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Spreading the message! Fanzines and the punk scene in Portugal

Paula Guerra

Pedro Quintela

Abstract

Even though the production of fanzines precedes the emergence of punk, the truth is

that it was with punk that the fanzines become relevant as a space for freedom of

thought and creation, as well as an alternative to the conventional media. Since the

1970s, the fanzines’ universe has expanded thematically and stylistically, and also in its

territorial coverage and in the communicational supports used. In this article we adopt

an approach that goes beyond the Anglo-Saxon reality and intend to look at fanzines as

‘communities’ founded around a cultural object, which have produced texts, photos and

other materials regarding the Portuguese punk scene from the late 1970s until now.

From a large set of fanzines we will analyse the ways of production, design and

typography, the main themes, distribution channels, bands, the scenes and lifestyles

covered in them. In this study, we consider fanzines to be an alternative media that,

from late modernity, is able to reveal the punk movement and the DIY ethos associated

with it. We seek to understand fanzines’ relevance to the Portuguese punk scene

context, both past and present, and we also identify some patterns of evolution and

change.

Keywords: punk culture; fanzines; Portugal; alternative media; punk scenes.

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Spreading the message! Fanzines and the punk scene in Portugal

Authors

Paula Guerra. Sociologist, PhD in Sociology, Professor at the Faculty of Arts –

University of Porto, Researcher at the Institute of Sociology (IS-UP), Centre for

Territorial Management and Geography Studies (CEGOT) and Griffith Centre for

Cultural Research (GCCR). She is the head researcher on the KISMIF project – Keep it

simple, make it fast! (PTDC/CS-SOC/118830/2010), which is composed of a

multidisciplinary team and has as its central objective the reinterpretation of youth

urban cultures in contemporaneity, centred on popular music.

URL: http://www.punk.pt/paula-guerra-2/ E-mail: paula.kismif@gmail.com

Pedro Quintela. Sociologist, trained at ISCTE – University Institute of Lisbon, and the

Faculty of Economics, University of Coimbra, where he is currently developing his

doctoral project on creative work in the communication design field (with a research

grant from the Foundation for Science and Technology). His research interests focus on

different areas related to the sociology of art and culture, cultural policies, urban studies,

cultural and creative industries, urban cultures and cultural mediation, among others. He

is a researcher on the KISMIF project – Keep it simple, make it fast!

URL: http://www.punk.pt/pedro-quintela-2/ E-mail: quintela.pedro@gmail.com

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Spreading the message! Fanzines and the punk scene in Portugal1

1. Celebration of the message: An introduction

The reasons for having the fanzine were the same as those that led me to an interest in punk culture and having a punk band. To express, to give a written and designed scream of revolt, one that is designed, and one that could be recorded. A scream of revolt against everything and everyone, that’s basically it.

The person who said this is Fernando, now 54 years old, a professor with a PhD, a

resident of Lisbon, and one of the early protagonists of Portuguese punk. This quote

captures the emphasis of this article, which addresses the importance of fanzines in the

emergence and consolidation of the Portuguese punk scene from the late 1970s to the

present, and demonstrates their proliferation, mapping them and the thematic and

graphic guidelines for their contents. Starting with the definition, we should mention

that fanzines are homemade objects, individually or collectively hand-produced, which

have in general a limited circulation. The first fanzines emerged in the decades of the

1920s and 1930s and were associated with science-fiction fans. However, the

production, distribution, and consumption of fanzines reached global relevance with the

emergence of the punk phenomenon in the UK and USA during the years 1970–80,

when they became an area of freedom of thought and do-it-yourself (DIY) creation, and

of alternatives to the conventional media (see Triggs 2006): ‘Zine culture indicates how

radicality can be further located within production values and cultural values’ (Atton

2002: 24).

There is an inescapable link between fanzines and the emergence and visibility of the

punk scene, but we must not confuse the two issues. Atton (2006) has contested the idea

that the fanzine is assumed to be essentially a subcultural product, emancipating the

fanzine culture through a symbolic agreement between the fanzine and the experiences

and lifestyle.Going beyond the specificity of British punk fanzine, Atton opens up space

for the analysis of a whole range of alternative media. According to Hebdige (1979), the

punk fanzines have sought to create an alternative space for expression, in contrast to

the traditional media, which has tended to misrepresent or give a negative view of punk

(see Savage 1991). This feature is in fact common to the fanzines that preceded punk

fanzines. So Bernardo, one of our interviewees, stated the following:

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And in this case it is also the same thing as the philosophy of punk, i.e. starting from the little bit we want to do a lot, and you do it by yourself. This is also quite an individual stream. Social, when we speak about the learning and influences; individual, when we speak about action. And, for example, learning was here always at the level of affinity: we join with them and make music; we join with them and make criticism; we join with them and do fanzines. (Bernardo, resident in Porto, 45 years old, higher education and employee of a record store)

From the perspective of Atton, a fanzine emerges for three main reasons: (1) the fanzine

operates as a space for expression and discussion by fans of a musical genre (bands or

artists) who do not have space or are forgotten by the traditional music press; (2) the

fanzine serves to strengthen an underground musical genre (bands or artists) whose

range is very limited; and (3) the fanzine allows fans of a musical niche to keep up their

connection and enthusiasm (see Atton 2006). In all these cases, the objective is to create

a community of interest and taste, and obviously this is not confined to punk. Somehow

we can say that the fanzine can be assumed to be as a sort of low tech social network

(see Farias 2011).

However, fanzines and their production associated with punk have made an indelible

contribution to the expansion of the musical scenes, to the documentation of them, to

their visibility and to the loyalty of belonging (see Thompson 2004: 3). And more than

that, the association of the fanzine with punk has brought increasing visibility to the

fanzine itself as a means of communication. With Dannus, we can conclude that ‘By

regularly chronicling the punk scene and encouraging their readers to take part, fanzines

fully contributed to the development and momentum of the movement’ (2013: 24). The

explosion of punk fanzines was indeed one of the main reasons for the increase of

alternative media such as press, free radio and pirate television (Hein 2006). From early

on, fanzines were assumed to be a very important part of building the punk scenes –

alongside the bands, records, concerts - contributing actively to the creation and

consolidation of a certain sense of community (Triggs 2006) and of symbols of

belonging (Force 2005). The words of Luís, a Portuguese punk we interviewed point in

that direction:

I have to tell you that I was involved not with making music or producing music, but with producing other cultural methods, i.e. the production of fanzines, contact

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with bands, editing and organizing concerts. (Luís 36 years old, resident in Lisbon, secondary education, journalist)

According to Pine (2006), fanzines are material forms of symbolic representation, and

that is how we should understand the Portuguese punk fanzines, which are the object of

our attention in this article. The fanzines are objects constructed on a voluntary basis

which allow individuals participating in the process (editing, contribution, distribution)

to affirm their social existence, integrate with (sub) cultures, tribes or musical scenes,

and take part culturally. Simultaneously, the fanzines have materialized within the

dynamic local movement of an underground scene, which is markedly youthful and has

facilitated the dissemination of records, bands, concerts and stories. They are a key

element of achieving tastes and affinities including social, political, ideological and

cultural affiliations, lifestyle and music.

Like other dimensions of the punk movement, the graphical component of fanzines

plays an equally or more important role than the written texts. It is, in fact, common for

the written and visual components of fanzines to be mixed so deeply that it is virtually

impossible to analyse either of these two elements separately. Analogous to the punk

record and demotape covers, or even to the visual aesthetic of bands, we found in many

fanzines a graphical DIY2 orientation reportedly based on a mixture of techniques from

cut-and-paste, design/illustration, the hand and typewritten text, photo manipulation and

so on. Fanzines like Panache (1980), Sniffin’ Glue (1977)3 and Ripped & Tom (1978),

all pioneers at the time the punk movement was emerging in England in the second half

of the 1970s, contributed decisively to the creation of a true 'canon', both in terms of

their graphics and in terms of their editorial content, which has since become globalized

and is present in many of the punk fanzines currently produced (Quintela et al. 2014).

As Duncombe (1997) showed, thoughts and personal ethics occupy a central place in

this type of self-edited independent publication. The pages of fanzines often reflect the

ideology of their authors by their socio-political positioning or in the support for certain

causes. We also see visible demonstrations of a particular taste or aesthetics, for

example, in interviews with bands or in certain critical reviews of records and

demotapes, concerts, movies, books or even other fanzines. Finally, in some fanzines

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we find articles with very personal contents, sometimes even of an introspective and

intimate nature.

The fanzines are, in short, very rich communication formats in which we find extensive

information that allows us to understand a little better how in each historical moment

and each specific sociocultural and territorial context the punk movement was

developing; that is, how it emerged and which are the protagonists and local references

(bands, publishers, squatters, social centres, bars, concert halls, records, clothing stores),

the networks of international contacts and so on. Dannus described how fanzines

evolved over time and with the proper configuration and sedimentation from particular

punk scenes: ‘Their number started to increase in 1977, and, while punk-rock slowly

blended into mainstream culture, they tried more and more to define and reflect on the

future of punk culture’ (2013: 25). The examination of the Portuguese punk fanzines

that we have conducted covers the time span between 1978 and 2013. In terms of entries

by title, this study covered a total of 93 different fanzines (i.e. number of different titles)

and about 177 fanzine editions (i.e. global number of fanzines published). Additionally,

we conducted 200 in-depth interviews with key actors in the Portuguese punk fanzines

where questions concerning the fanzines’ level of production and consumption were put

to them.We sought to fully understand the impact of the Portuguese punk fanzines and

their expression on that same punk scene. Let us recall the words of one of our

interviewees, Michael, now 39 years old, translator, established in an Asian country:

The fanzines had everything to do with the way we looked at the world and what kind of influences is what we had. As there was no Internet, we would write enough, the world still had enough to post, however it is something that nowadays is not done.

Because there are no significant Portuguese academic studies on this subject, one of our

main objectives (Quintela et al. 2014; Guerra and Quintela 2014) has been to undertake

a systematic collection of existing empirical data on punk events in Portugal over last

three decades. Over the last two years, the project’s researchers have been involved in

collecting assorted empirical data by means of: interviews with several key elements

that are or have been connected to the Portuguese punk ‘scenes’ in different historical

periods; participant observation of punk events; and, the collection and cataloguing of a

number of material objects associated with Portuguese punk ‘scenes’, including records,

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fanzines, posters, flyers, fanzines and so on. It is important to emphasize that the task of

collecting, organizing and analysing Portuguese punk fanzines is still ongoing, so in this

paper it is not yet possible to share and discuss the definitive results on this matter.

However, we will try to present and discuss some preliminary findings based on

analysis of data that have been collected, organized and analysed.

2. Spreading the message! A mapping of Portuguese punk fanzines

This section seeks to present, briefly, some preliminary considerations about the issues,

based on the analysis carried out so far. This represents the outcome of a preliminary

mapping exercise of the 93 fanzines that currently constitute our analytic corpus. It

crisscrosses a reading of the themes addressed and the techniques and graphic aesthetic

used with the analysis of the historical period in which the various fanzines were

produced. The first point is fundamental: starting with a marginal role in the 1970s, the

Portuguese punk fanzines assumed an important and constant presence over the

following decades (Table 1). The emergence of fanzines in the 1980s is particularly

important as it corresponds to a period of the greater presence of the punk in Portugal,

attested by the number of bands and actors mobilized around them. This persistence of

titles and editions was maintained in the following decades up to the present day,

emphasized by the fact that in the 2010s there were 16 fanzines titles that produced 41

editions. If we consider that we only refer to three years (2010-2013), we can say that

there is a constant production of fanzines, which denotes an interesting resilience of this

format over the e-zine. Meanwhile, the mapping of fanzines (Figure 1) enables us to

understand their geographical distribution: thus, the punk fanzines are linked mainly to

the metropolitan area of Lisbon, which is the main area of the country in terms of

economic, cultural, artistic and musical development. The two main cities, Lisbon and

Porto, are always mentioned, and also their respective metropolitan areas (places like

Loures, Oeiras, Cascais, Almada, Seixal, Barreiro, Espinho). Next, come the medium

sized towns of the highly populated coastal areas, like Viana do Castelo, Braga, Aveiro,

Coimbra, Leiria, Setúbal and Faro. After that, there are small inland towns such as

Viseu, Guarda, Covilhã and Castelo Branco; then, small coastal towns, like Barcelos,

Caldas da Rainha, Torres Vedras, Lagos and Loulé.

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Table 1: Evolution of the number of titles of fanzines and number of editions of fanzines between 1978 and 2013, by decade

Number of titles of fanzines Number of editions of fanzines 1970 2 8 1980 26 45 1990 22 35 2000 31 42 2010 16 41

Source: KISMIF NOTE: Some titles of fanzines may have been edited in different years from different decades and were therefore counted in more than one decade.

The punk fanzines have not been the subject of a detailed study (see Borges 2009). The

approach to them has oscillated between two poles: they are referred to or cited in

analyses of punk as not being at the centre of its manifestations, or the purely graphical

aspect of them is covered4. Dannus writes precisely that, ‘The study of fanzines enables

us to have an insight point of view to punk culture; moreover they had a particularly

significant role in this movement” (2013: 10). In this article, we start from the use of the

term 'punk scene' as it reflects the greater complexity of actors, contexts and artefacts

than the term 'punk community'. As we have argued on other occasions, the concept of

‘music scene’ refers to a network of people (musicians, promoters, supporters, editors),

objects (fanzines, records, posters, flyers, clothing), devices (festivals, CDs,

instruments, vinyls, cassettes, gigs) and places (concert halls, pubs, social centres,

recreational associations, residents, youth clubs) (see Bennett 2004; Bennett and

Peterson 2004; Guerra 2013; 2014b; Guerra and Bennett 2014).

The concept of punk scenes allows us to explain and understand the fanzines in a

specific societal framework (see Schmidt 2006). This is the main implication of the

mapping by decade of the Portuguese punk fanzines. We can rediscover Hebdige here,

who advocated that each subculture represents a special moment in response to

circumstances, lifestyles and specific cultures, which reflect particular socio-historical

contexts (see Hebdige 1979; Fouce 2004; Guerra 2013). Thus, we will present a reading

of the fanzines that maps them by decades and which considers them as a part of the

punk scene in Portugal.

The first punk fanzines arose in Portugal in the late 1970s, in the Lisbon area. This is

the case for the Desordem Total (Total Disorder5) fanzine, with six numbers, published

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between 1978 and 1979, and the Estado de Sítio (State of Emergency) fanzine, edited

by Paulo Borges (a member of Minas & Armadilhas, a pioneer band punk in Portugal),

which published at least six number throughout 1978 (see Figure 2). In both cases, the

editors took a do-it-yourself aesthetic orientation, based on a blend of cut-and-paste

techniques, drawing/illustration, handwritten and typed texts, photo manipulation and so

on, which, as we have seen before, is perfectly consistent with the large majority of

English and American punk fanzines this period. At a time when the Portuguese punk

movement was still embryonic we find in these early fanzines essentially a space for

sarcastic comment about the national and international socio-political reality. The

references to Anglo-Saxon punk bands are also frequent, mainly through pictures of

bands’ elements that are not always identified (Guerra, Quintela and Dolbeth 2014;

Quintela et al. 2014). The store Mundo da Banda Desenhada (Comics’ World) that

operated in Lisbon between 1977 and 1987 deserves special attention in this pioneering

time. In addition to being the point of sale for cult magazines, underground publications

and pirate fanzines by national authors, it also assumed the role of a meeting place for

the punk, alternative and bohemian community, in a Lisbon where the winds of

cosmopolitanism were still far from blowing. It is quite instructive to consider the

editorial and cover of the fanzine Leitmotiv, edited by the collective in 1980: ‘Doing for

those who like to see without ever having noticed it was wanted’ (Leimotiv 1980).

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Figure 1: Total number of fanzines edited between 1978 and 2013, by municipality. Source: KISMIF NOTE: For reasons of presentation, the autonomous region (RA) of Açores (Azores) and RA Madeira appear on the NUTS III level (Nomenclature of Units for Territorial Statistics), while continental Portugal is at the municipality level.

Following the development of the punk scenes in Portugal, we witness during the 1980s

a certain proliferation of fanzines, although at this stage it was still largely concentrated

in the metropolitan areas of Lisbon and Porto. The chronological period of the 1980s

was the first boom of punk fanzines in Portugal. In this period we can identify relevant

punk fanzines such as Subversão (Subversion, 1982), Subúrbios (Suburbs, 1985), Tosse

Convulsa (Whooping Cough, 1985), Cadáver Esquisito (The Weird Cadaver, 1986),

Lixo Anarquista (Trash Anarchist, 1986–87), Suicídio Colectivo (Collective Suicide,

1987), Anarkozine (Anarchozine, 1987), Post Scriptum (1987–88), Morte à Censura

(Death to Censorship, 1988), Culto Urbano (Urban Worship, 1988–89), among others.

Although political and social criticism is still crucial, the musical dimension has a clear

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relevance in this period, so fanzines became a fundamental space for the dissemination

of punk bands, both national and international. Thus, fanzines began to integrate the

Portuguese punk music scene alongside the bands, edits, concerts, spaces and pubs

(Guerra 2014a). Our interviewees revealed just that:

The fanzines were very important. It's something that you read and you had at home. You had fanzines and not the bands. (Rui, Lisbon 44 years old, with master’s degree and linked to scientific research)

What I think is the force that punk has — and I think this is undeniable — is that you, being involved in the punk scene, having bands, doing fanzines, having labels, when you don’t have anyone to publish your records, when you don’t have anyone to check your concerts, you learn to do things by your own hands. (Lucas, 42 years old, upper secondary education and designer resident in Lisbon)

Articles on punk and hardcore bands (subgenres that, during these years, broke out in

Portugal) and also reports on some punk international scenes (Australia, USA, Brazil,

Italy, etc.) become frequent in these fanzines. Initially publishers were using essentially

secondary sources (such as newspaper articles, press releases, etc.), but gradually they

began to incorporate primary data, in general by conducting interviews with both

national and international punk bands. From a graphic point of view, the Portuguese

punk fanzines produced during the 1980s reflect a certain maturity of their producers.

Formally, we found that in many cases there is a trend to a more careful presentation,

but many fanzines from this period still maintain an essentially do-it-yourself approach,

which has always characterized the punk culture since its beginning (see Guerra and

Moreira 2014).

In analysing the set of Portuguese punk fanzines published during the 1990s, it becomes

clear that there was a deepening of some trends that it was already possible to identify in

the previous decade. The 1990s were marked by the proliferation, dispersion and

diversification of fanzines. First, we witness not just a diversification of punk subgenres

addressed in fanzines (which is reflected in the increasing relevance of ‘crust’ and

‘straight-edge’ hardcore, for example), but also a greater openness to other underground

aesthetics; not only are musical genres such as hip hop, reggae-dub or even certain

subgenres of electronic music addressed here, but also other issues such as

skateboarding, for example.

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The analysis of bands and record labels mentioned in the fanzines during this period

allows us to understand some of the networks of relationships between international

punk scenes. On a first analysis, still very sketchy, there is a profound relationship

between Portuguese bands and other international punk/hardcore scenes that we can

realize from the regular movement of records, bands and fanzines between these

countries. For example, we found in some of these fanzines references to Portuguese

punk hardcore bands that were on tour in countries like Brazil, Spain and Germany.

Simultaneously, new topics gained in relevance in fanzines during the 1990s including

ethical and policy issues related to the anarchist-libertarian ideology, women's rights,

vegetarianism/veganism, animal rights, sexism, homophobia and drug use, among

others.

The effects of the advent of the personal computer in Portugal, which became

increasingly important during the 1990s, was remarkable from the graphical point of

view. In this sense, we find that many fanzines published during this period show a

greater technical precision, moving away from a certain cut-and-paste aesthetic purism

that marked the early stages of punk in Portugal and abroad. It is worth mentioning

fanzines of this period such as Mutante (Mutant, 1992), Grito de Revolta (Scream of

Revolt, 1992), Crack (1992, 1993, 1995) (Figure 4), Vontade de Ferro (Iron Will,

1994), Animal Abuser (1995), Golpe Baixo (Low Trick, 1996), Global Riot (1996),

Insubmissão (Insubordination, 1997), Kannabizine (1997), First Step (1998), Out of

Step (1996–98), Hope (1998), Bakuzine (1998), Se o «voto é a arma do povo»… (If the

'vote is the weapon of the people’, 1998), Convicção (Conviction, 1999), Rebeldia

(Rebellion, 1999), Spirit of Youth (1999), among others.

Over the last thirteen years the production, distribution and consumption of punk

fanzines seems to not have slowed. Thus, we see in the 2000s a refinement and

deepening. Among other fanzines published during this period we can refer to the

following: Inhumanus (2000), San Bao (2000), Sisterly (2000), Vontade de Ferro (Iron

Will, 2001), Opinion (2001), Wake up and Live (2001), Two Sides (2001), Suburbano

(Suburban, 2002), Acção Directa (Direct Action, 2004), X.cute (2005), Crise Social

(Social Crisis, 2005), Porque Nada se Constrói Sozinho (Because Nothing Builds

Alone, 2006), Backfire (2007), Grita! (Scream! 2007), Comedores de Cadáveres

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(Eaters of Cadavers, 2008), Not Just Words (2007–2009), A Culpa é da Humanidade

(The Guilty is Humanity’s, 2008–2012), Alambique (Alembic, 2007–2013), O Alfinete

(The Pin, 2011–2013), Kaos Urbano (Urban Chaos, 2007, 2010–2011), Apupópapa

(Conviction, 2010), Núcleo Duro (Hard Core, (2012), The Juice (2012), Prego (Nail,

2013), Möndo Brutal (Brutal World, 2011–2013), Jubiladxs (Jubilees, 2012), City

Lights (2011) (Figure 5), Humble: skate zine (2011–2012), Overpower Overcome

(2009, 2012), Deflagra (Ignite, 2008, 2011–2013) and Karapaça (Carapace, (2013).

Although the beginning of the 2000s was definitely marked by the emergence of several

online forums, weblogs and e-zines related to the punk scenes, which used the power of

Internet for the quick, easy and inexpensive dissemination of punk bands, records,

concerts, festivals and so on, the truth is that traditional fanzines, published on paper

and distributed on the underground circuits, continued to show great resilience (see

Table 1). Although they contain some specific characteristics associated with the punk

universe, there was a trend that was part of broad sense of appreciation of the retro,

analogue and vintage, and also of a certain aesthetic and ethical memory associated with

some cultural manifestations. In fact, even if they take different shapes to those of the

past, nowadays traditional fanzines – published on paper – continue to be powerful

spaces to affirm a certain do-it-yourself spirit inspired by punk culture, integrating text

and image contents in a unique way, unlike that of any other medium. There is a strong

line of argument in the texts of fanzines which is related to the rejection of the canons of

the mainstream music industry and is focused on the DIY ethos that appeals to the

urgency of making music itself, and ceasing to consume what is imposed from outside

(see Duncombe 1997; Sabin and Triggs 2000).

In thematic terms, we can see that in the 2000s fanzines maintained the trend, already

observed in the previous decades, of a certain diversification of the musical punk

subgenres addressed, as well as an increased openness to the incorporation of other

underground aesthetics, not only concerning musical genres but also photography,

cinema, comics or cartoons. In contrast to what preceded this, during the 1990s, many

Portuguese punk fanzine articles now focus on ‘historical’ punk/hardcore bands,

sometimes with nostalgia, as some interviews with members of iconic punk/hardcore

Portuguese bands from the 1990s such as X-Acto or New Winds show quite clearly. This

seems to be a major change, to the extent that it reveals a growing interest, among

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current members of the ‘scene’, in building up a certain perspective on the history and

memories of the Portuguese punk ‘scene’, which we rarely find in previous decades. On

the other hand, it is also evident that little attention was given to international

punk/hardcore bands; in the 2000s, Portuguese punk fanzines became essentially

dedicated to the local context, which suggests a profound editorial change, possibly

justified by the advent of the Internet during this decade, which eased access to other

international punk ‘scenes’, records and bands (Quintela et al. 2014).

Moreover, in recent years issues related to the ethical-political sphere, in the broad

sense, have gained increasing importance in Portuguese punk fanzines. While most

fanzines have maintained a strong tendency to address political/ethical issues and

punk/hardcore musical-related issues – a prevailing trend since the 1980s, as we have

seen – in recent years some fanzines are particularly interested in anarchist-oriented

topics. Regarding this political dimension, it is interesting to observe that there is a

combination of dimensions that are clearly international with other topics that are

deeply rooted in local realities (Guerra and Quintela 2014). So, on the one hand, in

some fanzines we find texts that address general topics related to the oppressive nature

of capitalist society without a specific connection to a particular territory or community

(e.g. exploitation, capitalism, development, etc.), but on the other hand, we also find in

the same fanzines a number of chronicles, interviews and reports on topics that address

more specific concerns, which are deeply linked to well-defined local contexts. In short,

as noted by Fernando, a punk, 38 years old, living in London and a professor:

In the fanzine I edited the graphical issues, I learned everything: I learned how to work with Photoshop, CorelDraw, Indesign for myself. But nowadays, I think it no longer even has to do only with a punk ethic, the culture is widespread. Nowadays everyone can have a blog, a website, everyone can have a label, you can have this, you can have that. You can edit books. Things are much easier than before. Previously, the specificity of the do-it-yourself punk was more truly noticeable. I think today it is much more widespread within society in general. But, talking about practical things, what I think that allows is a whole outlook on life, a whole vision of how things can be done, no doubt!

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3. ‘Let's rape the system’6: Themes, texts and words

There is a recognition that fanzines’ language conveys a message of 'resistance', as these

fanzines are represented as places of opposition to cultural, political and societal

mainstream: fanzines are thus places of cultural action and political opposition (Triggs

2006; Cogan 2010; Sanchéz 2012; Guerra 2014b). George McKay stated that punk

should be considered a 'moment of cultural resistance' against the 'system'. Sustaining

the DIY culture of punk is based on the defence of an activism which is equivalent to

action (see McKay 1998). If we analyse the titles of the 93 fanzines present in our

database (Table 2), we can begin by noting the importance of the sense of criticism

against society and the anti-system positioning of 23% of the fanzines. This pervasive

sense of denunciation of social evil, of being against society and its institutions, and of

hopelessness, is in fact one of the key slogans of punk and is translated in our study by

the following fanzine titles: A Culpa é da Humanidade (The Guilt is Humanity’s),

Alternativa (Alternative), Anarkozine (Anarchozine), Dissidentes do Projecto Estatal:

insiste! (Dissidents of the State Project: insist!), Rebeldia (Rebellion), Crise Social

[Social Crisis], Desordem Urbana (Urban Disorder), Global Riot, Insubmissão

(Insubordination), among others. If we add to these, 10% of titles where the idea of DIY

is present, self-determination (Be Yourself, Convicção [Conviction], DIY or DIE! Faz

Tu Mesmo ou Morre! [DIY or DIE! Do-It-Yourself or Die!], Not Just Words, Porque

Nada se Constrói Sozinho [Because Nothing is Built Alone], Vontade de Ferro [Iron

Will]), we can consolidate the perspective that being punk is to resist doing and is

acting on one’s own initiative (see Hein 2012). Thus, the attractiveness of punk as a

form of personal and political expression lies in offering resources to an agency and

empowerment via disalienation, a DIY ethos and an anti-status quo alignment.

Table 2: Content analysis of fanzines’ titles

No. fanzines %

A critical, anti-system idea 21 22.58

An idea of contamination 16 17.20

An idea of freedoom 13 13.98

An idea of derision 9 9.68

An idea of self-determination, DIY 9 9.68

16

An idea of collective, group 7 7.53

An idea of destruction 5 5.38

An idea of belonging to music 4 4.30

Other 9 9.68

Total (N titles) 93 100.00

Source: KISMIF

Thompson believes that the ‘punk in all of its modes, and especially in its most

oppositional forms such as Anarcho-Punk and crust, never assumes its place as a

commodity proudly but only with resistance and through mediation, as well as with

mistrust and skepticism’ (Thompson 2004: 135). So punk is resistance and commodity,

which is very well expressed by the titles of Portuguese punk fanzines (23%). Secondly,

the presence of the idea of contamination (17% of the titles) is nonetheless important, in

the sense that the names of fanzines incorporate and assume negative things about

society, an effect of contamination by the evils of the society. Some examples are

Comedores de Cadáveres (Eaters of Cadavers), Esporradela Social (Social Cumshot),

Lixo Anarquista (Trash Anarchist), Cadáver Esquisito (The Weird Cadaver), Cancro

Social (Social Cancer), Tosse Convulsa (Whooping Cough), Ressaca Viciosa (Vicious

Hangover). Revolt, but also freedom and the search for autonomy is ranked in the third

highest position, derived from the analysis of the titles of fanzines (14%) such as Grito

(Scream), Grito de Revolta (Scream of Revolt), Overpower Overcome, Wake up and

Live, Zona Autónoma Provisória (Temporary Autonomous Zone). A sense of derision is

present in 10% of the titles and points to the ironic use of words, transforming the

conventional sense, as in the following titles: Bakuzine (Bacchus’ zine), Campo de

Concentração (Concentration Camp), Confidências do Exílio (Confidences of Exile)

and O Alfinete (The Pin). Finally, the idea of collective, of group, of a united whole

(Culto Urbano [Urban Worship], Sisterly, Spirit of Youth, Suicídio Colectivo [Collective

Suicide]) are present only in 6% of the titles, the idea of destruction is present in 5%

and the idea of belonging to music is present in 4%. We cannot forget that we are

talking about titles, the most visible and immediate label of the fanzine – and here

resistance to society seems to be the touchstone.

17

In addition to analysing the titles of fanzines, we also analysed their contents. Thus, in a

complementary way, the analysis of the themes present in the contents of fanzines and

their various sections reveals much relevant data (Table 3). First, affinity and the

musical sociability had the largest number of occurrences, demonstrating the

importance of music in the formation and operation of a particular punk scene through

the following items: (i) the reference to bands, (ii) the defence of the Portuguese punk

music scene, (iii) the disclosure of fanzines, radio and concert spaces, (iv) the apology

for the punk/hardcore/Portuguese skinhead scene, (v) the disclosure of records, labels

and distributors, (vi) the criticism of punk/hardcore Portuguese scenes, and (vii)

criticism of concerts, records and books.

In contrast to the titles of fanzines, in their contents we can observe a focus on music

and its daily celebration and proclamation as an element of the Portuguese punk scene.

In the study of popular cultures the importance of fidelity to the speech of its various

elements is commonly accepted, as is recognition of the mutability of punk and its non-

hegemonic appropriation. This defence of an 'order of discourse' was supported by

Matula (2007: 25), when he advocated that the 'space of punk opposition' was created

primarily through musical production itself and through the ideological construction of

a narrative. For the same reasons of providing a defense from an analysis of discourses,

as several theorists have referred, punk was a culture constructed through a bonding

process, a process that added elements of elite culture and popular culture and that, as

Adams (2008: 3-4) stated, it just ‘arguably spot lit the very institutions that it nominally

sought to destroy’. Therefore, the punk can be studied by analysing the narratives

present in fanzines as a collage of feelings, loyalties, ties, affections and reasons in

relation to the music scene (cf. Atton 2006, 2010). The fanzine acquires a central role in

establishing and developing discourses about listening, where arguments about music

are tested, and where fans organize their musical experiences. As Atton stated, in

studies of popular music ‘genre is seen to express the collective interest or point of view

of a community’ (2010: 523).

Focusing our analysis of the fanzine Cadáver Esquisito (Guerra and Quintela 2014), we

can say that there was a declared intention to shake the city of Porto (and not only that)

by providing information about projects and national and international punk initiatives,

18

thereby fostering new projects of a similar nature in Portugal (see Figure 3). These

agitprop intentions in Cadáver Esquisito are declared without any detours in the

editorial of the first issue of the fanzine:

By being here I intend to create a new space for all, punks, gays, prostitutes, skins, unemployed, disillusioned, disgusted, for those who feel their lives shackled by poverty, apathy, despair and exploitation. We exist because this reality exists, because we are marginalized by a society that does not accept other values than those of slavery, competition and power. [...] I'm not here to do a great ideological treatise nor do I want anyone to make me a bible, for me reading will never be enough ... [...] Above all, what happens here, who does it and how, tries to give a voice to countless unknown bands, supporting them as they are, in the new spaces and initiatives (the occupations of houses, communes, fanzines), whose role is important, and what is urgent to understand and – more than that – ACT. We are here not to present a catalogue of tragedies but to say that we can act and change. (Cadáver Esquisito, 1986a).

Music occupies a central place in the fanzine Cadáver Esquisito. In both issues of

Cadáver Esquisito (1986a, 1986b) we find several articles with interviews and reports

about bands, national and international, related to the punk/hardcore (Turds, Creed,

Rage, Dead Kennedys, Zyklome, Virgin Prunes, among others) spectrum and not only

that (in the case of Nick Cave). In order to establish contact with bands from Brazil,

Ireland or Belgium, the mail played a crucial role in enabling written questionnaires to

be circulated to the bands; the responses were sent by post and, if necessary,

subsequently translated. In other cases, the articles were prepared using information

gathered from other music magazines and fanzines. There are also several articles of

critical commentary about the national music press and also about the punk scene in

Portugal, its mistakes, weaknesses and potential triggers that mattered.

19

Figure 2: Estado de Sítio, Paulo Borges (ed.), Issue 1, August 1978, front page and

middle page.

Source: KISMIF Archive, through Paulo Ramos.

Returning to the analysis of the contents of fanzines, we cannot fail to notice that, after

musical affinity and sociability, celebration and hedonism are the most commonly

recurring themes in the sections and pages of Portuguese punk fanzines. This conclusion

is based on the evaluation of group identity or musical community and the linking of

affections and pleasures (Quintela et al. 2014). Fanzines normally developed around the

establishment of social relations, that is, among operators in the local scenes with

emotions based on commitment or assimilation in relation to shared values (Haenfler

2004). This was also the case in Portugal, to the precise extent to which it encloses the

internal sociability of a group of individuals connected by a non-professional activity

and within a creative and unstructured environment, and also an external sociability

which can be translated into the relations of the publications with a small, well-defined

community. Actually, the fanzine is not based on a written monologue, it consists of a

kind of dialogue with the community, or as Atton says ‘in zines, the readers do not

communicate through them, but in them. (...) The zine gives voice, communicates the

lived experience and allows the reader to emulate the experiences of their peers' (Atton

2002: 145). In addition to this intense sociability, fanzines allow a congregation of

20

aesthetic and music elements (Frith 2002) within the coherent approach of consistent

tastes and lifestyles (Atton 2010).

Figure 3: Cadáver Esquisito, David Pontes and Neno Costa (ed.), Issue 2,

April/May/June 1986, front page and back page.

Source: KISMIF Archive through David Pontes.

The third block of themes present in the contents of fanzines that were analysed relates

to the defence of an alternative (to systems or criticized behaviors), social criticism and

revolt – precisely the themes that relate back to the values and ideals espoused in terms

of the titles. We have here the positioning of the resistance that is abundantly attributed

to the punks7 but in the context of its inclusion in the local punk scene and subscenes.

Through this content analysis, we show that the punk continues to enable a counter-

hegemonic communication to exist, which faces up to the commodification,

appropriation and domestication proclaimed by society. Various means are used to

express this resistance: informal and decentralized social networking sites and tours that

allow the flow of records, bands, styles and ideas; record labels and independent shops;

the DIY ethic and the bands that record and release music on their own; and the

existence of fanzines.

These data also lead us to Muggleton (2000), when he says it is all about the celebration

of a sense of shared individuality – because the valorization of difference does not

21

imply, nor should it imply, a construction of identities and individualistic attitudes. This

shared individuality involves a degree of compromise which is, however, influenced by

the individual trajectory and the type of more or less active relationship that individuals

maintain with the movement. Moreover, it is a permanent feeling of belonging.

Although the activity and contact with the bands, records and concerts weakens,

respondents still claim ‘being punk ', of belonging to a movement grounded in what

they identify as their ideological substrate. At the same time, these individuals –

unbelievers in relation to politics, especially to partisan participation – clearly assume

positions of political resistance. It is worth recalling Force (2005) here when he

advocated the importance of the ownership of artefacts such as t-shirts, pins or fanzines

in strengthening the punk identity and in being recognized as an integral member of the

punk community, because it was our goal to demonstrate its importance in

strengthening and consolidating the Portuguese punk scene by analysing the titles and

contents of fanzines.

Figure 4: Crack!zine, Mutante Noé, Vasco Rodrigues and Luís Moreno (ed.), Issue

3, August 1995, front page and back page.

Source: KISMIF Archive through Noé Alves.

22

The scene defines, therefore, the relationships between culture, society and territory,

and the fanzines have here a key role not just in its dynamics, but also in its genesis and

perpetuation. The fanzines are produced erected as symbols of the intrinsic meanings

given to the scenes, defining the values, languages and beliefs of social groups (see

Sabin 1999). Fanzines allow a counter-hegemonic communication to exist, which faces

up to the commodification, appropriation and domestication prevailing in society.

Various means are used to express this resistance: informal and decentralized social

networks on the Internet and tours that express the flow of records, fanzines, bands,

styles and ideas; transient record labels and independent shops; DIY ethics; and the

bands that record and release music on their own. The experience of punk teaches us

that the boundary between cooptation and counter-hegemony is often a dark space filled

with contradictions, but the music and the sociability it promotes are the crucial arena of

this resistance.

Figure 5: City Lights, Joana Duarte (ed.), Issue 1, June 2011, front page and inside

page.

Source: KISMIF Archive through Paulo Lemos.

23

Table 3: Content analysis of the fanzines

Themes Descriptors Number

of Fanzines

%

Social critique

Critique of the system, i.e. the set of political and social institutions and actors

35 19.77

Critique of values, conventions or lifestyles 56 31.64 Critique clearly addressed to the Portuguese situation 6 3.39 Critique which clearly denounces the alienating nature of the prevailing lifestyle

20 11.30

Celebration and hedonism

Celebration of the identity of the group or musical community

93 52.54

Celebration of hedonism 43 24.29 Celebration of affection 4 2.26

Revolt

Justification/Defence of a revolt of the self before the Portuguese society

1 0.56

Advocacy of groups’ revolt in relation to society and the world

19 10.73

Proclamation of self-revolt in relation to society 25 14.12 Defence of an alternative (to the criticized systems or behaviours)

Defence of an alternative related to values and lifestyles 82 46.33 Defence of a political and ideological alternative 20 11.30

Defence of an alternative relating directly to the Portuguese situation

20 11.30

Existential Crossroads 22 12.43

Affinity and musical sociability

Affinity and musical sociability: bands

124 70.06

Affinity and musical sociability: defence of the Portuguese musical scene

1 0.56

Affinity and musical sociability: disclosure of fanzines, radios, spaces and concerts

51 28.81

Justification/Defence of the Portuguese punk/hardcore/skinhead scene

28 15.82

Criticism of Portuguese punk/hardcore scenes 1 0.56 Criticism of concerts, records, books 47 26.55 Defence of hardcore musical scene 21 11.86 Defence of punk musical scene 41 23.16 Defence of skinhead musical scene 1 0.56 Disclosure of records 4 2.26 Disclosure of labels and distributors 9 5.08

Letters from readers 2 1.13 Other themes 0 0.00

Source: KISMIF Note: Some editions of fanzines have contents which can be categorized under more than one theme, so the numbers shown here, if added together, exceed the total number of editions (177) analysed in this paper.

24

Conclusions

The focus of this text is on the part played by fanzines in the emergence and

consolidation of the Portuguese punk scene since the late 1970s to the present,

demonstrating their proliferation, their mapping, and the thematic and graphic

guidelines of their contents. This is relevant at two levels: firstly, it shows that there is

an inescapable link between the emergence of fanzines and the visibility of the punk

scene; secondly, it helps us to understand and to systematize the reality of punk fanzines

outside the traditional Anglo-Saxon sphere. Despite this perennial connection to punk,

fanzines have not reduced their existence to punk alone – the fanzines have existed

since the early twentieth century and are the first trailblazers of independent

publications. The fanzine corresponds to the creation of a community of interest and

taste, it is assumed to be a sort of low tech social networking, and this is not confined

just to punk.

Within this approach, our attention in this article has focused on fanzines and the

production associated with punk as indelible contributions to the expansion of musical

scenes, to their documentation, to their visibility and to the loyalty of belonging

(Thompson 2004). The fanzines are material forms of symbolic representation, and that

is how we understand Portuguese punk fanzines, the object of our attention in this

article. Our approach in this paper has focused on the analysis of fanzines within the

concept of punk scenes, explaining them within a specific societal framework. This is

the main implication of the mapping decade of Portuguese punk fanzines. Thus, starting

from a marginal existence in the 1970s, the Portuguese punk fanzines assumed an

important and constant presence throughout the following decades. Therefore, the

mapping of fanzines in Portuguese territory enabled us to identify trends in the scene

itself and the Portuguese punk subscenes.

In the 1970s, we also noticed that the pioneers of punk fanzines was confined in

Portugal to Lisbon, transforming an almost non-existent music scene. In turn, the 1980s

were attended by a certain proliferation of what we call the first boom of punk fanzines

centred on the cities of Lisbon and Porto, following the development of an English punk

scene with bands, record edits, concerts, entertainment venues and pubs. Perhaps the

most famous space at this time was the Rock Rendez-Vous (in Lisbon). The 1990s are

marked by the proliferation, territorial dispersal and thematic diversification of the

25

musical subgenre of fanzines. Thus, their number increased and echoed, not only

throughout the greater metropolitan area of Lisbon and Porto, but also in most coastal

areas of the country. At this time, there was also an openness to hardcore, and it resulted

in the proliferation of bands, labels, distributors and concerts. Fanzines broadened their

thematic spectrum also by their associations with politics, ethics, women's rights,

vegetarianism/veganism, animal rights, sexism, homophobia and drug use, among

others. The computer came to refine technical accuracy and speed of production of

fanzines. The start of the 2000s marked a technical refinement and deepening of themed

fanzines. It also marks a period of the resilience of the fanzine format in the Portuguese

punk scene over the e-zine. The fanzines continued to be open to new themes and began

to incorporate photography, film, video, cartoons and comics. Fanzines begin to be

vehicles for conveying their own memories and nostalgia for the Portuguese punk scene

of the 1980s and 1990s, and they began to devote less and less attention to the

international scene and instead to emphasize the local scene. This space is a critical

factor in addressing the various musical scenes. Practices and their inter-relationships

are part of the space and linked it with other social processes, which this mapping of

Portuguese fanzines has allowed us to observe.

The importance of the fanzine in the consolidation of Portuguese punk scene and its

assumption as a symbol was also confirmed by the analysis of the titles of the 93

fanzines present in our database. There is a recognition that, in fanzines, the language

conveys a message of 'resistance', as these fanzines are represented as places of

opposition to mainstream cultural, political and societal order. Thus, fanzines are places

of cultural action and of political opposition since their titles evoke a critical view of

society and an anti-system positioning. This action is taken by the use of linguistic

terms which point to self-determination, derision and social contamination.

In a complementary way, in the contents of fanzines, unlike what happened in the titles,

we see a focus on music in their daily celebration and proclamation of as an element of

Portuguese punk scene: the themes of musical affinity and sociability appear with the

highest number of occurrences, demonstrating the importance of music in the formation

and operation of a scene with bands, fanzines, the radio and concert spaces, and with

records, labels and distributors. The scene is, therefore, defined by the relationships

between culture, society and territory, and fanzines have here a key role, not just in its

dynamics, but also in its genesis and perpetuation. The fanzines are erected as symbols

26

of the intrinsic meanings of a given scene, defining the values, languages and beliefs of

social groups. Fanzines allow the existence of a counter-hegemonic communication that

resists commodification. Fanzines, for their creators, are seen as a creation that allows

them to be part of something with which they share a common basis of understanding,

spirit and DIY attitude; that is, a sense of belonging to a community and a pluralistic

punk scene.

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30

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1 The research informing this article was made possible with funding from the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), through the Operational Programme of Competitiveness (COMPETE) of the Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) and is part of the Keep it simple, make it fast! (KISMIF) project, led by the Institute of Sociology of The University of Porto (ISUP) and developed in partnership with the Griffith Centre for Cultural Research (GCCR) at Griffith University, Australia, and Lleida University (UdL), Spain. The following institutions were also participants: Faculty of Economics of University of Porto (FEP), Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences of the University of Porto (FPCEUP), Faculty of Economics of the University of Coimbra (FEUC), Centre for Social Studies of University of Coimbra (CES) and the Lisbon Municipal Libraries (BLX). In addition to the authors of this chapter, the following researchers took part in the project team: Ana Oliveira, Ana Raposo, Andy Bennett, Augusto

31

Santos Silva, Carles Feixa, Hugo Ferro, João Queirós, Luís Fernandes, Manuel Loff, Paula Abreu, Rui Telmo Gomes and Tânia Moreira. In the recollection of data, the team had the support of the following researchers: Filipa César, João Carlos Lima, João Matos, João Pereira, Paulo Lemos, Pedro Barbosa and Sara Cuje. For further background, see www.punk.pt.

2 Take the example of the now classic first issue of the fanzine Sideburn which integrated a diagram of three guitar chords and announced: ‘This is a chord. This is another. This is a third. Now form a band’ (Sideburns 1977).

3 ‘Sniffin Glue, launched in July 1976 by Mark Perry, is considered the first punk fanzine in England. Mark Perry started it very simply and cheaply: after he attended a concert with the Ramones in London, he felt the momentum the punk movement were getting, and wanted to be involved in it. Noticing that there was no English magazine dealing with the emerging punk-rock, he decided to create one of his own, “just for a laugh”’ (Dannus 2013: 22). For example, using an old copier, his girlfriend made 50 copies of the first issue. Mark Perry took them to Rock On, a record shop in Soho, where the owner lent him money to produce 200 more copies. All the copies were sold in one week. Mark then left his job as a bank clerk to produce the second issue (see McNeil and McCain 2006). Triggs notes: ‘The title, Sniffin’ Glue: And Other Rock’n’roll Habits was inspired by the Ramones’ London gig and song ‘Now I wanna sniff some glue’ - a verse that is reprinted in Issue 1 (1976). Mark P. remarks that ‘In this issue we lean heavily towards being a Ramones fan letter’ and promises in future issues to cover ‘other punks who make and do things we like’ (2006: 71).

4 Dannus notes: ‘Some writings can be found on the German punk fanzines, but oddly the punk fanzines from London, the birthplace of the European punk, constituted underused sources’ (2013: 10).

5 Note: when we present the names of the fanzines in Portuguese, we present a translation in English in order to facilitate the reading of our text.

6 The title of this chapter inspired in the title of the first Portuguese punk song edited as an album in 1978.

7 For example, Dick Hebdige considered that the British punks transported to their clothes, their music, their attitudes, their fanzines and their texts what was called 'Britain's decline' (Hebdige 1979).