Spectacles and Sulla's Public Image

Spectacles and Sulla's Public ImageAuthor(s): Geoffrey S. SumiSource: Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, Bd. 51, H. 4 (4th Qtr., 2002), pp. 414-432Published by: Franz Steiner VerlagStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4436667 .

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SPECTACLES AND SULLA'S PUBLIC IMAGE

I. Introduction

Sulla came to power after a long and bloody civil war. To his enemies he was a usurper and murderer; 1 but like any victor he consistently advertised the benefits that his victory would bring. This victory, so Sulla would have us believe, came from his own person, ultimately emanating from his good fortune (felicitas).2 In fact, he based his political power on personal prestige and charisma as much as on constitutional forms,3 which is one of the ways he is thought to have prefigured the monarchy to come.4 I would take this argument one step further: Sulla conceptualized the benefits of his victory5 and communicated them to the Roman people through a tableau of symbols which were based on his own self-representation; this, in turn, he forged out of personal virtues; of particular significance were (1) felicitas (his good fortune and the prosperity which ensued); (2) Salus rerum (the image of Sulla as savior); (3) concordia (the civic harmony that arose, or was intended to arise, from Sulla's constitutional reforms).6 Of considerable importance to Sulla were the spectacles that

I See e.g., the contio of M. Aemilius Lepidus as recorded in Sall. Hist. 1.55 (Reynolds), in which he refers to Sulla's regime as a tyrannis (?? I and 7) and remarks on the bloodshed that was characteristic of Sulla's rise to power (??17 and 24).

2 This was apparently demonstrated in his Memoirs (see esp. Plut. Sull. 6.8-9); cf. E. Ramage, "Sulla's Propaganda," Klio 73 (1991) 93-121, at 98.

3 Cf. G. Charles Picard, Les trophees romains. Contribution a 1' histoire de la religion et de I'art triomphal de Rome (Paris 1957) 167-69.

4 On this topic, see especially J. Carcopino, Sylla ou la monarchie mManquie (Paris 1931),

with the criticism of M. Gelzer, Kleine Schriften (Wiesbaden 1963) 2.103-5. For Sulla's creation of the "imperial theology of victory." see J. Fears, "The Theology of Victory at Rome: Approaches and Problems," ANRW 2.17.2 (Berlin-New York 1981) 736-826, at 779, citing J. Gage, "La theologie de la victoire imperiale," Rev. Hist. 171 (1933) 1-43, and Picard, Les trophies (as in n. 3) 167-81; on Sulla's funeral, which was a precursor for imperial funerals, see J. Arce, Funus Imperatorum: Los funerales de los emperadores romanos (Madrid 1988) 17-34; on Sulla's coinage, see M. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage (Cambridge 1974) 2.732; on his propaganda, imperial in outlook, see Ramage, "Sulla's Propaganda" (as in n. 2).

5 Ramage ("Sulla's Propaganda" las in n. 21) has already demonstrated how Sulla created a consistent and coherent program of propaganda, which he disseminated through his writings, coinage and public buildings.

6 While it is true that concordia was more of a civic ideal than a personal virtue, because in this instance it resulted from Sulla's reforms, he saw it, I believe, as emanating from his

Historia, Band LI/4 (2002) ? Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, Sitz Stuttgart



Spectacles and Sulla's Public Image 415

came after his victory - his triumph, games, banquet and funeral7 - which served to celebrate his victories, legitimate his extraordinary political position and establish him at the center of power.8 In this paper, I will demonstrate how Sulla used spectacles as a medium through which he fonned his self-representation out of the three personal virtues cited above and communicated it to the Roman people.

II. The Imagery of Prosperity and Abundance: Sulla's Felicitas

In the spectacles following his victory, Sulla advertised the prosperity of his regime which he seemed to view as originating in hisfelicitas.9 When Sulla adopted the cognomen Felix, probably at the end of 82, soon after the defeat of the younger Marius at Praeneste,1I he laid the foundation for his public image.

own person. On concordia in general, see Aust, RE 4.830-35 (1901), s.v. "Concordia"; for its development as a political concept during the Republic, see H. Strasburger, Concordia Ordinum: Eine Untersuchung zur Politik Ciceros (Borna 1931) 1-14.

7 The importance of such events in the politics and public life of the Republic, without specific reference to Sulla, has been discussed by C. Nicolet, The World of the Citizen in Republican Rome Itr. P. S. Fallal (Berkeley 1980) 343-81; cf. F. Dupont, L'acteur-roi: ou, Le thedtre dans la Rome antique (Paris 1985); A. Bell, "Cicero and the Spectacle of Power," JRS 87 (1997) 1-22; A. Feldherr, Spectacle and Society in Livy's History (Berkeley 1998) 12-18.

8 For the importance of such rituals to the goveming elite, see C. Geertz, "Centers, Kings, and Charisma: Reflections on the Symbolics of Power," in J. Ben-David and T. N. Clark (eds.), Culture and Its Creators: Essays in Honor of Edward Shils (Chicago 1977) 150- 71, and more recently, D. I. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, and Power (Yale 1988) 1-14, and D. Cannadine, "Introduction: Divine Rites of Kings," in D. Cannadine and S. Price (eds.), Rituals of Royalty (Cambridge 1987) 1-19.

9 As evidenced by his Memoirs (Plut. Sull. 6.8-9; 19.8-10; 27.12); a contemporary source also mentions this quality without connecting specifically with his victory; Cic. Rosc. Amer. 22: Huc accedit quod, quamvis ille (sc. Sulla) felix sit, sicut est, tamen in tanta felicitate nemo potest esse in magna familia qui neminem neque servum neque libertum improbum habeat; cf. 137, and M. Lepidus' use of this term in his contio (Sall. Hist. 1.55.20 [Reynolds]). Sulla's felicitas has received extensive treatment in secondary literature; Car- copino, Sylla (as in n. 4) 108-13; A. Alfoldi, "Redeunt Saturnia regna V: Zum Gottesgnaden- tum des Sulla," Chiron 6 (1976) 143-58, at 143 n.2, cites the bibliography; for a more general treatment of the concept in the late Republic, see H. Erkell, Augustus, Felicitas, Fortuna (Goteborg 1952) 41-127; see also J. Fears, "The Cult of Virtues and Roman Imperial Ideology," ANRW 2.17.2 (Berlin-New York 1981) 828-948, esp. 877-84.

10 Vell. Pat. 2.27.5. J. P. V. D. Balsdon, "Sulla Felix," JRS 41 (1951) 1-10, at 1; Crawford, RRC (as in n. 4) 397. We know that there was a famous temple of Juno Fortuna at Praeneste, honoring that town's patron deity (Luc. 2.193-94). Sulla may have believed that since he was able to capture a town which resided in the very bosom of Fortuna (as it were), then he truly was felix. Hence, his victory over Marius became a symbolic confirrnation of his abiding good fortune. According to Plutarch, Sulla adopted this cognomen at a contio that took place after his triumph, in late January of 81 (Plut. Sull. 34.3).



416 GEOFFREY S. SUMI

On the one hand, Sulla was like all Roman imperatores, for whom felicitas was an important personal virtue.II Those who possessed it were believed to be somehow beloved of the gods;'2 or, more importantly, Romans realized that battles were often won and lost on luck.13 Sulla was lucky (?V %TiX1, orfaus- tus14), a favorite of the gods, especially Venus-Aphrodite, as evidenced by the Greek cognomen,'Enacpo6itoq, which he also employed as an honorific title. 15 On the other hand, by adopting Felix as a cognomen, Sulla made his good fortune a personal attribute. We should also remember that the root meaning of felix is "fertile" or "'productive."'6 In the same way that an arbor felix could bring a bountiful harvest, so too Sulla Felix would bring material abundance and prosperity to the Roman world.

The spectacles associated with Sulla's victory demonstrate how Sulla communicated this imagery to the Roman people. Sulla's triumph,'7 for instance, is illustrative of how he presented his image at the height of his power, while at the same time providing an ex post facto legitimation of his command against Mithri- dates, which he had undertaken despite the opposition of Sulpicius and the elder Marius in 88.18 His triumph, then, became a testimony to his achievements.

Sulla's triumph lasted two days (27 and 28 January, 81) and included two separate processions (pompae). There were precedents for this kind of "multiple" triumph, the most notable being those of T. Quinctius Flamininus for his victory over Philip V (in 194)19 and L. Aemilius Paullus over Perseus (in

I I A victory was often attributed to the auspices, command, good fortune and leadership of the general in a formulaic way: auspiciis imperiofelicitate ducttuque eius (Livy 40.52.5);

Gage, "Theologie" (as in n. 4) 2. Cic. Leg. Man. 28: Ego enim sic existimo, in summo

imperatore quattuor has res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auctori-

tatem, felicitatem. On Pompeius' felicitas in particular, see Cic. Dom. 17; on Caesar's, see Cic. Prov. Cons. 35; Marc. 19.

12 Cf. Cic. Leg. Man. 47-48, which implies that Pompeius' success is owed to his felicitas,

which in turn derives from the gods. 13 Consider the formula for justifying the bestowal of the right to triumph: quod bene ac

feliciter rem public-am administrarit. Cf. also the anecdote related by Cn. Manlius on the

power of the good fortune of the Roman people: Magna fortuna populi Romani est,

magnum et terribile nomen (Livy 38.46.4). 14 App. BC 1.97.451-52. 15 Plut. Sull. 34.4; App. BC 1.97.452; cf. e.g., R. Sherk, Roman Documents from the Greek

East (Baltimore 1969) no. 18 (fr. ABI, line 1). On these titles, see Carcopino, Sylla (as in

n. 4) 109-10. For a discussion of Sulla and Venus, see R. Schilling, La religion romaine

de Venus depuis les origines jusqu'au temps d'Auguste (Paris 1954) 272-80. 16 OLD, s.v.felix, Ia. Cf. H. Ericsson, "Sulla Felix. Eine Wortstudie," Eranos 41 (1943) 77-

89, at 89. 17 Cf. F. Hinard, Sylla (Fayard 1985) 232-37; A. Keaveney, Sulla: The Last Republican

(London 1982) 190-92. 18 For the sources, see A. H. J. Greenidge and A. M. Clay (rev. by E. W. Gray), Sources for

Roman History, 133_702 (Oxford 1986) (hereafter abbr. GCG) 160-62. 19 Flamininus' triumph had three separate processions on three days. The first procession




167),20 but judging from the (admittedly fragmentary) evidence of the Fasti, such triumphs were rare. Sulla's contemporaries and more immediate predeces- sors celebrated triumphs that lasted only one day.21 In fact, Marius was offered (and declined) the opportunity to celebrate two triumphs in 101, following his victories over the Teutones and the Cimbri, settling instead for a single triumph.22 Sulla's triumph also celebrated two victories - one over Mithridates in the east and the other over the forces of Marius and the Samnites in Italy. No single source provides a full account of this triumph, but we can piece together a fairly complete picture by marshaling what the sources do tell us.23 Pliny states that on the second day of the triumph, Sulla put on display the wealth that Marius had taken from temples in Rome to Praeneste (as the tide of battle turned against him), while on the previous day he paraded the spoils from all his other victories.24 Hence, we can infer that Sulla allotted one day for each set of victories - the first for his victories in Greece, the second for those in Italy. He set the standard that his successors tried to match. Other "multiple" triumphs of the late Republic - Pompeius Magnus' in 61,25 Caesar's in 46,26 and finally

was limited to displays of armor, weapons, and statues taken during his campaign against Philip; the second procession displayed gold and silver, wrought and unwrought; and the third procession showed 114 gold crowns - gifts from cities -, sacrificial victims, prisoners, hostages. Finally, Flamininus appeared in his chariot followed by his soldiers. Livy implies that Flamininus did not appear until the final day. If this was the case, then the first two days of his triumph were designed primarily to build suspense, which culminated when the triumphator made his grand entrance (Livy 34.52).

20 Paullus' triumph lasted three days. The first pompa put on display artwork (statues, paintings, etc.) taken from captured cities; the second, Macedonian armor, coined silver, and other precious metals; the third, sacrificial animals, prisoners of war (including Perseus himself), coined gold, and finally the triumphator (Plut. Aem. Paul. 32-34; cf. Livy 45.40).

21 The triumphs listed in the Fasti, which include the date when they were celebrated, all lasted a single day (A. Degrassi, Inscriptiones Italiae 13.1 [Roma 1947] 554-63); for other sources on the triumphs in this period, cf. GCG (as in n. 18), passim.

22 Livy, Per. 68; cf. Plut. Mar. 27.10; Cic. Tusc. 5.56. 23 GCG 210. 24 Plin. NH 33.16: In eadem posst annos CCCVII quod ex Capitolinae aedis incendio ceterisque

omnibus delubris C. Marius filius Praeneste detulerat, tredecim millia pondo, quae sub eo titulo in triumpho transtulit Sulla, et argenti VI millia. Idem ex reliqua omni victoria pridie transtulerat auri pondo XV millia, argenti pondo centum et quindecim millia.

25 Pompeius' triumph also lasted two days (28 and 29 September, 61), but there were enough spoils to fill a third procession which never took place; it celebrated the great victories of his career on three continents (Libya, Europe, and Asia) (Plut. Pomp. 45.7) and thus could be called a "triple" triumph. These three triumphs were commemorated by Pompeius' signet ring (Dio 42.18.3) and coins (Crawford, RRC [as in n. 4] no. 426/3 and 4; cf. Cic. Balb. 9, 16; Sest. 129; Val. Max. 5.1.10).

26 Caesar did his rival one better by putting on a "quadruple" triumph in 46 which celebrated victories in Gaul, Alexandria, Pontus and Africa (Suet. lul. 37; App. BC 2.101.418- 102.425; cf. Dio 43.42.1-2); his Spanish triumph was celebrated in the following year.




Octavian's in 2927 - all celebrated several victories over several enemies, and each day was devoted to the celebration of a different victory.

The two processions at Sulla's triumph included lavish displays of wealth. The wealth taken in the war against Mithridates would have been especially significant for the Roman people, particularly in the difficult economic times of the late 80s when much of Italy had been convulsed by the War of the Allies.28 The wealth displayed at Sulla's triumph was intended not only to show in material terms the great achievement of Sulla in the east (although it certainly did this) but also to provide for the Roman people tangible evidence of the prosperity and good fortune that attended Sulla's career and that would contin- ue under the aegis of his regime. By contrast, the funds which C. Marius the younger had taken from Roman shrines and temples and had conveyed to Praeneste after the temple on the Capitolium had burned (in 83) was not a new treasure but a treasure restored. It is true that such displays of wealth were a traditional component of every triumph,29 but the display of the Marian fortune was just as important as a demonstration of pietas on Sulla's part - an indication that he would honor the very temples of the gods which Marius had so wantonly desecrated.

This theme of abundance continued when Sulla feted the city populace in a spectacle of a public banquet, which was so lavish that a great quantity of leftover food was dumped into the Tiber River.30 At this time, Sulla also dedicated a tenth of his spoils to Hercules, one of his most important divine patrons.31 The precise chronology of these events is unclear from Plutarch's account. Since public banquets were known to occur in connection with tri-

27 Octavian settled for a triple triumph for victories in Delmatia, Actium and Alexandria (Suet. Aug. 22; Dio 51.21.5-9; cf. Aug. Mon. Anc. 4.1).

28 Several years later, Cicero explained how the economies of Asia and Rome were inter- connected, indicating the importance of provinces as a source of wealth (Leg. Man. 17-

19). 29 Livy 10.46.5; 30.45.3; 33.23.7; 34.52.4, etc.; cf. H. Versnel, Triumphus (Leiden 1970)

95; on income from war booty as a source of wealth for senators, see I. Shatzman, Senatorial Wealth and Roman Politics (Brussels 1975) 64-70.

30 Plut. Sull. 35.1-2. There is no better way to advertise prosperity and abundance than by an ostentatious waste of food. The emperor Nero in A.D. 62 also employed this trick during a food crisis, when he wanted to assure the people that the granaries were not empty but in fact overflowing (Tac. Ann. 15.18).

31 On the importance of Hercules to Sulla, see Keaveney, Sulla (as in n. 17) 191, and id., "Sulla and the Gods," in C. Deroux (ed.), Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History,

Coll. Latomus 3 (Brussels 1983) 44-79; Ramage, "Sulla's Propaganda," (as in n. 2) 118- 19. Moreover, Crawford believes there may have been a Sullan family tradition which claimed that Hercules lent his divine assistance to the capture of Jugurtha (RRC las in n.

41 no. 426/2 and 4a with discussion on p. 450). Sulla also restored the shrine to Hercules Custos (Ov. Fast. 6.212; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer [Munich 19121 276).




umphs,32 it is possible that Sulla's banquet immediately followed his triumph in late January of 81.33 However, the mention of the tithing of spoils to Hercules and a subsequent banquet encourages the belief that Sulla organized and spon- sored the banquet in honor of Hercules Invictus, which customarily took place on the 12th of August at the Ara Maxima in the Forum Boarium.34 At this location, the Tiber would have been in easy reach when Sulla disposed of the leftover food. It was customary for merchants to tithe their profits to Hercules35 - in this capacity he was closely associated with Mercury - and later trium- phatores followed suit.36 M. Licinius Crassus made a most impressive gesture during his consulship in 70 when he offered a tenth of his vast fortune.37 Such tithes apparently were made in imitation of Hercules himself, who offered a tenth of his spoils and entertained the people with a feast when Evander first sacrificed to him as a new deity.38

The practice of tithing spoils to Hercules, especially on the part of trium- phatores, was another way that Roman generals celebrated their personal success in war at the expense of the Roman people.39 Thus, Sulla, by tithing his spoils in this way, was demonstrating that the abundance and prosperity which sprang from his victory were owed to himself - offshoots of his personal charisma. Moreover, the games that Sulla established to celebrate his victories - the Ludi Victoriae Sullanae - bore his name as another demonstration that these victories emanated from his own person.40 This communicated the same message as the tithing of his spoils to Hercules: this was not a victory of the Roman people but a victory of Sulla himself. What's more, this personal victory of Sulla and its attendant prosperity would be renewed annually through the celebration of these games.

32 Livy 3.29.5. 33 On this banquet see Hinard, Sylla (as in n. 17) 256-57; Keaveney, Sulla (as in n. 17) 191,

who dates it in conjunction with Sulla's ludi. 34 On Hercules in general, see Wissowa, Rel. und Kult. (as in n. 31) 271-84; K. Latte,

Romische Religiongeschichte (Munich 1960) 213-21; G. Radke, Die Gotter Altitaliens (Munster 1965) 140-42. On the festival in question, see H. H. Scullard, Festivals and Ceremonies in the Roman Republic (Ithaca NY 1981) 17 1-73; R. E. A. Palmer, "Cults of Hercules, Apollo Caelispex and Fortuna in and around the Roman Cattle Market," JRA 3 (1990) 234-44, at 235.

35 Dion. Hal. 1.40.6. 36 Latte, Rom. Rel. (as in n. 34) 216, with n. 5. 37 Plut. Crass. 2.3. 38 Dion. Hal. 1.40.2-3. 39 As Latte points out (Rom. Rel. (as in n. 341 216). 40 Carcopino, Sylla (as in n. 4) 116-17; L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor

(Middletown CT 1931) 57. On these games in general, see F. Bernstein, Ludi Publici: Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Entwicklung der offentlichen Spiele im republika- nischen Rom (Stuttgart 1998) 313-27; Scullard, Festivals (as in n. 34) 196.




The theme of abundance continued even at Sulla's funeral,41 which, we should remember, he likely planned himself, as was customary for Roman aristocrats.42 Appian provides the most detailed account of the funeral proces- sion43 which took on the appearance of a triumph,44 in particular because the body was conveyed into the city from outside (a translatio).45 Trumpeters and knights went in advance of Sulla's remains as they were borne through Italy and his soldiers marched under arms and came in procession behind the standards andfasces that Sulla had used while in command. When the procession entered the city, it was joined by all priests and priestesses who attended the body in full regalia. Behind them came the senate clad in their insignia of office followed by the equites and soldiers and then the plebeians. In addition, there were reportedly 6,000 busts of noble Romans paraded.46 Many gold crowns sent as gifts from kings and city-states were also on display. Since Sulla died at Cumae, the procession likely approached Rome along the Via Appia and entered the city at the Porta Capena. From this point, it went along the eastern side of the Palatium up to the entrance of the Forum Romanum and along the Sacra Via to the Rostra where the laudatio was delivered. The last portion of this procession traced the route of a triumph. The body was put on display on the Rostra and then borne by senators to the Campus Martius, where it was cremated. Finally, knights and soldiers marched around (nFeptk6pacov) the funeral fire.

Appian's account underscores the ostentatious display of riches at Sulla's funeral, a display that was intended, I would argue, to advertise posthumously the prosperity of Sulla's regime, at a time when his enemies were eager to obscure his memory. Sulla's body was borne on a golden litter. More than 2,000 gold crowns (gifts of cities, his legions, and individual friends) were carried in

41 For a discussion of Sulla's funeral, see Arce, Funus Imperatorum (as in n. 4) 17-34; S.

Weinstock, Divus Julius (Oxford 1971) 348-49; J. C. Richard, "Recherches sur certains

aspects du culte imperial; les funerailles des empereurs romains aux deux premiers siecles

de notre ere," ANRW 2.16.2 (Berlin-New York 1978) 1121-34; H. Flower, Ancestor

Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture (Oxford 1996) 123-24.

42 E.g., Scipio Africanus (Livy 38.53.8), Caesar (Nic. Dam. 17.48 [FGHist. 90 F 130]), and

Augustus (Suet. Aug. 101.4; Dio 56.33.1). The locus classicus is Trimalchio (Petr. Sat.

71), and although this is satire, the humor is effective only if Trimalchio was thought to be

parodying Roman aristocrats. 43 App. BC 1.105.493-106.500; cf. GCG 231-32. 44 On the similarities of a triumph and funus, see Versnel, Triumphus (as in n. 29) 115-31;

cf. Augustus' funeral in which his body was conveyed through the Porta Triumphalis (&ta

elrtvtKiov mukXv) on the way to the Campus Martius (Dio 56.42.1) and which included

an image of the princeps on a triumphal chariot. 45 Versnel, Triumphus (as in n. 29) 123-24. 46 Serv. Comm. Aen. 6.861: ad funeris huius honorem Augustus sescentos lectos intra

civitatem ire iussit: hoc enim apud maiores gloriosum fuerat et dabatur pro qualitate

fortunae; nam Sulla sex milia habuit. For a discussion of the meaning of lecti, see Flower,

Ancestor Masks (as in n. 41) 100, with n. 49.




the procession.47 Many of his soldiers wielded gilded standards and silver- plated shields. The women of Rome contributed such a large quantity of spices, we are told, that it filled 210 litters, and there was still enough remaining to mold out of frankincense and cinnamon an image of Sulla himself and another image of a lictor.48 This extravagant display of spices was an innovation of Sulla, which became a common element in imperial funerals,49 but no one attempted to emulate the spectacular and original manner in which these spices were first displayed at Sulla's funeral. The spices exhibited in the Grand Procession of Ptolemy II Philadelphus in honor of Dionysus (early 3rd century B.C.) are thought to suggest Dionysus' triumphant return from India.50 They further symbolized conquest of the east and the prosperity that would result, the opening of trade routes and most importantly, the availability of exotic goods. The spices at Sulla's funeral presumably carried the same symbolic associa- tions of conquest and material abundance. Sulla was responsible for the conquest of the east and could claim credit for the opening of trade routes and the appearance of any exotic imports in Rome. This again was a clear manifestation of Sulla'sfelicitas, the good fortune that brought with it material prosperity and abundance.51

47 This was a traditional in a triumph, but unprecedented (as far as I know) in a funeral. 48 Plut. Sull. 38.3. 49 Cf., for instance, the funeral of Pertinax (Herod. 4.2.9). 50 E. E. Rice, The Grand Procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Oxford 1983) 46, 92-93. 51 It is possible that the appearance of this image of Sulla in cinnamon and frankincense was

intended to adumbrate Sulla's divinity. The imperial funerals of the second and third centuries may have consisted of a double ceremony, in which the body of the emperor was cremated, while an image of him (usually made of wax) remained intact for a few days before it was also cremated. In the second ceremony, an eagle, a symbol of the emperor's apotheosis, was made to fly aloft while the image was consumed; see E. Bickerman, "Consecratio," in Le culte des souverains dans l'Empire romain, Fondation Hardt pour l'Etude de l'Antiquite Classique, Entretiens, Tome XIX (Geneva 1973) 3-25; cf. E. Hohl, "Die angebliche 'Doppelbestattung' des Antoninus Pius," Klio 31 (1938) 169-85, esp. 183; contra Weinstock, Divus Julius (as in n. 41) 360-61. In the case of Sulla's funeral, our sources do not tell us what was done to the image of Sulla, but its mere presence might have hinted at apotheosis. Whether or not Romans actually believed Sulla was a god is another matter. It is interesting to note, however, that there was an anecdote which augured his apotheosis: when Sulla's body was being cremated, a sudden wind whipped the flames to a great height before rains that had long been threatening came to douse the fire. A storm was one sign that the soul of the deceased was ascending to heaven (Plut. Sull. 38.5; cf. Livy 1.16.1 on Romulus' apotheosis: ...subito coorta tempestas....; Wein- stock, Divus Julius [as in n. 41] 356-57, with n. 2 on 357).




III. Salus Rerum: Sulla as Savior

Closely connected to the imagery of prosperity and abundance was the image of Sulla as savior of Rome. Sulla, we are told, was called Salus rerum,52 as if he himself were the personification of salvation: the salvation of Rome, like the prosperity and abundance associated with Sulla's victory, came from Sulla's own person. Sulla was somewhat ambivalent about how he should celebrate his victory in civil war. One reason for this is that Sulla's triumph was for a double victory, one over a foreign enemy (Mithridates) as well as one over a Roman citizen (Marius).53 The entry in the Fasti Triumphales appears to record only the victory over Mithridates54 - Marius is left unmentioned - indicating perhaps that Sulla desired to downplay his victory in Italy over Roman citizens, at least in the official records. Moreover, it was customary for the victor to put placards on display describing the number of enemy slain or cities captured, or (what was more visually appealing) models of captured cities and towns could be conveyed in the procession.55 Sulla put on display many representations of conquered cities in Greece and Asia, but not a single city in Italy was shown.56 Instead of being the conqueror of Roman citizens, Sulla could be their savior. The image of savior, in other words, was one way for Sulla to negotiate the difficulties inherent in a civil war victory.

Even though it seems that Sulla attempted to downplay his victory in Italy, he still did not shrink from portraying his personal enemies as enemies of the state. This, I would argue, enhanced his image as savior. For instance, during Sulla's triumphal procession, prominent men and their families, who had been exiled during the Cinnan regime, marched in a long train wearing garlands and called Sulla their "savior and father" (axri p icat nawTp).57 It was not unusual

52 Luc. 2.221; Weinstock, Divus Julius (as in n. 41) 168, with n. 5; we are also told that he consecrated to Diana waters that were thought to have salubrious qualities (Vell. Pat. 2.25.4).

53 Cf. Caesar's display of the images of Romans on placards that were conveyed in his triumphs; artistic representations of L. Scipio, Petreius, and the hero of the Republic himself, M. Cato, were carried alongside those of Achillas and Pothinus, Pompeius' assassins, and Pharnaces (App. BC 2.101.419-20).

54 Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.1 (as in n. 21) 563. 55 E.g., Livy 37.59.3; 38.43.10. 56 Val. Max. 2.8.7. Caesar chose not to inscribe the names of any Roman citizens on lists of

peoples conquered or to include depictions of the battles of either Pharsalus or Munda (Flor. 2.13.88-89). His famous clementia was supposed to heal the wounds of civil war. However, he was willing to show the deaths of some prominent Roman citizens, not least of whom was Cato the Younger whose unbending opposition to Caesar's tyranny trans- formed him into the symbol of republican freedom (cf. App. BC. 2.101.420).

57 Plut. Sull. 34.2. The phrase "savior and father" could be Plutarch's translation of the Latin conservator (or liberator) et pater, although we have no direct evidence that Sulla ever




for those rescued from enemy attack to be present in the triumphal procession, as a manifest sign of the good work of the triumphator in his role as savior.58 This is another example of how Sulla advertised himself as savior, not conquer- or, as one who restores order, not one who disrupts it.59 In this instance, however, the restoration of exiles was an overt reminder of the civil war and the dominatio of Cinna and Marius, from which the returning exiles had been rescued. The denigration of his enemies was necessary in order for Sulla to advertise the benefits of his regime. Sulla also made no attempt to distinguish the vanquished in the two processions of his triumph, the one displaying the wealth taken in the war with Mithridates and the other the wealth recovered from Marius at Praeneste. These processions combined Sulla's two victories in spectacular fashion and, I believe, had the effect of equating the two enemies whose defeat was being celebrated. Thus, Marius, like Mithridates, became a hostis of the Roman state, even though he was a Roman citizen. To a certain extent, Sulla was compelled to do this in order to legitimate his victories, which had come under the auspices of a command his enemies could claim was not rightfully his, as well as his political position, which stood outside the constitu- tion (mos maiorum). If Marius and his supporters could be shown to be enemies of Rome, then it was easier for Sulla to justify the proscriptions and any other unpleasant side effects of his victory. It also enriched his image as savior, for Sulla could show that he had saved Rome not only from Mithridates but also from an enemy within its own walls.

There was one last ritual, or set of rituals, that also advertised Sulla's role as conqueror and savior. Following the Mithridatic war, Sulla undertook the task of reorganizing the eastern provinces and restoring the fallen fortunes of those Greek cities which had remained loyal to Rome despite the stern threats, and in some cases the destructive actions, of Mithridates. Most of our information about this reorganization comes from inscriptions, which the cities themselves erected to advertise their status vis-a-vis the imperial power of Rome.60 Two of

conferred on himself such titles. Cicero in the Pro Lege Manilia (30) does inform us that Sulla credited Pompeius with helping him free Italy during this civil war, and even though Cicero is relating this story as part of his panegyric for Pompeius, the original statement makes sense only if Sulla considered himself to be primarily responsible for the liberation of Italy.

58 Versnel, Triumphus (as in n. 29) 385-89. 59 This theme of restoration was echoed by Cic. Rosc. Amer. 149: Nimirum, iudices, pro hac

nobilitate pars maxima civitatis in armisfuit; haec acta res est ft ei nobiles restituerentur in civitatem qui hoc facerent quod facere Messalam videtis, qui caput innocentis defend- erent....; cf. ib. 136: Quae perfecta esse et suum cuiaue honorem et gradurm redditum gaudeo, iudices, vehementerque laetor eaque omnia deorum voluntate, studio populi Romani, consilio et imperio etfelicitate L. Sullae gesta esse intellego.

60 App. BC 1.102.475 mentions briefly the hardships which Sulla imposed in the form of taxes and tribute.




these inscriptions, senatus consulta concerning Stratonicea and Thasos, mention a ceremony in which these city-states were allowed to participate. As a way of demonstrating their abiding loyalty to Rome, their ambassadors ascended the Capitolium bearing a crown that they dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus, at whose temple they then performed a sacrifice.61 No other sources mention these ceremonies, but the existence of the inscriptions leaves little doubt that they did in fact take place during Sulla's dictatorship. Moreover, Livy records several instances when foreign embassies offered such gifts, usually gold crowns, demonstrating that these were ceremonies that were well-known in Rome.62 Livy fails to describe this ritual in any detail, but it is likely that it consisted of a procession,63 including the ambassadors (and the senate?), to the Temple of Jupiter, where they participated in a sacrifice. It is also likely that Sulla, as Dictator, would have presided over the ceremonies that took place in his time, in which case, they, like Sulla's triumph, served to remind the Roman people of his eastern conquests, replete with symbols of the wealth (in the form of the gold crowns) that these conquests brought to Rome. At the same time, the ambassadors were showing their allegiance to, and dependence on, the good- will of the Roman people for their well-being and continued prosperity. It was in these ceremonies, therefore, that the imagery of salvation and abundance were most closely intertwined. It was also in these ceremonies that the ambassadors honored both Sulla, who was instrumental in driving Mithridates from their city gates, as their primary savior, and secondarily, but no less important-

61 Stratonicea (81 B.C.): Dittenberger, OGIS 441 (=Sherk, RDGE las in n. 151 18) 11. 32,

125; Thasos (80 B.C.): Sherk, RDGE (as in n. 15) 20, Col. II, fr. E, 11. 7-8. These passages

are supplementa based on Dittenberger, Syll.3 764.4, 8-9 (c. 45 B.C.) (... ev KarerT-

(o.icot Ovaiav ntotflaat ievat... [8-91); cf. 797.31-32; 810.17. (Livy 43.6.6-7 likely

records the Latin formulation: donum ut in Capitolio ponere et sacrificare liceret,

petebant.) Th. Mommsen, Romische Forschungen, 2 vols. (Berlin 1864) 1. 347, n. 45,

shows that this was a right of friendship with the Roman people, adducing as evidence

CIL I 203.25 and Livy 22.37.12, which describes an embassy from Hiero, tyrant of

Syracuse, who offered a gold statue of Victory as a gift to the Roman people; the Roman

senate accepted the gift and promised to consecrate a place for it on the Capitolium, in the

Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus; cf. also Livy 28.39.15, detailing an embassy from

Saguntum which offers a crown as a symbol of victory, also to be dedicated on the

Capitolium. 62 In addition to the passages cited in the previous note, see Livy 2.22.6; 3.57.7; 4.20.4;

7.38.2. 63 The Saguntines (Livy 28.39.15) requested that they be allowed to carry the crown to the

Capitolium (loui optimo maximo, praesidi Capitolinae arcis, non grates tantum ob haec

agere iussi sumus sed donum hoc etiam, si uos permitteretis, coronam auream in Capito-

lium uictoriae ergo ferre.). The people of Alabanda (Livy 43.6.6, quoted above, n. 61)

asked that they be allowed to place their gift on the Capitol and offer sacrifice (ponere et

sac rificare).




ly, the Roman people, whose patron deity was being honored with a crown and sacrifice.

In this way, Sulla again presaged the coming monarchy. An inscription is extant which records a decree and oath of the city of Assus in the Troad honoring the emperor Gaius on the occasion of his accession (A.D. 37). An embassy made up of leading Romans and Greeks from this city was dispatched to Rome, where they made a sacrifice to Capitoline Jove, praying, interestingly, for the well-being (awrnpia) of the new princeps.64 The safety and welfare of the empire derived directly from that of the princeps; in a similar way, Sulla was salus rerum, the source of well-being for all.

IV. Sulla's Concordia: Political Reforms

The most compelling testimony that attests to Sulla's use of concordia as a symbol of his regime comes from a passage in Sallust's Historiae in which the historian records a speech of M. Lepidus (cos. 78), the Dictator's staunchest inimicus, in a contio before the Roman people. On this occasion, Lepidus attacked the notion of a Sullan concordia, stating that peace and concord were only specious symbols for murder and bloodshed.65 This passage makes sense only if Lepidus was denigrating symbols familiar to his audience, ones which the Dictator himself employed to advertise the accomplishments of his regime. Sulla's concordia was the civic harmony that he hoped would forestall any future civil unrest, at the heart of which was the restoration of the senatorial aristocracy brought about by his political reforms.66 Sulla demonstrated the importance of concordia as a personal virtue by embracing the image of political reformer in many of the spectacles that he performed. One of the most ancient of rituals which Sulla revived - perhaps from the pages of the annalistic tradition - was the extension of the pomerium, which had last been performed during the Regal Period. It must have been an extraordinary sight indeed when

64 Syll.3 797.31-32: .... oirtve; (sc. the ambassadors) wai imip Trns ratoz Kaiaapos; ;e- paa,toio rFepjavtcof) awoTpia; E- 4ijvot Ati Kacnvroi(o 90-ucav t& Tni r6keo 6v6taTt.

65 Sall. Hist. 1.55.24 (Reynolds): Quare igitur tanto agmine atque animis incedit? Quia secundae res mire sunt vitiis obtentui - quibus labefactis, quam formidatus est, tam contemnetur - nisi forte specie concordiae et pacis, quae sceleri et parricidio suo nomina indidit; cf. ?25, in which Lepidus further questions the meaning of the word pax: Quae si vobis pax et conposita intelleguntur, maxuma turbamenta rei publicae atque exitia probate, adnuite legibus inpositis, accipite otium cum servitio, et tradite exemplum posteris ad rem publicam suimet sanguinis mercede circumveniundam!; cf. also ? 16.

66 On Sulla's reforms, see GCG 211-22; Th. Mommsen, The History of Rome, tr. W. P. Dickson, 5 vols. (London 1894) 4.97-152; Keaveney, Sulla (as in n. 17) 169-89; T. Hantos, Res Publica Constituta (Stuttgart 1988).




Sulla moved the boundary stones marking the limits of the city, thus performing a ceremony that no living Roman had ever witnessed. It would have called to mind the first to perform this ceremony, Servius Tullius, the great law-giver in Roman history,67 whose reforms had helped bring the Republic into being. Sulla may have intentionally been attempting to emulate Servius to bring credence to his own reforms.68 It is not clear on what grounds Sulla claimed the right to extend the sacred boundary of the city.69 Mommsen maintains that the extension of the pomerium was a "Konigsrecht" which never obtained for the magistrates of the Republic.70 It is unlikely that Sulla would have justified his actions on these grounds, even though he was accused of striving for a king- ship,71 and went so far as to keep 24 lictors, the same number which had accompanied the Roman kings.72 Seneca informs us that the right to perform this ceremony was traditionally granted to those who had annexed territory in Italy, but Tacitus states more generally that those who extended the boundaries of the empire were then allowed to expand the city.73 It is probable that Sulla shifted the boundary between Cisalpine Gaul and Italy proper from the Aesis River to the Rubicon, which furnished his justification for extending the pomerium, thus satisfying Seneca's criterion.74 At the same time, from Tacitus' statement, we can see that at least on one level the ceremony of extending the pomerium took place in conjunction with the expansion of empire and served to demonstrate at home the growth of Roman power abroad. As such, it was the appropriate adjunct to Sulla's other spectacles, many of which celebrated this same power (e.g., his triumph, banquet, games, and the sacrifices on the Capitolium).

Sulla's extension of the pomerium also was meant to recall his victories in a more direct way. The survival of some boundary stones suggests that Sulla

67 Tac. Ann. 3.26: Sed praecipuus Servius Tullius sanctor legum fuit quis etiam reges

obtemperarent. 68 Keaveney, Sulla (as in n. 17) 193. 69 Gellius' language is significant (13.14.2): ... ISullaI proferendi pomerii itiulum quaesiv-

it.... 70 Th. Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht3, 3 vols. (Leipzig 1887) 2.738; cf. 1072-73.

71 App. BC 1.101.473. Lepidus called him "Romulus" (Sall. Hist. 1.55.5 [Reynolds]). 72 Livy, Per. 89; App. BC 1.100.465. 73 Sen. Brev. Vit. 13.8: (Idem narrabat) Sullam ultimum Romanorum protulisse pomerium,

quod numquam provinciali, sed Italico agro adquisito proferre moris apud antiquosfuit;

Gel. 13.14.3: habebat ius proferendi pomerii qui populum Romanum agro de hostibus

capto auxerat; Tac. Ann. 12.23: et pomerium urbis auxit Caesar, more prisco, quo iis qui

protulere imperium etiam terminos urbis propagare datur. nec tamen duces Romani,

quamquam magnis nationibus subactis, usurpaverant nisi L. Sulla et divus Augustus; cf.

ib. 12.24. It is possible that the criteria on which this right was claimed changed after

Sulla's time; see D. Detlefsen, "Das Pomerium Roms und die Grenzen Italiens," Hermes

21 (1886) 497-562, esp. 500-502. 74 Mommsen, History (as in n. 66) 122.




expanded the city to include the Campus Esquilinus, an area of the city that came to be of great importance to him.75 When Sulla first marched on Rome in 88 to recover the command against Mithridates, Marius met his forces at the Porta Esquilina but was forced to retreat to the Temple of Tellus on the Carinae.76 Sulla's first victory in the civil war, his first success in rescuing Rome from his enemies, occurred on the Campus Esquilinus, just outside the Servian wall. This area of the city is part of Regio V, where there was also, according to the Notitia Regionum, some monument to Hercules Sullanus.77 It is not clear whether this monument was a shrine or temple or only a statue,78 but it is likely that it was meant to commemorate Sulla's victory.

On the subject of the pomerium Gellius provides a further piece of information: those who had increased the population of Rome by capturing enemy territory won the right to extend the pomerium.79 The focus may not have been on territory but on the citizen body. Servius' extension of the pomerium in a way bears this out, for he performed the ceremony not as a celebration of conquest but in conjunction with his census, reform and reorganization of Roman society, extending the boundaries of the city in order to accommodate its growing population.80 In the period of the Republic, the censors were responsible for the demarcation of public land and for insuring that no private land encroached on the sacred boundary of the city.81 It is not surprising then, as Mommsen notes, that the extensions of the pomerium during the Principate, most notably those of Claudius,82 Vespasian and Titus,83 were undertaken by emperors during their tenure of the censorship. It should be noted that Augus- tus, although not holding the office itself, was also performing a censorial function of reorganizing the city when he extended the pomerium.84 Sulla also

75 L. Richardson, Jr., A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Baltimore 1992) 293-94.

76 Plut. Sull. 9.14. 77 Jordan-Huelsen, Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum (Berlin 187 1-1907) 11.547-

48; cf. 1, pt. 3.361; 0. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom (Munchen 1901) 372, cf. 33 1. 78 D. Palombi, s.v. "Hercules Sullanus," in E. Steinby (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis

Romae, 5 vols. (Rome 1993-) 3.21-22; cf. W. Roscher, Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und romischen Mythologie (Leipzig 1884-) 1.2921-22; E. De Ruggiero, Dizionario Epigrafico (Rome 1895-) 3.704.

79 Quoted above, n. 73. 80 Livy 1.44.3-4; R. M. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy, 1-5 (Oxford 1965) 179-80,

considers Livy's extended discussion of the pomerium to be more appropriate for the Sullan than the Augustan age and therefore surmises that Livy might be relying on a Sullan annalist, such as Valerius Antias.

81 Plin. NH 3.5.66. 82 Tac. Ann. 12.23-24; CIL VI. 1231. 83 Our historical sources do not record this extension, but boundary markers have been

found (CIL VI. 1232; Mommsen, Rom. St.3 [as in n. 701 2.435, n. 1). 84 Dio 55.6.6; cf. Mommsen, Rom. St.3 (as in n. 70) 2.1035. n. 2.




never held the office of censor, but he did perform some censorial functions, such as revising the senatorial rolls and letting out contracts to refurbish the Capitolium, destroyed by fire in 83.85 The reconstruction of the Capitolium along with the extension of the pomerium would have visibly demonstrated the new prosperity that Sulla had brought to the city86 through the concordia brought about by his political reforms.

The imagery of Sulla's concordia also appeared in his funeral. The presence of senators, knights, soldiers, and plebeians marching together in an orderly cortege symbolized the consensus that Sulla hoped his reforms would achieve, and at the same time, with the senate in the lead, underscored the return of optimate rule. This was further reiterated by the chants of praise (Po' 6' entEu4nhouv) which each ordo of society gave in turn, first the senators, then the knights and soldiers and finally the plebs. Sulla was quick to lay stress on the concordia that he had achieved, but it is clear that there was a hierarchical stratification that underpinned it. The civic harmony that he had established was dependent upon the senatorial aristocracy.

As I mentioned earlier, there were also reportedly 6,000 masks (imagines) on display at Sulla's funeral.87 This lavish display celebrating the achievements of one of Rome's greatest patrician gentes put the senatorial aristocracy on center stage once again. As important as this event was to Sulla, and as much as it was the crowning glory of his great career, it was also the defining moment for the Sullan aristocracy, since they were the ones who would lead Rome into the future. Thus Sulla's funeral was just as much a celebration of the rebirth of optimate rule, as it reaffirmed the senate's preeminence within the larger structure of Roman society. Sulla's funeral functioned as a very important rite of passage, for the concordia which had emanated from Sulla's person was now to come from the senate.

V. Pax Sullana?

It is worth noting that the three personal virtues which formed the building blocks of Sulla's public image -felicitas, salus and concordia - also comprised the iconography of pax, one of the most important symbols of Augustan Rome.88 This raises the question of whether Sulla intentionally formulated a

85 GCG 194. 86 Mommsen proposes in fact that the reconstruction of the Capitolium would have provided

a suitable backdrop for the ceremony of extending the pomerium (Rom. SO [as in n. 70] 2.738, n. 4).

87 See above, n. 46. 88 For an analysis of the conceptualization of pax, especially in the imperial period, see H.

Fuchs, Augustin und der antike Friedensgedanke (Berlin 1926) 182-205.




consistent program of images which in combination were suggestive of pax, and whether Augustus might have been indebted to Sulla for his own conceptualization of this symbol. In order to answer these questions, we must first examine the evidence for Sulla's use of pax as a symbol of his regime. The literary evidence is suggestive but not conclusive. The most compelling testimony comes from a passage cited earlier, in which Sallust has M. Aemilius Lepidus denigrate what could only have been catchwords which Sulla himself employed in representing himself and his regime - concordia and pax.89 In this speech, Lepidus cleverly uses these words against Sulla, describing them as mere blinds to mask Sulla's most serious crimes. Our only contemporary evidence for Sulla's use of pax is a passage from the pro Roscio, delivered in 80 B.C., in which Cicero describes Sulla as being the only man in Rome capable of establishing peace or waging war.90 Cicero makes this statement in order to show that political power rested solely in the hands of the Dictator. The presence of pax in this passage demonstrates that it was part of the rhetoric surrounding Sulla's rise to power. Cicero's willingness to acknowledge Sulla's felicitas elsewhere in this speech (?22) shows that he, while no mouthpiece for the regime, could disseminate its propaganda. It is possible that in the passage in question Cicero is repeating a Sullan slogan.

Several later historical and literary texts are more explicit in their portrayal of pax as Sulla's symbol. For instance, before his campaigns against the two consuls following his return to Italy (83 B.C.) Sulla made a point of dispatching a legation to negotiate a peaceful settlement, demonstrating his willingness to be peacemak- er; his overtures were rebuffed.91 Velleius Paterculus describes Sulla's arrival in Italy and subsequent joumey to Rome in 82 as being remarkably productive of peace.92 At this time, before he marched on Rome and rid the city of his enemies, Sulla presented himself as the agent of peace (auctor pacis). Finally, Lucan has

89 Sall. Hist. 1.55.24 (Reynolds) (quoted above, n. 65). 90 Cic. Rosc. Amer. 22: Neque enim mirum, cum eodem tempore et ea quae praeterita sunt

reparet et ea quae videntur instare praeparet, cum et pacis constituendae rationem et belli gerendi potestatem solus haheat, cum omnes in unum spectent, unus omnia guber- net, cum tot tantisque negotiis distentus sit ut respirare libere non possit, si aliquid non animadvertat, cum praesertim tam multi occupationem eius observent tempusque aucu- pentur ut, simul atque ille despexerit, aliquid huiusce modi moliantur.

91 Livy Per. 85; Cic. Phil. 13.2; Plut. Sull. 28.1-2. Plutarch states that Sulla's overtures were insincere, suggesting, as Lepidus does, that his pax was an empty symbol.

92 Vell. Pat. 2.25.1: Putares Sullam venisse in Italiam non belli vindicem, sed pacis auc- torem: tanta cum quiete exerritum per Calabriam Apuliamque cum singulari cura fru- gum, agrorum, hominum, urbium perduxit in Campaniam temptavitque iustis legibus et aequis condicionibus bellum componere; sed iis, quibus et pessima et inmodica cupiditas erat, non poterat pax placere.



430 GEOFFREY S. SUM[

a Roman elder reflect on the contest between Marius and Sulla and the destructive nature of Sulla's peace, echoing in some ways the sentiments expressed by Lepidus.93

One perhaps can argue against the use of some of these later sources as accurate reflections of Sullan symbols and slogans, on the grounds that they might have been influenced by later uses of pax as a political concept, especially during and after the civil war of Pompeius and Caesar as well as during Augustus' principate, when pax was seemingly a slogan on everyone's lips. The passage from Cicero, however, shows that pax was used in Sulla's day as one of the spheres of human activity over which he exercised control. The later sources demonstrate at least that there was a solid tradition of pax as a fundamental political symbol of Sulla's regime.

Even if the literary evidence falls short of being convincing, it is possible to understand the motives behind Sulla's adoption of pax as a symbol of his regime. The civil war was the crucial factor, for it forced Romans to rethink the meaning and significance of such concepts as pax and perhaps redefine them in light of the reality of civil conflict. We have already seen that Sulla was somewhat ambivalent in the way he celebrated his victory in Italy, since this victory had taken the lives of Roman citizens, including the popular son of Marius. After the battle at the Colline Gate, the new Dictator faced several daunting challenges, including restoring order to a city shaken by civil war, establishing a regime that would oversee Rome's recovery, and presenting an optimistic vision of the future. At the same time, Sulla was a usurper who had achieved a political position unprecedented in Roman history; as such, he was continually in search of ways to legitimate his newfound power. He also had much for which to apologize: not only was he the first Roman to march on the city and capture it by force of arms but also the first to rid himself systematical- ly of a large number of his political enemies. In this process of restoration and renewal, he required an image that would embrace both his past achievements on the battlefield, especially the recent victories over Mithridates and the younger Marius, as well as his expected achievements on the domestic front.

Most striking of all is the combination of the three aspects of Sulla's public image to form a kind of imagery of peace. Prosperity and material abundance were an important aspect of this imagery already in the Greek tradition.94 In the

93 Luc. 2.169-73: 'Meque ipsum memini, caesi deformiafratris ora rogo cupidum vetitisque inponereflammis, omnia Sullanae lustrasse cadavera pacis perque omnis truncos, cum qua cervice rec usum

conveniat, quaesisse, caput.' 94 See esp. Call. Cer. 134-37; the poet is actually invokingOjIovoia (Concord) in this

passage, but it is paired closely with Eipnvq (Peace); D. Castriota, The Ara Pacis Augustae

and the Imagery of Abundance in Later Greek and Early Roman Imperial Art (Princeton

1995) 21; cf. Isocr. 8.20, who describes some of the benefits of peace, including farming and

sea-faring, all of which (he implies) will lead to renewed prosperity.




Roman tradition, this imagery finds its greatest expression on the Ara Pacis, especially the "Tellus" relief.95 We saw how Sulla advertised himself as savior, even being called Salus rerum by a later source. In the reign of Augustus, Salus and Pax were worshipped on the same day,96 along with Concordia and Janus. Moreover, Augustus set up statues to Salus Publica, Pax, and Concordia in 11 B.C. Finally, the procession at Sulla's funeral is in some ways reminiscent of the procession of the senate on the Ara Pacis. This monument, we must remember, was originally commissioned by the senate,97 and the procession was meant to show the senate's place within the Augustan regime,98 not at the head anymore but still prominently represented. Sulla's regime, with its prom- ises of prosperity, salvation and civic harmony, was contingent upon the primacy of the senate; Augustus' on the primacy of the princeps. In both cases, these processions represented consensus and concordia and were intended to put to rest any last doubts that civil war was still a threat.

Pax is an elusive symbol not easily conceptualized. In fact, the Ara Pacis shows not a single representation of Pax as a divinity. For this reason, it is not possible to state unequivocally whether Sulla intended to use pax as the over- arching idea, the one resonant symbol which subsumed all that his victory had achieved; or whether it was the concept which defined his regime, his image and his accomplishments. But it is remarkable that many of the aspects of his public image that Sulla advertised in his spectacles later became the building blocks of Augustus' imagery of peace. If we cannot state that Sulla laid the foundation for the pax Augusta, we can say that, with his advertisement of prosperity, salvation and civic harmony, he developed a tableau of images that would later help form a conceptualization of peace.

VI. Conclusion

Spectacles only grew in importance throughout the late Republic as certain individuals maintained an increasingly longer hold on political power. This gave them the opportunity to remain in the public eye for longer periods of time, thus allowing them to create an elaborate and multi-faceted public image through a program of spectacles and other devices (e.g., coinage). Sulla was the

95 H. P. L'Orange, "Ara Pacis Augustae. La zona floreale," Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 1 (1962) 7-16; in English, id., Art Forms and Civic Life (New York 1985) 211-30; also Castriota, Ara Pacis (as in n. 94). Cf. e.g., Hor. Carm. Saec. 57-60.

96 Ovid Fast. 3.881-82; cf. L. Winkler, Salus: Vom Staatskult zur politischen Idee (Heidel- berg 1995).

97 Aug. Mon. Anc. 12.2. 98 Cf. P. Zanker, Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (tr. A. Shapiro) (Ann Arbor 1988) 123.




first in this period to use spectacles to foster a constant and recurring image of himself as provider of good fortune, savior, reformer and perhaps also peace- maker. In this way he also set an important precedent for his successors, most notably, Pompeius, Caesar and finally Octavian, but even a character like Clodius should not be excluded, since he used spectacles in a similar manner.99 The importance of spectacles in this period was also a direct result of the importance of the people in the political ideology of Rome. Their participation in the political process was required, their approval necessary for the dignitas andfama of Roman aristocrats. Augustus declared the importance of spectacles most clearly, when he finally brought them under his own control and kept them almost exclusively within the purview of the imperial family.'?? The princeps could not share the people's favor.

We can conclude with one last Sullan spectacle. Sulla's regime and his reforms, always delicate and fragile, were put to the test at a contio in the Forum when the Dictator, in full view of Roman citizens, abdicated his magistracy and reverted to the status of private citizen. At this contio, he offered to provide for anyone who desired it an apologia for his deeds as Dictator, including the proscriptions, executions and confiscations. He then dismissed his lictors, disbanded his bodyguard and remained in the Forum with only a few friends, while the people gazed at him in awe.101 Thus, Sulla put his accomplishments to the test in a spectacle that showed his willingness to expose the safety of his own person to the risk of retribution. His retirement from public life was essential to the integrity of his reforms, but it also exposed them to the attacks of his political opponents. 102 The civic harmony, which Sulla had advertised as emanating from his own person, maintained its perilous existence until his death in 78. His funeral, as I have tried to demonstrate, passed the torch from Sulla to the senatorial aristocracy, but this body itself was fragmented and discordant - hardly in a position to proctor a fragile peace. Tumult and civil war recurred down through the last generation of the Republic until finally another usurper came to power and proclaimed peace.

Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, NY - Geoffrey S. Sumi Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, MA

99 E.g., the Ludi Compitalicii in January of 58 (Asc. 7C; Cic. Pis. 8 and 23); the Ludi Megalenses in April of 56 (Cic. Har. Resp. 22-26); cf. H. Benner, Die Politik des P.

Clodius Pulcher (Stuttgart 1987) 98-99; he may also have been involved in the demonstration at the Ludi Apollinares in July of 57 (Asc. 48C); cf. Benner, Clodius, 98, 111-13; P. J. J. Vanderbroeck, Popular Leadership and Collective Behavior in the Late Roman

Republic (ca. 80-50 B.C.) (Amsterdam 1987) 248-49.

100 W. Eck, "Senatorial Self-Representation: Developments in the Augustan Period," in F. Millar and E. Segal (eds.), Caesar Augustus: Seven Aspects (Oxford 1984) 129-67.

101 App. BC 1.104.484; cf. GCG 228-29.

102 E.g., those of Lepidus, perhaps occurring before Sulla's death (GCG 233).



Spectacles and Sulla's Public Image

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