people of the respective

place.917

The spirit of the Vatican Council II was that the missionaries were wrong in

thinking that they can kill everything traditional in the Matengo Highlands and erect

Christianity onto them. To the contrary the missionaries would have done better if

they had learned the Matengo prayers, traditions, customs and the entire culture

before the start of evangelization. This approach would have made missionaries to

introduce Christianity in the environment of the culture of Matengo. This would have

enhanced the establishment of the Matengo church in an amicable atmosphere.

In the field of education the Matengo Highlands was affected by the transition from

mission Christianity to local church. As it has been put in the aforementioned

discussion, until 1969, all the schools in the Matengo Highlands were owned and

managed by the missionaries. And that the missionaries enjoyed considerable

freedom in the matter of running the education sector for their advantage including

teaching religious instructions at their own will. But now the school system was

compelled to follow the national educational system which reduced its power to

influence indoctrination of the pupils.918

The school teachers were no longer involved

in teaching religious instructions in schools; instead the work was entrusted to the

catechists who were no longer part of school system.

917

The Documents of the Second Vatican Council in Norbert Brockman, S.M. with Umberto

Pescantini M.C.C.J., A History of Catholic Church 2004:198 918

TNA, Acc. 155, Songea District Education Committee Meetings, Minutes of 4.7.1957 Five Year

Plan Proposal, Minutes of 10.12.1960, New Education Plan

359

The political system of the Matengo Highlands was Native Administration which

was forced in place by the British colonialists. The advent of independence changed

the political structure of the Matengo Highlands. It became a district of Mbinga

combined together with Unyanja to form its District Council. The whole district was

divided into divisions of Matengo Highlands and the Unyanja division which were

further divided into Village Development Committees (VDC).919

But as religious

entity Matengo Highlands still retained its status under the Litembo deanery. Mission

structure which had changed name to parish was still intact and strong. The parish

station remained the administration centre reporting to Abbey Nullius of Peramiho

which was changed to a diocese in 1956. At the lower level there were outstations

which supervised the pastoral work, development work, social work and other

activities. The outstation coordinated the work Basic Christian Communities which

were the coordinators of the Christian families. In 1968 the missionaries ended their

assignment of leading the diocese retreated at Abbey Nullius of Peramiho and the

local clergy took the leadership which shifted to Songea. The religious structure in

the Matengo Highlands was running parallel with the secular structure; in the long

run the religious structure was much influential in running the day to day matters of

the society.

Evidence reveals that the transition created a kind of center-periphery relations

between the Abbey and the parishes. In the parishes the same relation also existed

whereby the outstations, the basic Christian communities were dependent on the

mission station. At the end the families and individuals were also very dependent on

919

Fr. Egno Ndunguru, op. cit. :63

360

the missionary enterprise for their reproduction.920

The dependency syndrome had

persisted to individuals in the Matengo Highlands especially those living around the

mission stations. However, with administration going to local clergy the ability to

assist the population around the mission stations has declined. The reason for this is

that the local priests depended on the contributions from the faithful in the form of

tithe and other contributions. Their African families were also poor to support their

priests as it used to be to European and American missionaries. The need for self-

reliance became so pressing in order to run the church activities.

5.9 Conclusion

In this chapter we have attempted to analyze the process of transition from mission

Christianity to local church in the Matengo Highlands. The reasons for transition

have been explored and its necessity established. There were externally propelled

reasons from the Propaganda Fide which seemed to favour indigenous based

Christianity than missionary Christianity. Though the Benedictines were thinking of

permanence in their territories including the Matengo Highlands, the pressure from

Rome reinforced with Second Vatican Council there was no other alternative except

to succumb to that pressure. This was further reinforced by the failure to get young

missionaries from Europe and America due to fall in vocation among the young

people. The number of faithful was growing so fast while the number of missionary

personnel was declining fast.

Internally generated factors were also compelling. Decolonization process made the

missionaries start to contemplate about their future in the Matengo Highlands. This

920

Fr. Francis Ndunguru, Catechist John Nchimbi and retired DC Osmund Kapinga interviewed at

litembo and Mbinga

361

was again prompted by the suspicion the missionaries had on the British colonial

government. There seemed to exist a strong mistrust between the colonial authority

and the missionaries who were mainly German nationals. Furthermore, the primary

objective of evangelization seemed to have been accomplished by the fact that more

than ninety percent of the Matengo was already baptized. What was needed now was

the pastoral work of deepening and strengthening faith of the faithful. This success of

the German missionary made them redundant and of necessity to allow the local

clergy to continue with this task.

362

CHAPTER SIX

CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE

MATENGO HIGHLANDS

6.0 Introduction

This chapter will evaluate the influence of Christianity in the socio-economic

development of the Matengo Highlands. As it was stated from the outset that this

study intended to investigate the role of Christian religion in the socio-economic

development in the Matengo Highlands, therefore this section will analyze the data

presented in the preceding chapters to see how they contributed to the transformation

of the Matengo society. From the beginning, missionaries said they wanted to bring

to Africans both religion and civilization. It was their opinion that their faith would

not be able to acquire stable form among the Africans without the aid of a civilization

that has attained a certain level of perfection.

By such a civilization we mean one that is based on

science and work in addition to religion… But civilization

is impossible without faith. Hence it is the task, nay the

duty, of the mission to work at it, not only in so far as

morality is concerned, but also in its intellectual and

physical aspects: education, agriculture and

technology.‖921

Even the Benedictine missions had stated in their constitution that their main

objective was to bring civilization to the faithful through their philosophy of ora et

labora or prayer and work. The tactic employed to implement this objective was the

use of monastic approach. In this situation the monastery was supposed to be a center

of civilization through the introduction of modern styles of life. Table 6.1 below

enumerates some of the modern styles introduced by missionaries in their centers.

The facilities with modern etiquettes included electricity, running water, brick

921

John Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa (2nd Edition) 2009:137

363

buildings with aluminum iron sheet thatching, hospitals, shops, post services and

education facilities. The surrounding society will be drawn into this civilization

through evangelization into Christianity which constitutes a civilization values like

education, religion, health services, cleanliness, monogamy, spiritual values,

submissiveness and modern styles of life. Those Matengo who adopted this set of

beliefs were at the forefront. They comprised a broad middle-class of farmers who

have adopted an appreciation for modernity and progress, people who held positions

of administrative power (local chiefs), who controlled the spiritual and economic

power of the Church (catechists), or who gained economic or educational superiority

(educated businessmen and teachers). This group aligned itself with European

powers and cultivated tastes they saw as ―modern,‖ often to the detriment of long-

held beliefs and practices among their cohorts.922

In implementing this agenda the Benedictines undertook to establish infrastructure to

facilitate evangelization and spread of Christianity through preaching the word of

God. The infrastructure established included opening of mission stations as the

centers of their operation, opening schools to facilitate reading and learning of the

bible, opening of health centers to oversee the health status of the faithful,

constructing roads and bridges to facilitate the communication and movements of the

missionaries and their work implements, opening of trade schools to train people who

would assist in construction and other skilled labour, domestic science training to

young ladies to facilitate nutritional health improvement of the faithful. While these

establishments were intended to be infrastructure to facilitate missionary work, to the

Matengo society, these establishments were construed as development. However, it

922

Stephen Hill, Machini Kubwa!: Group Dancing, Politics, and Modernity in Umatengo, Tanzania,

PhD Thesis, Urbana, Illinois, 2001: 75

364

has to be noted with caution that not all the people around were beneficiaries to the

missionaries. Those close to the rose flower enjoyed the smell the most while those

far from the proximity could not enjoy the good smell the same way. There is a

section below which demonstrates the presentation of the findings of the study on the

perception of what development is in the Matengo Highlands.

Can we conclude that missionaries were the custodian of socio-economic

development in the Matengo Highlands? When the Holy Ghost missionaries arrived

at Zanzibar in 1860 Sultan Seyyid Majid asked them what the objectives of their

mission were. The leader of the mission Fr. Fava who was sent to Zanzibar by

Bishop Armand Moupoint of Reunion answered that:

―Tumekuja kuwatunza wagonjwa, kuwasaidia maskini,

kuwasomesha watoto na kuwafundisha ufundi

mbalimbali.‖923

Bishop Raymond Mwanyika put it this way:

―Wamisionari wetu walishughulika sana kuondoa ujinga

wetu kuhusu maisha bora zaidi ya binadamu hapa

duniani, ili ajiandae vema kurudi kwa Mungu

anayetupenda. Kwa nia hiyo walianzisha bush schools,

primary schools, Middle Schools, Central Schools, TTC,

Trade Schools, Domestic Schools, Nursing Schools,

Seminari na Utawa; kujenga Hospitali na Zahanati;

kutengeneza njia za usafiri na kutafuta vyombo vya

kusafiria‖924

It was also an acknowledgement of the scholars that missionaries had played vital

role in the development in Africa as Sarah White and Romy Tiongco put it:

Historically, development is the successor to colonialism,

in which Christian missions played an important part. One

923

Risala ya Maaskofu kwenye Ukumbusho wa Miaka 100 ya Kanisa, 1975:4. Cf. John Baur, 2000

Years of Christianity in Africa (2nd

Edition)Paulines Publications Africa, Nairobi, 2009:213 924

Bishop Raymond Mwanyika, Bishop of Njombe, Ujumbe katika Jubilei ya Miaka 100 ya Ukristo

Jimbo la Peramiho. Kamati ya Historia na Habari Jimbo Kuu Songea, Peramiho, Historia ya

Uenjilishaji Songea: Jubilei ya Miaka 100, Printing Press, 1998:xi-xii

365

legacy of this is evident even today in Christian Schools

and hospitals all over Africa.‖925

From the aforementioned discussion it is the conviction of this study that there is a

consensus that Christian missions were part and parcel of civilizing mission. Apart

from evangelizing the backward Africans they were also supposed to be exposed to

the values of civilization through western education, health services, monogamy,

modern houses and dressing codes. According to this line of thinking these values of

civilization will eradicate traditional values, paganism and primitivity among the

recipients of the new civilized values. For most European missions in the 19th

century

and early 20th

century, conversion to Christianity was viewed as a necessary

component of global project of modernization premised and groomed in a particular

notion of civilization as a culmination of evolutionary progression away from

barbarism and savagery.926

Before answering this question it is imperative that we explore what development is.

There are various perspectives on development. But also there are various stand

points on development from the Christian point of view. It is indeed a crucial idea

that the concept development be analysed from these points of view. Therefore this

study starts by looking at development from the point of view of modernists,

Marxists, neo-Marxist, liberals and neo-liberals.

925

Sarah White and Romy Tiongco, What has Theology to do with Development, Peace and

Reconstruction? In Isabel Phiri, et al (eds.), The role of Christianity in development, peace and

reconstruction, All Africa Conference of Churches, Nairobi. 1996:10 926

Maia Green, Witches, Priests and Power, The Global Christianity and the Structure Power,

Cambridge University Press, 2003:2

366

6.1 Development Paradigms

The modernist perspective viewed development as a process of breaking from

traditional institutions to modern ones. In this perspective missionaries undertook the

task of bringing change to backward societies through evangelization. Becoming a

Christian meant becoming civilized. The 20th

century was characterized by the

dominant understanding of development as modernization as expressed in Walt

Rostow‘s927

―stages of economic growth.‖ The technological development of the

North, which was modern, rational and industrialized, was considered the answer to

the development of the South, which was ‗backward, traditional and primitive. ―It

meant that the technical and economic development within the capitalist framework

was considered to be the panacea for all socio-economic problems.‖ To generalize,

these theorists saw development as involving a change from the traditional to the

modern. Tradition was generally seen as too backward and primitive for modern

conditions and modernity was defined in the image of the North. Religion was not

considered in economic modernization literature.

The rejection from the South to development as modernization, gave rise to another

macro-theory known as dependency theory. This theory was the response from the

South to modernization theory. Dependency theorists believed that the more

powerful states and economies took wealth from weaker countries. The key

proponents of dependency theories were Raoul Prebisch,928

Paul Baran,929

André

927

W.W. Rostow The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (1960). He was an

American economist who presented 'Stages of Growth' model of development. According to Rostow,

the process whereby all the developed industrial nations of the world transformed themselves from

backwardness to prosperity can be described in terms of a series of stages. These stages of economic

growth are: (1) Traditional society, (2) Pre-conditions to take-off, (3) Take-off, (4) Drive to maturity,

(5) High mass consumption. 928

Dependency Theory developed in the late 1950s under the guidance of the Director of the United

Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, Raul Prebisch

367

Frank930

and Immanuel Wallerstein.931

As the debate on dependency and

underdevelopment continued, a number of new and ingenious variations upon the

theme emerged. These were highly integrated theoretical models of increasing

complexity which attempted to explain the development experience of humankind in

terms of the operation of the world system viewed as a whole.932

Development as globalization propounded by current liberal point of view of

development is now the dominant theory. To adequately understand development in

the new millennium, one needs to have an understanding of these new concepts,

ideas and debates surrounding globalization. Globalization is a process that embodies

a transformation in the spatial organization of social relations and transactions,

generating transcontinental or interregional flows and networks of activity,

interaction, and power.933

This theory does not adequately address the problems of

underdevelopment in the south. To the contrary the south is closely drawn to the

north hence more dependent.

Alternative development refers to a development vision that rejects economic growth

as the locus of development. It rejects the aim of economic progress, which in

modernity‘s story implies a world where everyone should aspire to the high

consumption, high-pollution way of the rich minority today. Supporters of alternative

929

Monthly Review author Paul Baran in "Political Economy of Growth". According to Baran, early

colonization by Europe had left Asia (except for Japan), Africa and Latin America in a

disadvantageous position. 930

Andre Gunder Frank (February 24, 1929 – April 23, 2005) was a German-American economic

historian and sociologist who promoted dependency theory after 1970 and world-systems theory after

1984. He employed some Marxian concepts on political economy, but rejected Marx's stages of

history, and economic history generally. 931

Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the

European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century, New York: Academic Press, 1974. 932

Hans Martin, 2002:194 933

John Arun Kumar, Mission and Postmodernity, Neocolonialism and Globalization

368

development have become a small social movement, spread across the world. Like

other social movements, alternative development has many different interests,

factions and trends within it; and it has complex relations to other social movements,

such as women‘s and environmental movements. Some consider alternative

development as prophetic rather than immediately practical. While today, alternative

development is strong on vision, values, new ideas and is strong in its contacts with

NGOs on the grassroots levels; it does not have the political or economic influence.

Development as transformation is partially informed and in dialogue with the

alternative development theories of: David Korten‘s people-centered development,934

Manfred Max-Neef‘s935

psychological model of satisfying human needs, John

Friedman‘s936

access to social power and Robert Chamber‘s937

responsible well-

being. Then from an evangelical perspective, is the theory of Jayakumar

Christian‘s938

kingdom of God response to powerlessness.

In summary, the argument for development as transformation is based on a People

Centered Development approach. It has a specific philosophy of development

(poverty has a spiritual dimension and development must be holistic) and seeks to

mobilize vision.939

Its praxis is contextual established by Trans disciplinary research

and synergistic planning strategies940

and personal through empowerment and

934

Korten, theories of development based on people-centered development (1990, 1992, 1995) 935

Manfred Max-Neef‘s, 1991 936

FRIEDMAN, J. Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development. Cambridge: Blackwell,

1992 937

Robert Chamber, Whose Reality Counts? Putting the First Last. London: Intermediate Technology

Publications, 1983, 1994, 1997 938

Jayakumar Christian‘s, Powerless of the Poor: Toward an Alternative Kingdom of God based

Paradigm of

Response.Unpublished PhD thesis. Pasadena: Fuller Theological Seminary (1994) 939

Korten, 1990:4 940

Max-Neef, M.A. Human Scale Development.Conception, Application and Further Directions. New

York: 1991: Apex

369

‗bottom up‘ participation because it recognizes individual and local potential and

capabilities.941

It utilizes the local church that is uniquely equipped and positioned to

address issues of: truth, powerlessness, worldview and the axiological dimension of

development (Christian) theological reflection on mission as development in this

chapter, a framework for transformation emerges that points us to the best human

future—the kingdom of God. Transformational development implies a process of

social change or transformation in every sphere of life for individuals and

communities, in the fullest sense of God‘s redemptive purpose.

Marxists perceive development as stages of development of society from

communalism, slavery, feudalism, capitalism, socialism and communism.942

With the

dissolution of the primeval communities, society begins to be differentiated into

separate and finally antagonistic classes.943

Class antagonism and struggle to improve

productive forces are the motive forces of change of society qualitative and

quantitative leap. Development in this regard was the change from lower mode of

production to upper mode of production; the latter was much advanced in terms of

improved level of productive forces as well as change in the relations of production.

These changes in the basic structure affected the superstructure which essentially was

the custodian of the ideological tools like ideas, religion, laws and politics of power.

The modernist theory of development as developed by Rostow was a critique to this

Marxist theory of development. Both these approaches describe the evolution of

941

Friedman, Chambers, op. cit. 942

Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848, Progress Publishers,

Moscow, 1969, pp. 98-137; 943

Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, second edition,

Stuttgart, 1886.

370

society from economic point of view. Both the approaches admit that economic

changes have social, political and cultural consequences.

Central to the concept of development are ideas about economic, social and political

change and progress underpinned by certain values, such as justice, equality,

hardworking, honest, respect, and trustworthiness. Nevertheless, issues central to

development objectives have always been amongst the concern of main religious

tradition. These include ideas about poverty and wealth legitimate livelihood, belief

about command of knowledge and the transmission of values and thus access to

education and ideas about gender roles and equality.944

For the purpose of evaluating the socio-economic development of the Matengo

Highlands this study is informed by a theory that looks at society as constantly in

dynamic changes that of growing and transformation both qualitatively and

quantitatively. In this situation the Matengo Highlands was internally changing

unlike those who attribute the transformation to foreign pressures from the Ngoni

invasion and European colonialists and missionaries.945

To the contrary this study

establishes that internal dynamics related to the need to increase production to feed

the fast growing population necessitated the improvement of productive forces by

evolving iron technology and devising intensive land use technique of ngolo system.

The external forces cannot be ruled out because it used to condition the internal

dynamics and shape them in the way they were happening.

944

Justina Dugbazar, The Relationship between Values and Religious Teaching and Development

Concepts and Practices: A Preliminary Literature Review, RDA Working Paper 33, 2009:32 945

Stephen Hill, op. cit. 2001:11

371

6.2 What is Development?

At a minimum, development is a movement from a worse state to a better one. For a

society to develop it must improve in some relevant way. The standards of relevance

are by far not clear, so it is not clear to know whether development has taken place

without the conception of the ends of its ends or end. The consensus is that it is based

on the concept of well-being. Development should reflect people‘s ideas about how

they would like to improve their well-being, social organization views about societies

should be improved and the aims and aspirations of national government not only

economic growth.

Today it is widely accepted that the concept of human development incorporates both

economic growth and the creation of the enabling environment for the people to live

long healthy and creative lives. This involves wide distribution of benefits of

economic growth; access to assets, livelihood and services; and physical and

economic security. Improvement to well-being implies not only increased material

resources and incomes, but also recognition of rights, access to opportunities and the

capacity to make the most of them.946

Historically, the concept of ‗development‘ has had varying meanings, in changing

historical contexts, and propelled by changing visions of its telos — i.e. the state of

being that development ideally should lead to. At the end of World War II the word

‗development‘ acquired the new meaning of re-building the infrastructure and

economy of Europe, as epitomized in the Marshall Plan. Development concerned —

and was directed at — Europe in President Truman‘s vision of a brave new postwar

946

Carole Rakodi, A Guide to Analyzing Relationships between Religion and Development. Working

Paper 67, 2012

372

world order characterized by the Bretton Woods financial architecture.947

Development only acquired missionary and messianic overtones after it was re-

oriented from Europe to the Third World.

Development as transformation is based on fourth-generation development models,

people-centered development. Development is what happens when people learn,

grow and change. It is at once a process and a result. It is a process because people

are learning, taking charge of their own lives and solving their own problems. It is a

result, when people actually change their context of their lives.948

6. 3 Perception of Development in the Matengo Highlands

In the course of the study research a question was set to elucidate information on

what was the perception of the people on development. The information was

gathered through in depth interviews, archival information and some secondary data.

Local people in Matengo Highlands viewed that development occurs when all

problems facing the people have found solutions. They used examples of increase of

production of crops both cash and food crops such as maharage, ulezi, ngano, which

make them, live in peace and respect of humanity.949

Further to that, others

associated development with reproduction of cultural values of the society. They

capitalize on such cultural elements like traditions, customs, healing and medicines

war against witches and sorcerers. Consequently this situation will bring peace and

tranquility to the whole society.950

Still more others, perceived development to

947

Oscar Salemink, Faith-Based Development Initiatives as ‗Prosperity Religions.‘? Reflections on

religion and development. Religion and Development: Crisis or new opportunities? 2007 948

Hans Martin Wilhelm, Walking far Together: Theological Education and Development in African

Pastoral Formation 2002:39 949

Mzee Anton Matanila retired civil servant, interviewed 2012. 950

Julius Komba, mzee wa mila (mchawi?), interviewed at Kingua 2013,

373

getting good health because of medical facilities availed to them through mission

hospitals.951

Catechist John Nchimbi952

believes that Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands made people to know the word of God which ultimately made them to live

together harmoniously. Christian virtues made the Matengo to obey the colonial and

independent regimes without resistance. This is because Christianity has emphasized

in its basic teachings the Ten Commandments and Church Laws which stressed on

hard work, honesty, humility and love in the course of preaching.953

Besides, the

missionaries opened factories in the mission stations which provided employment,

skills learning and products such as canned meat and biscuits; they also opened up

hospitals and dispensaries to ensure the health of the faithful.

Xavery Mbunda954

perceives development as civilization through the power of

Christianity to eradicate paganism and witchcraft. Development was also manifested

in the improvement of dressing style from the traditional bark cloth ndenda to second

hand cloth mitumba or popularly known as malijohn. Traditionally the Wamatengo

were using local cloth manufactured from tree barks. A tree known asntaba

possessed a bark with fibre-like materials which was softened to produce bark cloth

known as ndenda. This material was used as bedding material as well as clothing

material. The feminine garment was called mpati and masculine garment was known

as mpinda.The clothes were made in such a way that they were only covering the

private parts only. Sometimes the Matengo people used to put on animal skin clothes.

With the arrival of Christianity, catechumens, school children, marriage couples and

951

Masingi Cosmas Kapinga, who personally had been admitted to Litembo Mission Hospital twice in

1962 and 1965 admitted that in the absence of that service he would have passed away. Despite his

confidence to Christianity Masingi entered into polygamous marriage. Interviewed 2013 952

Catechist John Nchimbi, interviewed at Litembo 2013 953

TNA, Acc. 155, Songea District Book, Colonial records show that Matengo were hard working

naturally. 954

Xavery Mbunda katekista mstaafu

374

communicants were supposed to put on some decent cloth during the pass out

celebrations. The missionaries used to provide some second hand clothes to these

Christians something that attracted Wamatengo to join Christianity. Together with

missionaries there were also some itinerant traders who had established themselves a

trading center at Mbinga and other traders came from Songea bringing with them

clothes, salt, sugar and other merchandise. The common fashion was that of kikwinda

or nsalu for boys and kimau for girls. The catechists and teachers were dressed in a

short and a shirt. Later it became fashionable for all Christians to have new clothes

during Christian feast days especially Christmas and Passover occasions. This way

the dressing fashion of modern clothes became part and parcel of the Wamatengo

dressing code.

The church teachings and prohibitions created fear among the Matengo of offending

God. Repentance system in the Catholic Church was followed by penance system

which to some extent was instrumental in a creation of good and righteous conduct

among the Matengo faithful, young and adults. In general, respondents in this group

had the opinion that what is construed as development in the Matengo Highlands

owes much to the presence of missionaries and Christianity in general. Therefore, in

the absence of Christianity and its missionaries there would have been a disaster to

the Matengo Highlands in as far as development is concerned. There would have

been no hospitals, schools, civilization, foreign crops and variety of skills.955

Missionaries who were respondents in this study perceived development as to free

Matengo from the power of evil because the Matengo were regarded as pagans.956

As

955

Litembo elders Paul Jeremia Ndunguru, Remigius Mikael Churchil Hyera, Constanitn Manyuka

Mwingira, Longnus Mathias Tilia Interviewed the at Litembo, 2014. 956

Abbot Lambert, a retired Abbot of Peramiho Abbasia interviewed at Peramiho, 2013

375

a result of missionary hard work, Christianity was and is still deep-rooted in the

Matengo Highlands. To the missionaries, the consolidation of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands was indeed a sign of development.957

Fr. Christian Mhagama

parish priest of Nangombo equates development with what the missionaries

introduced in the Matengo Highlands. He attributes development to the missionary

schools which introduced and spread western education which is the basis of

understanding the world. Furthermore missionaries introduced health services which

assured good health to the faithful hence spiritual development.958

Fr.Majeshi Ndunguru959

stressed on the role of doctrine of Christianity and its basic

teachings which played a crucial role in modeling the Matengo people to refrain from

primitive and communal life like paganism. But development was associated with the

habit of making prayers according to the rules of the Catholic Church. Adaptation of

Christian ethics by Matengo made them civilized in terms of organizing their

activities according to the philosophy of ora et labora or prayer and work. The

faithful admired the style of lives of the missionaries which in most caseswere used

as life models. Apart from spiritual values the missionaries insisted on the faithful to

learn different skills, planting of trees, fruits, wheat and coffee; build brick houses

and use aluminium iron sheets for thatching.960

Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi further

emphasized that the Christian faithful around mission stations benefited from

services such as infrastructure, radio calls, postal services, roads and spiritual values

offered by the mission stations.

957

Ibid. interviewed at Peramiho 2013, 958

Fr. Christian Mhagama, parish priest of Nangombo interviewed 2013 at Nangombo, 959

Fr.Majeshi Ndunguru, deputy parish priest of Litembo interviewed at Litembo 2013 960

Around mission stations there a lot of beneficiaries of this type of development. The outstations at

the mission periphery used to have little chance of meeting the missionaries. Most of the time, the

faithful in outstations were under the spiritual care of the catechists.

376

Fr. Ndunguru Timoth961

was of the opinion that development enjoyed by Christians

in the Matengo Highlands can be translated in terms of health services, education

facility, basic needs such as sugar, salt and soap; art of building, cloth, infrastructure,

afforestation, bricks making and house construction. All these facilities were

introduced and spread by missionaries. The system of repentance, symbolized regret

of commission of an offence was making people God fearing hence refrained from

making sins as stipulated in Christian scriptures.

The missionaries in the Matengo Highlands made a lot of impact on development to

the people. Fr. Christian Mhagama962

maintained that Matengo development should

directly be related to missionary‘s activities in the process of evangelization because

they introduced coffee, wheat, skills and ora et labora philosophy contributed to the

development of the area. Fr. Josephat Malunda963

associated development of the

Matengo Highlands to the establishment of schools, agriculture, animal husbandry,

health services, salt, cloth, running water, housing and eating style. He gave a

narration of the common practice during the repentance session, that some priests

brought with them some salt which they used to distribute to the faithful who

appeared for repentance session.964

This was an inducement introduced by the

missionaries to the faithful to appear for the repentance and hence make Christianity

lively in the area.

The people in the state perceived development in the Matengo Highlands in terms of

education provision, morality, infrastructure construction, skills in brick laying,

961

Fr. Ndunguru Timoth, interviewed at Kigonsera, 2013. 962

Fr. Christian Mhagama, interviewed at Mbinga, 2013. 963

Fr. Josephat Malunda, , interviewed at Mbinga, 2013. 964

Fr. Josephat Malunda, interviewed at Mbinga, 2013

377

construction of decent houses, adult education, agriculture and gardening, use of

fertilizer made of animal manure and composite, animal husbandry, timber work,

shoe making, tailoring, carpentry, dressing style, eating style.965

Osmund Kapinga the

retired District Commissioner (DC) of several districts including Mbinga district,

perceives development of the Matengo Highlands in terms of coffee economy and

education, trade school, nursing school and domestic science school.966

The retired DC further argued that the coffee economy was just operating at

production level not at the market level, therefore it did not constitute development.

Furthermore, missionary education provided by missionaries in the Matengo

Highlands ended at middle school level. It ended into producing catechists, teachers,

technicians, nurses and domestic science workers making the Matengo very narrow

in world view. Roman Catholic Church retained monopoly in the Matengo Highlands

from the beginning; there was virtually no denominational competition. This had

negative effects on the Matengo Highlands in the sense that it generated non-

competitive spirit on the faithful. More badly the tendency marginalized the faithful

and hence generating submissive and docile character. The educated class was found

among the local clergy priests and seminarians who were part and parcel of the

missionary enterprise and they were unable to challenge the missionary

establishment.967

To Jacob Hyera missionaries were custodians of development in the

Matengo Highlands by introducing new crops in the area. The crops introduced

include coffee, wheat, fruits, trees and vegetables.968

965

Mzee Engelbert Nyang‘ali, retired nurse of mission hospital, interviewed at Mbinga 966

Osmund Kapinga, retired DC interviewed at Mbinga 2013 967

Osmund Kapinga, exDC, interviewed at Mbinga 2013. 968

Jacob Hyera, District Agricultural Officer, interviewed at Mbinga, 2013

378

Local rulers of Mbinga District Council interviewed, perceived development by

looking at the development projects which included road construction, subgrade

schools, lower primary school building, furrow and market.969

After independence

development projects which were insisted by District Council were on the Village

Development Committees to follow up village development projects. The

development projects included cooperative agriculture,970

wheat flour milling, village

development farms, village adult education programs, environmental conservation,

animal husbandry, use of fertilizers from manure and composite in agriculture and

improvement of communication by making roads and an air strip at Mbinga.971

Looking at the different perceptions by different groups of people interviewed and

literature consulted it is true that development as a concept mean a lot of things to

different people. But still it is possible to make generalization on what development

is. For a human society development is about growth, transformation, change,

improvement and betterment. It involves both quality and quantity and relates to

human and material improvement. A number of conclusions have been made in this

study. The study has drawn up the main important evidence and conclusions made in

this study. The evidence presented so far on the establishment and spread of

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands show that; Socio-economic development is

the process of social and economic development in a society. Socio-economic

development is measured with indicators, such as GDP, life expectancy, healthy,

income, literacy and levels of employment. Changes in less-tangible factors are also

969

TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39, 1964 & 1965, TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39/vol. II, District Council

Development Project 970

The cooperative farms were opened at Kigonsera, 971

TNA, Acc. 155, NA/39/vol. II, District Council Development Project

379

considered, such as personal dignity, freedom of association, personal safety and

freedom from fear of physical harm, and the extent of participation in civil society.

Development implies increased skill and capacity, greater freedom, creativity, self-

discipline, responsibility and material well-being. … At the level of society

development implies an increasing capacity to regulate both internal and external

relationship.972

This being the case, the advent of Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands brought with them many services like schools, hospitals, colleges,

religion, infrastructure and employment. Looking at these attributes many people

often have automatically equated them to development. Gauging these services from

the Rodneys‘ formulation, the study can here draw some conclusions as hereunder

presented.

6.4 Religion and Development

All religions are part and parcel of human history they evolved as a result of some

obtaining historical material conditions. Karl Marx stressed that, the various

positions and beliefs held by people, be it religious, moral and so on, are created and

conditioned by their material circumstances.973

For Marx the "superstructure" which

includes culture, ideology, ideas and religion is determined by the material base, and

not as the Idealist philosophers would have it.974

Religion is where people tend to

turn during desperate times. It is within human nature to search for a greater force

972

Walter Rodney, op. cit. 1972; 9-10 973

Karl Marx, The Germany Ideology, op. cit. 974

Ibid.

380

when the rest of the world appears to be against you or if the world cannot provide

any real answers or solutions to our problems.975

At one stage in human history societies evolved one type of religion or another. It is

in this context that we have evolution of Islam, Buddhism, Christianity, Judaism,

Confucianism, Taoism and African Traditional Religions. All these religions played

a crucial role in history of the respective societies. Each religion had its way of

interpreting of what entailed development according to the scriptures. Even the main

stream Christianity, the perception of development differed from one denomination

to another.976

It is in this context that, this study looked at Christianity as religion

which was introduced in the Matengo Highlands played a role in the transformation

of the society.

From the onset history has furnished us with information on the role of Christianity

in development of societies. From 4th

century AD Christianity had become a state

religion in the Roman Empire. This was made possible as a result of Constantine the

Roman Emperor accepting baptismal. During medieval period the church became

very powerful following the collapse of Roman Empire and plunging Europe in the

state of insecurity. People rallied behind the church since it was providing security

spiritually and bodily leading to the institutionalization of serfdom in Western

Europe. Church extracted taxes from citizen in the name of tithe or ten percent.

Monastic movement was a major force in development of northern Europe to 1500.

Monasteries offered relief to the poor, introduced new forms of learning, education,

975

Evolution of religion in human society was necessitated by the need to address challenges

confronting human beings 976

Kirsteen Kim, Concepts of Development in the Christian Tradition, RDA, 2007

381

health care and agriculture. Monks and nuns espoused poverty as religious path,

living in community depending on alms for their living, though many monastic

orders became very wealthy in the medieval period.

In 16th

century the emergence of renaissance movement, science and technology and

the reformation movement challenged the rulers of church and state due to

corruption, autocracy and nepotism. Protestant rulers broke from Roman Catholic

Church to form Lutheran under Martin Luther, Dutch Reformed/Presbyterian Church

under John Calvin, and Anglican under the English monarchy. In the chaos of the

period of religious wars of 16th

and 17th

centuries the powers of priesthoods and the

monasteries were crashed in Northern Europe, refugees from Europe sought religious

freedom in colonies in other parts of the world. The England Puritans who developed

modern democracy in America and protestant work ethics led to the rise of

capitalism.

In colonial era Christian missionaries initiated many aspects of what now can be

described as development. Mission work included mass education, health care,

movements to improve the conditions of women, campaign against caste, slavery,

and alcohol, generate commerce and industry to improve lives of the poor people,

care and advocacy for the disenfranchised, prisoners, widows, orphans and child

labourers. They did not always support colonial authorities and their religious values

sometimes clashed with those of the government.977

In the high imperial era most

missionaries were serving the interest of the colonial enterprise and many failed to

977

Isabel Phiri et al, (eds), The role of Christianity in Development, peace and reconstruction, All

Africa Conference of Churches, Nairobi ,1996:10

382

distinguish between the Christian gospel and western civilization.978

The Protestant

missionaries for instance held an international conference in 1910 at Edinburgh for

evangelization of the world, conversion of the world to Christianity and programmes

for human welfare. The vision of the conference was impaired by the world wars and

when the Europeans empires broke out, initiative set up by missionaries were often

integrated into government programmes in the era of development.

Development in Christian missions was a distinct evolution from the policy of

―benevolent colonialism‖ and later the ―comprehensive approach‖ spawned at the

Jerusalem Conference of the International Missionary Council in 1928. After World

War II the comprehensive approach was revamped and replaced by the notion of

development,979

which assumed the concept of the world, was a single entity.980

The

year 1945 punctuated the history of the world, ending World War II and initiating the

nuclear age. The end of the war found many nations crippled from devastation.

Although the United States suffered human loss in the hundreds of thousands, it

stood almost alone in having been spared the destruction of land and resources.981

Statistical evidence from ten countries namely Uganda, Malawi, Tanzania, Congo

(Leopoldville), Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Rhodesia, and Zambia shows

positive relationships between the rise of Christianity and the growth of indicators of

development such as education, wage labor, electrical consumption and

978

Pontifical Decree on the Mission Activities of the Church, Ad Gentes 1965 979

D. J. Bosch, op.cit. 1991:356 980

M. Porter, Caught in the Web? Feminists Doing Development. In Feminists Doing Development: A

Practical Critique, M Porter & E Judd (eds). New York: Zed Books, 1999:5. 981

Hans-Martin Wilhelm, 2002:188

383

urbanization.982

Oliver sums up the point this way: "During the last 50 years (since

1900) Christianity in Africa has been more than a mere religion. It has been that

which has helped the African adapt himself to the new order."983

6.5 Christianity and Socio-economic Development in the Matengo Highlands

One of the important influences to the social, economic and political change to

Africa South of Sahara has been the impact of Christian missionaries.984

The overall

effect of Christianity, however, has been positive. Christianity as a modern and

civilized religion for evangelization and spreading the word of God; as institution

which has churches, schools, seminaries, businesses, projects of different type; as a

way of living, civilizing agent, mode of life and behavior which is more advanced

and elitist985

as ideological instrument of the superstructure986

must have influence on

the host society of Matengo Highlands. The establishment of Christianity in

backward society like the Matengo Highlands is a long and multidimensional

process. The history of this process of development of Christianity has to be

investigated in order to identify the dynamics involved in the transformation of mode

of life. This section through evidence from the findings will demonstrate how

Christianity influenced the socio-economic development of the Matengo Highlands

from 1890s to 1968.

This section demonstrates the findings of the study. It provides answers to the

question whether establishment of Christianity and its spread across the Matengo

982

Raymond F. Hopkins, Christianity and Sociopolitical Change in Sub-Saharan Africa, Social

Forces, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Jun., 1966),: 555, ULR: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2575091 . 983

Roland A. Oliver, How Christian is Africa? (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1956:17. Sundkler

writes: "As the old ancestral order was dissolved by modern Western influences, the Christian

churches grew to represent a new rallying point, a new order, a new life and a new leadership, op. cit.

:45 984

R. Hopkins, op. cit. 555 985

Mihanjo; op cit. :59 986

Marx and Engels;op. cit.

384

Highlands had any influence to the socio-economic development from 1890s to 1968

to the Matengo Highlands. This periodization is deliberately chosen since it is when

the Benedictine Christian missionaries retreated to the Peramiho Abbatia and the

church was left to the indigenous leadership. The findings are presented into three

main subsections, infrastructure, social services, and spiritual formation and values.

6.6 Christianity and Social services Development in the Matengo Highlands

What are social services? The organized government services and department that

help and advise people in community with problems or special needs, health,

education, housing:

6.7 Christianity and Spiritual Values Development in the Matengo Highlands

Mihanjo speaks of Euro-centric indoctrination which was undertaken by the priests,

catechists and teachers through the establishment of missions and acculturation

process.987

The number of people served by mission centers was so high hence the

impact was serious because they reached most people and therefore the

indoctrination was heavy and frequent.988

Enrollment in the Matengo Highlands Roman Catholic schools was; Kigonsera

mission opened schools at its outstations of Mhagawa-Litembo 1901, Kipapa 1909,

Kindimba 1910, and Matiri 1911. In 1914 Litembo mission boasted of 16 schools

with 2,182 pupils.989

When the German Benedictines left the Matengo Highlands in

1916 due to World War I, they left back 18 schools with 4,000 pupils and 2,000

987

Mihanjo, 2000, cf. TNA 2286 Register of Mission Stations 1935/37, cf. TNA, 23/10 Mission

Schools for which no Rights of Occupancy are Registered 1922-1926. 988

Mihanjo, Ibid. 989

Lambert, 1998:80

385

adults following instructions in Christian faith.990

When hearing the word "mission",

many people still think of primary evangelization, that is, to preach the gospel to

people who never heard of it before.

The first Benedictines founded Peramiho as a mission station in 1898, which was

their very task and aim at that particular time. But today, in 2008, this "mission" has

since long been completed. Three dioceses (Songea, Njombe, and Mbinga) emerged

from the work of the Benedictines of Peramiho, Peramiho parish has 20000 Catholics

among 30000 inhabitants - primary evangelization is no longer among our tasks.

What remains much more of pastoral work and this role has been assigned to the

leadership of the local clergy.

The second great watershed for Roman Catholicism came in the 1960s when the

Church presence in Africa was reshaped by the twin events of decolonization and

Vatican Council II (1962-65). The coincidence of the two movements meant that the

process of decolonization helped African Catholics participate enthusiastically in the

wholesale change of direction Vatican II proposed for the church; and at the same

time Vatican II prepared Catholic Christians to play an active role in decolonization

and the political and social upheaval that was its aftermath.

Vatican II stressed understanding; encouraging the use of the vernacular, rather than

Latin, in worship, and opening the door to co-operation between Catholic, Protestant

and Orthodox Christians. Perhaps the key African Catholic response to Vatican II

990

Ibid, 1998: 81

386

was the use of the vernacular liturgy and the development of African hymnody and

instrumentation.

"It may seem odd, but it is probably true, that the most

important single effect in Africa in popular terms of the

Council has been the change in singing, in hymns, in

music, in the use of musical instruments. The pre-

Conciliar African church set its heart on the possession of

a harmonium. The post-Conciliar African Church glories

in its use of drums."991

Vatican II also permitted, and even encouraged African Catholic Christians to read

Protestant vernacular translations of the Bible.

At the same time, however, Vatican II, which "brought the Church into the 20th

century‖, also made the Church more firmly western in its modernity. When the

Church "de-mystified" folk Catholicism, reducing her approval of healing shrines,

holy water, statues and candles, she removed the points of contact between

traditional African religions and Catholic Christianity, changes which were resisted

by African Catholic Christians.

Vatican II also encouraged the development of local ecclesiastical leadership,

precisely at the time when African nations were asserting their independence from

colonial domination and developing local leadership. In 1960 most priests and

virtually all bishops were European or American. Many of them enthusiastically

embraced the principles of Vatican II and worked to develop African liturgies, hymns

and musical styles. By the early 1970s the missionaries began to leave Africa,

voluntarily relinquishing their leadership positions to African churchmen. By the

time of African Synod of 1994 ninety percent of the hierarchy was African.

991

Adrian Hastings, African Catholicism, pp 128-29

387

As the European missionaries left, the African bishops became more conservative

than their white predecessors, and began to reign in the reforms initiated by the

missionary priests and bishop. This coincides with a political shift from the heady

independence of the 1960s to an increasingly repressive series of regimes in the

1970s. The bishops in Uganda under Idi Amin, the Congo/Zaire under Mobutu,

Ethiopia under Mengistu, the Sudan, Angola and Mozambique found themselves

struggling for their survival and that of their flocks, working to equip them to

withstand persecution and accept martyrdom. They also found themselves isolated

from each other and no longer speaking with a common voice, as they had in the

1960s when travel grants and conference money were plentiful. 992

Mainstream Catholic and Protestant churches have undergone radical change since

the formal end of the colonial period. Most have indigenized to some extent,

although financial dependence on missionary churches remains. They are less likely

to retain previous monopolies in health and educational provision, although they

remain engaged in service delivery, often as part of an expanding not for profit sector

which may provide an alternative to lower quality state managed services.993

6.8 Roman Catholic Church Perception on Development

Roman Catholic with its centralized authority at Vatican has its teachings based on

the teachings of Jesus Christ in the Old Testament a twofold attitude towards

economic goods and riches are found. On one hand, it sees availability of material

goods as necessary for life. On the other hand, economic goods and riches are not in

992

Green Maia, op. cit. :7 993

Semboja and Therkilsden 1995

388

themselves condemned so much as their misuse.994

The papal documents have

always insisted the role of the church in development of the people especially those

who striving to escape from hunger, misery, endemic diseases, poverty and

ignorance.995

Following the Second Vatican there was renewal of consciousness on

the demands of the gospel to make herself duty-bound at the service of all, to make

them grasp their serious problem in all dimension.996

There was also the teaching of

apostles and the good example of the good deeds of the saints of the church.

Implementation of the Catholic teachings on development differed according to the

nature of the particular order and its constitution. The implemented depended on the

origin and the culture of missionaries. There were several orders including the Holy

Ghost, White Fathers, and Benedictines. Each of these denominations was

representative of a European power as its colonial agent. The Holy Ghost Fathers,

were mainly French under the leadership of Fr. Antoine Horner, were the first to

arrive in Zanzibar in 1863 and crossed to Tanzania mainland, Bagamoyo in 1868

where they opened freed slaves' villages. In these villages they received and taught

slaves freed by the British marines from the Arab slave traders. With the help of

catechists trained in these villages, the missionaries evangelized northwards till the

slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro. The ex-slaves were the first catechists.

The missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) led by, Fr. Livinhac, arrived in 1878 in

two groups. One group started on the shores of Lake Tanganyika and the other on

994

Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace, Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church.

Copyright 2004 Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Article 323, www.vatican accessed June, 2014 995

Pope Paul VI, Populorum Progressio (On the Develoment of the Peoples), Paulines Publications

Africa, Nairobi, 2008:7, cf. his predecessors Leo XIII in Reru Novarum, 1892, Pius XI in

Quadragesmo Anno, 1931, John XXIII in Mater et Magistra, 1961 and Pacem in Terris, 1963. 996

Holy Father John Paul II, The Church in Africa, Paulines Publications Africa, 2009:23

389

those of Lake Victoria. This mission to the great lakes evangelized all the West of

Tanzania together with the neighboring countries of Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and

East Zaire.

The Benedictine missionary Monks of St. Ottilien landed in Dar es Salaam in 1887.

From there they evangelized southward to Ruvuma River on the border with

Mozambique. Their two monasteries of Ndanda and Peramiho became centers of

development and modern civilization in the South of Tanzania.

After the First World War more missionary congregations and Societies came in to

help. The congregations that arrived at this time were: the Capuchins, Consolata,

Passionists and the Pallotines. More missionaries came after the Second Word War

namely: the Maryknolls, Rosminians and the Salvatorians. Propaganda Fide gave to

each of these missionary groups a Diocese or two to evangelize.

The Catholic missionaries approach to development was based on the specific

missionary order. The Holy Ghost missionaries applied the style of establishing

center along the coast as ex-slave settlement. The freed slaves were then converted to

Christianity within those coastal settlements of Bagamoyo and Zanzibar. On the

other hand the White Fathers had forged the approach of indigenized conversion

approach and involvement of the African faithful. The White Fathers, unlike the

Benedictines were the first to allow the participation in the church activities hence

were very early in getting African local clergy in 1917while the Benedictines

ordained the first African priest in 1943. The Benedictines and the Franciscans

applied the monastic approach whereby a center was erected equipped with all

390

European needs. This center was supposed to be a center of civilization which should

permeate to the rest of the surroundings. In the Matengo Highlands the Benedictine

established series of mission stations where the missionaries priests, brothers and

sisters lived. The kind of relation which was forged in these monastic centers was

that a replica of European cultural standards still the missionaries wanted Africans to

assimilate. Besides, it was hard for the Africans to learn because there was a long

social distance between the the mission centers and the African laity. Even when the

African clergy was introduced in the scene, the distance between European clergy

and African clergy was hardly bridged.

6.9 Developmental Role of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands 1890s to 1968

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands played a crucial role as an eye opener to the

remote placed and neglected by all political regimes in history. The Catholic Church

has had a greater influence on people‘s daily lives with regard to providing

opportunities for material and spiritual advancement, controlling behavior, and

defining worldview than any other institution, including the successive governments

that have ruled Tanzania.997

The German, the British and the independence regimes

neglected the Matengo Highlands as less potential contributor to national

development.998

During the spreading of Christianity the missionaries introduced

infrastructures which finally transformed the whole social, political and economic

system. The German regime had left its mandatory role of developing the society to

the Benedictine Fathers. The missionaries apart from evangelizing the people they

opened schools, hospitals, shops, factories, introduced cash crops, potatoes, wheat,

trees, fruits, constructed roads and bridges, opened mining centres, pacified the

997

Stephen Hill, op. cit. :33-34 998

TNA, Acc. 155, Annual Report, Lipumba Sub-District 1925

391

population for smooth running of the colonial administration etc. The colonial regime

was just preoccupied with the role of tax collection, policing the population,

expropriating labour for public work, keeping law and order, collection of honey,

wax, forest products, supervise production, control their administrative agents like

akidas, jumbes, liwalis and nyaparas.

The British regime consolidated the German foundation in social services. They did

not detach from the German policy of leaving all developmental activities to the local

people. The only difference was extension of supervisory role to social services.

They offered grants-in aid to the educational and health services, they designed the

curricula, they inspected the schools, they gave rules and regulations to the operation

of hospitals and dispensaries, through indirect rule they administered their area using

Native Authority, the Native Authority was financially supported by taxes collected

on poll tax, head tax and hut tax, infrastructures were all under the Native Authority

and the missionaries. All the schools in Matengo Highlands were under the Roman

Catholic missionaries until the time of independence and Native Authority hospital

and otherwise all health services were owned and managed by the missionaries.

6.10 Christianity and Infrastructure Development in the Matengo Highlands

Infrastructure are the basic systems, facilities and structures necessary a country or

organization needs in order to work properly and effectively, for example roads,

railways, buildings, transport, bridges, administrative systems, water and energy

resources and banks. In the context of this study infrastructure is referred to the

roads, bridges, agriculture, industries construction which the missionaries erected to

facilitate evangelization.

392

On the basis of the importance of infrastructure, it is our assumption that the

introduction of Christianity had impact in establishing and expanding infrastructure.

Consequently this led to the increase of development ventures which were facilitated

by these infrastructures put in place by the Christian missionaries. This study

undertook to prove the validity of this assumption.

To establish and amass evidence as regards the question we examined archival

information, oral histories through interviews and secondary information. Interviews

were conducted in six parishes Kigonsera, Litembo, Maguu, Matiri, Liparamba and

Mbinga.

Matengo Highlands was perceived as a remote and backward area up to 1970s. This

problem was compounded by poor road connecting the two points. Even the British

colonial Governor who paid visit to Songea District in 1926 had experienced the

problem and commented thus:

―Songea is so remote that she must produce something

more valuable than rice and it is for that reason that I

elected for coffee. …The province has been neglected in

the past and I should be ready to help Native Authorities

(with the acquiescence of legislative council) if they want

a little money for their stock farms etc.‖999

The independence era found the Matengo Highlands in a situation very dependent on

the missionaries in return of their accepting Christianity in large numbers. About

85% of Matengo at independence were Roman Catholic Christians. The independent

government like its two predecessors did not take deliberate steps to develop the area

in terms of infrastructure. It inherited the existing poor and crude infrastructures put

in place by missionaries and institutionalized by the colonial regimes. Missionaries

999

TNA, AB. 56, 1733/7/61 (gazetted on 2.3.1926)

393

established infrastructures of roads, bridges and postal services to link its mission

stations; to link mission stations with their outstations, middle schools and bush

schools; to link mission stations with their headquarters at the Abbey Nullius of

Peramiho. Communication with the rest of the districts, region and nation remained

very crude. It took someone ten or more hours to reach Mbamba Bay in the same

district 100 kilometers away. It also took another 8-10 hours from Mbinga to reach

the regional headquarters at Songea some 80 kilometers away. The worst scenario

was to reach Dar-es-Salaam the national headquarters from Mbinga – Matengo

Highlands which took almost a week. All in all, the missionary effort to connect

different places in the Matengo Highlands by establishing infrastructure cannot be

ignored. The colonial German and British governments and the independent

government just reinforced what the missionaries had already put in place. For this

reason the introduction of Christianity in a nutshell improved communication system

in the Matengo Highlands.

6.11 Christianity and Education in the Matengo Highlands

The Matengo Highlands has never been carefully attended to by the German, British

or Tanzania independent governments in the area of education. For instance, it was

not until late 1960s did the government begin building schools (actually not building

but rather nationalizing existing mission schools). In fact the building of new schools

in the Matengo Highlands came much more lately perhaps in 1980s. The evidence

gathered through oral interviews discovered that in the Matengo Highlands colonial

contact was strictly done when taxes needed to be collected or recruitment of labour

for boma and road construction and military services. German administration had no

effect in Umatengo for the first 10 years of German colonization, it is clear that their

394

influence was minimal and that their presence played no role in historical

memory.1000

In fact, the first direct effect of German colonization on Umatengo was

the construction of the first church by German Benedictine missionaries, in Litembo

in 1901. From this time until the present, the Catholic Church has had a greater

influence on people‘s daily lives, with regard to providing opportunities for material

and spiritual advancement, controlling behavior, and defining worldview – than any

other institution, including the successive governments that have ruled Tanzania.1001

Much contact with Europeans in the Matengo Highlands was that with the

Benedictine Fathers missionaries. In practical terms, the relationship between the

Matengo and the Catholic Church largely defined the Matengo‘s experience of

colonization, administrative control, and to a large degree their experience of the

cosmopolitan world.1002

Education system was just nationalization of mission schools

and health facilities remained in the hands of the missionaries.

Education provided by the missionaries to the Matengo Highlands was very

elementary according to the data and evidence presented herein before. It was based

on bush schools, primary schools, middle schools, upper primary schools. The

graduates ended in teachers‘ college, catechetical college, nursing school, home craft

and trade schools. Up to independence 1961 Roman Catholic mission schools were

not sending their products to secondary schools except for those who went to pursue

seminary studies for the preparation into priesthood.1003

1000

Stephen Hill, op. cit. 2001:33 1001

Hill, ibid. 2001:34 1002

Mzee Cosmas Masingi of Kitura Parish interviewed June 2013, Mzee Nyang‘ali of Mbinga

interviewed June 2013; zee Anton Matanila Kapinga of Mkumbi Parish interviewed July 2012. Cf

Stephen Hill, op. cit. 2001:34 1003

TNA, EDU. 137/6, Education, 1948

395

It is therefore no wonder why Matengo Highlands had big number of teachers,

nurses, social workers and technicians who were found across the country up to

1960s. To the contrary it was very rear to get secondary graduates in the Matengo

Highlands at that time. This education was not liberative by not creating situation of

addressing the challenges confronting the Matengo society. The deliberate effort to

deny the pupils the chances to go to secular secondary level education was a

calculation to make them ignorant of what is going on around the world and hence

confining the Matengo people to parochial setting. The recipients of mission

education were not of inquiring mind but rather submissive people.

Schools had become recruitment ground for the future Christians in the Matengo

Highlands. The number of schools included bush schools, prepatory schools,

catechestiacal schools, subgrade schools, registered schools, middle schools,

secondary schools, teachers colleges, domestic science and trade schools. These

institutions were owned and managed by the Benedictine missionaries until 1969

when they were nationalized by the independent government. As it is stated above,

the colonial government used to furnish the registered schools with grants-in-aid in

return for supervision of the curriculum administration. The content of what was

taught was based both in secular education and religious instructions.

The non–registered schools were mainly taught by the catechists who devoted much

time on religious instructions. The pupil was expected to excel in religious studies

which led her/him to get the necessary sacraments. At standard II the pupil who

performed well in religious instructions qualified for Eucharist sacrament. At

standard III the pupil qualified for Confirmation sacrament hence becoming a full

396

equipped person in the Godly nation. It was anticipated that upon completion

standard IV or VIII, this person will straight way qualify for next sacrament of

marriage for a lay person or for priesthood for those who received vocation to serve

in the church as clergy. Consequently this system served as a strategy to enhance

reproduction of Christianity in the society because this circle was continuously

perpetuated. However, the educational situation in the Matengo Highlands during

this period would have beed bleak if the Benedictine Fathers did not establish

schools. As the study found that the colonial governments, both German and British

did not establish any school in the Matengo Highlands.

6.13 Christianity and Health Sector in theMatengo Highlands

Medical Development was part of the missionary establishments of the missionaries

in the Matengo Highlands. There was some training in first aid and the rudiments of

medicine, sick people were brought for treatment, a nursing and midwifery schools

were established. Hospitals, health centers and dispensaries were established in all

mission stations and some outstations as it is demonstrated in Table 6.1below. Where

there were no dispensaries, the priests used to carry with them first aid kits for the

service of their faithful. Personnel of these establishments included doctors, nurses

and auxiliaries most of whom were Benedictine Sisters from Tutzing, St. Vincent

Sisters of Mbinga and St. Agnes Benedictine Sisters of Chipole. Attendance was

often to the OPD patients, inpatients and Maternal Health Care.

Most of the hospitals built by the missionaries are in shambles in terms of

infrastructure and the services rendered. No medicines and equipment, the workers

are very demoralized with the treatment they are accorded plus very meager salaries.

397

During the presence of missionaries meager salaries of hospital workers were

supplemented by presents such as second hand cloth and other provisions.1004

These

motivations are no longer forthcoming. The schools are almost collapsing and the

local people are unable to rehabilitate the infrastructure. The government which

nationalized them in 1960s don‘t seem to put any effort to make the schools run as

they used to be during the missionary era. The number of beggars around most of the

missions‘ centers is conspicuously alarming.1005

The mission centers which were

supposed to be agents of rural transformation don‘t seem to have accomplished the

vision and mission they had anticipated. Those who used to get second hand cloth are

no longer getting them. Those who used to get casual labour around the mission

centres are no longer getting employment.

6.10 Christianity and Spiritual Values in the Matengo Highlands

Christianity as system was strong in the Matengo Highlands at least in terms of

numbers. By the time the missionaries withdrew to Peramiho about 85% of the

Matengo people were RC Christians at least by baptism, confirmation and

marriage.1006

However some observations can be made basing on the available

evidence. Many were converted through baptism which was done at childhood. The

evidence shows that the first generation Christians in the Matengo Highlands were

youth while the older generation was reluctant to join Christianity. These first

generation Christians used to baptize their children at birth and therefore in the late

1950s and early 1960s the big number of Christians were youth and children. Just

like what Mihanjo commented:

1004

Gerold Komba Kalenyula and Engelbert Nyang‘ali both retired nurses at Litembo hospital

interviewed at Litembo and Mbinga respectively, 2013 1005

John Nchimbi catechist of Litembo parish, Xaver Mbunda retired catechist interviewed at Litembo

and Mbinga respectively, 2013 1006

Catholic Directory, 2006:145-146

398

Christianity was foreign ideology which was imposed over

the African people. … It was first resisted. … After some,

the African people accepted Christianity as a ―modern

civilized‖ church based on elitist way of life. Since then

the African people articulated and internalized

Christianity as religion, an institution, a way of living and

a mode of behavior.1007

This comment was very relevant to the Matengo Highlands as it came a point where

a child who is not baptized at childhood was ridiculed and booed by age mates and

the parents likewise were not at peace in front of other parents. It was considered

irresponsibility of highest order on the part of parents who do not baptize their

children at birth.1008

This perception has continued throughout to the extent that all

ceremonies related to Christian rites of passage which involve different sacraments of

baptism, Eucharist, confirmation and marriage are given considerable attention.1009

Sundays were given considerable respect among the Matengo people. Sunday was

now observed as a day of rest and worship. It was extremely immoral for anyone in

the Matengo Highlands to work on Sunday or put on unpresentable attire. ‗Noeli‘ or

Christmas and ‗Pasaka‘ or Passover days were very great days of the year.1010

Very often than not, during the 1960s it was stylistic that the catechumens who were

usually in standard II or III were in most cases attending religious instructions with

their grandmothers and/or grandfathers. These are the same people originally

hesitated to accept conversion during the early days of Christianity. They have now

realized that this new religion is an accepted and accommodated ideology among the

Matengo as a civilized church. It was now clear that to be a Christian implied

accepting and internalizing the good attributes associated with Christianity such as

1007

Mihanjo 2001:20 1008

Interviews Litembo elders, 2014 1009

Observation of the researcher 1010

Interviews and observation

399

putting on nice clothes, building brick houses thatched with iron sheets, sending

children to schools, respecting Sundays as holy days, using modern utensils and

furniture. These old age people were baptized and received the Eucharist sacraments

at the same time, while the already baptized young people received the Eucharist

sacrament only.1011

The adaption of Christianity to some extent influenced the Matengo in terms of

spiritual values which manifested themselves in honesty, hardworking, affection,

tolerance, courage, thrift, honest, virtuous, values, compassion, empathy,

trustworthiness, generosity, humility, willingness to sacrifice for common good.

These are intangible values which are hard to empirically prove. However, some

manifestations can be demonstrated by way of looking into the common behavior of

the population. We will come to this later.

Through the evidence gathered by way of interviews, observations and some archival

sources, another conclusion we can draw is that the missionaries made an exit in the

1960s, concentrating in Abbey Nullius of Peramiho after getting some advantages.

Missionary societies were voluntary agencies like any other non-governmental

organizations. To function properly they received big amount of money and other

materials from interested well-wishers, sympathizers and beneficiaries. The founder

of Benedictine Order Fr. Andreas Amrhein in 1887 was so concerned and worried

that he would have not received 15,000 marks promised by the Ludwig-Missions-

Verein if the decree from propaganda Fide was not received in time.1012

This rush for

money indicates that the financial element was so important in the missionary

1011

This researcher when in class II in 1965 received Eucharist sacrament together with his

grandmother and they were both confirmed in 1966 when this researcher was in standard III. 1012

Napachihi, When the Benedictines were approved by the German government and the Propaganda

Fide they started receiving donations from different organizations. Op. cit. :59

400

activities. The missionary organizations created employment to the priests, nuns and

brothers who did missionary work as an employment component. To some extent

missionary work was a source of income. Missionaries were paid salaries, allowances

and other resources from their home government.1013

The information available

shows that there is available evidence that missionaries in the Matengo Highlands

settled in rich resource areas where they were involved in mineral exploration and

mining.1014

Why did the home organizations finance missionary work with huge

human and financial resources? How can we prove the commitment of individual

missionaries to the course of their mission? How did their constitutions safeguard the

mission and vision of their missions?

Polygamy was rampant, church marriages were declining in number and ethics

among the Christians is no longer tenable.1015

This state of situation suggests that

Christianity made the Matengo people especially those around the vicinity of the

missions to be very dependent and submissive to the missions. They were groomed

in such a way that they could not think of fending for themselves. This is why as the

missionaries left, these people rendered completely unable to stand on their own feet.

The self-help scheme practiced by UMCA in Lake Nyasa shore did not develop in

the Matengo Highlands by the Catholic Church. Missionaries did not liberate them.

Promotion of Morality or Moral Values - morality is looked upon as fundamentally a

matter of self-regarded rules, realization, and its laws are regarded as rules for

attainment of a good which every man naturally seeks. Christianity is an agent of

moral piety. Since its advent to Matengo Highlands it had always condemned

1013

Interview with Frs. Timoth Ndunguru, a parish priest of Kigonsera and Fidelis Mligo, Prior of

Peramiho Abbatia June 2013 at Kigonsera nd Peramiho respectively. 1014

Interviews – Anton Kapinga, Xavery Mbunda, Fr. Timoth Ndunguru 1015

Parish Registers Litembo and Kigonsera

401

injustice, stealing (robbery), murder, adultery, fornication, cheating, incest and other

sexual immoralities, corruption and other social vices that are capable of destroying

Matengo moral development. The standards of moral conducts are written in the

Holy literature called the Bible. Christianity in Matengo Highlands has always been

involved in the preaching of the fear of God. Once the heart and mind are sanitized

by Christian moral doctrines, crime will be less in Matengo Highlands. Many of the

citizens and dwellers of Matengo Highlands have received the gospel and repented

from their immoral lives.1016

Abbot Ebehard once stressed on religious instruction or catechetical methods by

preaching in churches and schools, agents of handing faith were Christian family,

parents to prepare their children for the sacraments. Though there were priests,

teachers and catechists as agents for transmitting the faith, he reminded priests not to

administer sacraments only but proclamation of the word by catechesis and

preaching.1017

Right approach in teaching techiniques – catechisms should be updated to answer the

needs of new generation, to help and inspire Christians to build and form their lives

in a Christian manner. He complained the preaching of missionaries was not

understood by the Christians, the preaching was often too dull and too dry. His was

well written but he complained the lack of gift to spice them with stories, proverbs

and aphorisms which appealed so much to African ears.

1016

Fr. Francis Majeshi interviewed at Litembo, 2013 1017

Fr. Lucius Marquardt, op. cit. 25-28

402

6.12 ‘Mission’ vis-à-vis ‘bomani’

The perception of Matengo about ‗mission‘ (kwimisoni) was a heavily loaded

concept.1018

This was a place where one can worship because there are all facilities

for that purpose. The facilities included the church and its fanfare, amazing

decorations and flamboyant attires of the ecclesiastical processions worth reminding

any one as being very close to heaven. The elderly missionaries still remember the

times right up to early sixties, when mission stations and their many outstations

spread throughout their mission territory, came alive on Sundays and feast days with

people, often after long marches on foot, converging from all sides on their missin

churches and chapels, clad in colourful garments, exchanging cheerful Swahili

greetings. During service, singing became often a lung strengthening exercise,

punctuated by the strident cries of scores of babies slung to the backs of their

mothers.1019

Mission was a place where there were social amenities including hospitals, schools,

trade schools, domestic science schools and nursing schools. A mission was a market

place where whoever wants to sell or buy anything from foodstuffs (fruits,

mushrooms, vegetables, fish, meat, ‘togwa‘, ‗wagi‘ cassava, Irish potatoes, and sweet

potatoes); cloth products (woven materials – sweater/pullovers, socks, table clothes,

hats and bed sheets); animal products (chickens, goats, sheep and pigeon); edible

insects (kumbikumbi-flying ants,) tobacco and local beer.

1018

Francis Ndunguru (Majeshi) deputy parish priest of Litembo, 1019

Fr. Lucius Marquardt, O.S.B. Peramiho: Benedictine Mission to African Local Church 1953 to

1998, in Lambert Doerr (ed.) op. cit. Volume 2:16

403

Together with converts interacting in exchange at the mission, but mission was also a

potential market of produce of the population around. The major produce of the

Matengo Highlands which found its market at the mission stations mainly Litembo,

Kigonsera and Peramiho was wheat. There was a big wheat flour milling plant at

Peramiho. They used to supply wheat flour for their consumption-mkate, but also to

the Songea town and beyond especially the whole of Lindi province.1020

The other

produce from the Matengo Highlands which found its market in the mission was

European potatoes. Evidence obtained from archival data, observation and interviews

confirm that bundles and bundles of potatoes were carried through head porters from

the Matengo Highlands to Peramiho mission, Lituhi mission, Kigonsera mission,

Litembo mission and Matiri mission.1021

The rise of potatoes demand in the missions

called for increase in the production of the product in the Matengo Highlands.

Varieties of jobs were available at the mission station. There were skilled labourers

such as teachers, nurses, doctors, carpenters, masons, and mechanics. These jobs

were available in the institutions of the mission station. There were also non-skilled

jobs like attending to the livestock such as dairy farm, poultry farm, piggery farm,

vegetable gardens, horticulture, grains fields, cooking, cleaning and sanitation. There

were again casual labourers in the field of construction of buildings, roads and

bridges. These were jobs on temporary basis depending on the contract the mission

has received.1022

1020

Fr. Lucius Marquardt, O.S.B. Peramiho: Benedictine Mission to African Local Church 1953 to

1998, in Lambert Doerr (ed.) op. cit. Volume 2:16, . cf TNA, Acc. 155, 64/4 Songea Native Affairs:

Final Financial Statements 1945/47 1021

Masingi op.cit. cf. Crispin Mandiluli regular conversation with the researcher 1022

Frs. Ndunguru Majeshi and Timoth Ndunguru

404

Evidence drawn from interviews and observation confirms to the contention that

mission was acting as a place where converts can get justice in day to day life. The

mission handled all matrimonial disputes between couples. Though in some instances

some people queries the ability of a missionary be it a priest, a brother or a sister to

handle a matrimonial cases while they are themselves living a celibacy life. This

challenge notwithstanding, the missionaries were duly trusted by their followers

without any doubt. The mission could also settle disputes and quarrels among the

converts. The dispute settlement of their followers went together with guidance and

counseling services to converts who had spiritual and bodily problems.1023

On the same trust convert accorded to the mission, it was customary to the converts

to find solutions to their financial problems from the missions. The missions used to

offer soft loans to the converts in most case the loans were interest free. On the other

side, the converts accorded much trust to the missions to the extent that the missions

served as banks where converts kept their money and other valuable properties.

Converts believed that the mission is safe custody in terms of security but also they

believed that the missionaries were people of God who cannot harm their property.

Further to that they also had a belief that missionaries are rich people who cannot

tamper with the meager property of the converts.1024

The missions were also the

postal and telegraphic centres of the people in the entire parish. All letters were

channeled through the mission mail box. The missions also possessed telegraphic

lines which also served the converts in case they wanted to communicate to relatives

living outside the village. It was no wonder having such addresses as C.M. Litembo,

C.M. Maguu, C.M. Kigonsera, C.M.Mbinga. People in the Matengo Highlands were

1023

Interviews Anton Matanila, interviewed July 2012, Nyang‘ali, interviewed June 2013 1024

All those Matengo living close to the mission station witnessed this process

405

identified by their parish, outstation to which they belong. The outstations were

normally a centre of a bush school or registered primary school which belonged to

the Benedictine Order. Up until 1968 there was no government school or college in

the Matengo Highlands, hence all schools were associated with the Benedictine

Fathers.

At the mission station there were bells which used to ring at 6.00 AM, 12.00Noon

and 6.00 PM signaling specific services (Angelus-the Engel of the Lord) in the

church. It was now common to the neighboring communities to determine periods by

using the church bells. Even the Sunday services were directed by the sounds of the

bells at the mission station. In this manner the Matengo were in the mode of life

which was monitored by the mission.1025

Mission stations became agents of modernizing agriculture in the Matengo

Highlands. The evidence gathered show that the introduction of new crops especially

different fruits, coffee, wheat, and new farming methods. Missionaries introduced

farms and gardens in which they planted different types of crops. These farms were

acting as teaching fields and gardens to the faithful where they learned and adopted

the new techniques of agriculture and they also practiced planting the new crops.

That is why all those who were close to mission station were the first to adopt the

agricultural innovations.1026

Christianity was instrumental in skills development in carpentry, bricklaying,

masonry, tiles making and sewing. Mission stations had introduced different trade

institutions to produce for the mission stations. At the end those who worked in those

institutions learned different types of skills which they used for their development

1025

Fr. Alex Kenyata, Maisha ya Wamatengo kabla ya ujio wa Wamisionari. 1999:31 1026

Paul, churchil Hyera, Mwingira, Tilia interviewed at Litembo, 2014

406

but also they were compensated money in due when they offered these skilled

services to other folks.

Table 6.1: Mission Social Services

Source: Metropolitan of Songea Health Services

NB: * Hospital ** Health Center *** Dispensary

Rural transformation as standard of living underwent changes. Traditionally the

Matengo houses were in the caves orlikolo (singular) makolo (plural) up to around

1880s, many of them were located around Mikiga mountain range running from

Litembo through Lituru, Mitambotambo, Mbugu to Mahande where it overlooks

Lake Nyasa. On the other side of Mikiga mountain range there is the Hagati valley in

the Maguu mission station. From then up to 1940s the housing style of the

Wamatengo people were made of trees thatched with grass. From then to around

1960s the houses were made up of mud and still thatched with grass. From 1960s

Mission Population Health

center

Running

water

Electricity Schools

Kigonsera 14,352 1** V V V

Litembo 28,993 1* V V V

Liparamba 6,945 1*** V V V

Mbinga 37,996 1*** V V V

Tingi 13,481 1*** V V V

Matiri 15, 844 1*** V V V

Maguu 28,620 1** V V V

Mpapa 17,530 1** V V V

Lundumato 8,470 1*** V V V

Mkumbi 12,665 1*** V V V

Mbangamao 19,432 1*** V V V

Mikalanga 8,558 1*** V V V

407

most of the Matengo houses were built by using bricks and thatched by aluminum

iron sheets while others still using grass thatch.1027

This improvement in housing was

the result of missionary innovations in the mission centers where the Wamatengo

learned the skills. These skills were then introduced in their rural setting. The skilled

personnel also used these skills to earn money by providing the services to the rest of

the people in theMatengo Highlands who wanted to build the modern houses. When

the missionaries left the whole of theMatengo Highlands was using bricks in building

their houses and thatched by corrugated iron sheet.

Water supply in theMatengo Highlands improved very much. The construction of

mission centers required constant supply of water. The terrain of Matengo Highlands

is full of mountain ridges with numerous perennial rivers. Wamatengo used to go

down stream to draw water for different uses. The missionaries introduced

canalization system of accessing water. By using the gravity technology the

missionaries were able to direct water by using simple canals to their destination

even high up the mountain peak. The Wamatengo learned this technique and hence

applied it to bring water to their mountaneous dwellings. From then onwards the

Wamatengo mountaneous dwellings were fed with running water through the use of

canals. In some areas this water was used to generate electric power for the use of

the center. Litembo, Kigonsera were among the important examples using electricity

from hydro generation. Mission centers at Kigonsera, Litembo, Liparamba, Mbinga,

Tingi, Matiri, Maguu, Mpapa, Lundumato, Mkumbi, Mbangamao, and Mikalanga

became urban centers with the following features discussed hereunder.

1027

Interview with Wamatengo elders at Litembo, Paul Jeremia Ndunguru, Remigius Mikael

Churchil Hyera, Constanitn Manyuka Mwingira, Longnus Mathias Tilia and Raphael Gervas

Mapunda Interviewed at Litembo, 2014

408

Coffee cultivation became the main stay of the Matengo economy from 1940s and it

was the graduates of mission schools who took up the pioneering initiatives to plant

coffee. This is evident in the areas around mission stations which are clustered with

pioneer coffee growers. The wealth accrued from the proceeds of coffee sales helped

the producers to improve their lives by building modern brick houses, buying

transport facilities, sending their children to school and buying modern cloth and

furniture.

Protection of the mission property was ensured through acquiring land through offers

and title deeds unlike the local population or the ancient urban centers which used to

fence their areas with heavy walls.1028

Because the availability of water was also an

important consideration, these settlements were usually supplied with sufficient

water. Such settlements led to specialization and the division of labor. Markets

developed in which artisans could exchange their specialties for other types of goods.

A growing priesthood contributed to intellectual life, bush schools, sub-grade and

middle schools, domestic science schools and trade schools. Thus, mission stations

were responsible not only for the rise of commerce and industry but also of art and

learning, and they played an essential role in the emergence of all great civilizations.

Among the most notable mission centres of the Matengo Highlands were, in the

order of their development, Kigonsera, Litembo, Liparamba, Mbinga, Tingi, Matiri,

Maguu, Mpapa, Lundumato, Mkumbi, Mbangamao, and Mikalanga.

The development of mission stations in the Matengo Highlands was a feature of the

breakup of the traditional life towards modern system of life. At the beginning of the

1028

TNA, AB. 56, 1733/7/61, Secretariat File, Annual Report 1926, Mahenge Province. Government

Granting Rights of Occupancy to Missionaries who applied for them.

409

20th century Matengo Highlands had two mission centres at Kigonsera and Litembo

of 100 or more inhabitants; at the end of the missionary work in 1968 it had 12 such

mission stations. Most of the missions were assuming an urban setting vis-a-vis rural

setting. Litembo for instance developed into educational center as well as

commercial. The presence of big mission hospital attracted people as far as Dar-es-

Salaam. Kigonsera also developed into industrial center in leather work as well as

educational center which was housing the minor seminary before it was shifted to

Likonde in 1960s. Kigonsera Health Center was so beneficial to the population

around. Maguu was among a fast growing mission into an urban center. It attracted a

large number of population with it domestic science school attracting as many girls

from across the whole of Matengo Highlands. Maguu Health Center was one of the

most popular in the Hagati valley of the Matengo Highlands. Mbinga mission was

apart from educational center with a middle school, Sisters Convent of St. Vincent

and later Teachers Training College was developing into a fast growing commercial

center which in 1965 hosted the headquarters of a new Mbinga District (formed

1963) from Ndengo. Matiri mission was anticipated to be one of the biggest mining

centers of Benedictine missionaries. However the project is claimed to turn out into a

complete fiasco for reasons better known to the missionaries. But the sources from

the area have it that when World War I broke out one of the area of fierce battles was

Matiri and it is argued when they ran away leaving behind the mining center as well

as other belongs.1029

These mission stations assumed political status by the fact that after independence all

of them were housing political administrative centers. The government structure after

1029

Benjamin Akitanda interviewed at Kigonsera, 2013

410

independence went parallel to the Christian structure of administration. Most of the

mission centers became government administrative centers as division or ward seats

of the government. Mbinga mission station became the seat of new Mbinga district

and Mbinga urban division. Litembo became a seat for Mbuji division and Litembo

ward. Kigonsera, Matiri, Liparamba, Mkumbi, Maguu, Lundumato, Mpapa,

Mbangamao, Tingi and Mikalanga became the seats of ward administrative centers.

Likewise, all outstation centers were accorded village administrative centers in the

new independent government structure. Such outstations included Kitura, Wukiro,

Unango, Kipapa, Kipololo, Ngima, Ngwambo, Kindimba, Mpepo, Mpepai, Utiri,

Kilimani, Kihungu, Kikolo, Mapera, Kipapa, Kipololo, Nyoni, Luwaita, Maguu,

Kitumbalomo, Mkako, Mkalanga, Langiro, Mbuji, Ngima, Myangayanga, Mkumbi,

Linda, Matiri, Ukata, Kitanda, Kitura and Mpepai. The Basic Christian Communities

or popularly known as Jumuiya Ndogondogo which came in force after the Second

Vatican Council became the political equivalent of hamlet or Kitongoji or in other

area thejumuiyabecame theten cell orubalozipolitical unit. These units became

mobilazation centers for economic development through cooperation in work

activities, as a unit for political mobilization like leadership election and social

mobilization by cooperating in socio-cultural activities like organizing church

singing, traditional dances like mganda, kioda, mhamboand football and netball

games.

6.13 Conclusion

To conclude this chapter an answer can now be provided to the question of

development role of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. If the meaning of

concept development is transformation of society from lower stage to upper stage

411

taking into consideration both qualitative and quantitative aspects, the following

conclusion can be drawn. The missionaries introduced Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands through the use of the following infrastructure: establishment of mission

station based on monastery system, they built schools and introduced western

education, they taught them the Christian basics as they appear in the Holy Bible,

they also introduced health services, introduced innovation in agriculture and animal

husbandry and many other things.

However, looking at Christianity as religion and its teachings, it is evidently difficult

to establish the indicators of socio-economic development to the Matengo society.

On the other side looking at the Christian institutions, the impact of which to the

Matengo society is very evident. Many people benefited from missionary education,

health services, mitumbaor secondhand clothes, cash crops such as wheat and coffee,

animal husbandry and gardening. How development was the impact of these

institutions is very crucial one. Development is about change, growth, more capacity

to address problems confronting a particular society. The missionary facilities were

not equally distributed because they had established center-periphery relations.

People who lived far from the mission station constituted the periphery and benefited

the least unlike those whose proximity was adjacent to the mission stations that

benefited the most.

In the Litembo mission which was the center, people around the mission station were

the first to adapt the mission ―civilization‖ like construction of brick houses, planting

of fruits and trees, accepting Christian faith, wearing imported cloth and owning

412

cars.1030

Africans learned new norms and habits and were inducted into new roles

such as recruitment into local churches, mass parties and role in the modern sector of

society has occurred. Looking at these achievements and the other attributes, one can

conclude that what was taking place in Matengo Highlands was more of

underdevelopment. Majority of the Matengo were not accessing the benefits

generated by missionaries. Furthermore, the facilities around the monastery such as

water, electricity and shelter were reserved to the missionaries only.

1030

Paul Jeremia Ndunguru, Remigius Mikael Churchil Hyera, Constantin Manyuka Mwingira,

Longnus Mathias Tilia Interviewed the at Litembo, 2014

413

CHAPTER SEVEN

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

7.1 Introduction

In general this thesis has explored the role of religion in this case Christianity, in

development. In particular, it raised one fundamental question: what might be the

contribution of Christianity in socio-economic development in the Matengo

Highlands? From the beginning of chapter one through to chapter six, the thesis has

been concerned with different key aspects of the question. The thesis addressed the

following basic issues: an empirical investigation of the issues pertaining to

Christianity and development and exploration of how Christianity was operating in

the Matengo Highlands. Philosophical and conceptual analysis in the light of

qualitative inquiry informed the thesis. It is not the purpose of this chapter to reiterate

what has been already said. Instead, the present chapter outlines the major research

findings and reflections of the thesis.

Before enlightenment in Europe, religion was considered important in public life of

humankind. Post-enlightenment period marked with relegation of religion to the

sidelines of public life of mankind. The reason for sidelining religion was the

emergence of modernization which consequently led to secularization of society.

Religion was considered as hindrance to human progress. However, from 1990s there

is rapid growth of religious resurgence in public life. There had been cases where

religion has played dynamic roles in public life. Examples are drawn from Iranian

Islamic revolution of 1979, Liberation theology of Latin America in 1970s, South

African Church, the September, 11 event in USA, etc. People of different affiliations

started critically looking at religion and its role in public life including development.

414

In Africa and other developing countries this theory was imported and is being

popularized by these liberal and neo-liberal theorists.1031

They justify by saying that

the developing nations are part of the world dynamics ie. Globalized world through

colonialism, developing nations, they are very strongly/deadly in need of

development, they are extremely religious, and there is resurgence of religion in the

form of African Christianity and Pentecostalism. Theoretically when modernization

went hand in hand with secularization in Europe (religion as backward looking,

destructive, anti-developmental) in Africa Christianity was construed as part of

modernization through conversion, evangelization, liberation, redeem Africa from

barbarism, darkness, backwardness, superstitions, ignorance, diseases, poverty etc.

Christianity was viewed as an essential part of a global project of modernization

premised on a particular notion of civilization as the culmination of an evolutionary

progression away from barbarism and savagery.1032

One need to ask why is this pressure so high now than any other time before?

Historically in Africa Christianity was part of modernization through conversion,

evangelization, provision of social services, economic ventures. Christianity claimed

a liberating role of redeeming Africa from barbarism, backwardness, darkness,

slavery, witchcraft, spirits, etc. Christianity was influenced by evolutionary theories

and modernization strategy in Europe which claimed a burden of developed society

with its mission to civilize the less developed spiritually. But also Christianity was

being challenged in Europe by rationalists and secularism. It was rather on the

defensive not open to dialogue, with other religions.

1031

Rakode, 2007, Barro & Maclary 2004, Jeffy, WB, IMF. 1032

Marcia Green, 2003

415

Christianity was not distinctive from colonialism; Africans could not distinguish

Christianity from colonialism. Africans for example could not distinguish between

European administrators and traders from missionaries. ―All whites were birds of the

same feather.‖1033

The missionaries were working where their governments were

involved behaving as cultural agents of their nations. Christianity was being applied

as strategy of conversion and governance.1034

The 19th century Christianity was preceded in Africa by Coptic Christianity in North

Africa, Nubia, Kush and Ethiopia. There was Islam in other parts like Maghreb, West

Africa, and along the coastal areas of East Africa and African Traditional Religions

(ATRs) across all over. Ironically when the Christianity missionaries arrived, they

considered Africa religiously tabula rasa on which new religion has to be imprinted.

Thus the coming of Europeans (traders, explorers and missionaries) to Africa was

considered as a civilizing mission or modernization (politically – colonialism,

economically – trade and production, socially – religion and education). Irrespective

of the kinds of technological innovations they introduced, the certainties of colonial

Christianity were arguably antithetical either to the scientific enquiry or

epistemological relativism which are today bound up with Western understandings of

modernity and the post-modern. Missionary Christianity was essentially ‗pre

enlightenment‘, obscuring from converts ‗what were the essential achievements of

Western enlightenment, the rational technical, that is positivistic scientific control of

the world on the one hand, and the acceptance of diversity of cultural worlds on the

other. This conception constitutes the point of departure in the process of

1033

Ayendele, 1967 1034

Green, 2003

416

modernization of Africa and other developing nations. Christianity played a

pioneering and crucial role in Africa.

Missionaries in Tanzania came from different nations (Britain, France, Germany,

Belgium, Holland and Portugal), different denominations (RC, Protestants,

Pentecostal, Methodists, and Presbyterian), and different orders (White Fathers, Holy

Ghost Fathers, and Benedictine Fathers) with different approaches (monastic,

indigenization, free missions, and conquest and conversion) different visions and

different models of development started their work of civilizing mission.1035

They

began by establishing different development models such asthe freed slave model,

the Church-state model, the free mission model, and the new mission station model.

These missionaries were locked in the ecclesiastical scramble for parts in Tanzania.

During colonial rule missionaries played the role of provision of education, working

together during liberation struggles, African Christians were coming slowly but

systematically with a role of providing services, post-colonial state was working with

as ally to development.

Using the case study of the Matengo Highlands, this study addresses the role of

religion in development. Here the Catholic Church belonging to the Order of

Benedictine Fathers arrived at the insistence of the German Government.

Specifically, when Christianity arrived in the Matengo Highlands during the early

colonialism, what was the response of the indigenous people who presumably had

their traditional religion? Secondly, how did the colonialists work with their brothers,

the missionaries in their endeavour of evangelization and ‗liberation‘ of Africans

1035

Maia, op. cit. 2003:5

417

after WW1 to the end of WW2? How did for example society perceive the working

of the European enterprise. Furthermore, how did this missionary enterprise bring in

the society some elements leading to decolonization after WW2 to independence and

post-colonial period, and how the missionaries adjust themselves in post-colonial

situation taking into consideration the departure of their colonial brothers? How do

they fit in the new post-colonial state? Is there also decolonization in the church or

like the projection that when colonialism collapses church will also die out.1036

And

finally an assessment was attempted of the role of religion in socio-economic

development using the case study of Roman Catholic Church in the Matengo

Highlands.

7.2 Inferences from the Findings

The conclusions of this thesis are as follows: in chapter one theoretical and

conceptual issue are discussed with primary focus on the Marxist conception of

religion and its influence on the transformation of society. Chapter two introduces

pre-Christian Matengo Highlands social formation by the late 19th

century and how

traditional transcendental ideas influenced the socio-economic and political dynamics

of society. The Matengo people had some religious ideas and the concept of one God

that of Sapanga which was venerated across the area. He was assisted by mahoka the

clan ancestors who were consulted through the use of mediums known as wapenga

utunu. Historically, all these institutions were addressing all issues concerning the

society until the time of arrival of Christian missionaries.

1036

Green Marcia. Op. cit. :6

418

Chapter three was concerned with the arrival of German colonialists together with

their brothers the German Benedictines missionaries. Though the colonial authority

tried to assist the missionaries to convert the Matengo people into Christianity things

could not be done with much easy. The Matengo resisted the German colonial

administration through both violence and non-cooperation methods but also resisted

conversion into Christianity. The perception of the German colonialists and the

missionaries that Matengo were a tabula rasa proved to the contrary, because they

had both religious ideas as well as political system based on clan organization. The

missionaries blamed the Matengo on being persistently conservative by refusing

civilization in the form of Christianity, but they failed to grasp the historical reality

that this was a self-knitted society over a period experiences with specific world

view.

Surprisingly, from 1930s there was phenomenal expansion of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands in terms of the number baptisms, church solemnized marriages

and attendance in mission schools. This was analyzed in chapter four. There was also

increase in the opening of mission centers as well as outstations; a large number of

catechists were recruited to assist missionaries in the work of evangelization. The

findings of the study revealed that the phenomenal increase in evangelization was not

spiritually propelled but it was due to aggressive missionary use of material

inducements like salt, cloth, sugar and other material inducements. Furthermore, it

was revealed that Matengo had realized that Christianity was not at contradistinction

with their traditional religious beliefs. The traditional religious beliefs were

conducted simultaneously with Christianity. The infrastructure of spreading

Christianity which included mission schools, hospitals, trade schools, agriculture,

419

gardening, infrastructure and other social services had some positive impacts on the

Matengo people. The school leavers got employment; they also got money

compensation in return of their skills of carpentry, masonry, agriculture and animal

husbandry; they got modern things like furniture, utensils and transport facilities;

mission hospitals helped them cure life threatening diseases such small and chicken

pox, influenza, malaria and other tropical diseases. Whereas the missionaries

perceived these services as infrastructure for spreading Christianity, the Matengo

people perceived these infrastructures as modernizing and civilizing agents in their

socio-economic transformation.

In chapter five the study examined reasons for the transition from mission

Christianity to local church Christianity. The findings of the study revealed that

Benedictine missionaries did not want to leave the Matengo Highlands because of

material gains ranging from minerals, forest products and wild game products.

Evidence showed that each missionary station was potential producer of one valuable

product or another. The study therefore contents that the transition from mission

Christianity to local church was prompted by some objective historical conditions

ranging from externally generated factors like pressure from Vatican to have direct

control of the church instead of control through the missionary societies like

Benedictine of St. Hotillien in German. Other external generated factors were World

War II, Nazism, Fascism, the Second Vatican Council and many others. There were

internally generated factors such as economic transformation after the introduction of

coffee, decolonization process, the Arusha Declaration which nationalized many

missionary enterprises and the awareness of the population as a result of missionary

420

education. Some educated people from mission schools joined nationalist struggles

and started to question the legality and contribution on the missionary enterprise.

Chapter six is an evaluation of the role of Christianity in socio-economic

development.Given the understanding that socio-economic development is about

transformation of individual and society at large the study established that

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands was based on materialism and instrumentalist

rather than transforming human beings as all round person. The so-called

development ventures were concentrated in and around the monastery. The majority

Christian lived far away from mission centers where facilities which indicate socio-

economic development were not forthcoming. There social services like running

water, electricity, schools and hospitals were very far away. Spiritual values were not

emphasized by the missionaries to the faithful; instead quantity of faithful in terms of

numbers was the main concern of the missionaries. This amounted to the extent that

polygamous life became very common among the Christians, young people married

traditionally without necessarily solemnizing their marriages in the church. This

became one of the dominant challenges which the local church confronted after 1968

when missionaries handed church leadership to the local clergy.

7.3 Conclusion

We reiterate the aforementioned assertion that missionaries did not have good

intention for the Matengo and that is why they showed all symptoms of segregation

and extreme nationalism. They suffered superiority complex in the manner they

treated the local people. The Benedictines did not admit Africans to their society.

When the material conditions were compelling them to admit Africans in their

421

congregation they established a monastery of Africans at Hanga far away from

Peramiho.1037

This is a necked demonstration of segregation and sheer appeal to

superiority complex vis-à-vis inferiority complex. The missionaries gave the needy

people a fish instead of teaching them how to fish. This kind of approach was

demonstrated right from the beginning of the missionary work in the Matengo

Highlands. Evidence showed that the Benedictines were so materialistic in

introducing Christianity in the Matengo Highlands. Since the Matengo demonstrated

reluctance to the introduction of Christianity, the tendency was to revert to material

inducements like small presents including second hand cloth, sweets, salt, soap, sugar

and other material things in the form of relief services. That is why there was a

popular saying of dini ya mitumba,meaning that one received payment in kind upon

joining Christian religion.1038

Consequently, by and large Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands has largely been seen as materialistic and instrumentalist agent rather than

spiritual agent. According to Spear,1039

people sought to gain materials in the forms

of political allies, land, education, medicine and jobs in the new colonial order

through Christianity. This is witnessed by the growing syncretism in many areas of

life. The African priests1040

showed how difficult it is to completely disengage from

the traditional religious practices like offerings to ancestors. Missionaries perception

of the local people as primitive people hence be converted1041

but the reality is that

1037

Pd. Gerold Rupper, OSB (ed.) Pugu hadi Peramiho, Benedictine Publications Ndanda - Peramiho,

1988:135. cf. Kamati ya Uenjilishaji, 1998, op.cit. :100 & 111 1038

Fr. Ndunguru, ibid. 1039

Thomas Spear, Toward the History of African Christianity, in Thomas Spear and I.Kimambo

(eds), East African Expressions of Christianity, Mkuki and Nyota, Dar-es-Salaam, 1999:6 1040

Frs. Francis Ndunguru (Majeshi) deputy parish priest of Litembo, Malunda parish priest of

Mbinga, T.Ndunguru parish priest of Kigonsera, Christian Mhagama senior priest at Mbinga,

Mahundi parish priest of Kitura, interviewed 1041

Fr. Haule in Fumbuka Africa

422

the BF did not understand the Matengo until they left. Abbot Ebehard showed this

very vividly in his observation urging missionaries to change.1042

However, another important foreign entity that occupied Umatengo, the Catholic

Church, also arrived in Umatengo at this time of German colonization. In fact, the

first direct effect of German colonization on Umatengo was the construction of the

first church by German Benedictine missionaries, in Litembo in 1901. From this

time until the present, the Catholic Church has had a greater influence on people‘s

daily lives – with regard to providing opportunities for material and spiritual

advancement, controlling behavior, and defining worldview – than any other

institution, including the successive governments that have ruled Tanzania. In

practical terms, the relationship between the Matengo and the Catholic Church

largely defined the Matengo‘s experience of colonization, administrative control, and

to a large degree their experience of the cosmopolitan world.1043

It is not enough to preach the gospel verbally; it must also address human physical

and spiritual needs. The church in Matengo Highlands was involved in community

development in such a way that the community felt the positive impact of such

developments. The church preached the Gospel side by side with physical

developments. This act shows that the Gospel the church preached did not only

address the spiritual salvation of man but also the physical salvation of man. Using

the evaluative method, the aim of this study therefore, was to examine the role of the

church in community development, using the church in Umatengo as an illustration.

In order to effectively do this, oral interviews were carried out. Secondary sources

1042

Fr. Lucius 1998 in Doerr vol. 3 1043

Stephen Hill, 2001: 63-64

423

were also consulted. It was discovered that Christianity has made socio-religious,

educational, political, medical and economic impacts in the development of Matengo

community, and it is still capableof doing more in the contemporary times. This

study could be concluded on the presupposition that the developmental stride of the

church in Matengo can serve as a model to churches in other parts of Tanzania and

contemporary churches can still do more in Matengo Highlands when they continue

in missionary ventures that can address both the spiritual and physical needs of the

people where the church is sighted and beyond.

Lastly we can ask if there is evidence that Christianity as religion teachings brought

socio-economic development in the Matengo Highlands? Christianity as religious

faith offered some Christian basic teachings basing on the Bible and the deeds of

Jesus Christ and saints. This gospel influenced socio-economic development of the

recipients. Missionary institutions were however the most influential developmental

attributes to the Matengo people as it is evidenced by the presence of educated elite

though at a very elementary level of class eight, teaching, nursing, domestic science

and different trades. There was some positive relationship between the rise of

Christianity and the growth of indicators of development such as education, wage

labour, electrical consumption and urbanization.

424

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APPENDICES

Annex 1a: Ecclesiastical and secular administrative structure of Umatengo

Parishes Outstations

Kigonsera Kigonsera, Mkako, Lipumba, Lukarasi, Amani Makoro,

Lihale and Mkwera

Mbinga Myangayanga, Tukuzi, Utiri, Luwaita, Kilimani, Mateka,

Mtama, Kitanda, Zomba, Sepukila, Mhekela, Masasi,

Mkwaya, Kihukla, Kihulila, Masimeri and Nsenga

Liparamba Liparamba, Ndondo and Mipotopoto

Matiri 10

Mkumbi 10

Mbangamao Mbangamao, Uzena, Kagugu and Makatani

Mpepai 7

Litembo 21

Tingi Tingi, Litindo, Mpepo, Luhindo, Upolo, Kikole, Kilindinda,

and Malungu

Maguu 18

Mpapa 8

Lundumato Lundumato, Litoho, Litoromero, Lunoro, Kipololo and

Ndanga

Mikalanga 5

Kindimba

Kitura Kitura, Lisau, Lutondo, Mzuzu na Mahiro

Wukiro

Annex 1b

Division Wards

Mbuji Mapera, Kipapa, Kipololo, Nyoni, Luwaita

Maguu, Kitumbalomo, Mkako, Mkalanga, Langiro, Mbuji,

Litembo, Ngima, Kitura, Mpepai, Mpapa

Mbinga Urban Myangayanga, Mkumbi, Linda, Matiri, Ukata,

Kitanda, Kigonsera , Kihangi Mahuka, Utiri

Mbinga Mjini, Kilimani, Mbangamao, Kihungu, Kikolo,

Kambarage,

443

Annex 2: Interview Guide 1

The following tentative themes provide framework for conversations with different

respondents.

Background information

Introduction

Education history

Professional qualifications

Number of years in service

Objective 1: To examine the transcendental status (religious ideas) of the

Matengo Highlands people at the time of contact with Christianity.

Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands?

How did this traditional religion or belief on God evolve?

What in your views is the universe and who created it? (cosmos)

Are there mythical explanations for the evolution of traditional religion?

How were the concepts of God, prayers, spirits, and mediums invented?

How this traditional religion was practised among the Matengo people?

What were the forms of ceremonies, beliefs, rituals, symbols, objects and

places used for worshipping?

What was the role of traditional religion in solving the problems and/or

challenges of society?

Did this traditional religion have development concepts, perception and

practice?

What was the role of traditional religion in the control of essential resources?

Who invented the word superstition and paganism?

What values did the missionaries find in the traditional religion?

444

Which were new values brought by Christianity – Roman Catholic?

How, where and which instruments will be used to get the information on

Matengo Traditional religion and its contact with Christianity?

i. In-depth interviews with people with the information ie. Elders of above 70

years in the Metengo Highlands, retired mission leaders – bishops, priests,

nuns, brothers at Kigonsera, Litembo, government workers

ii. Archival sources will be consulted at Propaganda Fides in Rome, St. Ottilien

in Gemany,

iii. National Archives in Dar-es-Dar-es-Salaam

The National Archives of Tanzania (TNA)

• Songea District Book Vol. I MF 38

• Songea District Book Vol. II MF 40

• Acc. 155: District Book I: Matengo

iv. Archives of Peramiho Abbey (APA), - Diary of Kigonsera Mission.

APA, - Chronicles of Litembo,

v. Tanganyika Notes and Records, University of Dar-es-Salaam

vi. Oral sources from stories, legends, epics and Wazee wa Mila

vii. Discussion with people

viii. Secondary documentary sources at UDSM library, TEC library, UDOM

library and Peramiho

Instruments to be used will include an interview guide, video recorders and

checklists.

445

Objective 2: To investigate the introduction and spread of Christianity in the

Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German Rule and its effects on

development.

What were the circumstances which were obtained in Germany and Vatican?

Berlin Conference, Bismarck, Carl Peters, and the 1st Vatican 1868-70

What prompted the Benedictine Fathers from Germany coming to German

East Africa and the Matengo Highlands?

How were the Benedictine Fathers affected by Abushiri rising, the majimaji

war?

How did the First World war and the Paris Peace Treaty affect the

Benedictine Fathers in German East Africa and the Matengo Highlands?

What was the nature of ecclesiastiastical scramble and powers involved?

What were the methods used to introduce Christianity in the Matengo

Highlands?

Who were the first converts in terms of age, sex, location and history?

What methods were used to spread Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

Why is monastic approach the cornerstone of Benedictine Fathers‘ success in

the Matengo Highlands?

What was their perception about development based on ora et labora?

What was the response of the Matengo society towards missionary

enterprise?

What was the position of German administration to Christianity?

How were infrastructure and social services financed? Did money come from

German government?

446

How, where and what instruments to be used to get information

i. Archival information – Check list

ii. In-depth interviews with retired catechists, priests, bishops, civil

servants, old people - interview guide

iii. Discussion with people deemed to be informative – focus group

discussion guide 10 people of diverse age groups

iv. Oral sources – recorder and note taking

v. Secondary documentary sources – check list of documents to consult

Objective 3: To examine how Christianity operated in the Matengo Highlands

from 1919 to 1950 during British rule and its effects on development.

How did change of colonial administration from German to British

colonial state affect Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?

What was the position/attitude of British to the German Benedictine

Fathers?

What were the British policies towards Christianity?

How were the Matengo Highlands affected by the change of colonial

state and its policies towards Christianity?

How and why did the orphan RC achieve phenomenal progress during

this period inMatengo Highlands?

What were the continuities and changes of Christianity, local religion

and the impact to the Matengo society?

Did infrastructures and social services benefit the RC in one form or

another?

How did the missionary enterprise transform the socio-economic

conditions of the Matengo Highlands?

What was the relationship between the colonial effort of introducing

coffee and Christianity?

How and where to get information

i. Archival sources – checklist of documents to consult

447

ii. In-depth interviews with people who worked during British

colonial rule in ecclesiastical capacities as well secular

capacities, - interview guide

iii. Documentary secondary sources – checklist of documents to

consult.

iv. Oral information from people in the Matengo area – guide on

what information to elicit.

v. Discussion – ten people women and men with diverse age

statuses.

Objective 4: Examine the transition from Missionary Christianity in

1950-68 to African Christianity and how it transformed the Matengo

society.

Did the Second Vatican 1962-5 have effects on Christianity on the

MH?

What were the reasons for the transition from missionary church to

African local church?

Is it due to decline in vocation in Europe and change of attitude to

missionary work?

What were the forms of transition in the Matengo Highlands

(Africanisation)?

What was the perception of the colonial administration towards the

transition in terms of development policies?

How did the Matengo society respond to the transition to African

Christianity?

What was the implication from the decolonisation and later the

Arusha Declaration process to Christianity?

Was there decolonisation in Christianity as well?

What were the missionary reactions to the transition? Retreat to

Peramiho Abbot?

How did the nationalists posit during the post-colonial state

functioning?

448

What was the relation between the post-colonial state and the local

mission Christianity?

What were the challenges to the local Christianity and what were the

prospects?

Wasn‘t provision of infrastructures and social services part and parcel

of the colonising strategy and therefore a way of siphoning profits

from economic activities of the Wamatengo?

What is the role of the current Matengo traditional religion?

How and where to get information

i. Focus group discussion with African missionaries -10 people

of both sex and diverse age groups

ii. Documentary secondary sources – checklist of documents to

consult

iii. In-depth interviews with nationalists, missionaries – interview

guide

iv. Archival sources – checklist of sources to consult

v. Observation – observation checklist

vi. Oral sources – recorders and note taking

449

Annex 3: Oral sources Guide for Wapenga utunu, clan heads, traditional

religion leaders, magicians, witches, sorcerers and healers.


Introduction

Education history

Occupation

Information to be elicited

Prayers in traditional religion

Songs – in traditional dances, healing, burial ceremonies, birth,

Stories, riddles and wise sayings

Myths and legends

Utani and festivals

Rites of passage

Music and dance

Rituals and Beliefs

Customs, morals and traditions,

Sacred sites, sacrifices and offerings

Death and the hereafter

Traditional leaders, diviners, rainmakers, seers, priests, ritual elders

Health, magic, medicines, sorcery

Annex 4: Documentary Review List

• Library – The University of Dodoma, Dodoma, Tanzania

• Library – University of Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania

• Resource Centre – TEC, Dar-es-Salaam

• Library- St. Augustine Peramiho Major Seminary

450

Annex 5: Observation Checklist for Socio-economic related items Basic

Christian Communities and Hamlet

SN ITEMS TO

CHECK

UNI

TS

PLACE REMA

RKS WARD/PA

RISH

VILLAGE/OU

TSTATION

HAMLET/

S

COMMU

NITY

1. Houses

3. Hospitals

4. Church goers

5. Income

6. Agriculture

7. Industries

8. Food supplies

9. Property

10. Schools

11. Churches

12. Priests

13. Nuns

14. Brothers/monks

15. Students

16. Colleges

17. Houses

18. Cash crops

19. Food crops

20. Orphanage

Centres

Checklist of Documents to be consulted during research

451

Annex 6: Archival Sources

The National Archives of Tanzania (TNA) Dar-es-Salaam

-Songea District Book Vol. I MF 38

-Songea District Book Vol. I MF 40

-Acc. 155: Districk Book I: Matengo

-Acc.155: /37 Songea District Report Vol.I 1929

-Acc. 155: 11/260/50 Songea Districf Report 1950

-Secretarial Files - 22943 1935-36

- 19593 1931-37

Archives of Peramiho Abbey (APA) Peramiho, Songea

-Chronicles of Peramiho

-Diary of Kigonsera Mission, Vol. I, entry of 1901, 1902, 1903, 1905,

1906, 1907

-Litembo Chrinicles

-Newsletter of Peramiho Abbey

-‗Signa Temporum‘ of Abbey Nullius of Peramiho and Songea

Diocese

-Statistical of Abbey Nullius

-Quarterly Reports of Peramiho

-Missionsblatere von St. Ottilien – MB 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9

-Chronik de Kongregation von St. Ottilien (CKO)

Parish Records – Kigonsera, Litembo, Mbinga, Maguu

Catholic Directories – Tanzania Episcopal Conference Centre (TEC)

Dar-es-Salaam and UDSM

Tanganyika Notes and Records – University of Dar-es-Salaam

452

Annex 7: Kilau system (clan names) in the Matengo Highlands

# Masculine names Feminine names –

patronymic names

Place found

1 Hyera/Ndiu Ngongolu

2 Kapinga Pilika

3 Kihwili Hombagou

4 Kinunda Kinunda

5 Komba Sobo/Kitunda/Muandi

6 Kumburu Mahuka

7 Lupogo Kindembo

8 Mapunda Lwanda/Hanzi

9 Matembo Neindi

10 Mbepera Kilwambo/Chiwalo

11 Mbunda Bolela

12 Milinga Hyehu

13 Nchimbi Lundo/Kigumi

14 Ndimbo Mango

15 Ndunguru Mwegela

16 Ngongi Kegeto

17 Ngui Pata

18 Nombo Kihosi

19 Sangana Ndeka

20 Turuka Nikombo

21 Tilia Kouli

22 Mbungu Jengu

23 Matenga Nkoungu

24 Njako Kindembo

25 Mbele Kigano

27 Kibanga Kibanga

28 Msuha Ndogota

29 Ndomba Tindo

30 Landulila Hekela

32 Lupembe Mihanzo

33 Mahai Kobani

Source: Field survey.

453

Annex 8: Deutsch Ostafrika: Reich commissioners and governors

Period of office Name Position Life data

05/27/1885 -

02/08/1888

Dr. Carl Peters,

Reich

Commissioner

1856 -

1918

08/02/1888 -

21/02/1891

Hermann von

Wissmann,

Reich

Commissioner

1853 -

1905

14/02/1891 - 1891 Julius Freiherr

von Soden,

Governor (1st

term)

1846 -

1921

1891 Rüdiger, (provisional) ?

1891 - 09/15/1893 Julius Freiherr

von Soden,

Governor (2nd

term)

so

09/15/1893 -

04/26/1895

Radbod von

Scheele,

Governor 1847 -

1904

04/26/1895 -

12/03/1896

Hermann von

Wissmann ,

Governor so

12/03/1896 -

03/12/1901

Eduard von

Liebert,

Governor 1850 -

1934

03/12/1901 -

04/15/1906

Gustav Adolf

Graf von idols,

Governor 1866 -

1910

04/15/1906 -

22/04/1912

Georg Albrecht

Rechenberg,

Governor 1861 -

1935

22/04/1912 -

14/11/1918

Dr. Albert

Heinrich Schnee,

Governor 1871 -

1949

Source: Copyright © 2000 www.deutsche-schutzgebiete.de

454

Annex 9:Memorandum of Understanding between Benedictines and Bismarck

power 1887

Zum Schlusse möge den ehrerbietigst Unterzeichneten verstattet sein, auf das

Zusammentreffen dieses Unternehmens mit den inzwischen eingetretenen deutschen

Kolonialbestrebungen aufmerksam zu machen, was dem ersteren gerade wegen der

Bildung von Laien- Missionären zur vorausgehenden Kultivierung des Landes und

Erziehung seiner Bewohner für die Arbeit eine besondere Bedeutung gibt.

Haben doch deutsche Afrikaforscher erst kürzlich die Meinung ausgesprochen, das

Notwendigste zur Kolonisation jener Gebiete sei, dessen Einwohner zu Arbeitern zu

machen (statt zu Sklaven), und sie geistlich und sittlich zu heben.

Möge endlich deutschen Missionären vergönnt sein, eine eigene Gesellschaft zu

bilden. Bisher waren sie genötigt, französischen oder englischen oder holländischen

oder italienischen Gesellschaften beizutreten und daher fremd nationale

Kolonialinteressen fördern zu helfen, weil die Missionen allerorts die Nationalität

der Gesellschaft, der sie angehören, zum herrschenden Einfluss bei den

Einheimischen bringen.

Stanley fordert für Afrika die Tätigkeit des Handelsmannes und des Missionärs. >>

Beiuns wird sich mancher darüber wundern, - bemerkt ein großes Blatt, - aber die

Engländer und Amerikaner denken anders und haben längst die Mission der Heiden

in Ihrem Wert erkannt. England weiß, dass, das Gelingen seiner Arbeit unter den

Heiden ihm nur möglich gemacht wurde durch die vorangehende Wirksamkeit der

Missionäre... << (A. Ztg).

455

Möge durch gnädigste Gewährung des vorliegenden unterthänigsten Gesuches eine

Möglichkeit geschaffen werden, dass die zahlreichen deutschen katholischen

Missionärenicht mehr ausländischen Gesellschaften einverleibt werden müssen,

sondern in einer eigenen deutschen Missionsgesellschaft an der Hebung und

Gewinnung der für die Kulturvölker neueröffneten Länder Afrikas mitarbeiten

können, Religion und Kultur und sowohl die damit beglückten, jetzt so armen

Volksstämme, als auch Deutschland selbst warden Eurer Exzellenz hiefür zum

größten Danke verpflichtet sein.

In tiefst ehrerbietigster Ergebenheit geharrt.

An Euer Exzellenz

Seine des K. Ministerpräsidenten Herr Staatsminister

Für Kirchen – und Schulangelegenheiten pp. Diener

Dr. Freiherrn von Lutz J. A. Amrhein

Exzellenz München, 18.Dez. 1884<<

Annex 10 Interview guide for Division Executive Officer, Ward Executive

Officer and Village Executive Officer and retired ones


Introduction

Education history




Matengo Highlands people at the time of contact with Christianity

and whether it had development perception.


456









practice?



Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German

Ruleand its effects on development. .


Highlands?





enterprise?



German government?

457


from 1919 to 1950 and its effects on development.


How were the Matengo Highlands affected by the change of colonial state

and its policies towards Christianity?

Did infrastructures and social services benefit the RC in one form or another?

How did the missionary enterprise transform the socio-economic conditions

of the Matengo Highlands?

What was the relationship between the colonial effort of introducing coffee

and Christianity?

Objective 4: Examine the transition from Missionary Christianity in 1950-68

to African Christianity and how it transformed the Matengo society.

What was the perception of the colonial administration towards the transition

in terms of development policies?


Christianity?

What was the implication from the decolonisation and later the Arusha

Declaration process to Christianity?

How did the nationalists posit during the post-colonial state functioning?

What was the relation between the post-colonial state and the local mission

Christianity?

Wasn‘t provision of infrastructures and social services part and parcel of the

colonising strategy and therefore a way of siphoning profits from economic

activities of the Wamatengo?


458

Annex 11: Interview Guide for Bishop and Retired Bishop 1A


Introduction

Education history




Matengo Highlands people atthe time of contact with Christianity


Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands before advent of

Christianity?

Who invented the word superstition and paganism in the Matengo Highlands?




Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German Rule

and its effects on development.


Berlin Conference, Bismarck, Carl Peters, and the 1st Vatican 1868-70?




war?

459



What was the nature of ecclesiastical scramble and powers involved in the

Matengo Highlands?


Highlands?




the MH?



enterprise?



German government?


from 1919 to 1950 during the British rule and its effects on development.

Annex 20: Pope’s Approval

"Ieri mi si presentò il Barone Carlo di Gravenreuth, uno di pochi membri Cattolici

della Società tedesca dell'Africa Orientale, insieme col P. Andrea Amrhein (Sic)... il

primo mi espose, aver lui ottenuto dalla Società che una misione Cattolica con

missionari tedeschi si stabilisce nel vasto territorio occupato dalla stessa società,

ed il secondo la sua propsensione ad accetare l'offerta di tale fondazione. L'uno e

l'atro mi richiessero di consiglio e direzione. Ma l'unico consiglio che io potevo dare

in questa circostanza era quello di indirizzare per l'affare di cui si tratta, alla Santa

Congregazione di Propaganda. Ambedue pertanto si decissero di recarsi a Roma ed

è al P. Amrhein (sic) che consegna questa rispettosa mia lettera. Permetta

l'Eminenza vostra...che io lo raccomando alla sua bonta... " ( A.P.F. Scritti referiti

nei congressi, Africa dell'Oceano Austral e Capo di Buona Speranza, Vol.7, 1885-

1887).

460

Annex 12: Coffee rules

Coffee Rules passed by Matengo Native Authority conferred by Section 15 of Native

Authority Ordinance 30.8.1933

1. Only such coffee seedlings may be planted, and only such seed planted in

nurseries, as has first been approved by the Agricultural Department.

2. Before planting a plot every individual must satisfy the Agricultural

Department as to then suitability of the soil.

3. The land must be prepared to the satisfaction of the District Agricultural

Officer or his nominee before an individual may plant coffee.

Penalties

Any individual who does not comply with any of these regulation is liable on

conviction to have uprooted all plants respect of which an offence has been

committed.

Redrafted Umatengo Coffee Rules 1938

1. As it was in 1933

2. As it was in 1933

3. The land must be prepared and maintain to the satisfaction of the Native

Authority.

4. Every grower of coffee is liable on an order of the Native Authority, to

have uprooted all coffee plants in respect of which an offence under the

rules has been committed. Alternatively, the Native Authority may in

suitable cases make arrangements for the proper maintenance of coffee

plants and recover the cost from the owner of the plantation.

461

Penalty

In addition to any action taken by the Native Authority under rule 4, an

offender on conviction before a Native Court may be sentenced to a fine

not exceeding shs. 10/= or in default of payment on months‘

imprisonment with hard labour.

Annex 13: Glossary of Matengo words

Bangi – marijuana plant

Boma – the colonial administrative center in Umatengo

Imbagu – tools used by traditional medicinemen to diagnos a sick person

Imitu – a disease a child would get in case of in-breeding of the couples

Ingolo – a unique traditional Matengo farming method

Itengo – big or heavy forests

Kigona – virgin unoccupied land

Kilau – a clan name for people who trace their origin from the same descendant.

There are masculine names and feminine names. Eg Kapinga for males, Pilika for

females; Mapunda for males, Lwanda/Hanzi for females

Kitegee – a sacred place where traditional prayers were conducted

Kutumba – clear the land for the first time, hence justifying claim to ownership

Libagula – marrying without following the the traditional procedures

Lisekela – a make-shift house built and thatched by grass

Lupilinga – a piece of log from big tree

Lupimbi – ridges of land dermacated by rivers

Mahoka – ancestral spirits in the Matengo Highlands

Mandapalapa – local beer prepared to commemorate the fallen ancestors

462

Mandupa – a traditional Wamatengo bed

Mapelele – elephant grass used for building and thatching buildings

Mbatabata – traditional medicines

Mpenga Utunu – the spiritual mediums who could communicate between the

earthly world and other world

Mtaba – a tree which was used to produce bark cloth for burying the dead

Musi – a socio-economic and political nucleated settlement of people who share

the same ancestral origin with the same clan name (kilau)

Mwoju – heart

Ndenda – a traditional cloth in the Matengo Highlands made from a bark of

mtaba tree

Ndengati – a mat made up of reeds

Ngokela – a cooperative farming among Wamatengo.

Nyengo – a Matengo traditional slasher used to clear land before cultivation

Sapanga – a Supreme deity in the Matengo Highlands

Sengu – a place where members of the male folks of a clan met to take food

communally, discuss affairs and settle disputes pertaining to their clan.

Soba – a threat to the clan by invading forces or wild animals

Annex 14: Interview Guide for Local rulers, healers, Wapenga Utunu


respondents.


Introduction

Education history


463



Matengo Highlands people atthe time of contact with Christianity and

whether it had development perception.



What in your views is the universe and who created it? (cosmos)









practice?


Who invented the word superstition and paganism?



Objective 2: To investigate the introduction and spread of Christianity

in the MatengoHighlands from 1890s to 1918 during the

German Rule and its effects on development.


Highlands?

464




enterprise?


from1919 to 1950 during the British rule and its effects on development.

How did change of colonial administration from German to British colonial

state affect Christianity in the Matengo Highlands?





and Christianity?

Annex 15: Interview Guide for Monks/nuns and Retired monks/nuns


Introduction

Education history








enterprise?

465



Germangovernment?



How and why did the orphan RC achieve phenomenal progress during this

period in Matengo Highlands?



What were the continuities and changes of Christianity, local religion and the

impact to the Matengo society?





AndChristianity?


What were the missionary reactions to the transition? Retreat to Peramiho

Abbasia?

Annex 16: Interview Guide for Parish priests and Retired priests


Introduction

Education history



466


Matengo Highlands people at the time of contact with

Christianity and whether it had development

perception.


Christianity?








Highlands?




from 1919 to 1950during the British ruleand its effects on development.



What was the position/attitude of British to the German Benedictine Fathers?





period in MH?

467







and Christianity?


to AfricanChristianity and how it transformed the Matengo society.

Did the Second Vatican 1962-5 have effects on Christianity on the MH?

What were the reasons for the transition from missionary church to African

local church in 1950s?

Is it due to decline in vocation in Europe and change of attitude to missionary

work?

What were the forms of transition in the Matengo Highlands (Africanisation)?




Christianity?





Abbasia?

468



Christianity?


prospects?


colonizing strategy and therefore a way of siphoning profits from economic activities

of theWamatengo?

469

ANNEX 17: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Members of Outstation

Committee and Basic Christian Communities


Introduction

Education history

Occupation

Issues for Discussion

Concept of religion

Concept of God, prayers, spirits, symbols,

Life after death

Society and religion

Preservation of essential resources, religion and development

Introduction of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands – joining by

conversion

Spread of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands – participation in church

activities

Effects of Christianity in the Matengo Highlands – social services and

infrastructure

Role of committees and Small Christian Communities

Relation with state organisations – village and hamlet committees, WEO,

VEO, chairmen

Attitude to work among the Matengo people

Participation in development activities – decision making, work, crop

cultivation

Transition to African Christianity

State of Christianity – numbers, attendance, values

470

Annex 18: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Believers/followers of traditional

religion, magician, sorcerers, healers and witches


Introduction

Education history

Occupation


• Concept of religion

• Religion, disease, healing and socio-economic development

• Traditional religion and Christianity

• Colonialism, traditional religion and Christianity

• Sorcery, magic, witchcraft and development in the Matengo Highlands

• Traditional religion and production and reproduction of society

• Christianity and production and reproduction of labour

• Traditional political organization and religion (Traditional religion and

Christianity)

• Social organization and religion (Traditional religion and Christianity) –

dances, games, marriage, rite of passage, education

• Local Christianity and traditional religion

• Traditional religion and post-independence Matengo Highlands

• Commoditisation of traditional medicines, healing, magic, witchcraft

Annex 19: Focus Group Discussion Guide for Members of Hamlet and ordinary

people


Introduction

471

Education history

Occupation


Concept of religion

Concept of development

Relation between religion, society and development

Christianity in the Matengo Highlands – social services and infrastructure

Colonial administration (German and British) and Christianity

Colonialism, Christianity, missionary enterprise and the Matengo society

Nationalism and Christianity in the Matengo Highlands

Independence, Christianity and society

Social economic conditions, post-colonial state and the missionary enterprise

Arusha Declaration and Christianity in the Matengo Highlands

Missionary Christianity, local Church, Matengo society and self-reliance

Annex20: Interview Guide for Bishop and Retired Bishop 1A


Introduction

Education history



Objective 1: To examine the transcendental status (religious ideas) of the Matengo

Highlands people atthe time of contact with Christianity and whether it had

development perception.

472


Christianity?





Matengo Highlands from 1890s to 1918 during the German Rule and its effects

on development.






war?



What was the nature of ecclesiastical scramble and powers involved in the

Matengo Highlands?


Highlands?




the MH?

473



enterprise?



Germangovernment?


from 1919 to 1950 during the British rule and its effects ondevelopment.








period in MH?







and Christianity?

474



Did the Second Vatican 1962-5 have effects on Christianity on the MH?

What were the reasons for the transition from missionary church to African

local church in 1950s?

Is it due to decline in vocation in Europe and change of attitude to missionary

work?

What were the forms of transition in the Matengo Highlands (Africanisation)?


Christianity?



Abbatia?


prospects?


Annex 21: Interview guide for Division Executive Officer, Ward Executive

Officer and Village Executive Officer and retired ones


Introduction

Education history



475













practice?




Ruleand its effects on development. .


Highlands?





enterprise?



German government?

476


from 1919 to 1950 and its effects on development.








and Christianity?






Christianity?





Christianity?




What is the role of the current Matengo traditional religion

477

Annex 22: Interview Guide Catechist and retired Catechist


respondents.


Introduction

Education history






Was there existence of religion in the Matengo Highlands before Christian

came?




Highlands?



Ruleand its effects on development.




enterprise?


478


from 1919 to 1950 during the British ruleand its effects on development.




period in MH?




and Christianity?

Objective 4: Examine the transition from Missionary Christianity in

1950-68 to African Christianity and how it transformed the

Matengo society.

What were the reasons for the transition from missionary church to

African local church?

Is it due to decline in vocation in Europe and change of attitude to

missionary work?

What was the implication from the decolonisation and later the

Arusha Declaration process to Christianity?

What was the relation between the post-colonial state and the local

mission Christianity?


prospects?

479

Annex 23: Interview Guide for district officials - incumbent and retired civil

servants


Introduction

Education history











war?






state affectChristianity in the Matengo Highlands?





480






Christianity?





Abbasia?



Christianity?


prospects?








and Christianity?

481

Annex 24: List of Respondents

Abbot Lambert (77), retired Abbot of Peramiho Abbatia interviewed June 2013

Alexander Marcus Howahowa an ex-Bambo of Langiro Baraza from 1953 to 1962

interviewed in November 1992

Alois Makupe (76), retired school teacher interviewed at Litembo, November 1992

Ansgar Nkwenda (85), Litembo elder, interviewed at Mbinga, July 2013

Anton Kapinga Matanila (86), interviewed on 27.08.2012 at Mbinga town

Benjamin Akitanda, a retired teacher and a son of the late Constantine Akitanda

(+1964) interviewed, August 2013 at Kigonsera

Bishop Maurus Komba, Mbinga, interviewed 1991

Cosmas Masingi Kapinga (82), interviewed at Kingua June 2013

Daniel Sumila (90), a TANU militant and early coffee grower interviewed in

December 1992 at Nyoni

Engelbert Nyang‘ali (82), retired nurse interviewed at Mbinga 2013

Fr. Christian Mhagama, priest at Mbinga parish incharge of UVIKAMBI interviewed

at Mbinga, August 2013.

Fr. Emilian Kapinga, Parish priest of Kigonsera 1992 interviewed by (Fr.Kenyata)

Fr. Fidelis Mligo, a prior of Peramiho Abbatia, interviewed by the researcher, June

2013 at Peramiho

482

Fr. Francis Ndunguru Majeshi deputy parish priest of Litembo interviewed in June

2013

Fr. Joseph Ngai, parish priest, Litembo Parish, interviewed July 2014

Fr. Josephat Komba Malunda, parish priest of Mbinga and assistant to the Bishop

Diocese of Mbinga, interviewed June 2013

Fr. Mhagama Parish Priest Nangombo, interviewed in August 2013 at Nangombo

Fr. Selestine Kapinga Assistant to the Bishop Mbinga Diocese interviewed at Mbinga

Diocese July 2013

Fr. Timoth Ndunguru, Kigonsera Parish Priest interviewed 2013 at Kigonsera.

Gerold Komba Kalenyula retired nurse interviewed at Kingua, August 2013

Hilmar Komba Administrative manager of Coffee Curing Company Ltd. interviewed

at Mbinga, October 1992

Jacob Hyera, Kilimo Mbinga interviewed, June 2013

John Nchimbi, a catechist at Litembo parish, interviewed June 2013

Julius Mndobesi Komba (58), mzee wa mila interviewed at Kingua 2013

Kahimala Ngahinyana (96), militant TANU leader and early coffee grower

interviewed at Nyoni, December 1992

Kostantini Manyuka Mwingira (91), interviewed at Litembo, July 2014

Longinus Matias Tilia (81),Litembo elder, interviewed at Litembo, July 2014

Martin Masenti (85), ex-cooperative officer interviewed at Nyoni 1992

483

Ndunguru, ag. District Commissioner, Mbinga District, interviewed June 2013

Ngelageli Kapinga Litembo elder, interviewed at Kingua June 2013

Osmund Minga Kapinga, retired District Commissioner, interviewed at Mbinga June

2013.

Paul Jeremias Ndunguru (85), Litembo elder, interviewed at Litembo, July 2014.

Raphael Mapunda (69), Catechist of Litembo Parish, interviewed at Litembo, 2014.

Remigius Mikael Hyera (69), Litembo elder, interviewed at Litembo, July 2014.

Sunkono Kapinga (72),Litembo elder, interviewed at Kingua, July 2013

Werner Dudu Kapinga (75), Litembo elder, interviewed at Kingua June 2013

Xaver Mbunda (85),retired catechist interviewed at Mbinga 28.07.2012,

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