Spanish Velar-insertion and Analogy: A Usage-based Diachronic Analysis

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Steven Richard Fondow, B.A, M.A

Graduate Program in Spanish and Portuguese

The Ohio State University

2010

Dissertation Committee:

Dr. Dieter Wanner, Advisor

Dr. Brian Joseph

Dr. Terrell Morgan

Dr. Wayne Redenbarger

Copyright by

Steven Richard Fondow

2010

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Abstract

The theory of Analogical and Exemplar Modeling (AEM) suggests renewed

discussion of the formalization of analogy and its possible incorporation in linguistic

theory. AEM is a usage-based model founded upon Exemplar Modeling (Bybee 2007,

Pierrehumbert 2001) that utilizes several principles of the Analogical Modeling of

Language (Skousen 1992, 1995, 2002, Wanner 2005, 2006a), including the

‘homogeneous supracontext’ of the Analogical Model (AM), frequency effects and

‘random-selection’, while also highlighting the speaker’s central and ‘immanent’ role in

language (Wanner 2006a, 2006b). Within AEM, analogy is considered a cognitive

means of organizing linguistic information. The relationship between input and stored

exemplars is established according to potentially any and all salient similarities, linguistic

or otherwise. At the same time, this conceptualization of analogy may result in language

change as a result of such similarities or variables, as they may be used in the formation

of an AM for the input. Crucially, the inflectional paradigm is argued to be a possible

variable since it is a higher-order unit of linguistic structure within AEM.

This investigation analyzes the analogical process of Spanish velar-insertion

according to AEM. Velar-insertion involves the presence of a non-etymological voiced

velar obstruent /g/ appears in the first person singular present indicative and all forms of

the present subjunctive, e.g. 1s PRS IND pongo, 1s PRS SBJ ponga, cntr. 2s PRS IND

pones. It affects a dynamic, yet heavily restricted lexical subclass of second and third

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conjugation verbs characterized by synchronic variation and diachronic change. The

diachronic development of the velar-insert class requires a sufficient level of synchronic

detail so as to properly define the AM and identify changes in its multiple phonological,

morphological, lexical and paradigmatic variables.

Previous analyses of velar-insertion, in Spanish and other Romance languages, are

limited and/or ambiguous because they rely on the traditional notions of proportional

analogy and leveling. Thus, several crucial details of the analogical process are assumed

or overlooked in order to more broadly describe the diachronic extension of the

velar-insert across a series of verbs having different stem-final segments. Relatedly, the

imprecise defining of the AM has led to numerous hypotheses concerning the original

model for velar-insertion including leader verbs like decir, 1s PRS IND digo, conocer, 1s

PRS IND conozco or tañer, OSp. 1s PRS IND tango.

Several other theoretical issues are also addressed as they relate to AEM and

velar-insertion. The role of frequency in the salience and resting activation levels of

exemplars explains the traditional ‘resistance’ to regular sound change in high frequency,

irregular verbs. Also, the paradigmatic structure that emerges from the allomorphic

distribution of the velar is argued to be a crucial variable in the diachronic development

of the velar-insert class. Finally, the preceding points in conjunction with the changes

affecting the composition of the AM lend themselves to a very weak predictive power in

identifying potential targets for continued extension of the velar, some of which are

attested dialectally or are accepted as standard variants in Modern Spanish, as well as

Catalan and Italian.

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For Meghan.

v

Acknowledgements

The following examination of Spanish velar-insertion is the culmination of seven

years of investigation that began in a historical linguistics class taught by Dr. Mary

Beckman. Subsequent independent study under the supervision of Dr. Wayne

Redenbarger provided me with plenty of food for thought and wonderful discussions of

not only velar-insertion but also morphology, analogy and, perhaps more interestingly,

baseball. At the same time, various classroom projects led me to refine my views on

linguistic theory. I would like to thank Dr. Fernando Martínez Gil for letting me argue

some rather bold points and for giving me ‘clases particulares’ on Optimality Theory and

phonology. Thank you to Dr. Brian Joseph who not only taught me to think about what

morphology is but has always been a comforting presence in all of my more recent

academic endeavors. Your classes were amazing. My teaching duties at Ohio State also

let me take full advantage of my linguistic training. Thanks to Dr. Terrell Morgan for

letting me teach Spanish phonology for so long and for being so willing to meet with me

to discuss so many issues.

To my advisor Dieter Wanner, you have shaped my views on language and

philosophy more than you could possibly imagine. I want to thank you for taking me on

as a student and for asking the tough questions, even when it took me a while to

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understand exactly what it was you were asking. Your patience and work are apparent in

this and many other of my projects.

A special thanks to everyone at The Ohio State University, especially faculty and

staff in the Departments of Linguistics and Spanish and Portuguese. Treating a graduate

student like me as a colleague made a world of difference in my eyes.

My interest in linguistics traces back, interestingly enough, to my hometown of

Antigo, Wisconsin. Special thanks go to my grandfather, Richard E. Fondow I, Mr.

Everett Ison and the Santín family for making language so fascinating to me.

At UW-Madison, Dr. Juan Carlos Temprano helped guide me as an undergraduate

and nominated me for a scholarship which I used during my academic year abroad at the

Universidad de la Complutense in Madrid. My time there assured me that language and

lingusitics were fields that I wanted to pursue. As a result, Dr. John Nitti was gracious

enough to give me the opportunity to transcribe a copy of Amadís de Gaula, as well as

hire me as a Research Assistant. In Graduate School, Dr. Ray Harris-Northall taught me

the foundations of Hispanic Linguistics that I needed to reach this point.

Finally, I want to express my unending appreciation for all my family and friends.

Your patience and love has kept me going even when I was unsure if I could finish this

project. Of course, if you were not so fun and giving, I might have been done years ago!

To my parents and brother, you have always given me a helping hand and been accepting

of the countless ventures I have undertaken. The biggest thanks without a doubt go to my

wife, Meghan, and daughter, Lucy, you keep me going and wash away all the stresses in

life. Thank you for being so extraordinary.

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Vita

January 2, 1976 ..............................................Born- Antigo, Wisconsin

1999 ...............................................................B.A. Spanish and Linguistics, University of

Wisconsin-Madison

1999 ...............................................................Research Assistant, University of

Wisconsin-Madison

1999-2001 .....................................................Graduate Teaching Assistant, Spanish and

Portuguese, University of

Wisconsin-Madison

2001................................................................M.A. Spanish, University of

Wisconsin-Madison

2002-2006 ......................................................Graduate Teaching Associate, Spanish and

Portuguese, The Ohio State University

2006-present ...................................................Associate Lecturer, Spanish and Portuguese,

University of Wisconsin-Madison

Fields of Study

Major Field: Spanish and Portuguese

viii

Table of Contents

Abstract ............................................................................................................................... ii

Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................. v

Vita .................................................................................................................................... vii

Fields of Study .................................................................................................................. vii

Table of Contents ............................................................................................................. viii

List of Figures .................................................................................................................. xiii

List of Abbreviations ....................................................................................................... xiv

Chapter 1: Analogy, Theory and AEM .............................................................................. 1

1.1—Analogy and Spanish velar-insertion. ........................................................................ 1

1.1.1—Analogy in lingustic history. ................................................................................... 3

1.2—Analogy in modern linguistic theory. ...................................................................... 10

1.2.1—Rule-based approaches. ........................................................................................ 11

1.2.2—Constraint-based theories. ..................................................................................... 15

1.3—Usage-based theories. .............................................................................................. 18

1.3.1—General implications of usage-based analogical approaches to language. ........... 18

1.3.2—Exemplar Modeling. ............................................................................................. 27

1.3.3—Analogical Modeling of Language in Analogical Exemplar Modeling. .............. 31

1.3.4—Immanence. ........................................................................................................... 38

1.4—Conclusions and overview of the following investigation. ...................................... 39

Chapter 2: The History of Velar-Insertion ........................................................................ 42

2.1—The velar-insert in Spanish. ..................................................................................... 42

2.1.1—The Spanish verbal system. .................................................................................. 42

2.1.2—The Spanish velar-insert subclass. ........................................................................ 44

2.1.3—Overview of chapter 2. .......................................................................................... 48

2.2—Velar-insertion across Romance. ............................................................................. 50

2.2.1—Portuguese. ............................................................................................................ 51

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2.2.2—Catalan. ................................................................................................................. 53

2.2.3—Italian. ................................................................................................................... 55

2.2.4—The linguistic boundaries of velar-insertion. ........................................................ 58

2.3—(Late) Latin developments leading to velar-insertion in Spanish. ........................... 60

2.3.1—Conjugational class reduction via shifts in the CL vowel system. ....................... 60

2.3.2—Yod effects and palatalization. .............................................................................. 62

2.3.2.1—Palatalization by yod in the verbal paradigm. .................................................... 63

2.3.2.2—The Classical Latin –NGERE verb set. ................................................................ 72

2.3.2.3—The decir, hacer set. .......................................................................................... 75

2.3.3—The relevance of yod effects and palatalization. ................................................... 79

2.4—The analogical basis for Spanish velar-insertion. .................................................... 82

2.4.1—Velar-insertion and linguistic independence. ........................................................ 86

2.4.2—Possible AM for velar-insertion. ........................................................................... 87

2.4.2.1—The –NGERE set, part II. ..................................................................................... 88

2.4.2.2—The decir, hacer set, part II. ............................................................................... 91

2.4.2.3—An alternative AM for velar-insertion. .............................................................. 93

2.4.2.4—Comparison of possible AM. ............................................................................. 96

2.5—Previous examinations of velar-insertion in Spanish. .............................................. 97

2.5.1—Synchronic rule- and constraint-based approaches. .............................................. 98

2.5.2—An analogical perspective on velar-insertion. ..................................................... 102

2.5.2.1—Traditional analyses. ........................................................................................ 103

2.5.2.1.1—Synchronic competition between velar-insertion and palatalization. ........... 103

2.5.2.1.2—‘Multiple causation’ and a revised view of analogy. .................................... 106

2.5.2.1.3—Reinforcement of 1s/SBJ allomorphy. .......................................................... 112

2.5.2.1.4—Velar-insertion in lieu of palatalization. ....................................................... 114

2.5.2.1.5—Inter- and intra-paradigmatic influence. ....................................................... 117

2.5.2.1.6—Stem allomorphy and phonological balance. ................................................ 117

2.5.2.2—Contemporary analyses of velar-insertion across Romance. ........................... 121

2.5.2.2.1—The velar-insert as an inflectional component. ............................................. 121

2.5.2.2.2—The ‘indexical’ function of the velar. ........................................................... 123

2.5.2.2.3—The implications of velar-insertion in Catalan. ............................................ 124

2.5.2.2.4—The 1s/SBJ ‘morphome’. .............................................................................. 125

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2.6—Diachrony, analogy, paradigmatic function and immanence. ............................... 128

Chapter 3: A Usage-based Approach to Velar-Insertion ............................................... 131

3.1—Velar-insertion as an analogical process. ............................................................... 131

3.1.1—Immanence and ‘multiple causation’ in AEM. ................................................... 131

3.1.2—Synchrony in diachrony. ..................................................................................... 133

3.1.3—Outline of chapter. .............................................................................................. 136

3.2—Defining ‘multiple causation’ in the AM. .............................................................. 137

3.2.1—The phonological variables of the AM. .............................................................. 137

3.2.1.1—Preceding conditioning environment. .............................................................. 138

3.2.1.2—Post-velar conditioning environment. .............................................................. 141

3.2.1.3—Additional phonological factors. ...................................................................... 142

3.2.2—Morphological characteristics of the AM. .......................................................... 143

3.2.3—The morphomic function of the paradigm. ......................................................... 144

3.2.4—Immanence and linguistic categorization. .......................................................... 146

3.3—Looking back at velar-insertion. ............................................................................ 147

3.4—Orthographic problems. ......................................................................................... 151

3.5—Velar-insertion: A diachronic analysis through synchronic examination. ............ 155

3.5.1—Stage 1: Pre-literary developments. ................................................................... 156

3.5.2—Stage 2: Lateral (and rhotic) expansion. ............................................................ 160

3.5.3—Stage 3: Sonority and the AM............................................................................ 164

3.5.4—Stage 4: Contrasting diachronic results. ............................................................ 171

3.5.5—Stage 5: Prescriptive variation. .......................................................................... 173

3.5.6—Stage 6: Extreme velar-insertion and idiosyncratic analogy. ............................ 176

3.6—Dialectal AM and potential directions of change. ................................................. 182

3.6.1—The question of outside influence. ...................................................................... 183

3.6.2—Stage 7: Dialectal velar-insertion in Modern Spanish. ...................................... 183

3.6.3—Analogical change across dialects. ..................................................................... 186

3.7—Theoretical consequences and conclusions. ........................................................... 188

Chapter 4: AEM in Theory and Practice ....................................................................... 190

4.1—Theoretical and practical issues. ............................................................................ 190

4.1.1—The elegant complexities of analogy. ................................................................. 191

4.2—The cognitive paradigm. ........................................................................................ 193

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4.2.1—Paradigm theory. ................................................................................................. 195

4.2.2—Paradigmatic processes. ...................................................................................... 198

4.2.3—Paradigmatic function. ........................................................................................ 203

4.2.4—Paradigmatic morphologization. ......................................................................... 205

4.2.5—A broader view of the 1s/SBJ template. ............................................................. 206

4.2.6—Homophony. ....................................................................................................... 208

4.3—Frequency effects. .................................................................................................. 209

4.3.1—Type frequency. .................................................................................................. 213

4.3.2—Token frequency. ................................................................................................ 218

4.4—Markedness. ........................................................................................................... 225

4.5—Where to ‘go’? Analogy and directions of change. .............................................. 230

4.5.1—Potential directions of change. ............................................................................ 231

4.5.2—Catalan. ............................................................................................................... 232

4.5.3—Italian. ................................................................................................................. 234

4.5.4—Potential, competition and frequency in Spanish. ............................................... 236

4.6—Conclusions. ........................................................................................................... 242

Appendix A: Modern Spanish Regular Conjugational Classes (Present Tense) ............ 244

Appendix B.1: Modern Spanish (Non-Etymological) Velar-Insert Verb Class ............ 245

Appendix B.2: Modern Spanish Velar-Inserts Derived by Prefixation ......................... 246

Appendix C: Present Paradigms of Standard Modern Spanish Velar-Insert Verbs ...... 247

Appendix D: Attested Forms of remanir ....................................................................... 249

Appendix E: Verbs with Attested Velar in Synchronic Variation ................................. 250

Appendix F: Romance Patterns corresponding to Spanish tener, venir ........................ 251

Appendix G: Modern European Portuguese Verbs corresponding to Standard Modern Spanish Velar-Inserts ...................................................................................................... 254

Appendix H: Standard Modern Catalan Verbs corresponding to Standard Modern Spanish Velar-Inserts ...................................................................................................... 256

Appendix I—Standard Modern Italian Verbs corresponding to Standard Modern Spanish Velar-Inserts .................................................................................................................... 258

Appendix J—Classical Latin Regular Conjugational Classes (Present Tense) .............. 260

Appendix K—Some Potential Targets for Velar-Insertion in Modern Spanish ............. 261

Appendix L—1s/SBJ Template in Standard Modern Spanish ....................................... 264

Bibliography ................................................................................................................... 267

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Endnotes .......................................................................................................................... 285

xiii

List of Figures Figure 2.1—Distribution of the velar-insert, as seen in poner “put, place” …………….44

Figure 2.2—CL TENĒRE and MSp. tener ………………………………………………..46

Figure 2.3—Examples of Extension of Velar-Insertion in MCat………………………..54

Figure 2.4—Velar-/Palatal-Final Dialectal Variation in MIt…………………………….57

Figure 2.5—Sp. verb forms not showing stem-final palatalization by yod ……………..67

Figure 2.6—Diachronic development of MSp. tañer, from CL –NGERE verb set ………74

Figure 2.7—Diachronic development of MSp. decir and hacer ………………………..77

Figure 2.8—Examples of the CL –NGERE verb set ……………………………………...91

Figure 2.9—Example of the ‘inchoative’ verb set ………………………………………94

Figure 3.1—Example of various paths for change in Romance …………………….....132

Figure 3.2—Evidence in favor of palatalization prior to velar-insertion ……………....150

Figure 3.3—Variation of –uir verbs in S. Juan Bautista de la Concepción (17th c.) ......179

Figure 4.1—Most frequent verbs by token (Juilland & Chang-Rodríguez 1964) ……..211

Figure 4.2—Frequency of verb classes (Davies 2006) ………………………………...215

Figure 4.3—Token frequency of 3s/3p SBJ synchronic variants of roer (per CORDE) 219

Figure 4.4—Frequency of standard velar-inserts (Juilland & Chang-Rodríguez 1964) .221

Figure 4.5—Token frequency of synchronic variants of salir (per CORDE) ………....223

Figure 4.6—Token frequency of synchronic variants of valer (per CORDE) ………...224

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List of Abbreviations

1s first person singular present indicative (unless otherwise specified) 2s second person singular 3s third person singular 1p first person plural 2p second person plural 3p third person plural I first conjugation (-ar) II second conjugation (-er) III third conjugation (-ir) AEM Analogical and Exemplar Modeling AL Analogical Modeling of Language AM Analogical Model ant anterior arc archaic AUX auxiliary function bk back c century C consonant ca circa Cat Catalan Ch chapter CL Classical Latin COND conditional tense cont continuant cor coronal dial dialectal form dist distributed EM Exemplar Modeling Fr French FUT future tense G glide IDENT-IO Faithfulness constraint involving identity between Input and Output IDENT-OO Faithfulness constraint involved identity between Output and Output IMPF imperfect aspect IMPTV imperative IND indicative mood INF infinitive/infinitival marker

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IO-F Input-Output Faithfulness (or Correspondence) It Italian JSp Judeo-Spanish Lg language MArag Modern Aragonese MCat Modern Catalan MEPtg Modern European Portuguese MFr Modern French MIt Modern Italian MLeon Modern Leonese MOc Modern Occitan MOcPrG Modern Occitan, Provençal and Gascon dialects MProv Modern Provençal MPtg Modern Portuguese MRom Modern Romanian MSp Modern Spanish nas nasal NE Modern English OCamp Old Campidanese OCat Old Catalan OFr Old French OIt Old Italian OO-F Output-Output Faithfulness (or Correspondence) OProv Old Provençal OSp Old Spanish OT Optimality Theory P person PART past participle PRET preterite (or perfect) PRF Perfect PRS present tense Ptg Portuguese Rom Romanian SBJ subjunctive mood (all forms unless otherwise specified) son sonorant Sp Spanish ton tonic TV theme vowel UR underlying representation V vowel vel velar voc vocalic VL Vulgar (or Late) Latin X phoneme

1

CHAPTER 1: ANALOGY, THEORY AND AEM

1.1—ANALOGY AND SPANISH VELAR-INSERTION. Analogy, or the use of existing

information to properly frame new or unknown input, is a well-documented and

long-discussed tradition in psychological analysis. As such, it is also a crucial aspect of

cognitive linguistic processing. Unfortunately, language change through analogy has

been given a bad reputation, thought to apply only after other, more defined linguistic

mechanisms make their way through the grammar, leaving behind an organizational

mess. Analogy is typically seen as unrestricted, ambiguous and lacking clear definition.1

Thus, it falls outside the main focus of many theoretical models, being treated in passing

through special formal devices or mere descriptive analysis (i.e. informally).

What follows is an attempt to define the analogical process as being central to the

cognitive structuring of linguistic information. The example of Spanish velar-insertion,

i.e. the presence of a non-etymological velar obstruent /g/ in the 1s PRS IND and all

forms of the PRS SBJ (1s/SBJ) in a lexically-restricted group of verbs, sets the stage for

the incorporation of analogy into the theoretical model of Analogical and Exemplar

Modeling (AEM), illustrating how analogy starts and stops and proceeds and retracts

over time. At the heart of this investigation is the examination of the origin of this velar

element and, more importantly, a thorough analysis of its subsequent diachronic

extension during which time some forms alternate between velar and non-velar. The goal

2

is to best describe and identify both when and how this set of verbs came to be, and when

and how it grew, i.e. to explain its localized productivity and its seemingly decreasing

productivity over time.

Although analogy has long been the most widely accepted solution to the problem

of velar-insertion in Spanish, the analogical developments of previous analyses have

always been vague with respect to the precise composition of the Analogical Model

(AM). The current chapter focuses on these formal and theoretical problems. The

following chapters attempt to properly define the AM through ‘multiple causation’,

including lexical, phonological, morphological, and paradigmatic factors (cf. Sapir 1921,

Joseph 1982, 1983). In the end, it becomes clear that a linguistic model that is

immanently realistic and psychologically-based requires analogy to be a dominant force

in the linguistic development.

The major insight that comes from this analysis is that the development of the

velar-insert class involves higher order analogical processing of morphological

information, taking the form of the inflectional paradigm. The velar-insert data

demonstrate the involvement of inflectional patterns in the extension of the velar-insert to

new verbs, not to mention their characterization according to said patterns. According to

AEM, this is a consequence of the cognitive organization of linguistic information, here

paradigmatic allomorphy, and is the crucial piece of the puzzle that completes the

analysis of the Spanish process.

3

1.1.1—ANALOGY IN LINGUSTIC HISTORY. In light of the fact that analogy is an

important part of cognition, not only in the processing of linguistic information, but also

visual, auditory, and other sensory stimuli, it is necessary to reexamine the analogical

process, giving it new life and greater focus in linguistic theory. One of the goals of this

proposal then, is to detail the formal method by which analogy functions.

Almost every historical linguistic analysis, volume of conference proceedings,

textbook, etc., discusses some form of analogy. Even before linguistics developed as a

field of study, treatment of language and linguistic practices appealed to analogy.2 It is

beyond the scope of the current investigation, however, to thoroughly document the

history of analogy in linguistic theory.3 Therefore, the following discussion focuses from

the outset on two oft-cited, highly similar types of analogy: four-part or proportional

analogy and leveling. The term ‘four-part’ analogy refers to use of an established formal

relationship between two forms to create an identical or similar relationship in another

pair of forms, of which the primary target for change may be unknown or innovative.

More concretely, proportional analogy extends a morphological relationship. An

example is the use of the NE past participle marker –en dialectally i.e. got:gotten::shot:X,

where X=shotten.4 Leveling, meanwhile, refers to increasing similarity, or decreasing

idiosyncrasies, normally to the point of identity, between a target form and a model that

share an inflectional relationship (see an example below).5 It removes (generally

unnecessary) morphophonemic variation from paradigms, tending to establish a semiotic

relationship (one form to one meaning).

4

As indicated previously, traditional analogy is assigned the ‘clean-up spot’ after

regular sound change has taken place (i.e. Sturtevant’s Paradox).6 Accordingly, the

process of analogy has been reinterpreted teleologically, implying language change

through the regularization of less regular patterns, especially those that are not based

solely on phonetic conditioning.7 Such regularization is exemplified in the leveling of

allomorphy in the inflectional forms of a verb (e.g. OSp. 1s yergo, 2s yerzes >> MSp. 1s

yergo, 2s yergues) or in the loss or lexicalization of a plural marker in the nominal system

(e.g. NE pl brothers, brethren). Analogy, as defined in this way, is a diachronic process

independent of linguistic structure and is often believed to imply that change will occur

when similarity is established.

King (1969) supports the preceding arguments, suggesting that analogy cannot be

central to the development of grammar because regularization may be construed as

simplification. It is generally evident, however, that the simplification of one aspect of

language often involves the complication of another, e.g. the reduction of vowel quantity

in Latin that had a direct effect in the changes among conjugational classes as discussed

in chapter 2. Analogical changes like Spanish velar-insertion and the palatalization

effects in verbs like ceñir (see below) may complicate grammar, thereby creating

non-optimal situations both internally and externally (cf. ‘morphologization’, Joseph &

Janda 1988; see §1.3 for a definition of grammar in AEM). This is exemplified by the

traditionally accepted linguistic principles that certain forms may resist change or that

there are at least some types of language change which are gradual (see discussion of

these principles below).

5

In contrast, another view of analogy is presented here, namely one where the

associations or ‘analogies’ between one form and another (or several others) may result

in change or in no change whatsoever. In essence, analogy is the process of establishing

relationships of similarity (cf. Anttila 2005). The ‘analogical event’, in turn, is language

change resulting from such a relationship. Hence, the proposed view of analogy has two

parts:

First, the perception of similarity that underlies the operation of analogy amounts to a judgment of partial sameness...this judgment is unproblematic, since the similarity must only be true for the individual and it only exists as a visible effect if it is enacted in the processing sense of analogy. There does not exist an independent, external standard of correction to which this judgment must conform. It may be more or less evident or felicitous from an observer's perspective, but what counts is its appropriateness in the linguistic individual's mind. Under the second aspect of analogy, the effect of the similarity judgment is an event that assimilates the target to the model, partially or even fully. Categorization of the target under the model class amounts to the same kind of assimilation, since it attributes to the target a classificatory feature belonging to the model. Vice versa, an assimilation by itself also constitutes a local mini-generalization, whereby the assimilated material takes on the role of the class label. In brief, analogy, in the second sense, is a process that marks items of partial or full local identity by assimilation or classification (categorization). (Wanner 2006b:121) Accordingly, analogy, at its core, is a “perceived similarity [for individual

speakers] in a linguistic dimension” (Wanner 2006c). Although not generally the case,

such similarity requires as little as a single model and target for change to occur. In this

instance, if the target becomes more similar to its model, then the analogical change is

locally regular. At the same time, the ‘potential’ for change, as opposed to absolute,

deterministic change, may be predicted from the elements or variables common to both

model and target.

6

Before pursuing this line of reasoning further, a handful of arguments that support

it over the traditional view of analogy should be discussed. The primary difficulty with

the aforementioned types of proportional analogy and leveling is "their relative

arbitrariness" (Wanner 2006b:45; cf. Lloyd 1987). Nearly any pair of forms and nearly

any perceived relationship between them may serve as the potential model for change.

The process is not constrained in any real way, thus being overly powerful and highly

imprecise.

Based on their normally diachronic perspective, these analogies are merely

descriptive or observational. They are practically devoid of explanatory power,

considering that the proportional equation, for example, tends to list only one model for a

target in spite of the potential involvement of countless other models of the same type (cf.

Lloyd 1987). These problems mean that numerous associative insights are overlooked.

Labov (1994), for example, suggests that there are there many factors involved in the

process of change (cf. Lenfest 1978). Such factors are informative in defining the

analogical process and so need to be included in any analysis. Among the many factors

explored here which the basic proportional equation does not acknowledge are frequency

effects and associative strength, two very relevant indicators of the potential for change to

occur (cf. ch. 4, Kraska-Szlenk 2007). In another manner of speaking, traditional

formulations do not properly define any aspect of the actual analogical process.

Aside from being overly powerful and lacking insight, traditional analogy is

considered too rigid. Some analogical processes do not fit the available formalizations,

e.g. the identical distribution of allomorphy across the inflectional paradigms of multiple

7

verbs (or, more generally, any model consisting of more than two elements). When

analogy is correctly specified and becomes the focus of linguistic processing, however,

the preceding issues do not arise, they are rather a "pseudo-dilemma" (Wanner

2006b:45).

All this relates the proposed view of language change and analogy to those of a

number of previous investigations, including Lloyd (1987), Malkiel (1969, 1974), Hock

(2005), Wang (1969), Labov (1994). These works do not completely accept the

Neogrammarian division of regular sound change and analogy, instead contending that

language change is not obligatorily global, nor deterministic, in spite of the potential for

regularity/finality to occur. Hock (2005), for instance, analyzes the relationship between

regular sound change and analogical change as a continuum with degrees of systematicity

related to morphological and/or semantic loading. This continuum is analogical in the

broad sense of pattern extension. The regularity of each point along the continuum

depends upon its “domain” of application. The problem that arises between regular

sound change and localized analogically-based change boils down to the socially marked

strength of change and prohibits us from making any (specifically linguistic) predictions

as to which types of change will be regular (cf. Joseph & Janda 1988). This is considered

a serious theoretical problem in some respects though it seems less problematic in the

analogically-centered analysis elaborted herein because regularity is defined locally.

Regardless of the problems associated with the typical view of analogy, it does

provide several interesting insights into the actual analogical process. First, it constructs

an inferential relationship between new and previously acquired information.8 This is an

8

important consequence of analogy, that is, it builds upon previous knowledge. Simply

put, “one uses known cases to understand new or unknown cases; there is no mystery”

(Anttila 2005:437). Second, the pair of model forms used in the proportional equation is

chosen because of some established relationship between them. This relationship, while

glossing over much of the relevant information, does serve as a starting point for the

identification of the associative features that hold between the model forms and the target

pair respectively. Finally, the model forms are really representative of larger groupings

which bear the same relationship. Hence, it is possible and, in fact, necessary to identify

the Analogical Model (AM) more completely than is typically done. This allows greater

precision in determining the crucial features, or variables, that define the AM, as they

may be relevant in establishing an associative relationship with the target. Such variables

are also helpful in identifying potential directions for change, thereby adding a slight

degree of predictive power to the analogical process.

On the basis of the overly powerful function of analogy in earlier analyses, some

investigations have attempted to restrict its domain of application (e.g. Kiparsky 1974,

Lahiri 2000). This is equivalent to properly defining the analogical process as proposed

here, since providing the correct level of detail and specification obviously limits its

application moreso than the arbitrary, potentially omnipotent force that analogy has been

in the past.9

To properly define the process then, it is necessary to answer the following

questions (cf. Wanner 2006a). First, what are the factors which make a speaker favor one

set of forms over another as an AM? Next, how general or specific must these factors

9

be? Finally, what does the proportional equation represent, i.e. how many forms or

factors are needed for analogy to occur? These questions are important given that "it

should always be possible to show that the resemblances noted bear relevantly on the

point to be established, whereas the differences are irrelevant. In many cases it is

difficult to be sure of this distinction, and arguments from analogy are therefore

precarious unless supported by considerations that can be established independently"

(Lahiri 2000:3). The remaining sections attempt to shed light on these and other

questions.

Because analogy is not truly deterministic nor seemingly systematic empirically,

it often comes across as unscientific.10 It is difficult to incorporate into linguistic theory

because it does not appear to be regular or predictable and may complicate the grammar.

This explains why it has so often been viewed as an extra-theoretical ‘last resort’.

However, "[i]t is clear...that if the phenomenon of uniformity based on the association of

words in the mental lexicon exists, then it cannot be dismissed on the grounds that the

contributing factors are too complicated" (Downing et al. 2005:5).

Therefore, the current investigation suggests that analogy is the cognitive faculty

at the center of linguistic processing (cf. Anttila 2005, Kraska-Szlenk 2007). It functions

in a usage-based model across forms and meanings as well as across cognitive and

classificatory domains. However, the process is affected by acquisition, production, and

perception (Kiparksy 1974). This relates to the fact that it is real-life speakers who use

language, implying a level of insecurity and imperfection that needs to be incorporated

into any linguistic model that is believed to represent actual language use.

10

The preceding discussion sets the stage for identifying the treatment of analogy,

especially proportional analogy and leveling, in three of the most widely utilized types of

contemporary linguistic theory. A rule-based analysis is shown to account for very few

types of analogy in any explanatory way. The use of constraints shows a greater capacity

for handling analogical associations by highlighting the relevance of the relationship

between surface forms. In the end, however, constraint-based theories are

psychologically unrealistic and require similar specialized or ad hoc devices as those used

by a rule-centered approach (see below). This leads to the examination of two related

usage-based analyses which are combined to provide the basis for the theoretical model

used in the current investigation. The direct associative relationships between surface

forms that are inherent in such models in conjunction with the level of cognitive realism

they provide, suggest that they are more elegant and better suited for an

analogically-centered view of linguistic processing.

1.2—ANALOGY IN MODERN LINGUISTIC THEORY. The treatment of analogy in

contemporary theory often carries over from linguistic tradition. In many ways, the

process of analogy remains ambiguous and tends to fall into the theoretical margins of

linguistic analysis. The following sections demonstrate how proportional analogy and

leveling are generally handled in rule- and constraint-based theories. In the first case,

what could be considered analogical is not treated as such and is resolved through the use

of technical or specialized devices. In the latter, innovative constraints and ranking

hierarchy determine the optimal output. The more specific treatment of Spanish

11

velar-insertion in both rule-based and constraint-based models is treated in the next

chapter.

1.2.1—RULE-BASED APPROACHES. Synchronic rule-based approaches utilize extremely

different methods to deal with proportional analogy and leveling. Proportional analogy

resulting in exceptionality has to be resolved through formal methods which ultimately

obscure or eliminate much of the associative relationship between surface

representations. Identifying such non-systematic allomorphic patterns typically involves

specially formulated rules and/or lexical marking (cf. King 1969, Kiparsky 1974).

Essentially, there are two options: (1) to account for only the broadest, exceptionless

regularities by rule, marking all others, frequently through manipulation of their

underlying representation, or (2) to trigger special (minor) rules through lexical marking,

including morphological encoding, to account for the largest sets of exceptions to the

broad rule system.11

If the rules only account for the completely systematic forms, the number of

exceptions is great and countless potential associations between forms, irregular and

regular, are lost. Alternatively, if the system permits minor rule application on

exceptional subsets, the rule system itself becomes far more complex since it requires

lexical marking and more than likely a greater number of minor rules to account for a

handful of forms than are needed to deal with the exceptionless sets. The consequence of

any attempt at maximal generalization through rules in a dual-route system involves

redundancy of lexical information and an undesirable processing load for the linguistic

12

individual.12 A more elegant system would incorporate all forms so that exceptionless

and exceptional sets and subsets could be linked externally and internally to create

potential generalizations (analogies) which may be manipulated by the speaker for

linguistic processing.

Unlike the complications involved in proportional analogy, leveling reduces the

strain on the system through reanalysis or simpflication of the grammar. This is achieved

through rule loss, reordering or reformulation while the changes in the lexicon are

brought about through loss of lexical marking or reanalysis of the abstract, underlying

representation.

The idea that analogy involves identifying the proper underlying representation(s)

to account for the attested surface forms (cf. similar arguments applying to Optimality

Theory, Bachrach & Nevins 2008), is most appropriate for the large-scale diachronic

change because it attributes an extremely static picture to language. It also calls into

question the ability of such a system to handle synchronic variation, which may be

explained by way of variable rules and/or the ‘generational gaps’ that occur

synchronically (cf. Skousen 1989 and Kiparsky 1974 respectively). Once more, there is a

heavy cognitive burden on the speaker:

[L]exically-determined variation cannot be represented in a variable rule, it must be represented lexically, especially if it affects all or most of the words of a particular phonological shape. Trying to build such variation into a variable rule would require repeating the contents of the lexicon in the rule. (Bybee 2000:71) Where the aforementioned methods correctly identify surface representations,

analogy is not believed to be involved. Therefore, analogical relationships, i.e. the

13

similarity between surface forms remain outside of the domain of the theoretical model.

Thus, from an acquisitional standpoint, irregularity is initially attained through lexical

specification (Kiparsky 1974). This means that the grammar evolves from lexicalization

of individual items to generalization of a rule or set of rules followed by the item by item

restructuring/relearning of irregularities. Because irregularity of this sort may simply be

a sort of subregularity in one direction or another, i.e. more idiosyncratic or more

uniform, countless amounts of information and generalization are rendered useless as

they cannot be easily or elegantly incorporated into the grammar. Analogy (and

borrowing) "…tend to become terminological receptacles devoid of explanatory power—

catchalls for irregularities in the operation of ‘regular sound laws.’ This has too often

been the demeaning fate of analogy in historical work" (King 1969:127).13

Another highly related complication for the rule-based approach is the localized

domain of analogical change, meaning that such changes need not apply systematically to

all forms that fulfill the analogical criteria (cf. Joseph & Janda 1988). This suggests the

potential for gradualness and resistance to change and makes it necessary to work around

the simultaneous, numerous, often obvious, non-phonological relationships between

forms (cf. Hock 1991).14 Therefore, additional levels of grammar are incorporated into

the rule system (e.g. Lexical Phonology, Distributed Morphology), requiring new types

of conditioning environments and features. These include, “(1) natural subsets of the

lexicon (Nouns, Verbs, Adjectives), (2) specific grammatical morphemes and

combinations of these morphemes ("first person plural"), and (3) at most a few

idiosyncratic lexical items” (King 1969:120). The outcome of such theoretical

14

modifications equate to a weakening of the restriction on universal or systematic

application of rules, especially when the conditioning environment cannot be formulated

in purely phonological terms.

An important distinction surfacing from a division of labor between phonology

and morphology is that the former may be more generalizable (or rule-like) while the

latter is less so, being more locally generalized and without global extension. Unlike

most of their phonological counterparts, the hard-and-fast rules needed to generalize

morphological patterns are complicated and riddled with exceptions, making a rule-based

solution of this sort less elegant and, therefore, undesirable (cf. Carstairs 1990).

Morphology is organized differently from phonology, in part due to the shared

phonological shape, semantic, and syntactic functions between forms. This is a primary

motivation for marking exceptionality to phonological rules.15

On the basis of the limitations of a rule-based system, different approaches to the

formalization of grammar have been suggested:

One might propose a different relation…namely that analogy is the central force and is reflected in such things as rule reordering and rule loss…[changes in the rule system] would then be mere descriptions of what has happened rather than the prior events...that analogy is basic and the other things follow from it—requires us to be very specific about what analogy is and about the rationale for its occurrence. (King 1969:131)

Although this type of theoretical method has been met with some resistance (even by

King himself), it has recently seen a resurgence arising primarily from a more detailed

and scientific view of ‘what analogy is’ and why it occurs (see below).

Before outlining alternative views of language change and the emergence of

grammar, a final note is required with regard to rule-based approaches. In spite of all of

15

the techniques by which ‘exceptionality’ is resolved, explained or avoided, analogy

continues to be an essential part of the linguistic process. Therefore, a system which

takes advantage of analogy and discards the sometimes ad hoc nature of rules would be

more elegant and logical, especially when viewed in relation to other types of cognition

such as the associations of visual or auditory input to previously experienced

information.16

1.2.2—CONSTRAINT-BASED THEORIES. Rule-based approaches do not utilize

relationships between surface forms in the development of grammar. Instead,

relationships between forms are often abstract and underlying in order to properly trigger

rule-application. Constraint-based accounts, meanwhile, avoid rules in favor of a

hierarchically arranged series of constraints on input to the grammar. These constraints

most often promote faithfulness between input and a set of output candidates or identify

markedness of these candidates with respect to some (ideally universal) linguistic

characteristic. The optimal output is the form that violates the fewest and/or

lowest-ranking constraints among all candidates. Constraint-based approaches formalize

the relationship between surface forms. The most common means of doing so is the

formalization of Output-Output Correspondence (or Output-Output Faithfulness)

constraints (OO-F), including more refined versions such as Paradigm Uniformity

(Burzio 2005, Kenstowicz 2005, Steriade 2000) and Paradigmatic Contrast (Rebrus and

Törkenczy 2005). The result is an exponential increase in potential associations between

16

linguistic elements. Crucially, these types of constraints also take an important step in

assigning analogy, and the inflectional paradigm, a formal, theoretical function.

Both leveling and proportional analogy, the two processes relevant to the present

analysis, can be accounted for in constraint-based systems by implying (at least partial)

identity/faithfulness across surface representations and specific constraint rankings (cf.

Kraska-Szlenk 2007). Leveling is defined as a ranking which favors OO-F over the

constraint or set of constraints that explain alternations within the inflectional paradigm,

e.g. Markedness or Input-Output Faithfulness (IO-F) constraints.17 Proportional analogy

that promotes allomorphy is the reverse: Markedness and IO-F outrank OO-F. In reality,

these two ranking permutations are combined in language, i.e. there are cases of both

leveling and allomorphy. Thus, OO-F for one subclass (lexical, morphological, etc.)

outranks the alternation constraints (i.e. leveling), which outrank the OO-F constraints

applying to another subclass (i.e. allomorphy). Unfortunately, there are additional factors

which determine the productivity and systematicity of such constraints over time,

including the type frequency of the affected subclasses and the token frequency of their

members (cf. §4.3). Diachronically then, changes in these subcategories will result in

hierarchical reranking of the constraints.

Crucial theoretical consequences are implied by such constraints. First, there are

relationships between surface forms that extend beyond phonetic similarity.

Morphological relationships emerge from surface-to-surface comparisons (cf. Myers

1999 for possible limitations). This is especially evident in the inflectional paradigm,

where forms are related by a shared meaning and most often by a shared phonetic shape.

17

More importantly, OO-F diminishes the relevance of positing an underlying

representation, leading to arguments against underlying representations altogether:

[I]t is worthwhile to observe that output-output correspondence highly reduces the need for input-output constraints (I:O) and approaches a one level model of an OT grammar…Thus, the extra cost of extended, omnipresent O:O correspondence can be compensated by the absence of the respective I:O constraints. (Kraska-Szlenk 2007:16) Other notable theoretical improvements arise from OO-F. First, the inflectional

paradigm is assigned theoretical status. This is a salient aspect of the current

investigation as the analogical process of velar-insertion in Spanish is confined to the

inflectional paradigms of certain subclasses of verbs (cf. §2.1.2). Also, these constraints

help to explain synchronic and diachronic variation via ranking permutations, including

the possibility that some constraints are unranked relative to each other.

Depending on the approach, however, the relevant constraints vary in the forms

they take and the degree of specificity with which they relate surface forms. Some

analyses make use of extremely specific details in OO-F including phonological features.

Others are general and ambiguous. There is no consensus as to which properties may be

included in a correspondence relation and which may not. In large part, this is

determined by the ‘faithfulness’ of constraint-based analyses to the traditional,

universally-applicable formulization of constraints.

Abstract, highly generalizable representations have often been considered

‘superior’ for their universality. This theoretical objective notwithstanding, universality

can also be criticized as an obstacle that is unrealistic if the role of actual speakers is

relevant. In order to process the number of universal constraints and seemingly infinite

18

number of potential outputs or optimal candidates, the processing load is far too heavy.

Additionally, it requires a tremendous increase in formal complexity (Kraska-Szlenk

2007). Therefore, recent works have reduced or compromised the importance of the

hypothesized universality of constraints and constraint rankings. Myers (1999), for

example, formalizes four-part analogy by incorporating language-specific, and more

importantly, lemma-specific information into the equation.18 Consequently, constraints

and rankings begin to resemble rules in the problems they encounter and in the way they

are constructed. The following section proposes a theoretical model that is more elegant

in that the emergence of organizational structure combines linguistic experience with the

basic tools for cognitive processing of input.

1.3—USAGE-BASED THEORIES. The earlier arguments against an analogical approach

notwithstanding, if it is constrained appropriately through a high degree of specification,

analogy can serve as the basis for linguistic organization and change. Recent

usage-based approaches, like Exemplar Modeling and Analogical Modeling of Language,

have formulated an innovative version of analogy which is elegant and highly restricted

so as to serve as the primary cognitive tool for categorizing language, in conjunction with

its role in many other psychological processes (cf. Wanner 2006b).

1.3.1—GENERAL IMPLICATIONS OF USAGE-BASED ANALOGICAL APPROACHES TO

LANGUAGE. Usage-based theory focuses on the function of experience in the emergence

of grammar, contending that analogy, the means of associating experience and input, is

19

not goal-oriented. Language is then a dynamic product of the speaker’s environment,

shifting ‘on the fly’ (in real-time) as new information is acquired. This ‘shifting’ is

analogical change, a weakly-extended and highly-defined process: “the essence of the

analogical event is its full embedding in the specifics of a case, thus defying any notion

of significant generality” (Wanner 2005:3). The strong implications and lack of elegance

typical of the previously described models are consequently avoided. There are several

additional reasons for preferring a model which highlights analogy and usage as opposed

to rules or constraints.

First, analogy can be used to establish associative relationships of similarity

between surface forms without appealing to any underlying representation or abstraction.

This is analogy in the first sense described earlier. New input is categorized according to

previously acquired information through some degree of similarity, calculated by identity

and difference (cf. Wanner 2006b, Anttila 2005). In this way, the analogical relationship

is appropriately contextualized synchronically. The result may be generalization of some

property or properties of one form (or set of forms) across an entire set or subset of the

language, i.e. grammar. This constitutes the analogical event, or analogy in the second

sense.

Such relationships are indicative of the attraction between forms on multiple

identifiable levels simultaneously (i.e. the ‘Ganong effect’, Burzio 2005).19 The

implication is that subcategories are easiest to identify when the broader categories are

known. As a consequence, the properties of the associative relationship between forms

are varied and may be derived from any and all linguistically relevant (and irrelevant)

20

information.20 In part, this is because lexical input is parsed into smaller analyzable units

to determine similarity to lexically stored information. An example of such parsing is

provided by Linares et al. (2006), which demonstrates that elicited production of inflected

nonce verb forms is based on phonetic similarity with an already existing model. This is

an essential aspect of the model proposed in the current investigation as indicated by the

analysis of the AM for velar-insertion in chapter 3.

Analogy of this sort is a highly efficient cognitive process, so the properties or

variables connecting input and model are not linear, but rather occur simultaneously at all

relevant levels (Johnson 1997). This allows activated patterns/associations to be

strengthened when they coincide in multiple exemplars. It also means that frequency is a

factor in establishing associations since increased propagation of a pattern is considered

to result in increased associative strength and salience/activation (cf. §4.3, Bybee 1985,

1996, 2007, Hall 2006, Martín Vegas 2007, Pierrehumbert 2001, Wanner 2006b).

Another consequence of acquiring structure or grammar through usage is a

reconceptualization of markedness:

[W]hen a child is learning the forms of his or her language, with every new word in input, there is an attempt to relate it to something already stored. So whether plan or planning or hop or hopping comes in first doesn't especially matter, what matters is that given that one is already stored and one is new coming in, relationships of similarity, both phonological and semantic, are sought and when those relationships are found the lexicon takes on this kind of structure. (Bybee 1996:291)

The idea that one form is derived from the other only emerges in the sense that forms

differ in phonetic shape and meaning and that they are acquired in real-time. It is not

possible, then, to suggest that one form is basic (or underlying) and all other related

21

forms are built upon it. Additional arguments against traditional markedness are treated

in §4.4.

A second motivation for usage-based analogy is that it maximizes the above

associations as much as possible within a relatively local domain (i.e. the ‘homogeneous

supracontext’, below), though this does not imply that such associations are relevant.

Instead, it merely suggests that they are available to the speaker:

The exemplar model outlined here is an indirect model because categorization takes place by reference to items in memory that retain speaker information. That is, the frame of reference…is inherent in the set of exemplars, and the similarity calculation…limits the comparison to items in memory that are sufficiently close to the to-be-categorized item. (Johnson 1997:149) The localized analogical relationship is more efficient than generalizing across

broader categories (Whittlesea 1987). This is because “speakers work with what is

locally salient” (Joseph 2004).21 In other words, ‘restricting’ the associative domain of

categorization reduces the processing load and restricts the analogical process to those

forms which are relevant to input as opposed to simply comparing it to every possible

form available. Consequently, morphological models are learned quickly through their

repeated activation and use, while at the same time accounting for overgeneralization in

acquisition (Federici & Pirrelli 1997). The retraction of overgeneralization is handled

through the emergent, localized generalizations established over time and through

competing analogies affecting the distribution of items in the lexicon (Wanner 2006a, cf.

Lloyd 1987).

The local domain of analogy is well-established in the literature (cf. Joseph 2009)

and is related to various concepts including proximity (e.g. Burzio 2005, Skousen 1995),

22

Gradient Attraction (e.g. Burzio 2005), neighborhood effect (e.g. Pierrehumbert 2001),

nearest neighbor (e.g. Federici & Pirrelli 1997), Perceptual Magnet Effect (Kuhl &

Iverson 1995), and selective attention (e.g. Nosofsky 1986, 1988, Nosofsky & Zaki

2002). It also implies that more generalized patterns are not stored but instead are

emergent from the local process:

[N]o sort of rule or prototypical representation needs to be generalized from the data and stored as a unit or entity separate from the data. Instead, generalizations exist within the stored lexical items themselves. Accordingly, linguistic processing is a matter of lexical access, and analogy to existing patterns found among the lexical items. (Eddington 2002:3)

In turn, this idea finds support in local generalizations and constellations (e.g. Joseph

1997a), family resemblances (Bybee &Moder 1983, Myers 1999), schema (e.g.

Crocco-Galeas 1989, Bybee & Slobin 1982, Bybee 1996, Martín Vegas 2007, Myers

1999), frames (e.g. Minsky 1975), and the notions behind Concrete Minimalism (e.g.

Wanner 2006a, 2006b, Culicover & Nowak 2003).

It was indicated earlier that the necessary degree of similarity in localized analogy

is highly variable and subjective. This openness and ‘flexibility’ is cognitively

advantageous because highly variable input is handled without a heavily complex

structure (Federici & Pirrelli 1997). Consequently, complete identity is unnecessary for

input to be included in the same category as its AM. Rather, it is only crucial that the

salient and relevant aspects of the associative relationship conform (cf. Burzio 2005).

This may result in broadening of a category through its local extension to new contexts.

The velar-insert data examined in chapter 3 illustrate this type of change in categorical

structure.

23

Another benefit of the analogical process is that it accounts for variation and

change in several ways due to its non-teleological nature. Variation is often attributed to

the dynamic nature of linguistic categorization evident in the constant shifting of the

prominent or salient identity relationships activated in the minds of speakers (Nosofsky

1986, 1988, Nosofsky & Zaki 2002). The natural drift, i.e. range of variation in the

distribution of tokens of an exemplar, also permits some differences in output

(Pierrehumbert 2001).

Similarly, input may be attracted to competing AM on the basis of distinct

commonalities (cf. Lloyd 1987, Wanner 2006a). According to Arbib & Hill (1988),

variation and change involve confidence factors which can be interpreted as the relative

associative strength between linguistic elements. This establishes a continuum of change

inherent to the current theory of AEM. This continuum and associative strength of

connection are precisely what allow variation or categorical change. For variation to

occur, a form may have two competing connections of relatively equal strength, thereby

permitting variation. Alternatively, these connections may be reanalyzed based on new

input or changes in strength (possibly through imperfect memory, linguistic experience

over time, frequency and other factors affecting the cognitive process), resulting in

reanalysis.

In instances of both variation and change, the choice between one output and

another may be determined by random-selection (see below). This is an important aspect

of usage-based models:

The selection is random because of the kind of variability which is displayed in productions. If the production model always selected the

24

single best exemplar (by any measure), then the production goal would be invariant. In fact, however, the outcomes vary with variables at nonphonological levels (such as speech rate, style, and speaking conditions). The aggregate effect of such variation as viewed from within the phonological model is random variation over the exemplar cloud…The mathematical nature of random sampling does of course entail that the location selected is more likely to be in a densely populated part of the exemplar cloud than in a sparse part. (Pierrehumbert 2002:9)

Random-selection, then is probabilistic and, interestingly, it implies no real distinction

between competence and performance (cf. Ristad 1993). The analogical process is a

cognitive means of categorizing information, thus providing the foundation for the

selection of output. Support for this perspective comes from the fact that the

output-probability of speakers has been shown to be the same as the input-probability,

“with some variation for imperfect memory” (Skousen 1995:227, cf. Skousen 1989).

In spite of the imperfections associated with memory, usage-based analogy

promotes lexically-specific linguistic (and extra-linguistic) information in the cognitive

organization of language, creating a multi-dimensional associative space (cf. Joseph

1997a, Arbib & Hill 1988, Stemberger 1994, Federici & Pirrelli 1997, Pierrehumbert

2001, Bybee 2007, Ristad 1993, Eddington 2002, Goldinger 1998). This aspect of

usage-based theories is often criticized for being unrealistic since it is thought that the

brain is only capable of storing so much information, i.e. the ‘head-filling-up problem’

(cf. Johnson 1997). While this is certainly true, it does not mean that specific linguistic

experience cannot be captured. Goldinger (1998), Johnson (1997, 2005), Bybee (2002,

2007), and Myers (1999), among others, provide evidence of the retention of large

amounts of highly specific details from linguistic experience in memory. Additionally,

Tomasello (2001) suggests that acquisition is (at least) initially imitation-based, restricted

25

to localized domains and not easily generalizable. Such arguments lend themselves to an

usage-based model that is crucially framed squarely within the mind of realistic speakers

having imperfect memories.

A rule-based approach fares no better with respect to processing load and the

‘head-filling-up problem’. Not only are speakers obliged to record information about

particular patterns which trigger rule application, but they are also store vast amounts of

complex, often idiosyncratic information in their mental lexicon (Arbib & Hill 1988).

While the two approaches are similar in this respect, the rule-based model requires the

additional cognitive burden of storing generalized information through abstraction from

input. A usage-based analogical approach, conversely, handles the most regular and

irregular aspects of language without the need to separate them theoretically or

psychologically. It also provides insight into the cognitive organization of language as

speakers learn specific linguistic information through input and use it to properly

contextualize new input.

This analogical means of organizing language implies the localized, direct

emergence of generalizations and patterns without appealing to any formal heuristic (cf.

Joseph 1997a, Federici & Pirrelli 1997). These emergent, local patterns are used by the

speaker in real-time, provided they are relatively stable in his/her grammar. Another way

of contextualizing this process comes from Concrete Minimalism (Wanner 2006a; cf.

Culicover & Nowak 2003). Concrete Minimalism contends that as analogical events add

up, a high number of extremely similar/identical items (with regard to a particular

context) emerge, resulting in the development of higher-order organizational units,

26

"functioning in their limited, but concrete regularity as a type of rule…[and thus,]

lexically anchored patterns" (Wanner 2006a:39). These ‘rules’ are robustly determined

through induction, i.e. the enumeration of shared elements that are inferred to belong to

the whole. They do not account for as much data as possible, but rather provide a

cognitive solution for processing loads (Wanner 2006a).

Joseph (1997a) paints a poignant picture of the function of such generalizations:

[Generalizations] are as general as speakers allow them to be, and that can be very ungeneral or quite broadly general. There are rules, and there are regularities in language, but when one examines where these rules come from, it is often from the cumulative effect of particularized extensions from one lexical item to another. Since this rule-formation process is an on-going one, a synchronic glimpse of a language is always going to capture the language with at least some incomplete generalizations. Thus if we as linguists are attempting to mirror speakers’ knowledge of their language through our grammars, we should be prepared to have less-than-fully-general generalizations, and also subregularities that are defined on a very localized basis; in short, we should expect to find, and thus to have in our grammars, both local generalizations and constellations… (13)

Such incomplete generalizations and localized subregularities define the synchronic

stages that are relevant in the diachronic process of Spanish velar-insertion examined in

the following chapters.

In sum, the preceding points argue in favor of a usage-based theory of linguistic

processing. By appealing to analogy as the primary instrument of categorization, it is

possible to see how highly specific associations between forms are locally regular and

dynamic in nature. This accounts for the emergence of restricted generalizations along

with the variation and change that characterize language synchronically and

diachronically. The following sections outline the usage-based analogical model relevant

27

to the subsequent investigation. This ‘immanent’ theory of Analogical Exemplar

Modeling (AEM) has its foundations in Exemplar Modeling (Johnson 1997,

Pierrehumbert 2001, Hall & Boomershine 2006, Boomershine 2005, Bybee 1996, 2007)

as well as several aspects of the related Analogical Modeling of Language (Skousen

1992, 1995, 2002, Wanner 2006a, 2006b).

1.3.2—EXEMPLAR MODELING. Exemplar Modeling (EM) derives grammar from the

associations made between stored tokens, or exemplars, that are accumulated through

experience (Fondow 2007). It originates from a psychological model of similarity and

classification or perception and categorization, i.e. an analogy between input and an

experienced model (cf. ‘efficient witness’ per Ristad 1993). Each lexical item has a set

of exemplars which are intrinsically linked by identity (an extreme type of similarity) of

form, meaning and function. These exemplars, in turn, are linked to others, creating

associations of similarity between lexical items across a multi-dimensional cognitive

space. Such associations may be taken from any aspect of the stored information, e.g.

phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, environmental details, social

specifications, etc. (cf. Johnson 1997). The accumulation of associations between

exemplars helps to categorize and organize the stored information into clusters or

‘exemplar clouds’. The associative relationship between forms is related to the ‘salience’

or ‘activation’ of a given exemplar or set of exemplars in the mental lexicon:

Given an item to be categorized, its auditory properties are compared with each exemplar's auditory properties, and the similarity between the item and each exemplar determines the activation level of the exemplar. If the match is good, the activation level of the exemplar is high. The sum of

28

activations over all of the exemplars of a category is taken as evidence that the unknown sound should be categorized as an instance of that category. (Johnson 1997:147; cf. Burzio 2005, Crocco-Galeas 1989)

By the same token, the activation of stored information characterizes the notion of a

‘gang-effect’, implying that exemplars with the same behavior in a specific context are

more likely to serve as a model for input (cf. Skousen 1995, Stemberger 1994).

Essentially, it is an example of strength in numbers that demonstrates the relevance of

frequency effects in language (cf. §4.3).

Crucially, morphological structure emerges from the associative links between

exemplars (cf. Wanner 2006a, 2006b). Dense exemplar clouds are those which share

large amounts of information on all salient fronts. Exemplars within these clouds, in

turn, are connected to those of other clouds according to established associations or

‘nodes’. If two exemplars are nearly identical in that they share more nodes than not, but

are distinguished from each other by other nodes which, in turn, are linked across clouds

because they share (at least) phonetic and/or semantic content with other exemplars, the

consequence is morphological structure (cf. Stemberger 1994, Federici & Pirrelli 1997).

This is easily observed in inflectional paradigms where the same stem is shared

intra-paradigmatically and the inflectional features are shared inter-paradigmatically. In

this way, the stem and inflectional markers result from cognitive organization, i.e.

analogy.

As an example, in the present indicative of the MSp. verb cantar ‘sing’, the

relationship between cells of the paradigm and corresponding semantic content identifies

the stem cant- and the inflectional markers -o, -as, -a, -amos, -áis, -an, of which 5 of 6

29

share the vowel -a. On the basis of inter-paradigmatic associations with other present

indicative paradigms, e.g. hablar, comer, vivir, these vowels (now a, e, i) can be

separated from the following content, i.e. -s, -mos, -(i)s, -n. The internal and external

relationships in conjunction with the semantic content determine the paradigmatic

structure of cantar, to the exclusion of other forms sharing a lesser number or different

set of features, e.g. the past participle cantado (non-finite, non-present, no

person/number), the imperfect cantaba (non-present, no 1sg -o), the nominal form

canción (non-verbal, no person/number, tense, aspect, mood, no stem-final [t], no theme

vowel, shared linear elements of differing content, etc.).

On the basis of the preceding example, a crucial aspect of EM, and obviously

AEM, is the emergence of the inflectional paradigm as a cognitive unit of linguistic

organization (cf. similar functioning of the paradigm in Penny 2002, Campbell 1974,

Rebrus & Törkenczy 2005, Aski 1995, Maiden 1992, 1993, 2001, 2003, Pirrelli 2000,

Pirrelli & Battista 2000a, 2000b, Vincent 1988, Harris 1973, Malkiel 1967, Menéndez

Pidal 1980, Joseph & Sims 2006, Joseph 2009). The paradigm is a higher-order

exemplar cloud with very tightly knit, strongly associated forms (i.e. high density). It is a

type of categorization that can then be linked to other, similar categories or clouds.22

EM also has the advantage of incorporating the potential for change into the

model based on differences in the input and usage of speakers, i.e. linguistic drift (cf.

Hall 2006, Pierrehumbert 2001). If a generation/speaker does not remember or use a

particular form or set of forms or remembers it differently than another

generation/speaker, there is potential for change. Essentially, there is a difference in the

30

edges of the exemplar clouds between these groups/individuals. The instantiation of

gradual, local, thus traditionally incomplete change merely occurs in a low-level, highly

defined, small-sized exemplar cloud, thereby redefining its regularity and propagation

(Wanner 2006b). For these reasons, it is an example of lexical diffusion (Wang 1969; cf.

Joseph 1997a, Kraska-Szlenk 2007, Bybee 2002).

Relatedly, as the connections between exemplars are defined, a certain, low-level

predictive power arises. According to Bybee (1996) and Pierrehumbert (2001), one of

the problems with rule-based models is that they do not make predictions about which

patterns are productive and which are not. Because regularity equates to productivity,

regular rules apply by default, including in cases where the inflected form is missing,

forgotten or unknown (Bybee 1996; cf. Martín Vegas 2007). While rules do make partial

use of productivity, e.g. by way of ordering, they do not explain it. EM, in contrast, uses

real-time, speaker-determined, salient associations to categorize input (cf. Skousen 2002).

Logically then, these same devices are used to deduce potential directions for language

change, though in no way enforcing such changes.

To summarize, EM is a surface-based theory that depends crucially on associative

relationships between elements in the mental lexicon. These associations create linguistic

structure, i.e. grammar, through categorization of input according to the variable(s)

shared with previously stored information. The detail involved in identifying and

analyzing these variables is an essential part of what sets this type of analogy apart from

traditional types. It is highly defined and able to be examined scientifically, combining

the fine detail of individual exemplars with broader linguistic generalization and

31

categorization. Overall, this involves weak, local patterning since the process is

non-global. As a consequence, there is increased accuracy (i.e. there are no exceptions

since there are no systematic rules), and the dynamic nature of language is explained

(Federici & Pirrelli 1997; cf. Wanner 2006a). Thus, EM is an elegant, psychologically

realistic, and immanent means of processing linguistic information, involving multiple

levels of analysis which finds support in other cognitive processes that make use of the

same general analogical method for categorization: “[T]he general cognitive capabilities

of the human brain, which allow it to categorize and sort for identity, similarity, and

difference, go to work on the language events a person encounters, categorizing and

entering in memory the experiences” (Bybee 2007:711).

1.3.3—ANALOGICAL MODELING OF LANGUAGE IN ANALOGICAL EXEMPLAR

MODELING. The theoretical model proposed in the current investigation is founded upon

EM as described in the preceding section. However, additional theoretical properties are

required to correctly define and restrict the function of analogy. These elements are

derived from the Analogical Modeling of Language (AL) (Skousen 1992, 1995, 2002,

Eddington 2002, Wanner 2006a, 2006b). The combinatory theory that emerges and is

promoted in the current investigation, Analogical Exemplar Modeling (AEM),

sufficiently deconstructs the analogical process so as to give it a solid, scientific,

psychological foundation that is not only well-defined but also elegant. AEM is more

specifically based on the theoretical devices described in Wanner (2006b), which include,

"...a reduced cognitive specificity for language, limited to the immediate needs of the

32

linguistic individual (immanence), the guarantee of learnable categorization in an

untutored environment (Concrete Minimalism), and the feasibility of giving analogical

projections some verifiable content (Analogical Modeling)" (116). However, AEM

refines the conceptualization of the AM and the crucial variables that define it.

AL is an exemplar-based probabilistic theory which analyzes the potential for

analogical change (cf. Fondow 2007). It was devised to counter the traditional use of

analogy which, problematically, lacked explicitness and definition, since any linguistic

element could potentially serve as an AM (Skousen 2002). In AL, an analogical set or

‘model’ (AM), representing some level of exemplar cloud, is determined according to the

relevant characteristics or ‘variables’ shared between the model and a target form. Once

these variables have been identified, they are used to determine the potential for and

possible directions of change in the target. Essentially, the more variables that are shared

between AM and target, the more likely it is that the target will obtain the outcome

provided by the model (a ‘gang-effect’, see above). In spite of the relationship between

exemplars, analogical influence in this model is merely probabilistic because change

cannot be guaranteed (cf. Pierrehumbert 2001, Bybee 2007, Baayen 2003, Bod et al.

2003, Jurafsky 2003). Thus, such a theory “limits the likelihood of change through the

inertia stemming from accumulated experience that guarantees a functional continuation

in form and use of language” (Wanner 2006b:262).

This inertia is a type of stability in language that crucially distinguishes the

current view of analogy from the traditional definition. Another means of stability is

obtained by the existence of competing analogical pressures which may take hold in a

33

local context preventing the systematic extension of change. Realistically, the activation

of, or resistance to change are the same process, since analogy may apply to forms thus

preventing change in the same way that it results in change in other instances. This

implication arises from the previous discussion that: (1) analogy is unpredictably

triggered and may not occur systematically in identical contexts; (2) analogy is locally

accessible, affecting only the target form(s); (3) it is only weakly extended beyond these

local targets, consequently, it is non-teleological (and frequently non-systematic); (4) the

individual associations of similarity occur regardless of the effect they may have on the

rest of the system.

AL avoids the global, over-applied declarative rule system as well as the

complexities and potential underapplication of a universal set of constraints. It is a robust

system able to cope with missing or malformed information (cf. Ohala 2005).23 In other

words, fuzzy boundaries and leakage are anticipated and unproblematic (Skousen 2002).

This robustness is apparent in the amount of (often redundant) detail incorporated in the

mental lexicon:

Redundancy affects computational efficiency in the two domains of processing and storage. The cost of redundancy in stored items is not high, since human cognitive capactiy has enormous quantities of memory space, including highly efficient retrieval procedures. Since memorized items including redundant information have many more cross-classifiying connections with other similar items than bare representations, access during processing may proceed from more than one angle, thus spreading the chances of possible identification over two or more clues, rather than a single, minimal, required trait. If the single non-redundant required identificational feature is absent from the message received, the strictly formal analysis should not be able to access this item, and there will be a missing link with more or less grave consequences for the overall processing of the utterance. Formal accuracy depends on highly specific information, while a more approximate processing can operate with

34

less-than-complete information and valid lateral connections to reach the same result. Redundancy becomes a guarantor of efficiency under non-optimal conditions of communication. (Wanner 2006b:102) At the same time, the AM is open to reanalysis, subject to continuous shifting in

order to best categorize the exemplars pertaining to it and the variables that define it.

Such openness in the AM gives the appearance of generalization in the directions of both

systematic rules and idiosyncratic processes. AEM takes advantage of this weakened

distinction by creating a language-specific continuum of generalization which permits

localized phenomena and apparent regularity (and subregularity) (Wanner 2006a, 2006b).

Another crucial part of AL is that it does not always rely on the nearest neighbor

to a target (cntr. traditional EM). Instead, the AM is required to fall in the ‘homogeneous

supracontext’, the contextual space in which all exemplars are assigned an outcome

according to the relevant variables. The goal is to predict an outcome where none is

available, due to innovation (new words, borrowing, etc.), reanalysis (accomodation,

generational drift, etc.), or loss (imperfect memory). According to Skousen (2002), the

‘variables’ or associative features of the stored exemplars that serve as the AM comprise

the ‘given context’ in which a prediction is made with respect to input. The

‘supracontext’ is defined as the group of all possible combinations of variables, including

the absence of all such variables (equating to 2n supracontexts where n is the number of

variables). ‘Homogeneity’ applies to the set of supracontexts in which the outcome is the

same or there are no intervening (more specific) supracontexts that contain any realized

exemplars (because they would be the homogeneous supracontext or the threshold of

35

analysis). This implies the inclusion of more specific supracontexts within more general

ones and the exclusion of ‘heterogeneous’ datasets.

While AL has an even greater statistical basis than indicated here, frequency and

the formula for determining categorization and output through random-selection are the

only statistical aspects of AL required in AEM.24 These two calculations are essential to

the highly defined probabilistic nature of analogy and the salience and activation of an

AM in the mind of the speaker. In other words, frequency and probability are used to

determine the likelihood with which each potential outcome may occur in a given

context. This is indicative of subjective real-time decision-making by the linguistic

individual (cf. Jurafsky 2003, Pierrehumbert 2001). It also provides an explanation for

synchronic and diachronic variation in language (e.g. between velar and non-velar verb

forms found in Old Spanish, see ch. 2) as well as the relative stability of language.

Variation occurs in AEM when the supracontext is homogeneous but not deterministic,

i.e. when more than one outcome occurs and the subcontexts either show the same

outcomes or are empty. This may take place at different stages of linguistic experience of

an individual or a group of individuals. When it does occur, AEM highlights ‘random

selection’ (over the alternative ‘selection by plurality’), where “the probability of

choosing a particular homogeneous supracontext is the square of the frequency of that

supracontext” (Skousen 2003:6; cf. §4.3.1). Stability, meanwhile, is due to the vast

amounts of information stored in memory that characterize usage-based approaches:

If this process yields good results for complex analogical events in adult language practice, it must at the same time and a fortiori also serve to reaffirm the given shape of existing forms in the speaker's usage. Each form used in practice is in principle predicted and controlled by such

36

analogy, firming up the given shape, or bending it in direction of the forces displayed in the motivating data set. (Wanner 2006a:23) The incorporation of probability into AEM is also indicative of an ‘immanent’

view of language (Wanner 2006a, 2006b, see below). The probability for change is

determined through natural statistics involving the token frequency of the forms in the

AM. This represents the subjectiveness of learning and experience for individuals,

thereby explaining the differences in language across speakers and speech communities

as well as the effects of imperfect memory, attention factors, limits on cognitive

processing loads, etc. (Wanner 2006a). So, while a target may have all the variables

associated with a particular AM, it is not required to activate analogical change (as long

as no change is a potential outcome).

Consider, for example, the data in Appendix K. These Modern Spanish verbs are

susceptible to the analogical process of velar-insertion described in the following

chapters on the basis of the variables they share with the AM. However, they are not part

of the velar-insert class. This is because of the non-teleological, probabilistic nature of

AEM. It also illustrates the localized nature of analogy and the relevance of the linguistic

individual in language change. These potential analogical targets are examined in more

detail in chapter 4.

Provided that the variables relevant to the AM necessary to determine the

outcome of a particular context are determined locally, a crucial part of properly defining

the analogical process is to identify these variables. In this respect, AEM refines the

method of AL, taking a broader approach more in line with the processing of information

that characterizes other usage-based models. AEM follows the lead of Wanner (2006a),

37

which proposes to incorporate linguistic and, potentially, non-linguistic variables in the

composition of the AM in addition to those defined in purely phonological terms. The

AM proposed for the current investigation, as detailed in chapter 3, provides evidence in

favor of this hypothesis.

A final word of caution is needed regarding AEM and regular sound change. The

stance taken here is not incompatible with the traditional view of regular sound change,

in the ‘softer’ sense that it is a type of localized analogy that has been extended to all

applicable targets. Where sound change occurs systematically across all target forms

having the relevant conditioning environment, it is based on an analogical relationship

between model and target that is exclusively phonological and which applies to a

sufficiently high number of exemplars that no resistance is met as the result of competing

models (cf. Hock 1991). The ‘strong’ view of regular sound change suggests a

wholesale, non-localized extension of a pattern (e.g King 1969). Although this extreme

version is a foundation of linguistic investigation, the regularity hypothesis is

complicated by those elements which do not fall within its domain, i.e. the irregular,

subregular, suppletive, borrowed, etc. These elements provide evidence against

regularity as a principle or law governing language, though it is useful in more general,

broader analyses. The 'soft' approach taken here, based upon analogy, is preferable since

it incorporates these 'marginal' factors into the linguistic equation.

Analogy is a constant process, applying when needed as determined by the

speaker and creating a dynamic grammar which evolves both internally and externally

(Wanner 2006a). Regular, exceptionless, rule-like change is merely one (extreme) end of

38

the continuum of analogical change (cf. Hock 2005). It is very common, however, to

find changes that are not complete, idiosyncratic or otherwise marred by exceptions.

Completion of analogical change as described herein is the end of change through its

application to all local potential target forms which are not affected by a competing AM

or by a strong, isolated (or unrelated) lexical record. In this sense, the immanent (‘soft’)

version of completion of change differs from the teleological, global completion

proposed in other theories.

Similarly then, this suggests that the analogical usage-based model does not

contradict a rule-based approach:

[O]ne way of interpreting the notion of ‘rule’ is that it is a summation, a kind of shorthand so to speak, for a series of analogies; in a sense, analogies define the patterns, the regularities, that we tend to interpret as ‘rules’. Generalizations, in such a view, become really a matter of retrospectively summing up a set of analogical extensions from a model to a novel ‘target’; after enough such extensions, there is the appearance of rule-governed behavior, but even the novel formations could just be on-going examples of the analogical extension process. (Joseph 1997a:9; cf. Arbib & Hill 1988, Stemberger 1994)

It is important to note that the rule-based conceptualization of grammar, when not

understood as representative of the actual or ‘immanent’ cognitive process, may be seen

as emergent from one in which analogy is central.

1.3.4—IMMANENCE. Malkiel (1967) indicates that speakers have a “semi-conscious”

involvement in the direction of change. In other words, speakers’ real-time decisions

provide the foundation for acquisition, processing and production. Language is the

interaction of input (experience and environment), innate ability (analogical associations,

39

cognitive and physiological ability to use language) and the anticipation of

communication between speakers (social awareness).

AEM therefore assumes that the speaker has a central or ‘immanent’ role in

language change (Wanner 2006a, 2006b; cf. Myers 1999). Immanence involves the

internal, and therefore subjective, part played by the speaker in the development of

language within the context of their linguistic environment. This social, communicative

environment provides the language learner with imperfect, incomplete, non-systematic

and varied input over time. Thus, these same characteristics are expected in and across

the linguistic reality or grammar of speakers in time (e.g. imperfect memory,

idiosyncratic differences in the acquisition of lexical items, time effects, etc.).25

In simpler terms, the process of analogy is completely subjective, determined,

usually subconsciously, by the speaker in their linguistic environment. It is governed by

human processing loads, memory and experience and is controlled by the principles of

human communication (e.g. mutual intelligibility, socio-linguistic factors, etc.). The

variation and differences found in the velar-insert class, both synchronically and

diachronically, as well as within and across speakers exemplify this immanent view.

1.4—CONCLUSIONS AND OVERVIEW OF THE FOLLOWING INVESTIGATION. In sum,

AEM is a refined version of EM that incorporates the concepts of immanence, the

homogeneous supracontext and probabilistic, random-selection from AL. The combined

efforts of EM and AL in the guise of AEM is necessary to properly formalize the

analogical process. Consequently, the theoretical implications treated above that are

40

assumed under EM and AL are also assumed in AEM. The emergence of structure

through local analogical relationships crucially includes the function of the paradigm as a

cognitive unit of linguistic organization. These associative relationships are

multi-layered, suggesting that the analogical process involves the combination of

numerous variables, i.e. ‘multiple causation’ per Malkiel (1967, cf. Joseph 1982, 1983).

Variation is incorporated into the system both synchronically and diachronically through

probability and the influence of competing AM. The dynamic, immanent nature of the

analogical process is also essential, since it accounts for changes in the categorization of

elements in the mental lexicon. At the same time, the potential for no change is also

inherent. All of these points are essential to the developments affecting Spanish

velar-insertion as analyzed in the current investigation.

The next chapter provides an in-depth description of previous examinations of

velar-insertion, highlighting the most relevant and crucial internal- and external changes

involved in the emergence of the Spanish subclass. It is concluded that while the origins

of the velar-insert have been thoroughly investigated, no real conclusion has been

reached regarding the primary AM. At the same time, the analogical extension of the

pattern has been almost completely ignored, especially with respect to the most recent

stages affecting this verb class.

Chapter 3 proposes a detailed analysis of the multiple ‘causes’ or variables

associated with the AM in Spanish, focusing on the relevance of the paradigmatic

structure. Afterwards, individual synchronic stages are examined as they highlight the

velar/non-velar variation of numerous forms as well as the analogical extension and

41

receding of the velar to some lateral-, rhotic-, sibilant- and yod-final verb stems. The

localized nature of the analogical process requires such a fine-grained, multi-stage

approach. An example of the immanent role of the speaker in such linguistic

developments is also provided. Finally, the discussion turns to dialectal variation that

characterizes the modern situation.

Chapter 4 treats various theoretical and specific issues. The complexities

associated with the analogical processing of linguistic information, the relevance of

paradigmatic structure in language change, frequency effects, markedness and the

potential for continued change are all explored as they pertain to AEM and the analogical

process of velar-insertion in Spanish.

42

CHAPTER 2: THE HISTORY OF VELAR-INSERTION

2.1—THE VELAR-INSERT IN SPANISH. Throughout the recorded history of the Spanish

language, the inflected paradigms of a particular subset of verbs has been characterized

by the presence of a voiced velar /g/ in the first person singular present indicative (1s

PRS IND) and in all forms of the present subjunctive (PRS SBJ). The developments

affecting this verbal subclass are the focus of this investigation. The following briefly

describes the Spanish verbal system and details the particular group of verbs under

analysis. Subsequent sections examine more thoroughly those processes that play a part

in the emergence and extension of this velar element.

2.1.1—THE SPANISH VERBAL SYSTEM. The Spanish verbal system is characterized by

three regular conjugational classes organized according to the theme vowel found in a

number of their inflected forms. Besides its appearance in such finite forms, the theme

vowel (TV) is also found in the infinitive (INF) which is used as the default lexical entry

for individual verbs in dictionaries, grammars and pedagogical literature. The three

conjugational classes are –ar (I), -er (II) and –ir (III), where –a-, -e-, and –i- are TV and

–r represents INF. Examples of the present tenses, indicative and subjunctive moods, of

these regular conjugations are found in Appendix A. The term regular indicates here

systematic use of the inflectional endings associated with a particular conjugational class

43

and, most importantly, the absence of allomorphy in inflected forms.26 Irregular verbs,

meanwhile, are marked by the appearance of paradigmatic allomorphy in stem, inflection,

or both.27 Crucially, irregularity is “understood as a non-biunique relationship between

meaning and form, [that] is an autonomous abstract property of morphological paradigms

which influences the implementation not only of phonetic changes, but also of purely

morphological innovations” (Maiden 1992:289-290). Regardless of (ir)regularity, the

basic structure of an inflected verb form, takes the following shape: STEM + (TV) +

(TENSE/MOOD) + PERSON/NUMBER (N.B. those inflectional markers in parentheses

do not appear in all finite forms).

The verbal system is also organized according to other criteria related, in part, to

conjugational class. First and foremost, the –ar conjugation is the only generally

productive class in the modern language and it is defined as being the most regular:

The first conjugation is historically distinguished from the other two by the relative invariance of the verbal root. In Italo- and Ibero-Romance, there are no consonantal alternations in this conjugation, and none of the idiosyncratic root ablaut and consonantal alternation between the preterite and other tenses, which, in Italo-Romance in particular, characterizes most second-, and many third-, conjugation verbs (Maiden 1992:291).

The second and third conjugations are characterized by increased irregularity with respect

to the former; in fact, such irregularities create a broad subcategorization of the verbal

system (i.e. ‘paradigmatic root-variability’). There is a high degree of overlap between

the –er and –ir conjugations due, among other things, to identical frontness (and

realization) of their TV and SBJ marker in certain inflected forms. Such similarities

distinguish these conjugations from the first and are the result of historical consequences.

The salience of such shared variables between conjugations II and III, to the exclusion of

44

conjugation I, are of extreme importance in defining the AM proposed in this

investigation.

2.1.2—THE SPANISH VELAR-INSERT SUBCLASS. Modern Spanish has an ‘irregular’ class

of velar-insert verbs (also known as ‘–go verbs’ in pedagogical literature) characterized,

as indicated above, by a non-etymological voiced velar obstruent /g/ in 1s/SBJ forms (cf.

‘L-pattern’ distribution, per Maiden 2001).28 With respect to the subcategorization of the

verbal system described in §2.1.1, it should be noted that all such verbs belong to the –er

and –ir conjugations. The Modern Spanish verbs under analysis are listed in Appendix

B.1 and their complete PRS IND and PRS SBJ paradigms are found in Appendix C. In

addition, each of these verbs may be marked by prefixation, thereby multiplying the

number of members in this verbal subcategory. The prefixed verbs are included as

Appendix B.2. The distribution of the velar across the 1s/SBJ is exemplified by the verb

poner “put, place” in Figure 2.1:

MSp Class INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

2 poner put, place pongo ponga 1 1s

pones pongas 2 2s

pone ponga 3 3s

ponemos pongamos 4 1p

ponéis pongáis 5 2p

ponen pongan 6 3p

Figure 2.1—Distribution of the velar-insert, as seen in poner “put, place”.29

45

The small set of second and third conjugation verbs that are included in

Appendices B and C are a mere fraction of these conjugational classes as a whole. In

addition, the velar-insert class is deemed ‘irregular’ because membership in the class is

not predictable by any easily identifiable criteria. As seen in §4.5.4, there are, in fact, a

number of verbs which appear to be potential targets for velar-insertion and yet remain

unaffected by it.

In opposition to the appearance of a non-etymological velar element in the verbs

above, there are at least three general etymological sources for Spanish /g/, affecting both

verbs and non-verbs: (1) Learned or semi-learned forms which contained /g/, e.g.

agricultura “agriculture”, extinguir “extinguish”; (2) lenition, generally in intervocalic

contexts, a process characterized phonologically by the simplification of geminates (i.e.

/kk/ > /k/), the voicing of voiceless obstruents (i.e. /k/ > /g/), e.g. CL PACĀRE > MSp.

pagar “pay”; and (3) the non-systematic elimination of earlier voiced obstruents (i.e. /g/

> Ø), e.g. CL A(U)GURIUM > MSp. agüero “omen”, cntr. CL DIGITUM > MSp. dedo

“finger”.30

The importance of the non-etymological nature of the velar obstruent in the class

of verbs under investigation should not be taken lightly. The broadest descriptions of the

velar-insert class include verbs which derive the velar from a variety of etymological and

non-etymological sources, including those mentioned above (cf. a much broader use of

the term in Wilkinson 1978-1983). The verbs in Appendix B.1 historically did not have a

velar obstruent in any of their Latin forms, nor can it be derived by phonological rule.

This situation is made clear in Figure 2.2, which contrasts the PRS paradigms of Classical

46

Latin TENĒRE “have, possess” (CL conjugation II) with same verb in Modern Spanish

(i.e. tener).

Lg INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

CL TENĒRE have, possess TENEŌ TENEAM 1 1s

TENĒS TENEĀS 2 2s TENET TENEAT 3 3s TENĒMUS TENEĀMUS 4 1p

TENĒTIS TENEĀTIS 5 2p TENENT TENEANT 6 3p

MSp tener have, possess tengo tenga 1 1s tienes tengas 2 2s

tiene tenga 3 3s tenemos tengamos 4 1p

tenéis tengáis 5 2p tienen tengan 6 3p

Figure 2.2—CL TENĒRE and MSp. tener.

From this example, it can be seen that the forms that have undergone

velar-insertion in Spanish are exactly those Classical Latin forms where a front theme

vowel, –E, Ē, I, Ī-, immediately precedes a non-front vowel, -A- or –Ō, the latter pair

functioning as morphological markers of SBJ and 1s respectively. In spite of this fairly

detailed description of the apparent conditioning environment, the velar element does not

appear in all verbs which contain the above morphophonological criteria, thus explaining

the ‘irregularity’ described previously.

Another motivation for the ‘irregular’ treatment of velar-insert verbs involves the

numerous diachronic changes affecting the class. In the earliest available Old Spanish

texts, only tener “have, possess”, venir “come” and poner “put, place” showed

47

velar-insertion.31 It is believed that fairly soon afterwards, this set came to include other

verbs with root-final /n/, e.g. the now defunct OSp. remanir “remain, stay”, remanga.32

As this class increased in membership, velar-insertion became analogically productive,

spreading, over an extensive period of time, to stem-final /l/, /ɾ/, /j/ and /s/. Some of the

verbs affected by the process of velar-insertion entered the class completely, while others

continued to show synchronic variation between velar and non-velar forms. This

productivity, however, was short-lived, as the forms which were “on the fence” so to

speak, i.e. those which showed an allomorphic alternation between velar and non-velar

verb stems, tended in large part to disassociate themselves from this lexical class (exc.

salir “leave”, below). Most variation, e.g. soler “be accustomed to”, 1s suelo ~ suelgo;

ferir (MSp. herir) “wound, injure”, 1s fiero ~ fiergo, was leveled in favor of the

non-velar allomorph in the standard language, cf. MSp. suelo, hiero.

The diachronic shifts in class membership allow categorization of the velar-insert

verbs into three primary groups: (1) those which have maintained membership since

entering the class (as seen in the first section of Appendix B.1); (2) a subgroup of the

previous set, comprised of only remanir, which has generally fallen out of use in the

modern language (Appendix D); and (3) a set affected by velar-insertion only in

synchronic variation with non-velar forms (Appendix E). Some of the verbs in the third

group also attest the velar in limited modern dialectal domains (cf. the second half of

Appendix B.1). Included in (1) and enumerated in Appendix B.2 are verbs derived by

prefixation, e.g. detener “detain”, prevenir “prepare; foresee”. Although not discussed in

detail, this does not suggest that their appearance is irrelevant (cf. discussion of token and

48

type frequency, §4.3). In general, these verbs are subsumed under their respective

etymons because they follow an identical path of development regarding velar-insertion.

With respect to the verbs showing multi-stage and/or modern variation in (3), the

appearance of the velar forms may be explained in one of two ways, either as a

consequence of continuously limited variation over time in very localized speech areas

(more likely to apply to many of the verbs in the second section of Appendix B.1), or as

an indicator of innovation in the velar-insert category, i.e. verbs serving as potential (or

renewed) targets for the velar-insertion process.33

In spite of the motivations for classifying the velar-insert set of verbs as

‘irregular’, there are notable shared morphophonological variables which are pertinent to

the distribution of the velar and consequently, the AM for velar-insertion. First, it has

been noted that all of the verbs described above undergo velar-insertion between a

root-final alveolar sonorant /n, l, ɾ/, sibilant fricative /s/ or glide /j/ and a non-thematic

inflectional non-front vowel /a, o/, e.g. 1s pongo, 2s SBJ pongas. In the affected

paradigmatic cells, the (front) theme vowel /e, i/ which denotes conjugation class (II or

III), is also absent. This contrasts with its presence in the Classical Latin forms and the

remainder of the Spanish PRS IND, e.g. 2s IND pones. Such similarities are readdressed

below, alongside a handful of other factors. A complete description of the AM is

provided in §3.2.

2.1.3—OVERVIEW OF CHAPTER 2. The remainder of this chapter examines the existing

literature on the velar-insert class. First, a brief discussion of the situation across the

49

Romance languages is provided to better outline those languages which share some

degree of velar-insertion and to distinguish them from those which do not. Then, the

changes that mark the transition from Latin to Romance are treated, including the

development of yod and its subsequent effects in the verbal paradigm. Particular

attention is paid to the processes that are crucially related to velar-insertion, including

those affecting the set of Classical Latin –NGERE verbs. Next, a brief excursus is made

with respect to the diachronic evolution of Modern Spanish verbs like decir “say” and

hacer “do, make” which are traditionally considered important AM for velar-insertion.

In §2.4, support is provided for appealing to analogy as the primary explanation for the

emergence of the velar-insert verb class. Afterwards, the examination turns to the

hypothesized AM that provide the foundation for velar-insertion. The most salient and

well-accepted of these theories are subsequently analyzed in greater depth to highlight the

major differences and similarities across the literature and to identify their contributions,

as well as possible shortcomings, with respect to a complete diachronic analysis of the

process. Brief treatment of both the Catalan and Italian situations is included, since the

literature concerning these languages overlaps extensively with Spanish. Finally, the

conclusions drawn from previous analyses of the velar-insert verbal subclass are

summarized as a means of introducing the analysis found in the following chapter.

It is determined that previous analyses of velar-insertion only explore the process

in broad strokes without providing the necessary amount of synchronic detail or a proper

definition of the AM. It is argued here that the AM involves a dynamic set of variables

diachronically which is relatively stable at each relevant synchronic stage. Of these

50

variables, it is the emergence of the inflectional paradigm as means of linguistic

organization that contributes most heavily to the current investigation. The points are

presented more thoroughly in the following chapter.

2.2—VELAR-INSERTION ACROSS ROMANCE.34 Given the fact that the origin of the

velar-insert element in Spanish is not transparently derived from any particular

language-specific sound change, it is important to consider the situation across the

Romance languages. Appendix F shows the pan-Romance conjugational patterns

corresponding to those of the primary velar-insert verbs in Spanish. Several important

points can be extracted from the distribution of the velar in these languages.

First, it is relevant that the velar does not appear in the geographic periphery, i.e.

the eastern- and western-most languages, Romanian and Portuguese respectively. Nor is

it found in certain Italian dialects (see below) or in most varieties of French (N.B. In Old

French forms of the sort vieng, -ng- represent a palatal nasal).35

The velar is most common and well-established in Spanish (also Leonese and

Aragonese), Catalan (along with Occitan, Provençal and Gascon) and Italian. These

languages together represent a geographically contiguous region. This lends support for

the hypothesis that the development of this verb class occurred prior to their autonomy.

At the same time, there are partial similarities in the traditionally hypothesized AM for

each language. Nonetheless, the existence of notable differences in the paradigmatic

distribution and lexical extension of the velar as well as in the forms and variables

51

comprising the AM suggests the independent development of the velar in these

languages.36 These issues are discussed below.

The relationship between Spanish and the other Romance languages also provides

insight into the potential directions for language change and the cognitive organizational

function of the paradigm. At the same time, a consistent pattern of paradigmatic

organization emerges within and across the PRS tense of the Romance languages

regardless of whether or not they are affected by velar-insertion. The paradigm is

analyzed more broadly in chapter 4.

2.2.1—PORTUGUESE. Appendix G lists the Portuguese verbs which correspond to the

Standard Modern Spanish velar-insert verbs. Portuguese serves as an important point of

contrast against the analogical developments affecting Spanish, Italian and Catalan

because it is not affected by a process of velar-insertion. The primary factors for this are

the ‘yod effects’, or sound changes initiated by yod (§2.3.2 below), and the lack of the

necessary relationship between an existing AM and set of target forms. In Portuguese,

the ‘targets’ for velar-insertion were instead primarily affected by the regular process of

palatalization by yod, e.g. CL TENEŌ > MEPtg. tenho [teɲu]. There is also no analogical

association between forms like ter, vir and the traditionally hypothesized AM for

velar-insertion such as dizer, fazer, cingir, conhecer, etc. The changes affecting these

groups of verbs did not overlap in such a way as to promote the velar-insert subclass,

therefore the Portuguese developments do not lend direct insight into the appearance of

the velar element in Spanish:

52

[T]he only thing we can be sure of is that [the Spanish] were exposed to temptation to substitute /ŋg/ for /ɲ/ which the Portuguese were not exposed to. In the case of Spanish, too, we may observe that by adopting tengo, tener joined the class of verbs which differentiates the first person from the other persons by use of a velar, this being virtually the only differentiating device now used in Spanish. (Wilkinson 1978:29) Relatedly, the extension of the velar-insert to any lateral-final verb stems is

prohibited by a regular sound change that, in most of these verbs, eliminates or replaces

the lateral segment with yod, e.g. CL SALĪRE > MEPtg. sair, 1s saio. The later extensions

of the velar-insert class to verb stems ending in /l, ɾ, s, j/ in the aforementioned languages

are supported by the presence of an already established AM. In the Portuguese case

however, no precedence was set for the velar in such forms and so it did not arise as

characteristic of its verbal system.

The regular sound changes affecting Portuguese verbs are typical of the

language’s conservative character with respect to its Latin origins. In this way, it

contrasts with Spanish which shows analogical influence in the emergence of the

velar-insert subclass. Portuguese, then, is representative of a series of changes that

resemble those that might have affected this Spanish verbal subclass if velar-insertion had

not. This is a basis for the discussion of potential directions of change in §4.5.

Another important feature analyzed in chapter 4 that concerns the relationship

between Spanish and Portuguese, and the Romance languages in general, is the

emergence of similarities and patterns across their PRS paradigms. As can be seen by the

highlighted portions of the PRS paradigm of the Portuguese verbs found in Appendix G,

the alternation in the shape of the verb stem takes a pattern that is identical to the one

found in the velar-insert class of Spanish. However, it is important to note that the

53

emergence of this pattern in each language is the result of very different developments.

In the case of Spanish, it is due to the analogical process investigated herein, while for

Portuguese, it is primarily a consequence of regular sound change affecting individual

forms of the PRS paradigm.

2.2.2—CATALAN. The velar-insertion found in Catalan is the due to the convergence of

factors within a highly complex AM, one which has a number of crucially

language-specific components from both within and outside of the localized inflectional

paradigm. The Catalan verbs corresponding to the Standard Modern Spanish

velar-inserts are enumerated in Appendix H. On the mere basis of the PRS paradigms

provided, it would seem that the Catalan situation is identical to the Spanish one. In fact,

they share, along with Italian, several primary variables in their AM. However, the

1s/SBJ pattern (with systematic word-final devoicing producing 1s /k/) is found in an

overwhelming number of both standard and dialectal Catalan verbs, especially in

comparison to the very reduced set found in Modern Spanish. A short list of examples is

provided in Figure 2.3 (cf. §4.2.3).

54

MCat INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

creure believe crec cregui 1 1s

creus creguis 2 2s creu cregui 3 3s creiem creguem 4 1p

creieu cregueu 5 2p creuen creguin 6 3p

estar be estic estigui 1 1s

estàs estiguis 2 2s està estigui 3 3s estem estiguem 4 1p

esteu estigueu 5 2p estan estiguin 6 3p

moldre grind molc molgui 1 1s mols molguis 2 2s

mol molgui 3 3s molem molguem 4 1p

moleu molgueu 5 2p molen molguin 6 3p

vendre sell venc vengui 1 1s vens venguis 2 2s

ven vengui 3 3s venem venguem 4 1p

veneu vengueu 5 2p venen venguin 6 3p

Figure 2.3—Examples of Extension of Velar-Insertion in MCat.

The preceding samples demonstrate that velar-insertion in Catalan has extended

well beyond the domain that restricts the Spanish and Italian developments. Not only is

the velar found in the same verbs as in Spanish, including both the Old Spanish forms

that have fallen out of modern usage as well as the modern dialectal variants, but it has

also reached the most frequent of verbs including both forms of “be”, ésser, 1s sóc, and

55

estar, 1s estic. In non-standardized dialects, its territory is even greater and is very telling

with respect to the potential targets for velar-insertion in Spanish (cf. §4.5.2).

In spite of providing information regarding possible directions for change, the

Catalan situation differs from the Spanish one in certain very crucial ways. It has gained

momentum in part thanks to the additional variables incorporated into its AM, not

existing in Spanish, which support the appearance of the velar element. The stems of the

PRET IND, IMPF SBJ and some PART of many of the verbs showing PRS tense

velar-insertion are also marked by a /g/ that is derived (initially) from regular sound

changes. It is thought to have spread across tense to the PRS SBJ (from the PRET IND

to the IMPF SBJ), then across mood to the PRS IND (Wilkinson 1978). In addition to

this internal influence, there appears to have been a certain tipping point after which the

analogical process of velar-insertion became associated more broadly with entire

conjugational classes in Catalan, e.g. verbs whose INF ends in –ure (caure “fall”) or –dre

(vendre “sell”) (see ch. 4; cf. Wilkinson 1982, Costanzo 2006, 2007, forthcoming).

Accordingly, the analogical extension of the velar-insert in Catalan proves useful

in examination of the Spanish subclass. While the objectives of this investigation do not

permit an independent and highly detailed diachronic and dialectal analysis of the Catalan

situation, it is mentioned where relevant. It is readdressed in the section on the potential

directions of analogical change found in chapter 4.

2.2.3—ITALIAN. Aside from those forms found in Appendix F, Standard Italian and

Spanish show a number of similarities with regard to the appearance and distribution of

56

the velar-insert (cf. Appendix I). For the most part, these similiarities are coincidental,

thus it is believed that the velar-insertion processes in Spanish and Italian are unique (cf.

Fanciullo 1998, Malkiel 1974). Just as in the Catalan case, the Italian process has its own

locally-defined AM. The influence of the set of CL stems ending in –NG-, -RG-, and,

most importantly, -LG- is much greater than in Spanish due to greater type frequency in

conjunction with the language-specific sound changes which affected these sets of verbs.

Therefore, the extension of the velar element differs between Spanish and Italian from the

outset, in both the verbs affected and the appearance of the velar in one quarter of the

PRS paradigm (due to the frontness of the inflectional vowels marking particular cells,

e.g. MIt. 3p IND –ono, and the distribution of palatal consonants given the effect of front

vowels, e.g. MIt. 1p/2p SBJ –iamo/-iate, see below). The AM for Spanish, meanwhile, is

thought by many to have its roots in yod effects and the voicing of intervocalic obstruents

(i.e. Western Romance Lenition) which did not affect Italian, compare MSp. 1s digo,

hago and MIt. 1s dico, faccio < CL DĪCŌ, FACIŌ. The synchronic and diachronic

differences in class membership are also markedly distinct. Figure 2.4 provides examples

of the dialectal variation between velar- and palatal-final stems having a final alveolar

nasal or lateral which is also characteristic dialectally of tenere and venire. This contrasts

with Modern Spanish which shows no such synchronic variation across dialects.

57

MIt INF Gloss IND # P #

rimanere remain rimango / rimagno 1 1s

valere be worth valgo / vaglio 1 1s salire go up salgo / saglio 1 1s

dolere hurt, ache dolgo / doglio 1 1s

volere want voglio / volgo 1 1s 1 1s

morire die muoio / morgo 1 1s

Figure 2.4—Velar-/Palatal-Final Dialectal Variation in MIt.

Old Spanish does, however, show localized examples of a similar palatal/velar

variation that is related, to some degree, to a process of palatalization of the stem-final

consonant before front inflectional vowels shared with Italian (see §2.3.2). Palatalization

and yod effects are among the most important aspects common to these languages in

relation to velar-insertion since they provide the basis for the morphological reanalysis of

novel paradigmatic allomorphy to the extent that it comes to have psychological

relevance in the form of a ‘morphome’ (Maiden 2001, following Aronoff 1994). It

should be noted that these processes highlight the marked contrast of the first conjugation

against the second and third in both Italian and Spanish. Finally, as a consequence of

their susceptibility to palatalization, the extension of the velar-insert across sonorant-final

stems, though to differing degrees and in spite of its language-specific origins, is notable

as an indicator of the phonological grounding of the analogical process.

It is of no surprise that velar-insertion in Italian has been analyzed and discussed

in a number of investigations. Since the Italian developments closely resemble those of

58

Spanish, several such investigations are mentioned in the remainder of this chapter,

especially as they pertain to the function of the paradigm in AEM.

2.2.4—THE LINGUISTIC BOUNDARIES OF VELAR-INSERTION. That the development of

the velar-insert class is not characteristic of a shared stage of development of the

Romance languages is exemplified by the contrasting data in Spanish and Italian, on the

one hand, and Portuguese and (Old) French on the other. The former pair shows the velar

alternating in the PRS paradigm with an alveolar nasal-final root in tener/tenere,

venir/venire, poner/porre from the beginning of their respective histories, a fact which

complicates the identification of a possible lead verb or of a simultaneous change

(Malkiel 1974). Portuguese and Old French, meanwhile, display an alternation in the

PRS paradigm between a palatal and non-palatal nasal in ter/tenir, vir/venir and Ptg.

pôr.37

The similarities observable between Spanish and Italian contribute to the idea that

they might have shared some synchronic development to the exclusion of Portuguese and

French, particulary in the preceding case of tener, venir, poner and equivalents.

Consider, for example, their basic phonological shape, their possible function as

auxiliaries, their high token frequency, not to mention the appearance of /g/ in an

identical phonological environment (Malkiel 1974). In spite of such shared

characteristics, however, it is not logical to suppose any earlier synchronic stage at which

Italian and Spanish had split off from Portuguese and French:

What speakers of Spanish and Italian happened to share at a crucial juncture was (a) their common disinclination to complicate or obstruct

59

their conjugational edifices with a new morphophonemic feature involving a thin contrast: /ɲ/ ~ /n/; (b) their eagerness to set apart certain members of the paradigm, e.g. the 1st sg. pres. ind. and the subj. (“deep morphology”); (c) and their readiness to use the velar insert as a handy substitute (“surface morphology”). (Malkiel 1974:323) What distinguishes Spanish and Italian from French and Portuguese is the

phonological and analogical paths taken by each language. The palatalizing effect of yod

and the analogical influence of certain lexical items on others determined the direction

taken by Spanish speakers versus their Portuguese counterparts. Specifically, the

analogical influence of a verb like CL DICERE – DICŌ, DICIS on CL FACERE – FACIŌ, FACIS

provides an initial point of departure, given MSp. digo, dices, hago, haces and MPtg.

digo, dizes, faço, fazes. Next, consider the palatalizing effects of pre-nuclear /g/ before a

front vowel. In Spanish, the velar consonant is converted to yod, which subsequently

palatalizes the preceding consonant and is lost, e.g. CL 2s TANGIS > *tan[j]es > tañes

(see §2.3.2). Meanwhile, the Portuguese case involves only palatalization of the velar,

with no effect on the preceding consonant, e.g. CL 2s TANGIS > tan[ʒ]es. At the same

time, verbs like CL TENĒRE and VENĪRE were undergoing a separate set of processes by

which there arose a morphomic contrast between a stem-final palatal nasal and mere

nasalization of the stem vowel. Due to the fact that these forms were diverging from the

path of overlapping allomorphic structure in their paradigms, the establishment of an

identical AM for Ptg. ter, vir, etc. never took shape.

Based on the preceding information, it is possible to generally exclude all but

Spanish, Italian, and Catalan (and the Occitan/Provençal/Gascon group) from the set of

Romance languages affected by velar-insertion. Therefore, the following sections

60

highlight the diachronic changes resulting in the development of the velar-insert in

Spanish, with support from related changes in Italian and Catalan. Nonetheless, the

phonological and morphological changes leading each Romance language to linguistic

independence are also relevant. By comparing and contrasting such changes, a picture is

painted not only of some of the characteristics common to this language group, but also

of the different directions in which such changes have led them. This sets the stage for an

updated, more thorough analysis of the Spanish velar-insert verbal subclass in chapter 3.

2.3—(LATE) LATIN DEVELOPMENTS LEADING TO VELAR-INSERTION IN SPANISH. Prior

to examining the previous analyses of Spanish velar-insertion, it is important to

understand the diachronic phonological changes that have occurred between Latin and

Spanish so as to better identify the confluence of factors that have resulted in this process

taking hold. What follows is a brief overview of the major changes which play a crucial

role in the evolution of the Romance verbal system in Spanish.

2.3.1—CONJUGATIONAL CLASS REDUCTION VIA SHIFTS IN THE CL VOWEL SYSTEM.

Late Latin reductions in the vowel system of early Classical Latin led to a downsizing in

the categorization of verbs by conjugational class as well as changes in the syllabic

structure of many forms. Appendix J displays the present tense of the four traditional

Classical Latin conjugational patterns, including a subclass of the third conjugation (III-i)

marked by a short high front vowel in the 1s/3p PRS IND and all of the PRS SBJ (beside

those of the IMPF (and FUT) IND). The categorization of verbs by the length of their

61

inflectional marker or theme vowel became severely limited as a distinction of vowel

quantity (long vs. short) became one of quality (tense vs. lax), the latter then being lost or

changed in Spanish (e.g. diphthongization of lax mid vowels in stressed position,

lowering of lax high vowels, etc.). One of the most important examples of this change in

the vocalic system for the Spanish verb stems affected by velar-insertion is the

development of the Classical Latin front vowels Ē, Ĭ and Ĕ. In stressed position, the

originally contrastive vowels Ē and Ĭ systematically emerge as a mid-front vowel /e/,

while Ĕ regularly diphthongizes in the same context, providing Spanish /je/. In atonic

position, meanwhile, all three of these vowels produce /e/, thereby eliminating any

distinction which had been available to previous generations of speakers.38 The effects of

such changes on the PRS IND forms of verbs like tener and venir are discussed below.

The primary consquence of these changes in the vowel system was a tremendous

overlap of inflectional markers across conjugational classes. For example, the 2s, 3s, 1p,

2p, and 3p PRS IND forms of conjugations II and III ended up having identical

inflection.39 The same explanation adds to the understanding of the relationship between

the second and third conjugations of Modern Spanish since, early on, the inflection for

the SBJ forms of Classical Latin conjugations II, III-i and IV merged completely. The

consequences of this merger are particularly crucial to the development of the velar-insert

class. Because the original conjugational structure was becoming much less transparent

in the transition to Late Latin, and later Hispano-Romance, one of the major changes in

the verbal system involved the general fusion of conjugations II and III. This merged

class took the basic shape of conjugation II, meaning that numerous verbs were added to

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what is now the –er class. Nonetheless, some verbs, including a few of very high token

frequency, instead moved in the opposite direction, changing conjugational class

completely. Examples are particularly salient when comparing verbs across Romance

languages, e.g. MPtg. dizer vs. MSp. decir (< CL DĪCERE).

In contrast, a very common change across Romance is a large-scale shift of verbs

from the CL III-i subclass to the fourth conjugation (MSp. -ir conjugation). The latter

was the second most numerous category in Latin and it shared with the former the

presence of a front inflectional vowel in the 1s/SBJ, e.g. huir < FUGĔRE, 1s FUGIŌ, parir <

PARĔRE, 1s PARIŌ. This front vowel, alongside the one found in the second conjugation,

then became the trigger for countless phonological changes that have become well known

characteristics of the individual Romance languages. Not only do these changes affect

the entire phonological system of Spanish, but they are also influential in its morphology

and provide the foundation upon which the process of velar-insertion establishes itself.

2.3.2—YOD EFFECTS AND PALATALIZATION. Along with the changes in Classical Latin

conjugations II, III-i and IV that were a consequence of reductions in the vowel system,

there was another change affecting the syllabic structure of their forms that can be

pinpointed as central to the origin of the development of the velar-insert class. In the

1s/SBJ forms of the aforementioned conjugations, there existed a vocalic hiatus between

the (unstressed) front theme vowel and a following non-front inflectional vowel, as

highlighted in Appendix J. This vocalic hiatus was lost in Late Latin, the primary

hypothesis being that the front theme vowel systematically became a palatal glide, or

63

yod, i.e. V ([+voc, -bk, -ton]) > /j/ ([-voc, +high]) / __ V.40 The development of this

anti-hiatic, non-syllabic element meant that the phonological shape of the affected forms

was reduced by one syllable. Hence, a pattern emerges in the present paradigm which

differentiates the 1s/SBJ from the remainder of the present on the basis of the appearance

of yod (cf. Tekavčić 1980b). This pattern is primary to the analysis of the paradigm

‘template’ (cf. Aski 1995, Maiden 1993, Vincent 1988). The emergent yod triggered a

general process of palatalization affecting certain neighboring consonants. This is the

first set of palatalization effects relevant to velar-insertion in Spanish. The result is the

creation of a palatalized series of phonemes that helps to define the transition from Late

Latin to the Romance languages (Penny 2002; cf. Maiden 1992, Tekavčić 1980a,

Wong-opasi 1993). In spite of providing the foundation for innovative paradigmatic

organization, however, the initial effects of this yod in Hispano-Romance are a matter of

debate in the literature. The following section treats these yod effects (and resulting

palatalization) through the presentation of the diachronic developments as seen in the

literature. Afterwards, a second palatalization process triggered by front vowels is

similarly explored since it plays a part in the emergence of the palatal series of

consonants and, more imporantly, it affects the most commonly hypothesized AM for

velar-insertion.

2.3.2.1—PALATALIZATION BY YOD IN THE VERBAL PARADIGM. The Latin developments

involving yod are limited almost exclusively to word-internal position (Tekavčić 1980a).

Examples of the creation of yod (as e is confused with i, both of which become yod in

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contexts where hiatus is lost) are provided from Late Latin inscriptions, some of which

display hypercorrections.41 This yod regularly palatalizes any immediately preceding

consonant except labials, /ɾ/ or /s/. Evidence in support of this analysis is found in the

stem-final palatal consonants in Modern Portuguese, Old French, and dialectal Modern

Italian, as shown in Appendix F. The yod effects relevant at this stage in the examination

of Spanish velar-insertion involve those consonants which are susceptible to

palatalization in stem-final position within the velar-insert class, namely the alveolar

nasal /n/ and alveolar lateral /l/. Again, the remaining stem-final consonants in this

group, i.e. /ɾ/ and /s/, historically have no palatalized counterpart in Spanish.

Outside of the verbal paradigm, /n/ and /l/ show palatalizing effects before yod,

creating, in Old Spanish, a palatal nasal /ɲ/, e.g. SENIŌRE > señor “sir”, PĪNEA > piña

“pine cone” and a pre-palatal fricative /ʒ/ (MSp. /x/), e.g. ĀLIU > ajo “garlic”, FOLIA >

foja “leaf” respectively (Penny 2002). Within the verbal paradigm, however, these same

palatalized outcomes are not found. This is especially apparent in the case of the nasal

segment, as there are no attested instances of a palatal nasal in any forms of the earliest

velar-insert verbs tener, venir, remanir or poner. In the slightly more complicated lateral

case, the evidence for palatalization is quite limited and problematic. Two possible

interpretations of the preceding information are presented below while a more detailed

discussion of lateral-final verbs and related orthographic problems is found in §3.4.

In some cases, especially those verbs with a non-palatalizable consonant, the yod

was lost without showing major effects, though, at times, raising the stem vowel prior to

loss, e.g. CL DORMIŌ, DORMIAM > MIt. dormo, dorma; MSp. duermo, duerma; MPtg.

65

dormo, durma (Tekavčić 1980b). The potential metaphonic effect of yod provides an

acceptable means of accounting for the stressed monophthong /e/ in the 1s/SBJ forms of

verbs like tener and venir, since the stem vowel is expected to undergo diphthongization

just like the other stressed stem vowels in the PRS IND, cf. 2s tienes, vienes. It is also

used as an argument against palatalization by yod, a hypothesis considered below.

In spite of the usefulness of yod in explaining such alternations within the present

paradigm, the lack of evidence of its effect on the stem-final (palatalizable) consonant

remains. This is demonstrated by the earliest Spanish documents showing latinate forms

and/or yod. For example, Wilkinson (1978) attests 1p SBJ poniamus in a Latinate

Castilian document from 844, after which only forms containing the velar /g/ are attested.

Given the somewhat surprising lack of evidence of palatalization by yod in tener, venir

and the like, the effect of yod in the verbal system represents a major faultline in the

previous analyses of velar-insertion. Elson (1988) notes:

Assuming the presence of this [yod] segment in the first person singular indicative and throughout the subjunctive of such verbs (e.g., 1sg.id. sentio and 1sg.sb. sentia, etc. from VL sentire), we expect a number of alternations (e.g., s/t in sentir) which, however, are not attested. This has led some to argue that yod was eliminated in these verbs before the period in which it palatalized preceding consonants. Others apparently assume the alternations in question, claiming that they were eliminated before the period of earliest attestation. (398) Among those who contend that palatalization of /n/ by yod occurred

systematically are: Bourciez (1967), Boyd-Bowman (1980), Bustos Gisbert (1989), Cano

Aguilar (1999), Elson (1988), Fanciullo (1998), Gassner (1897), Hall (1983),

Klausenburger (1984), Lloyd (1987), Malkiel (1958, 1974, 1989), Meyer-Lübke (1895),

Otero (1971), Penny (2002), Pérez Saldanya (1995a), Rohlfs (1968), Tekavčić (1980a,

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1980b), and Wilkinson (1978, 1979). Their view suggests pre-historical synchronic

variation between a palatalized form and an innovative velar-insert one, where the latter

serves as analogical replacement for the former, with possible depalatalization of the

nasal due to a phonotactic constraint imposed by the insertion of a following velar

consonant.42 In the broader domain of this hypothesis, these investigations nonetheless

differ with respect to the origin of the velar element.

In large part, the preceding perspective is supported by evidence from other

Romance languages like Portuguese and dialectal Italian (as in Appendix F), which show

the regular palatalizing effect of yod. Alongside this external data, some investigations

attest palatalized forms in a handful of the velar-insert verbs in early Old Spanish, e.g. 3s

SBJ valla from valer, though the phonetic realization of such forms may be called into

question (cf. orthographic problem discussed in §3.4). Also, as seen above, the fact that

forms like tengo and vengo are unaffected by diphthongization suggests the earlier

presence of yod, implying possible palatalization (cf. Wong-opasi 1993).

On the other side of the issue are those investigations which do not propose

palatalization in verbs like tener and venir because the glide which triggered

palatalization disappeared (or turned into /g/) early on or because their stems were

analogically or phonetically restructured prior to palatalizing.43 These include Alvar &

Pottier (1983), Cano Aguilar (1999), Diez (1874-1876), Elcock (1960), Ford (1966),

García de Diego (1951), Iordan & Manoliu-Manea (1972), Lathrop (1986), Lenfest

(1978, 1993), Menéndez Pidal (1980), Mondéjar Cumpián (1995), Resnick (1981),

Spaulding (1971), Urrutia Cardenas & Alvarez Alvarez (1983). Like those promoting the

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former hypothesis, many of these analyses follow different lines of reasoning as to the

emergence of the velar-insert, a matter which is explored in detail below.

MSp OSp Source CL Source

debo devo *debo DEBEŌ hago fago *faco FACIŌ miento miento *mento MENTIOR mido mido *mito MĒTIOR paro paro *paro PARIŌ parto parto *parto PARTIŌ siento siento *sento SENTIŌ temo temo *timo TIMEŌ visto visto *visto VESTIŌ hiervo *fiervo FERVŌ FERVEŌ huelo huelo OLŌ OLEŌ

Figure 2.5—Sp. verb forms not showing stem-final palatalization by yod.

Points in favor of the non-palatalization view are the absence of attested

palatalized forms for tengo, vengo, pongo, remango, etc. in Old Spanish and the lack of

yod effects in various other verbs, as demonstrated in Figure 2.5. Two of these forms,

namely those corresponding to Modern Spanish 1s hiervo and huelo, demonstrate, in fact,

that the loss of yod was already attested in the Latin verb system (i.e. conjugations II, IV,

and III-i), likely in the earliest centuries AD, with little to no effect on verb forms.

Likewise, “…FACUNT and FAUNT [from CL FACIUNT] are already found in Latin

inscriptions…” (Wilkinson 1979:29). Similar support is provided from the Modern

Italian 1s forms sento, dormo, parto, servo, which show no palatalization effect from an

earlier yod. Penny (2002), among others, attributes this loss to analogy with the large

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number of other inflected forms not having yod across the conjugation, i.e.

‘intra-paradigmatic’ analogy. This situation is highly plausible since the paradigmatic

and analogical pressures are such that regular sound change is often overtaken or

overridden by these forces (cf. §4.2.1). Initially, this analogical relationship resulted in

synchronic variation between forms with and without yod. At a later stage, these verbs

could be reanalyzed as belonging to a different conjugational class, something which

explains the absence of any yod effect in their Spanish derivatives (Menéndez Pidal

1980). Also, the contrast between the Portuguese and Spanish data supports a division in

the distribution of palatalization by yod (cf. Elcock 1960). Relatedly, the split in Italian

between palatalization and velar-insertion may also be linked to this phenomenon. Once

more, the lack of diphthongization in the stem vowel of forms like 1s tengo is attributed

to the raising effect of the yod which was subsequently lost. This is corroborated by

several facts concerning neighboring Catalan. First, Modern Catalan 1s tinc shows

raising of the stem vowel by yod. Second, this language permits word-final palatal

consonants which means that there is nothing preventing the yod from both raising the

stem vowel and palatalizing the (originally) stem-final nasal. In the end, the divide in the

literature regarding the effect of yod demonstrates that “the explanation of the velar-insert

is in some way connected to the loss or retention of yod in the Vulgar Latin of different

regions” (Lenfest 1978:899).

Returning to the earlier discussion of yod effects in the Old Spanish verbal

system, the sequence /lj/ typically resulted in the creation of a palatal lateral which

changed to a voiceless pre-palatal fricative /ʒ/ in pre-literary Castilian (examples above).

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Since this palatalization process did not occur systematically, more needs to be said about

forms like Classical Latin 1s SALIŌ, VALEŌ as they would have been subject to changes

resulting in unattested *sajo, *vajo. There are two possible conclusions with respect to

this issue. First, it is presumable that the yod in these forms was lost prior to

palatalization, as suggested in several highly recognized analyses. For example, Lenfest

(1978) contends that were the yod not lost early on, there would have been much more

competition and alternation, e.g. *faço ~ fago, *yaço ~ yago, *teño ~ tengo, *veño ~

vengo (cf. Italian tegno ~ tengo, vegno ~vengo). Other similar alternations were, in fact,

not resolved prior to the written historical record in the Spanish language and actually

lasted for long periods of time. Thus, if archaic or formal contexts do not show *faço or

*teño, it is likely that they never existed in Old Spanish. This is supported by the

rampant (non-verbal) palatalization of /n, l/ in the same contexts outside the verbal

paradigm (see above). The last point is also indicative of the second possibility, that such

forms were resistant to palatalization on the basis of paradigmatic influence, again, a

theory which has been proposed on more than one occasion (see, for instance, Penny

2002). The early appearance in Spanish of forms without yod does not necessarily

support one of these possibilities over the other since it can be accounted for by both

analyses, arguing that these forms are the direct development of the loss of yod, or that

they promote intra-paradigmatic influence of the remaining verb stems which do not

show yod effects for phonological reasons. Realistically, it is more than likely that the

absence of yod and palatalization effects in the vast majority of verbs is due to a

combination of these arguments. That is to say, the loss of yod may have been supported

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by the fact that the forms in question are part of a paradigmatic structure in which the

other inflected forms lack this palatalizing element. This is a well-accepted aspect of

paradigmatic resistance to sound change as described in §4.2.

With respect to the lack of palatalization in the nasal plus yod sequence, one

additional point must be considered. The appearance of the velar element post-nasally is

a pre-historic phenomenon while the insertion of the velar in the lateral-final case seems

to have occurred in the earliest stages of the written historical record of Spanish. Hence,

the palatalization of the laterals may have been prevented by the earlier appearance of the

nasal plus velar sequence in a related set of verbs and possible AM. Therefore, the

palatalization effects of yod are most relevant to the primary set of velar-insert verbs, i.e.

those having a stem-final nasal /n/. As might be concluded from the long-lasting debate

in the literature, the lack of salient evidence for one analysis over the other has led to less

extreme hypotheses. Malkiel (1974), for example, reconstructs /tenjo/ or /teɲo/, /venjo/

or /veɲo/ for the Late Latin predecessors of 1s tengo, vengo. All of this must be taken

into consideration in the identification of the original source, or AM, for the process of

velar-insertion.

A briefly mentioned effect of yod that is crucial for the extension of the

velar-insert involves the possible palatalization of a preceding occlusive consonant. For

the most part, the anti-hiatic yod is believed to have been lost in Spanish when found

only in part of the verbal paradigm, generally without palatalizing an immediately

preceding occlusive, e.g. CL 1s SENTIŌ > siento, FACIŌ > OSp. fago (MSp. hago) (cntr.

MPtg. faço, MIt. faccio, etc.). The yod in these verbs was presumably lost through the

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analogical restructuring of these forms according to intra-paradigmatic influence.

However, the sequences /bj, dj, gj/ were susceptible to yod effects, as demonstrated by

instances of the orthographic representation of fricative/palatalized consonants in Latin,

e.g. ZABOLUS for DIABOLUS (Tekavčić 1980a). The above obstruent plus yod sequences

resulted in the emergence of a palatal fricative /ʝ/, or palato-alveolar affricate /dʒ/, that is

subsequently lost after a front vowel, e.g. CL 1s VIDEŌ > OSp. veyo > MSp. veo, RĪDEŌ >

OSp. riyo > MSp. río, AUDIŌ > OSp. oyo (>> MSp. oigo), FUGIŌ > fuyo, 1s SBJ SEDEAM

> sea, HABEAM > haya.44 This palatalizing effect of yod is believed to be simultaneous to

that affecting nasals and laterals. The innovative palatal consonant was also extended

analogically to some originally class III Latin verbs which did not derive it

etymologically, e.g. 1s CADO > OSp. cayo (>> MSp. caigo), RADO > rayo (>> MSp.

raigo), RODO > royo (>> MSp. roigo), VADAM > vaya, TRADO > OSp. traya (>> MSp.

traiga).45 In some instances, it gained ground intra-paradigmatically, affecting highly

reduced forms with an unacceptable hiatus involving a non-front vowel as the first

element in hiatus, e.g. 2s *oes >> oyes (Penny 2002).46 As should be noted from the

modern forms above, the velar-insert is found following the off-gliding palatal segment

in the 1s/SBJ. Its development in these instances is unanimously attributed to analogy

with the already established set of velar-insert verbs, i.e. tener, venir, salir, valer, etc. (cf.

Menéndez Pidal 1980, Penny 2002). The forms in question attained the velar-insert at a

later stage, as discussed in various sections of the following chapter, meaning that they

are not central to the analysis of the origin of the velar element but rather are

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demonstrative of its extension through the verbal subsystem of the lexicon. Nonetheless,

they are affected initially by the appearance of yod.

The effect of yod on what is to become the set of velar-insert verbs is

compounded by related changes that took place in other verbs having a similar phonetic

shape and allomorphic distribution of stem alternants. In particular, the palatalizing

effect of front vowels on velar consonants is relevant for the Classical Latin set of –

NGERE verbs, i.e. class III verbs having the stem-final sequence /ng/, as well as verbs

having (intervocalic) stem-final /k/ followed by a front vowel, a group that includes the

highly frequent verbs decir (CL DĪCERE) and hacer (CL FACERE). Because these two

groups of verbs are the most commonly cited AM for velar-insertion, the changes,

phonological and otherwise, which are involved in shaping their PRS paradigms are

examined below.

2.3.2.2—THE CLASSICAL LATIN –NGERE VERB SET. Velar-insertion is intrinsically tied

to the process of palatalization visible in the forms in Figure 2.6, as suggested in previous

research (e.g. Malkiel 1967, 1974, 1989). The syllable-initial voiced velar /g/ suffered

spirantization and palatalization, developing into a palatalizing element (possibly yod)

before a front vowel (remaining /g/ before non-front vowels, per the highlighted 1s/SBJ

alternation). This frequently led to palatalization of the preceding (palatalizable)

consonant, something which, for present purposes, affects the development of the

Classical Latin –NGERE verb set (below).47 However, palatalization was not the only

outcome of contact between syllable-initial /g/ and an immediately following front vowel.

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Because so many of the examples are verbal, the expected development is complicated by

paradigmatic/morphological pressures, leading to specific changes to the velar element

depending upon the characteristics of the preceding consonant. Penny (2002), following

Malkiel (1967, 1974) indicates that /ɾg/ maintained its pronunciation before non-front

vowels, though before front vowels it was susceptible to spirantization/palatalization

effects, generally producing Old Spanish /ɾdz/ (MSp. /ɾθ/ or /ɾs/). The sequence /ng/,

meanwhile, is more problematic since before front vowels it shows three possible

outcomes: (1) loss of /g/; (2) palatalization of the nasal with loss of /g/ (possibly through

a change /g/ > /j/ / __ /e, i/ (cf. Ford 1966)); or (3) palatalization effects similar to those

for /ɾg/, i.e. OSp. /ndz/ (MSp. /nθ/ or /ns/). Lloyd (1987) prefers a direct phonological

development with morphological interference resulting in the synchronic variation. The

alveolar affricate /dz/ is seen as the regular phonological outcome, but speakers'

awareness of the morphological structure of the verb might have permitted them to

analyze the verbal morpheme independently from its syllabic structure thus eliminating

any possible contrast between velar plus front vowel and antihiatic yod, and leading to

palatalization of the preceding nasal (with loss of the palatalizing segment). This is again

illustrative of the resistance to change in the inflectional paradigm (cf. §4.2).

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Lg INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

CL TANGERE touch TANGŌ TANGAM 1 1s TANGIS TANGĀS 2 2s TANGIT TANGAT 3 3s TANGIMUS TANGĀMUS 4 1p TANGITIS TANGĀTIS 5 2p TANGUNT

48 TANGANT 6 3p OSp Tañer pluck (a string) tango tanga 1 1s tañes tangas 2 2s tañe tanga 3 3s tañemos *tangamos 4 1p tañéis *tangades 5 2p tañen *tangan 6 3p MSp Tañer pluck (a string) taño taña 1 1s tañes tañas 2 2s tañe taña 3 3s tañemos tañamos 4 1p tañéis tañáis 5 2p tañen tañan 6 3p

Figure 2.6—Diachronic development of MSp. tañer, from CL –NGERE verb set.

In short, the developments that affect an etymological syllable-initial velar before

a front vowel are highly complex, given that there are at least three attested outcomes in

Old Spanish, e.g. franzer, frañer (< CL FRANGERE), and quinientos (< CL QUĪNGENTŌS).

Countless efforts have been made to identify and motivate one or more of these outcomes

as being the phonologically regular one.49 In many analyses, it is argued that the palatal

nasal is the expected outcome in order to motivate the reconstruction of pre-literary forms

of tener and venir having the same phoneme, e.g. 1s *teño. What is truly relevant for

present purposes, however, is that there arose a period of synchronic variation such that

one finds the original velar in the 1s/SBJ forms of verbs in alternation with either nz or ñ,

the latter of which quickly becomes the victor in nearly all verbs derived from this

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source.50 It seems that this was the situation by the Middle Ages before the paradigms of

these verbs were analogically influenced towards uniformity of the root-final palatal

nasal in later stages of Old Spanish (Menéndez Pidal 1980). Paradigmatic analogical

influence, a major tenet of this investigation, stands out since the available Spanish data

shows that development of the voiced velar after a sonorant and before a front vowel is

not purely phonological given the multiple outcomes seen in the resulting synchronic and

diachronic variation.

Additional examination of the set of –NGERE verbs is provided below as it relates

to the function of this verb class as a potential AM for the emergence of the velar-insert

category. In particular, morphological and paradigmatic similarities are shown to be

among the primary characteristics upon which the analogical relationship is based, in

conjunction with the phonological aspects indicated here.

2.3.2.3—THE DECIR, HACER SET. Another AM which requires further analysis is the set

captained by the high frequency verbs decir and hacer. It includes those verbs which, at

a stage prior to velar-insertion, showed a 1s/SBJ distribution of a velar-final stem

allomorph as a result of very different developments. Among them one finds yacer (e.g.

1s yago), cocer (e.g. 3s SBJ cuega) and those verbs derived from the Classical Latin base

–DŪCERE, e.g. aducir (1s adugo), reducir (1s redugo), etc., see below). Many of these

verbs derive their allomorphy by way of regular sound change (‘lautgesetzlich’), while, in

some cases, like that of hacer, there are additional factors in play. It is important to note

that a large portion of the verbs included in this group showed synchronic variation in

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their inflected forms and/or have been reanalyzed or leveled in favor of alternative

patterns.51 This is indicative of the competing analogical factors available to speakers

and has most recently been attributed to token frequency of the individual lexical items

(though also possibly to the low type frequency of the alternation, cf. Martín Vegas

2007). The matter of frequency is explored further in §4.3.

The allomorphic distribution and general diachronic patterns of this verb group

are exemplified by the verbs decir and hacer in Figure 2.7. These two verbs show that

the stem-final voiceless velar is affected by two separate phonological developments

determined by the frontness of the following vowel. Voicing of intervocalic obstruents, a

well-known characteristic of the process of Western Romance Lenition, affects stem-final

/k/ in the 1s/SBJ when it is followed by a non-front vowel.52 On the other hand, the

presence of a front vowel in this same environment leads to palatalization, producing an

alveolar affricate /ts/ that is also susceptible to Lenition, producing /dz/. In fact, this is

one of the earliest changes in the transition from Latin to Spanish, occurring as early as

the 1st c. according to the orthographic confusion found in an example like

INTCITAMENTO for INCITAMENTO (Fradejas Rueda 1997; cf. Ford 1966). The verb cocer

and those from CL –DŪCERE can also be explained in this way, thus providing a fairly

frequent set of similarly shaped verbs with an innovative allmorphic distribution in the

present tense.

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Lg INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

CL DĪCERE say, tell DĪCŌ DĪCAM 1 1s DĪCIS DĪCĀS 2 2s DĪCIT DĪCAT 3 3s DĪCIMUS DĪCĀMUS 4 1p DĪCITIS DĪCĀTIS 5 2p DĪCUNT DĪCANT 6 3p OSp dezir say, tell digo diga 1 1s dizes digas 2 2s dize diga 3 3s dezimos digamos 4 1p dezides digades 5 2p dizen digan 6 3p MSp decir say, tell digo diga 1 1s dices digas 2 2s dice diga 3 3s decimos digamos 4 1p decís digáis 5 2p dicen digan 6 3p CL FACERE do, make FACIŌ FACIAM 1 1s FACIS FACIĀS 2 2s FACIT FACIAT 3 3s FACIMUS FACIĀMUS 4 1p FACITIS FACIĀTIS 5 2p FACIUNT FACIANT 6 3p OSp fazer do, make fago faga 1 1s fazes fagas 2 2s faze faga 3 3s fazemos fagamos 4 1p fazedes fagades 5 2p fazen fagan 6 3p MSp hacer do, make hago haga 1 1s haces hagas 2 2s hace haga 3 3s hacemos hagamos 4 1p hacéis hagáis 5 2p hacen hagan 6 3p

Figure 2.7—Diachronic development of MSp. decir and hacer.

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In spite of the straightforward analysis of the forms above, the earlier loss of yod

is crucial in order to account for the development of 1s/SBJ forms of hacer, as well as

those of yacer and placer, since they would have developed an antihiatic yod in Late

Latin. If the yod is lost, as is likely to have happened given the attested evidence

mentioned in §2.3.2.1, the development of 1s hago is identical to that of 1s digo, i.e. the

result of regular sound change affecting a reconstructed source, 1s *FACŌ. Thus,

“Menéndez Pidal’s general statements about the loss of flexional yod seem to have even

wider application than he envisioned. They explain not only FACIŌ � hago, JACEŌ �

OSp. yago, but also TENEŌ � tengo, VENIŌ � vengo” (Lenfest 1993:636). Extending the

idea of the early loss of yod accounts for the lack of palatalization of the stem-final nasal

in the preceding examples and for the hypothesis that digo, hago and yago are central to

the AM for velar-insertion. If the yod were not lost early on, the shape of the stem in the

paradigm of Old Spanish fazer would have been completely regular, i.e. 1s *fazo < *faço

(cf. Ptg. faço), 2s fazes, etc.53 While hypothesizing the loss of yod in such forms does

require an initial period of analogical adjustment, the presence of yod necessitates a more

complicated and less natural analogical remodeling of a seemingly regular paradigm.

Mondéjar Cumpián (1995) suggests that the latter can be discounted because (1) speakers

would tend not to reanalyze a leveled verb stem like faz- once it is traditionally

established, especially considering its high token frequency (cf. Martín Vegas 2007); (2)

there are a very limited number of available AM for such a change; and (3) such an

explanation rests squarely on the uneasiness of speakers before an undesirable

paradigmatic or morphological structure.

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What emerges from these phonological developments is a pattern of allomorphy

that is limited to the verbal paradigm (Martín Vegas 2007). This is due to the fact that

the inflectional paradigm provides the only context where these two patterns of sound

change are found in alternation. The morphological consequence of this localized

domain for phonological change is an increased salience of the pattern of allomorphy as a

unit of cognitive organization, i.e. ‘paradigmatic template’ or ‘morphome’, especially

given the high token frequency of verbs like decir and hacer. This concept is identified

herein as a crucial factor in the emergence and extension of the velar-insert subclass.

Additional aspects of the aforementioned AM are examined in §2.4.2.

2.3.3—THE RELEVANCE OF YOD EFFECTS AND PALATALIZATION. The palatalizing

effect of front vowels (and the yod derived from them) is an essential starting point in the

origin of the velar-insert verb class. Although, in many cases, such an effect is indirect,

through its involvement in the development of potential AM for velar-insertion, it does

prove a meaningful point of contrast in the literature on the subject. In fact, the

importance of the antihiatic yod that emerged from a front vowel in hiatus with an

immediately following vowel extends well beyond the matter at hand. Nonetheless, the

effect of yod on the earliest velar-insert class members is indicative of the subsequent

stages required by any analysis.

If palatalization of nasals (and possibly laterals) by yod did occur in verbs like

tener and venir, it did so only prior to the written historical record of Spanish. This

hypothesis is in line with the wider Romance phenomenon of palatalization. In such a

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case, however, synchronic variation between palatal and non-palatal (or velar) stems

would have been short-lived, resolved in favor of the velar-insert forms, likely motivated

by a number of external, analogical factors.

If the anti-hiatic yod is lost before palatalizing the sonorants /n, l/, it seems likely

that speakers would have been faced with an intra-paradigmatic complication. The

distribution of stem alternants that would have arisen in a verb like tener, i.e. 1s *teno 2s

tienes, 1p tenemos, 1s SBJ tena, etc., was unprecedented and highly implausible since the

regular distribution of the diphthong/monophthong alternation was well established

across all conjugational classes. The resolution to this innovative and unexpected

paradigmatic alternation would have been grounded in analogy, either through

intra-paradigmatic leveling or the use of a highly similar AM. The high token frequency

of the individual forms involved lent itself to the latter response. This AM required a

high degree of phonetic, morphological and paradigmatic similarity. The most

commonly hypothesized AM are the set of CL –NGERE verbs and verbs like decir and

hacer, both of which developed a 1s/SBJ allomorphic pattern in the present paradigm due

primarily to various palatalization processes which characterize the tranisition from Latin

to Romance.

These hypothesized analogical sources are both excluded from membership in the

the velar-insert class for different reasons. The –NGERE set is excluded because of the

palatal feature of the nasal in alternation with the nasal plus velar sequence, the

etymological nature of the velar element and, more importantly, the eventual leveling of

the paradigm in favor of the palatal nasal. Similarly for the decir/hacer set, given the

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etymological origin of the paradigmatic alternation in its initial stages, as well as the fact

that this group was formed at a stage prior to the emergence of the velar-insert class and

the intervocalic context in which the velar occurred, these verbs are not interpreted as

members of the highly specified velar-insert category as it is defined here.

An earlier point which requires a more transparent explanation concerns the

quality of the inflectional vowels as an important factor in the separation between the first

conjugation on the one hand and the second and third conjugations on the other (i.e. the

contrast of Classical Latin class I against the remaining conjugational classes throughout

the transition to Romance). Spanish conjugations II and III are marked by a front theme

vowel in the PRS IND, in contrast to the non-front theme vowel of I. In the PRS SBJ,

however, the situation is reversed such that the first conjugation utilizes a front vowel to

mark mood while the remaining classes have a non-front marker. On a phonological

basis, then, all conjugations should be susceptible to the palatalizing processes described

above. A brief examination of the regular verbs in each conjugational class, however,

shows that this is not the case. Spanish, like most other Romance languages, has avoided

regular phonetic developments (like palatalization) in the PRS SBJ due to its

intra-paradigmatic (morphological) relationship with the PRS IND.

The above morphological interference or involvement has been identified in

various ways throughout the literature. Menéndez Pidal (1980) sees it as the “influence”

of the indicative on the subjunctive. Martín Vegas (2007), following a very common line

of reasoning found throughout the history of linguistic analysis, believes that the

subjunctive forms are analogically built upon, or derived from, those of the indicative,

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especially the 1s or 3s, e.g. MSp. 1s/3s SBJ pag-ue (not *pace) << 1s pag-o, 3s pag-a

(INF pagar), etc.; 1s/3s SBJ cen-e (not *ceñe) << 1s ceno, 3s cena (INF cenar), etc. It

seems more plausible, and more in line with the proposals made in this investigation,

however, that the avoidance of regular phonetic developments in the subjunctive, while

based in part on the phonological shape of the forms in the indicative, is due to an AM

sharing multiple phonological, morphological and paradigmatic similarities across the

lexical category of verb. Essentially, this AM is the verbal paradigm itself since the

overwhelming majority of verbs have shown both synchronically and diachronically a

completely regular stem across the PRS. This highly stable and extraordinarily frequent

AM is the reason that previous analyses, theoretical and otherwise, have viewed the

verbal paradigm as resistant to phonological change and has led to important work in the

relationship between phonology and morphology. These types of issues are touched

upon again in §4.2.

2.4—THE ANALOGICAL BASIS FOR SPANISH VELAR-INSERTION. Previous analyses

attribute the appearance of the non-etymological velar in the verbs under investigation to

a proportional analogical relationship with various AM like those mentioned above. At

this juncture, it is pertinent to ask why it is necessary to appeal to analogy in the first

place. Couldn’t velar-insertion simply be phonological, morphological or both? In spite

of the phonological contexts where velar-insertion appears in the modern language (i.e.

after /n, l, ɾ, s, j/ and before /a, o/), the proposed solution cannot be based on phonology

alone, i.e. *–EA, -EŌ � -ga, -go / [n, l, ɾ, s, j] __, or synchronically, *-no, -na

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� -ngo, -nga. This is demonstrated by the fact that velar-insertion is absent in forms of

the –ar conjugation (i.e. 1s ceno from cenar ‘dine’, not *cengo). There are a number of

reasons why this is so. The first major insight into this question is taken from Malkiel

(1967), which stresses the importance of comparing forms that did change with those that

did not, particularly those which were borrowed into the language at different stages with

respect to the phenomenon under examination (i.e. before, during, after) to determine its

degree of productivity and level of systematicity. There are numerous verb forms which

did not suffer velar-insertion or did so to varying degrees, including soler, ferir (MSp.

herir), doler, toser, oler, coser, pulir as well as the entire first conjugation (see Appendix

K). That these forms do not systematically assume the paradigmatic allomorphy

characteristic of the velar-insert verbs is a complication from the perspective of a regular,

purely phonological change. Such target forms are not easily contrasted etymologically

from those whose stem allomorphy was restructured. Therefore, the change which

occurred cannot be based solely on the phonological conditioning environment.

Further evidence of the ‘localized’ regularity of the velar-insertion process is

demonstrated by the fact that it is not found outside the verb system and, within this

grammatical category, its distribution is not globally triggered by any

morphophonological conditioning environment (cf. §1.3.1). There are many verbs (and

non-verbs) which have not undergone velar-insertion in spite of containing all the

applicable morphological and phonological characteristics. Outside of the verbal

paradigm, the result is (primarily) palatalization, e.g. the nominal forms SENIŌRE > señor

“sir”, cntr. *sengor; PĪNEA > piña “pine cone”, cntr. *pinga; ARĀNEA > araña “spider”,

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cntr. *aranga. Consequently, the morphological boundary, or the distinction of stem

from inflection is also insufficient, even in conjunction with the necessary phonological

information. Were the phenomenon triggered by the morphophonological structure

alone, it would be possible to argue for velar-insertion in nouns, or at least across all

target forms in the verb system. An additional morphological factor is that the

inflectional vowel immediately following the verb stem be non-thematic. This implies

that the susceptible verbs are from conjugations II (-er) and III (-ir) only. In this way, it

is possible to account for the lack of velar-insertion in both nouns (e.g. araña, cana) and

verbs of the first conjugation (-ar, e.g. cenar).

Given the preceding information, it is necessary to broaden the exploration for

such conditioning factors. Malkiel (1967) suggests searching within a previously

uncharted domain, the inflectional paradigm:

Diagnostically, it seems wisest to start from the axiomatic assumption that most sound changes can be accounted for in terms of a phonological system’s internal balance and economy. It is only where explanations of this order fail, without undo stretching, to do justice to ascertainable facts that the analyst is well advised to try out a ‘second string’ of possible factors of causation…It seems theoretically defensible and also feasible to attach to this second string the possibility, rare in some languages yet conceivably frequent in others, of inflectional pressure. (49) In the case of first conjugation verbs, it may be argued that velar-insertion does

not occur due, in part, to “intra-paradigmatic” influence involving the distribution of

non-front inflectional vowels across all PRS IND forms. Increasing allomorphy in these

forms would require complicating the stability of the leveled paradigm in favor of

completely innovative allomorphy and the consequential emergence of an otherwise

unattested templatic distribution of internal verbal allomorphy (i.e. IND vs. SBJ stem).

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The paradigmatic template that emerges exclusively from the allomorphic pattern of verb

stems in conjugations II and III is then seen as a consequence of the linguistic

organization of inflected verb forms. Also, the preceding supports the fact that Spanish –

ar conjugation is resistant to allomorphy, preferring isomorphic stems over alternation.

Though surface true, this does not arise from an imposed constraint, but is instead a

consequence of paradigmatic influence based on the distribution of morphophonological

factors. Although the factors involved in the process are becoming clearer, the lack of

systematic insertion of the velar in the verbal subclass remains problematic. Thus, more

details are required to appropriately identify the conditioning factors triggering

velar-insertion.

From a diachronic standpoint, the fact that velar-insertion was productive before

the written historical record of Spanish (10th c.) until about the 16th c. is indicative of the

gradual nature of analogical change. Meanwhile, it could be anticipated that, like the SBJ

of conjugation I verbs, the earliest members of the velar-insert subclass would have

undergone palatalization in the 1s/SBJ as the result of regular sound change. The attested

data, unfortuantely, do not support such a hypothesis. This raises the question, if no

forms can be found with a palatal nasal, why should it be proposed in such cases?54

Analogy permits a direct transition to the attested stage where these verbs contain a velar

element. In fact, even some of the most notable works promoting palatalization by yod

contend as much. Malkiel (1974) finds no reason to suppose an intermediate stage in

every case: “the alternative leap from /n/ to /ŋg/ seems equally plausible” (342).

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On the basis of the preceding points, the explanation for the origin and extension

of the velar-insert lies in analogy though it has been assigned a seemingly arbitrary,

hence overly powerful function in many instances. This is the only point upon which

previous research agrees, that velar-insertion became analogical at some point, either

from the outset or soon thereafter. The focus, however, has been primarily on the origin

of the velar-insert, without paying similar attention to its diachronic extension through

the lexicon. At the same time, the details of the original AM are not specific. The

following sections illustrate the lack of depth that has plagued earlier investigations of

Spanish velar-insertion, setting the scene for discussion of the most well-established

analyses of velar-insertion.

2.4.1—VELAR-INSERTION AND LINGUISTIC INDEPENDENCE. The most difficult question

to answer and the one to which the most time and effort has been dedicated is where and

when exactly did the velar-insert originate? A handful of earlier investigations (Elson

1988, Lenfest 1978, Penny 2002, Tekavčić 1980b) have suggested that the initial stages

of velar-insertion are likely to have occurred at a point when there was still a relationship

between geographically-distant Romance dialects. This is based on two important points:

(1) the alternation (reconstructed for Spanish) between velar and palatal stems in the

verbs tener (teng- ~ *teñ-) and venir (veng- ~ *veñ-) and (2) the fact that velar-insertion

occurs or has occurred in a group of geographically connected Romance languages (i.e.

Sp., Cat., OProv., It.), while in the ‘fringe’ languages (i.e. Ptg., Fr., Rom.), the

velar-insert is not found (Lenfest 1978).55 More to the point, Hall (1983) indicates that

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the velar-insert is not Proto-Romance but rather Proto-Italo-Western-Romance. In doing

so, the linguistic division created by the presence or absence of the velar in the verbal

paradigm takes on greater definition.

The preceding hypothesis is less likely than originally thought. Fanciullo (1998)

provides arguments against it with specific discussion of Spanish and Italian diachronic

developments. Similarly, Lenfest (1993, quoted above) argues against unnecessarily

proposing shared synchronic changes across Romance languages. The geographical

connectedness of the phenomenon is actually a consequence of the similarities in the

effects of certain phonological changes, inflectional features and paradigmatic patterns.

Each affected language, however, has its own particular combination of characteristics

upon which their individual AM is founded. On the other hand, French and Portuguese

did not share enough of these factors in order for a stable velar-insert AM to arise.

Instead, the same verbs in these languages were molded by other sources including the

previously described processes of palatalization. In sum, Spanish, Catalan and Italian

each had a particular set of features in a well-established set of verbs such that they

provided the foundation for the extension of a paradigmatic pattern of allomorphy. In

each language, however, the exact details of the direction of change were dictated by the

variables associated with a language-specific AM, which, though unique to each

language, share many basic similarities (cf. §2.2 and 4.5).

2.4.2—POSSIBLE AM FOR VELAR-INSERTION. As mentioned earlier, the other major

division in the previous literature, beyond the loss of yod, involves the AM for the intial

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stage of velar-insertion, i.e. the pre-literary appearance of the velar in nasal-final verb

stems.56 The verbs poner, tener, remanir and venir (CL PONERE, TENĒRE, REMANĒRE,

VENĪRE) are believed to have been restructured analogically according to: (1) the set of

verbs ending in –NGERE in CL, e.g. CINGERE ‘encircle; sheathe(a sword)’, FRANGERE

‘break’, TANGERE ‘touch’ (Alvar & Pottier 1983, Bourciez 1967, Cuervo, in Bello 1964,

Elson 1988, García de Diego 1951, Gassner 1897, Hooper 1979, Klausenburger 1984,

Lloyd 1987, Malkiel 1974, 1989, Menéndez Pidal 1980, Rohlfs 1968 (It.), Tekavčić

1980b (It.), Urrutia Cardenas & Alvarez Alvarez 1983, Wilkinson 1978); (2) the decir,

hacer set, including related verbs yacer, placer, cocer, etc. (Baist 1888, Blasco Ferrer

1984 (Cat.), Cano Aguilar 1999, Ford 1966, Martín Vegas 2007); (3) alternative sources

like the expanding set of inchoative verbs (Elson 1988, Lenfest 1978, 1993); or (4) the

combined influence of the –NGERE and decir, hacer sets (Bustos Gisbert 1989, Maiden

1992, Malkiel 1967, Pérez Saldanya 1995a (Cat.), Spaulding 1971).57 Each of these

possible AM is examined below.

2.4.2.1—THE –NGERE SET, PART II. As a means of summarizing the analogical

inception of velar-insertion in Spanish, Bourciez (1967) proposes the unorthodox

proportional equation: 1s *fraño (analogical, cf. Ital. fragno) : 1s frango (etymological)

:: 1s *teño (etymological from CL TENEŌ) : X, where X = 1s tengo. Although the use of

stem variants is unusual, the equation is possible because, "analogy takes place when

there is a high degree of configurational similarity among the forms affected; it most

often occurs when the phonetic environment is essentially compatible with the innovative

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feature" (Lenfest 1978:898). If it is presumed that palatalization did affect tener, venir,

etc., then their paradigmatic shape would have overlapped with that described above for

the –NGERE set. That is to say, not only do these groups of verbs have a similar phonetic

shape in their inflected forms (i.e. monosyllabic stems having the structure C(C)VN), but

the allomorphic distribution arising from palatalization of some forms in the –NGERE

verbal paradigm, serving to isolate the 1s/SBJ forms, would be highly similar in the

analogical targets. The difference between the –NGERE and the (eventual) velar-insert

groups at this point would have been the stem-final consonants that alternated in the PRS.

More specifically, there would be alternation of velar/palatal and velar/non-palatal

respectively. The subsequent changes affecting the –NGERE set are the result of

reanalysis due to intra-paradigmatic influence (across tense and mood). Malkiel (1967)

chalks all of this up to the reaction of speakers:

It must be understood that in the medieval paradigm of verbs traceable to prototypes in –NGERE there survived certain forms, directly representative of the sequences –NGŌ or –NGA-, in which –ng- was temporarily left intact. Thus, the present indicative of the descendant of FRANGERE ran: 1 frango, 2-3 franze(s), 4 franzemos or frañemos; and the subjunctive was franga(s)…It was the speakers’ reaction to multidimensional complexities of this kind which, in the end, provoked widespread leveling, in the course of which the remaining –ng- forms were wiped out in favor of –ñ- or, occasionally, of –nz-, -nç-: tango > taño ‘I touch,’ unga > unza ‘let me (or him, her) yoke’. (36) The main problem with the above analysis involves the associative strength of the

–NGERE class, exemplified in Figure 2.8, affecting verbs like tener and venir. First, if the

–NGERE group makes the velar element available for insertion, why were its effects not

felt paradigm-internally? How could the influence of the velar element be felt outside but

not be maintained within its own paradigm? Similar arguments can also be made for

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tener and venir presuming they were affected by palatalization. In order to answer these

questions, it is necessary to appeal to the entire inflectional paradigm and not just the

present tense. Tekavčić (1980b) feels that speakers were conscious of the fact that the

velar was etymological/original in the –NGERE verbs and thus presumed the same for

tener and venir. What is left out of such hypotheses is the opposition in the distribution

of alternants in the model and target paradigms. AEM requires as high a degree of

phonetic similarity as possible between model and target. If the –NGERE set exclusively

comprises the AM, velar-insertion in the 1s/SBJ should either not occur or be

complemented by palatalization of the nasal in the remaining IND forms. However, with

the addition of the already established templatic structure of the 1s/SBJ division in the

paradigm (see below), the velar could be extended from the -NGERE set to the

velar-inserts. Once established the allomorphic pattern is established in the latter, it is

lost in the original AM through intraparadigmatic leveling involving the higher token

frequency of the non-velar stem alternant. Both velar-insertion and leveling in favor of

the palatal nasal, then, are representative of the analogical influence of the verbal

paradigm, external in the former (‘inter-paradigmatic’), internal in the latter

(‘intra-paradigmatic’).

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CL Gloss MSp.

CINGERE encircle; sheathe (a sword) ceñir

FINGERE shape, mold heñir

FRANGERE break frañer

IUNGERE unite; yoke uñir, uncir

PLANGERE lament plañir

PUNGERE prick; sting puñir, pungir

RINGERE scold reñir

STRINGERE draw tight estreñir, constreñir

TANGERE touch tañer

TINGERE dye teñir

Figure 2.8—Examples of the CL –NGERE verb set.

Another part of the problem with respect to the influence of the –NGERE class of

verbs is related to token frequency (cf. Ford 1966, Lenfest 1978). How could speakers

permit a group of highly frequent verbs like poner, tener, venir, etc. to be changed by a

less frequent one? Such an argument is countered by Lloyd (1987) and Wilkinson

(1978), on the basis that during the initial stages of the process (i.e. pre-literary Spanish),

these verbs were sufficiently numerous in type so as to be available as an AM. Type and

token frequency are concepts which are crucial to the analogical process and are therefore

explored in more detail in §4.3.

2.4.2.2—THE DECIR, HACER SET, PART II. Questions concerning the influence of the –

NGERE set on the velar-insert class, like those above, have led to the examination of

alternative models. Ford (1966), for example, does not see any viable means for

explaining a shift from (expected) /ɲ/ to (unexpected) /ng/ and calls into doubt the

influence of the -NGERE verbs, since they are not as “common and important” as

velar-insert verbs like tener (297). Instead, the appearance of the velar is hypothesized

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by many investigations to have its basis in the decir, hacer set, in conjunction with

possible resistance to palatalization of the nasal in the 1s via intra-paradigmatic influence,

i.e. the lack of palatal nasals in the other forms of the paradigm (i.e. avoidance of

phonemic variation in the verb stem (a type of leveling), cf. Spaulding 1971, Lenfest

1978). The use of both paradigm-internal and external evidence is notable since they are

crucial factors in the overall development of the velar class.

The primary motivation for suggesting the decir, hacer AM lies in token

frequency. A recent study of token frequency in the modern language finds that decir

and hacer are respectively the 28th and 25th most frequently used words by lemma

(Davies 2006). Poner, tener and venir, being among the first verbs to undergo

velar-insertion, are numbered 77, 18 and 105. Although these figures are relative, given

the method by which they were calculated and the fact that they are based on modern

usage, they still serve to illustrate the extremely high frequency of these verbs.

Related to the matter of frequency is the resistance of the inflected forms of the

verbs decir and hacer to analogical reanalysis. After the establishment of the 1s/SBJ

pattern in the present paradigm as a result of the regular phonological changes described

previously, their PRS paradigms have remained relatively unchanged (with the exception

of minor phonetic adjustments). In other words, the pattern of allomorphy found in the

PRS has not been affected by any sort of analogical pressure, be it an innovation in

paradigmatic structure or leveling in favor of an isomorphic stem.

This is not to say that the verb class as a whole has been unaffected by analogical

pressure. Although the preceding information is true of decir and hacer, the remaining

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verbs have been restructured according to other counteracting patterns. The set of verbs

ending in –ducir, as well as placer and yacer, have be restructured on the basis of the

‘inchoative’ set of verbs described below. Their modern 1s/SBJ forms are marked by a

combination of fricative plus (voiceless) velar occlusive stem-finally in contrast to a

simple fricative in the remaining present forms, e.g. 1s plazco, 2s places. Alternatively,

the verb cocer has been leveled by intra-paradigmatic influence, i.e. OSp. 1s cuego >>

MSp. cuezo (cf. 2s cueces). An obvious factor in the reanalysis of these verbs is token

frequency, as all of those verbs that have been remodeled are of a much lower frequency

than decir and hacer.

In spite of the high token frequency and similarity in paradigmatic structure

between the decir, hacer AM and the velar-inserts, there is one major complication.

According to the principle of the ‘homogeneous supracontext’ described in §1.3.3, digo,

fago and the like are one step removed from direct analogical influence on the

velar-insert class because the –NGERE set is slightly more similar phonetically.

Therefore, the decir, hacer class should not be the primary AM for either the

reconstructed nasal-final forms, *teno, *veno, or the hypothetical palatals, *teño, *veño.

It is instead necessary to appeal to the phonological shape of the stem and the

paradigmatic distribution of /g/ in the –NGERE set and, secondarily, to the 1s/SBJ

patterning of an identical stem-final velar in digo, hago, yago, etc.

2.4.2.3—AN ALTERNATIVE AM FOR VELAR-INSERTION. Besides the two preceding AM,

Lenfest (1978) and Elson (1988), among others, consider the possibility that the Spanish

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verbs taking the highly productive Latin ‘inchoative’ infix –SC-, illustrated in Figure 2.9,

are the principle AM for velar-insertion.58 The inchoative set is comprised of more than

200 verbs, mostly ending in –cer, including the highly frequent conocer “know, be

familiar with” and nacer “born”, as well as verbs having joined the group through

analogical reanalysis, e.g. conducir “drive”, lucir “illuminate; shine”, producir

“produce”, placer “please”, yacer “lie (down)”, etc. (Martín Vegas 2007). 59 The

inchoative infix was affected by the palatalization of velars before front vowels described

in §2.3.2.3, leading to a similar 1s/SBJ pattern of stem allomorphy involving a (voiceless)

velar consonant (cf. Fanciullo 1998). In fact, Elson’s analysis is based on the idea that

the velar became an independent indexical marker of 1s/SBJ because of its inchoative

function and that this independence (with loss of semantic function) was later extended to

verbs having the same paradigmatic distribution of stem alternants as a result of

phonological change (described above).

Lg INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

CL COGNŌSCERE recognize, learn COGNŌSCŌ COGNŌSCAM 1 1s COGNŌSCIS COGNŌSCĀS 2 2s COGNŌSCIT COGNŌSCAT 3 3s COGNŌSCIMUS COGNŌSCĀMUS 4 1p COGNŌSCITIS COGNŌSCĀTIS 5 2p COGNŌSCUNT COGNŌSCANT 6 3p MSp conocer know, be familiar with conozco conozca 1 1s conoces conozcas 2 2s conoce conozca 3 3s conocemos conozcamos 4 1p conocéis conozcáis 5 2p conocen conozcan 6 3p

Figure 2.9—Example of the ‘inchoative’ verb set.

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In a similar fashion, Martín Vegas (2007) suggests reanalysis of the velar as an

inflectional element. In doing so, the verb stem remains unchanged, instead taking on an

alternate inflectional marker, /C[+dors] V[+bk]/, in the 1s/SBJ (cf. Wilkinson 1980).

This is thought to more easily explain the extension of the velar to numerous verb forms

including tener, venir, etc. and is supported by decir and hacer (Martín Vegas 2007).

One potential problem, though, is the analysis of /k/ and /g/ as variant inflectional

markers. Although these two phonemes differ only in voicing, their conditioning

environments are distinct enough so as to call into question their functional identity. It is

rather difficult to establish any salient relationship, from a speaker’s perspective, between

forms like conozco ‘1s know’ and vengo ‘1s come’, particularly when one considers the

availability of other more similar AM like digo or tango. Additionally, there is a

pronounced difference in the phonological shape of the inchoative and velar-insert verb

stems. The former is typically characterized by polysyllabic stems, the majority of which

include some sort of derivational prefixation. The latter, excluding derived forms, are

exclusively monosyllabic (having a primarily CVC- shape).

To avoid the problem of establishing phonological similarity, Lenfest (1978) uses

the inchoative infix –sc- as motivation for the preference for a longer 1s throughout the

verbal system. This hypothesis, like those above, points to the 1s/SBJ distribution of the

velar in the present paradigm. While it must be granted that the inchoative set shares this

allomorphic pattern with the velar-inserts, as well as the decir, hacer and –NGERE

subclasses, it cannot be considered the primary AM due to the existence of sources that

share more relevant variables with the target under consideration.

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2.4.2.4—COMPARISON OF POSSIBLE AM. While none of the preceding hypotheses is

sufficient on its own to explain the emergence of the velar /g/ in the 1s/SBJ forms of

verbs like tener and venir, it is logical to consider their combined influence. In doing so,

there are a number of important theoretical points to consider. According to traditional

AL analyses, the basis for the establishment of similarity or identity is phonological.

Accordingly, the analogical source for this process would be the set of –NGERE verbs

because of the greater number of matching phonological variables in the conditioning

environment. Note, however, that the attested 1s/SBJ alternation between velar (1s

tango) and non-velar (2s tañes/tanzes) in the set of –NGERE verbs coincides to a high

degree with the alternation found in the present tense of verbs like OSp. dezir and fazer

(MSp. decir and hacer), which arrive at an identical paradigmatic distribution of stem

alternation via a completely different series of diachronic developments. The same

arguments may also hold, though to a lesser degree, for the inchoative verb class. This

permits a broader analysis where there exists a secondary component to the AM, one

having a morphological, rather than phonological basis. The allomorphic patterning of

1s/SBJ vs. the remaining present tense forms that emerged phonologically in verbs like 1s

tango, 2s tañes/tanzes (and later, through analogy, in velar-inserts like 1s tengo, 2s

tienes) is supported by the already existing paradigmatic distinction shown in the

decir/hacer group (e.g. 1s digo, 2s dices) and the growing set of inchoatives including 1s

conozco, 2s conoces (cf. ‘L-pattern’ distribution, Maiden 2001). The ever-increasing

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type frequency of this paradigmatic template led to its eventual morphologization. These

points are explored further in the subsequent chapters.

2.5—PREVIOUS EXAMINATIONS OF VELAR-INSERTION IN SPANISH. Prior to the 1960’s,

‘analogy’ with available AM, like those in the preceding section, was the basis for most,

if not all analyses of velar-insertion. As a result, further explanation fell outside the

realm of most theoretical constructs and was subsequently deemed unnecessary. It has

been typically represented through broadly diachronic proportional analogical equations.

The problems associated with such highly generalized takes on analogy have been

discussed in the preceding chapter. For a more complete (and immanent) picture of the

situation, it is crucial to highlight a confluence of morphological, phonological and

paradigmatic factors. Although this has been discussed in earlier works, e.g.

Klausenburger (1984), Martín Vegas (2007), which hint at the potential of the analogical

function of the verbal paradigm, an examination of the combination and interaction of all

the variables that characterize the AM has been lacking.

The next sections present the most salient explorations of velar-insertion in

Spanish according to different theoretical models. Brief discussion of some studies of the

Italian and Catalan developments are included as a point of contrast and to introduce

some important concepts relevant to Spanish. Keeping in mind what has been outlined in

the preceding sections, the discussion is limited to those theoretical aspects which in

some way advance the examination of velar-insertion in the history of Spanish.

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2.5.1—SYNCHRONIC RULE- AND CONSTRAINT-BASED APPROACHES. In contrast to those

investigations described in the following sections, the rule-based approaches for Modern

Spanish do not explain velar-insertion but rather describe it and so do not (necessarily)

appeal to analogy. In part, this is due to the fact that such analyses are purely synchronic

and do not take into account the diachronic developments leading to the stage being

described. The other reason is that they permit underlying representations (UR) as well

as the application of rules which need not be surface transparent. In this way, the

intraparadigmatic variation and subregularities that define the group of velar-inserts can

be derived from hypothetical sources by hypothetical rules.

While such lack of transparency allows for the derivation of multiple forms from

the same base, e.g. noun and verb, it requires one or more marked alternatives in order to

correctly provide the proper surface representations. Harris (1972) exemplifies some of

the principle techniques for deriving the velar-insert in verb forms. A single UR for all

inflected (and derivational) forms is proposed, e.g. /val/ as the stem for forms of valer.

The TV is added to this stem, even in 1s/SBJ forms where it is not surface-realized. This

verb is lexically marked as a velar-insert in order to trigger minor rule application which

inserts the velar according to the presence of the TV and a following vowel (in this way

distinguishing the 1s/SBJ from the remainder of the IND). The TV is later deleted by

rule in these forms (254; see also Cressey 1972, Fancuillo 1998, Klausenburger 1984).

The combination of a hypothetical UR and lexical markedness means that rules can apply

as broadly as possible and prevents velar-insertion in potential targets sharing the same

phonological conditioning environment. In this way too, the aforementioned problem of

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explaining those forms which deviate from regular phonological developments is avoided

altogether by simply proposing a different UR and/or by marking them in another way in

the lexicon.

Obviously then, the synchronic rule-based approach does not require an immanent

perspective, nor does it have its basis in the similarity between exemplars. Also, the

function of the paradigm is irrelevant as is analogy as a whole. Harris (1972)

acknowledges that it does not seem possible to answer the question about the

psychological reality of such rules. While it is certainly possible to make a case for the

involvement of lexical marking or variable rules in velar-insertion, in the end, such

analyses imply something more abstract and, thus less elegant, than the immanently

acquired surface generalizations required for an analogical usage-based approach like

AEM. Allomorphy need not be reduced to invariance in UR (or suppletion), but instead

should be embraced as an “active, abstract structural property of morphological systems”

utilized by speakers (Maiden 1992:285).

Although there have been no specific investigations of velar-insertion,

constraint-based approaches do provide some possible solutions which, more often than

not, resemble their rule-based counterparts. One possible hypothesis involves

Output-Output Faithfulness (or Correspondence; henceforth OO-F), which constructs an

identity relationship between forms allowing analogical influence between them (cf.

‘Paradigm Uniformity’, Steriade 2000). This gives priority to localized paradigmatic

identity over more generalized or regular patterns in the language and minimizes the

relevance of the Input (to a degree, see below). These are ranked with respect to

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Input-Output Faithfulness (IO-F; cf. §1.2.2). Myers (1999) uses these types of

constraints and rankings to propose a general means of determining the outcome in the

analogical target according to the proportional analogical model. As a simplified

example, consider the analogical influence of 1s salgo in determining the presence of the

velar in 1s valgo according to the data presented in chapter 3. Given a proportional

equation sales:salgo::vales:X, where X is valgo, there is necessarily an IO-F constraint

for each form in the equation where they are faithful to the presence or absence of the

velar in the Input, i.e. IDENT-IO (sales; /g/), IDENT-IO (salgo; /g/), IDENT-IO (vales;

/g/), IDENT-IO (valgo; /g/). In order to attain the velar-insert form valgo, the last of

these IO-F constraints must be ranked lower than a related OO-F constraint, IDENT-OO

(salgo, valgo; /g/). This will provide an optimal outcome in which both salgo and valgo

share the same outcome with respect to the velar regardless of whether or not the Input

for valgo contains the velar. Unfortunately, the OO-F constraint above forces an

arbitrary analogical change and does not explain the morphological and phonological

relationship between the forms in the proportional model. Thus, Myers (1999) proposes

OO-F constraint conjunctions between the forms having the same outcome for the feature

under analysis. In the current example, the relevant conjunction is IDENT-OO (sales,

vales; /g/) ^ IDENT-OO (salgo, valgo; /g/). This ‘morpheme structure constraint’ takes

the place of the earlier OO-F constraint.

Now consider an actually attested situation in which the outcome for 1s valgo

does not contain a velar, i.e. valo. In this case, the solution is merely a shift in the

constraint rankings such that IDENT-IO (valgo; /g/) is ranked higher than OO-F.60 The

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assumption is that the Input does not contain a velar and so corresponds to the changes in

the UR in a rule-based approach. If the Input has a velar and the Output does not, a new

OO-F or markedness constraint is required which promotes the non-velar, e.g.

IDENT-OO (vales, valgo; /g/). Once such a change is established, the Input is believed

to be reanalyzed as being non-velar (see below). A problem that arises with the

re-ranking of constraints proposed here is its motivation, as it seems that such a change is

based on the Output (or possibly the Input to a different grammar).

Finally, it is necessary to discuss the synchronic variation between velar and

non-velar forms appearing at an early stage of development. In order to attain both 1s

valgo and valo, the above constraints are reranked such that IDENT-IO (valgo; /g/) is so

low as to not be involved while the OO-F constraints IDENT-OO (sales, vales; /g/) ^

IDENT-OO (salgo, valgo; /g/) and IDENT-OO (vales, valgo; /g/) are unranked with

respect to each other. This provides both outcomes as optimal candidates. For the

tableaux of similar examples to each of the cases discussed here, see Myers (1999).

These OO-F and morpheme structure constraints permit paradigmatic forms to

incur violations of high ranking constraints that would make non-paradigmatic forms

infelicitous (cf. ‘Paradigm Uniformity’, Steriade 2000, Burzio 2005). Thus, they are

formalized and ranked in such a way as to promote the 1s/SBJ distribution of the velar in

only those forms where it occurs. Also, most other OO-F constraints need to be of a

relatively low rank, as this allows for paradigmatic allomorphy (cf. Kenstowicz 2005).

Unfortunately, the examples above makes use of highly similar techniques to

those seen in rule-based analyses. First, the necessary constraints are language specific

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and apply to specific lexical items and features. While this demonstrates the relationship

between the forms in the proportional equation, it violates the universality of constraints

proposed in traditional OT, though doing so out of necessity. If such universality were to

hold, the constraints necessary to explain velar-insertion would be limited by a lack of

specificity that may result in potential problems. Second, the OO-F constraints are quite

like the lexical marking that triggered minor rule application. Third, changes in

constraint ranking and/or the Input can be manipulated to determine the synchronic

result. If the conjunction constraints are not required, the information they convey is

thought to be expressed in the Input (Myers 1999). This does not truly predict potential

change, instead describing the state of grammar at a particular point in time. Finally, the

processing load implied by solutions of this sort is in no way realistic from an immanent

point of view, in spite of the numerous means by which such procedures are potentially

restricted (see Myers 1999). As indicated previously however, it is notable that in OT the

there is an established relationship between outputs and that the paradigm is given a

important function in the organization of linguistic information.61

2.5.2—AN ANALOGICAL PERSPECTIVE ON VELAR-INSERTION. Historical examinations

of the problem, like their synchronic counterparts, have overlooked a crucial aspect of the

development of the velar-insert category. However, instead of ignoring the evolution of

the verb class, they typically present the emergence, extension, and resulting synchronic

variation too broadly. The consequence is an explanation loaded with sweeping

generalizations that often leads to more questions than it answers. Such has often been

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the case when invoking analogy as the motivation for language change. A bold-faced

view of analogy, one in which the concept is not well-defined, has tended to serve the

purpose of actually avoiding real explanation.

This section presents works that have appealed to analogy as a means of

explaining and describing the emergence of the velar-insert class. However, unlike many

of the investigations mentioned in §2.4.2, the explanation in these is sufficiently thorough

so as to avoid the traditional pitfalls associated with the use of the term analogy. Besides

having a more properly conceived notion of the analogical process, each in some way

expands what is known about velar-insertion, be it with respect to the origin of the verb

class, its extension, both diachronically and lexically, or concerning the AM and its

theoretical consequences.

2.5.2.1—TRADITIONAL ANALYSES. There are numerous proponents of the two most

accepted theories concerning velar-insertion as exemplified in §2.4.2. Among these,

several examinations stand out for the amount of detail and innovation that they bring to

the table. Although grounded in traditional theoretical approaches to the problem, these

investigations are often cited for the way in which they defend a particular point of view

and the supporting arguments they provide with respect to the former.

2.5.2.1.1—SYNCHRONIC COMPETITION BETWEEN VELAR-INSERTION AND

PALATALIZATION. One of the clearest descriptions of the proposed synchronic

competition between a palatal (e.g. *teñ-) and a velar (e.g. teng-) stem alternant is found

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in Lloyd (1987). His analysis, like many others, suggests that root-final /n/ was

palatalized by the anti-hiatic yod described and that the Latin –NG- cluster suffered

palatalization when followed by a front vowel. This created 1s/SBJ allomorphy in the

verb paradigm according to the frontness of the following inflectional vowel. The

resulting stem alternation was resolved in Spanish by leveling in favor of the palatal-final

stem. Prior to leveling, however, Lloyd suggests, following Wilkinson (1978), that the –

NGERE set (having a large type frequency) and verbs having a palatalized nasal, like tener

and venir (having a high token frequency), showed “some mutual analogical influence”

such that the palatal nasal came to alternate with the nasal plus velar stem-finally (Lloyd

1987:164-165; cf. similar variation in Italian as discussed in Bourciez 1967).

The necessary processes of palatalization are attested prior to those localized

developments affecting individual Romance dialects/languages (emergence of yod by the

2nd c. AD and palatalization by the 4th c. AD). However, the contrasts between Spanish

and Portuguese and the similarities between Spanish and Italian indicate that

velar-insertion did not affect all the Romance dialects in the same way. It suggests that

either there was a parallel, unrelated evolution of the velar-insert class in Spanish and

Italian (as well as Catalan and Old Provençal; see §2.2 above) or that velar-insertion may

have already begun in Romance, creating variation between palatal and velar stems, i.e.

/tεɲ-/ ~ /tεng-/, which was resolved independently in localized domains. Lloyd supports

the latter, with individual dialects/languages experiencing varying degrees of alternation

between palatal- and velar-final stems. Because there are no attested cases of a

palatal-final stem in tener, venir and the like, the aforementioned competition is believed

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to have occurred “at a very early stage of Castilian, or perhaps early north-central

Ibero-Romance” (Lloyd 1987:294). In fact, a primary characteristic of

Hispano-Romance was the early elimination of alternations of this sort (Lloyd 1987). In

the case of Spanish and Italian, then, it is the availability of an existing AM that

determines the selection of the velar stem over the palatal one.62

In other words, Lloyd (1987) follows the traditional analysis that the verbs tener

and venir were influenced by the –NGERE set, based on phonological and paradigmatic

similarity, and that velar-insertion was also supported by the paradigmatic distribution

(and developing morphological/indexical function) of the velar in verbs like decir, hacer,

yacer, aducir, etc. Once these verbs had adopted the velar, poner was not far behind

because of its unique status as the only other nasal-final CVC-stem in Conjugation II.

The subsequent stages of extension are based on phonetic similarity, i.e. single syllable

CVC-stems with a sonorant-final consonant belonging to conjugations II and III. The

non-systematic appearance of the velar-insert in these conjugations is based on token

frequency: “In Castilian, only the very commonest verbs adopted /g/, however, while the

majority of verbs followed the road of regularization” (Lloyd 1987:296). Subsequent

extension of the velar-insert to yod-final stems is due to their having the same 1s/SBJ

pattern of paradigmatic allomorphy which increased the likelihood that analogical

restructuring could occur. Thus, the apparent, unconfirmed chronology proposed

coincides with that of this investigation, namely that the appearance of the velar-insert

follows a direct path along the Sonority Hierarchy (cf. §3.2).

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For the most part, the preceding analysis is concise and straightforward though

there is no detailed discussion of the paradigmatic factors and ever-shifting AM that

contribute to the extension of the velar-insert. This is due in part to the fact that the

development of the velar-insert is primarily treated phonologically, according to the

stem-final segment. In fact, a number of the forms included in the proposed AM must be

discounted since they do not reasonably fall within the domain of the homogeneous

supracontext at a particular synchronic stage. Also, the diachronic developments and

synchronic stages related to class membership are only briefly mentioned, making any

proposed chronology difficult to establish. Finally, attributing the extension of the velar

beyond the initial stages to phonetic similarity and frequency is insufficient in explaining

the appearance of the velar-insert in many mid- to low-frequency forms, e.g. 1s asgo, or

the synchronic variation that characterizes many stages of development.

2.5.2.1.2—‘MULTIPLE CAUSATION’ AND A REVISED VIEW OF ANALOGY. The preceding

points are more thoroughly examined by Yakov Malkiel in a number of investigations

that span more than three decades (including, for example, Malkiel 1967, 1969, 1974,

1982, 1989). Among these, Malkiel (1974) stands out for its analysis of the extension of

the velar over time as well as for providing major conceptual insight into the analogical

process involved. Earlier works, while notable for their innovation with respect to the

matter, argue certain points which are generally discounted or discarded in favor of more

plausible and well-established hypotheses.

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Following the development of the antihiatic yod and its palatalizing effect,

Malkiel reconstructs */tenjo/ or */teɲo/, */venjo/ or */veɲo/ as the Late Latin

predecessors for these earliest members of the velar-insert class. Depalatalization is then

a simple phonological change triggered by the immediately following velar consonant

(Malkiel 1974). Although the decir, hacer set of verbs is mentioned as an AM (cf.

Malkiel 1967), the primary model for velar-insertion is claimed to be the set of –NGERE

verbs discussed previously. Unlike most other analyses which assert some sort of mutual

analogical influence between model and target (i.e. taño:tango::*teño:X, where

X=tengo), Malkiel believes that the –NGERE set is the leading AM because it shares a

high degree of both phonological and allomorphic/paradigmatic similarity with the

velar-insert targets. In other words, it is not the synchronic variation but rather its

resolution in favor of a (salient) 1s/SBJ alternation (supported by the result of regular

sound change in verbs like decir) that provides an explanation for the insertion of /g/ in

verbs like tener, venir and poner. A consequence of such a point of view is a rethinking

of the traditional notion of ‘analogy’:

The classic concept of ‘analogy’ – long ago recognized as vulnerable – consequently invites refinement. It is not enough to contend that the pre-existence of, say, OSp. tango ‘I touch’ (with it –ng- acquired through bequest) triggered the shift from *teño � tengo TENEŌ – though it undoubtedly served as one of the models imitated in the process of adjustment. This age-old formulation has invariably provoked the objection that OPtg. tango, ‘all circumstances being equal’ (or so it seemed at least), parodoxically, failed to produce the same effect. That objection can now be parried with the remark that the availability of a good model is not, per se, the CAUSE of an analogical shift, though it may pre- or co-determine it specific DIRECTION: TENEŌ developed differently in the two sister languages on account of clashing morphophonemic conditions. (Malkiel 1974:345)

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Although the preceding hypothesis differs only slightly from the traditional view,

it correctly places increased emphasis on the paradigmatic distribution of allomorphy.

Nonetheless, the strength of Malkiel’s assertions has been called into question as being

too weak because his earliest analyses treated velar-insertion as a “therapeutic device”

(Lenfest 1978). In spite of such criticism, it is possible, especially considering later

investigations, to see this analysis as moving in the right direction regarding the function

of the paradigm in analogical change. Through phonological developments which

resulted in an allomorphic distribution of the velar in the –NGERE class, the 1s/SBJ

alternation of stem-final consonants became the primary identifiable characteristic of the

innovative paradigm (equating to the more contemporary notions of ‘morphome’ or

‘paradigmatic template’ discussed below). Once converted into an AM, other verbs,

potentially along with other parts of speech, may become subject to its influence. Such

inter-paradigmatic influence, while nothing new (cf. Ford 1966, Spaulding 1971), has

only recently begun to gain theoretical relevance (cf. §§2.5.1 and 4.2.2).

On the basis of this well-founded hypothesis regarding the emergence of the

velar-insert, Malkiel tackles the much less commonly discussed issue of its productive

diachronic extension and subsequent (near-)crystallization. Malkiel’s intuitions

concerning the spread of the velar to lateral-, rhotic-, sibilant- and yod-final stems are

quite valid in the broader historical view. One of the primary distinguishing

characteristics of the current investigation is the suggestion that the target forms of a

previous synchronic stage can then become the primary AM for following generations of

speakers (cntr. Lloyd 1987 above). That is to say, once the velar-insert becomes

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established in the nasal-final verb stem, these forms act as the primary model for

lateral- and rhotic-final stems, which, in turn, provide additional analogical support for

the extension of the velar after yod. While the cost of such a hypothesis is minimal, it is

extremely valuable. Referring again to the principle of the ‘homogeneous supracontext’,

i.e. that the forms in the model dataset share the highest degree of similarity with target

forms, the previous stage’s AM is replaced by one that is more similar to its target forms.

In the transition from target to model, the nasal-final verbs are more similar to their

lateral-final counterparts than any previously used AM. Consider the fact that the decir,

hacer set lacks the CVCg- stem shape and that the –NGERE set would have already

leveled in favor of the palatal stem. The lateral group had no such obvious AM since the

set of –LGERE verbs (mainly MULGERE, COL(LI)GERE) which survived into Spanish were

severely limited in both type and token frequency (cf. Rohlfs 1968, Fanciullo 1998). The

Italian situation differs in this respect as there was a more prominent group of lateral plus

velar-final stems which pertained, according to some analyses (e.g. Fanciullo 1998,

Maiden 1992, 2001, see below), to the AM used in the initial stage of velar-insertion for

this language. With respect to Spanish, though:

[I]t is the triumph of –ng-, as in pongo, that in the end paved the way for partial generalization of –lg-, as in salgo, and the occasional appearance of –rg-, as in ¡firgamos! ‘let us strike!’ (Cid) closes the cycle, being essentially due to the intrinsic, paradigmatic affinity of n, l, and r. (Malkiel 1974:326)

Nonetheless, the actual synchronic processes, as well as their specific chronological

order, still require a much finer degree of analysis than Malkiel provides, as demonstrated

by the identification and examination of the velar in individual verbs found in chapter 3.

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The extension of the velar after yod is seen by Malkiel, following Menéndez

Pidal’s analysis, as a later (post-medieval) development (1974). In the verbs affected, the

velar (actually yod plus velar, /jg/) is seen as an analogical replacement for a palatal

consonant, e.g. caigo << cayo (containing a “secondary” or analogical palatal on the

basis of forms deriving it from the yod effects discussed earlier, e.g. FUGIŌ > fuyo).

Another noteworthy aspect of Malkiel’s analyses is the emphasis placed on

‘multiple causation’, motivated by the convergence of both phonological and

morphological factors.

[A]t first glance they appear to be purely phonological in content, but as soon as the analyst turns his attention to the matter of causation, strictly phonological conditions fail to provide any adequate, truly dependable clue. This qualification does not exclude the possibility that such conditions played a subordinate role…but the single most plausible factor of causation turns out…to have been analogy… the agency that transmitted the impact was a set of crucially important, rather similar verbal paradigms. (Malkiel 1967:62, cf. Joseph 1982, 1983)

This perspective resembles that of Maiden (2001) which stresses the importance of

morphology while assigning secondary status to the phonological aspects that condition

the analogical change. While it is true that the morphology is a salient factor in both

confining and expanding the domain of such developments, it should be noted, for

velar-insertion at least, that the morphology is dependent to some degree on the

phonological conditioning environment. Multiple causation is pursued even further in the

current investigation on the basis that the associations made between forms include all

types of linguistic and non-linguistic information (§1.3.1). This is demonstrated by the

number of linguistic variables that define the AM proposed in §3.2.

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Another major insight into the development of the velar-insert verb class involves

the effect of different types of analogical influence that are visible in the changes in

category membership over time. Verbs entered and exited this verbal subclass due to the

effects of competing analogical forces. In many instances, the velar forms were

overturned in favor of the (often original) invariant (or nearly invariant) root that had

appeared previously or as a synchronic variant. Malkiel describes this type of situation as

follows:

Thus, one (minor) analogical pressure within a verbal paradigm can deflect a few of its members from the expected path, onto which they may, three or four generations later, be pushed again through a stronger pressure exerted from a different direction. How can such adjustments (backspins) be detected where the early record is fragmentary or seems irretrievably lost? (Malkiel 1967:26)

Because analogy is not a systematic process and given the possibility that analogical

influence may assert itself from multiple directions, it is not surprising that such ‘return

to form’, so to speak, should take place.

If such a state of dissatisfaction with the inherited status quo prevails, several avenues of escape – in search of improvement – are open to speakers. Conceivably the most arresting is the substitution of a new and more effectively-marked form for one old and worn-out: e.g., Sp. tengo for *teño (as preserved in Portuguese, with a different spelling). (Malkiel 1974:344) Finally, the preceding discussion presupposes Wiese’s (1928) perspective on the

composition of the AM, i.e., the “inclination to charge secondary changes to the pressure

not of a single form, however influential, but to entire constellations of such forms…”

(Malkiel 1974:342; cf. Joseph 1997a). It also stresses the importance of detailing, as

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scientifically as possible, the analogical forces at work in language change, a concept

which closely parallels similar notions which are inherent to AEM.

2.5.2.1.3—REINFORCEMENT OF 1S/SBJ ALLOMORPHY. The Pan-Romance study of

velars, etymological and otherwise, undertaken in Wilkinson (1978-1983) is notable for

the amount of data it offers from across countless dialects. Unfortunately, the sheer

quantity of forms obscures any major conceptual breakthroughs regarding velar-insertion.

There are, however, several important points hidden amongst the presentation of verb

forms having a stem-final velar consonant. Wilkinson (1978, 1982) believes that

the -NGERE set is the main AM for tener, venir, poner, and remanir while it is suggested

that the decir, hacer group is the main AM for verbs like traer, huir, raer, creer and ver,

in light of the fact that such a hypothesis goes against any notion of the homogeneous

supracontext, since the chronology of the changes affecting these verbs is indicative of

the former target serving as the AM for the latter.

The overall approach coincides in all respects with previous analyses. The

conclusions drawn focus primarily on the effect of the yod in the Romance languages and

the data is drawn heavily from Catalan, due to the high degree of productivity of

velar-insertion in this language (for reasons explored earlier). The study of the Spanish

situation begins with palatalization of the stem-final nasal resulting in allomorphic

identity in some cells of the –NGERE and velar-insert target sets. From there, the velar is

taken on in order to create a more salient allomorphic pattern, based on previously

existing models and, accordingly, it appears to be assigned an indexical function (cf.

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morphome, below). It is argued that velar-insertion is not a singular phenomenon

traceable back to a common Romance ancestry but rather is the result of some earlier

stage which provided a form or set of forms which could expand in the numerous

directions found in the later separate developments of the individual Romance languages:

The general conclusion that emerges is that the forms based on Latin stems containing a yod have only been preserved in rare cases, and have otherwise succumbed to the pressure of the forms based on stems without a yod or have been remodelled on the analogy of other verbs containing a velar. The reason for this must be that the velar provides a distinctive mark of person or mood and is common to many classes of verbs…What is striking is that this tendency to introduce a velar should have been strong enough to have appeared independently in so many areas. It can hardly be traced back to the period of Romance unity, but we can perhaps surmise that each language inherited some spark of a common genius that was already inherent in Latin, and that this expressed itself concretely wherever the opportunity offered. (Wilkinson 1983:193-194) The explanation of the emergence of the velar as an indexical marker of 1s/SBJ

paradigmatic allomorphy is based on that of Malkiel (1967), which Malkiel himself

corrected in subsequent works. According to this hypothesis, increased salience of

allomorphic distinction is preferred such that a previously palatal/non-palatal alternation

was replaced by the velar/non-velar one (cf. the ‘entropic’ function of the verbal

paradigm, Maiden 1992; cf. Malkiel 1974). Added support is believed to derive from the

avoidance of homophony or ambiguity between the finite forms of some verbs, e.g.

tener/teñir, poner/puñir (Wilkinson 1978). Such arguments have since been shown to be

less than desirable because there are instances of (phonemic) palatal/non-palatal

alternations and homophones in Spanish, though not exclusively in the verbal system (cf.

Lenfest 1978).63

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In spite of these shortcomings, the emergence of the 1s/SBJ morphome as well as

the confluence of multiple characteristics in a single AM (here, phonological and

paradigmatic similarity) are correctly identified. Similarly, the influence of the –NGERE

set (as well as the –LGERE and –RGERE sets) is acknowledged as being pre-literary, at a

stage of the language where their frequency was high enough to permit them to serve as

the AM for the high frequency tener, venir, etc. The conclusion then is that

velar-insertion only occurred in languages where the –NG- (and -LG-) roots followed by

front vowels produced palatals (Maiden 2001). This conditioning environment provided

a means for analogical reanalysis such that /ng/ could replace /ɲ/.

2.5.2.1.4—VELAR-INSERTION IN LIEU OF PALATALIZATION. Alvar & Pottier (1983)

describes the development of the velar-insert class as an external analogical effect

modeled on already existing forms having a similar shape. The treatment of the forms

affected by this process is organized around the sound preceding the velar element, which

corroborates the broad timeline acknowledged throughout the literature, as it moves from

nasal to lateral to rhotic to yod.64 The investigation largely follows that of Menéndez

Pidal (1980), specifically the view that velar-insertion is morphologically motivated in

verbs stems according to available AM of similar phonological (and, implicitly,

paradigmatic) structure, in this case, the set of –NGERE verbs. In this instance, the

relationship between model and target depends on the (hypothetically expected) identical

palatalization of stem-final nasals by way of the previously discussed /g/ plus front vowel

and yod effects (cf. §2.3).

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Additionally, some plausibility is given to the ‘therapeutic’ explanation

mentioned in §2.5.2.1.2, which contends that if yod does not palatalize stem-final nasals,

as in tengo and vengo, cntr. *teño, *veño, it is because the result would have created a

complex alternation (‘duality’) in the paradigm, e.g. *teñ-o, tien-e-s, ten-e-mos, etc.

(Alvar & Pottier 1983). In essence, analogy is believed to prevent normal phonetic

outcomes that would be morphologically anomalous (e.g. 1s *veño but 1p venimos). An

important observation to consider here is that the alternation between palatal and

non-palatal phonemes is based on the contrast of a single phonological feature. In the

modern language, there is no such alternation within the stem of a single verb and if there

were, it would result in serious morphological problems for the selection of a stem in

inflected forms across tense and mood. Instead, the established paradigmatic alternations

are of greater phonetic salience, e.g. suppletion (e.g. 1s quep-o, 2s cab-e-s), epenthesis

(1s salg-o, 2s sal-e-s), diphthongization (1s duerm-o, 1p dorm-i-mos), or a combination

of these (1s teng-o, 2s tien-e-s, 1p ten-e-mos). Therefore, the alternation of palatal- and

non-palatal-final stems is deemed a “phonetic perturbation” that is not permitted in

Spanish (Alvar & Pottier 1983:221).

The velar, then, initially emerges as a replacement for palatalization (similar to

the ‘indexical marker’ in Elson 1988, cf. Hooper 1979 and Fanciullo 1998 among others),

providing the effect of maintaining the templatic structure and stem allomorphy of the

verbal paradigm. The primary difficulty with this analysis lies in the fact that the –NGERE

paradigms are eventually leveled in favor of the palatal stem. The proposed solution

relies on intra-paradigmatic influence (‘morphological analogy’) in the same direction for

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both the model and target sets, from the majority of forms in the IND toward the 1s/SBJ,

the result in one case being palatal and in the other, non-palatal/velar. However, such a

hypothesis requires further explanation in that at some point before the leveling of the –

NGERE class, the nasal plus velar sequence came to be seen as roughly equal to the palatal

nasal in stem-final position when in 1s/SBJ paradigmatic alternation with a non-palatal

nasal. This allows the nasal-plus-velar stem to appear where a palatal nasal is expected in

alternation with /n/. Subsequently, analogical interference from yet another AM, i.e.

forms like bendigo, yago, cuego, etc., led to reinterpretation of the nasal-plus-velar stem

as being nasal-final with the velar /g/ serving as a linking (or ‘indexical’) element

between stem and inflection (Alvar & Pottier 1983). This analysis is analogically

extended to lateral-final stems (including both palatal lateral and lateral plus velar), i.e.

ñ:ng::ll:lg (Alvar & Pottier 1983). Similarly, though more problematically, it is later

thought to have affected rhotic- and glide-final stems.

While convincing in some respects, the analysis does lack certain crucial

elements. First of all, while it is indicated that there are some verbs in which the velar is

interpreted as a linking element, making them possible AM for velar-insertion, no

specific mention is made whatsoever of the potentially significant analogical influence of

the verbs decir and hacer. Relatedly, the influence of the paradigmatic structure of the

verb is implied though its effects are not always clear nor straightforwardly proposed.

Intra-paradigmatic analogy is demonstrated in leveling while inter-paradigmatic

analogical effects are limited to individual forms, e.g. 1s forms restructured according to

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other 1s forms, with no regard for the templatic structure that seems to also be relevant in

these instances.

2.5.2.1.5—INTER- AND INTRA-PARADIGMATIC INFLUENCE. Among those investigations

which suggest that both the set of –NGERE verbs and decir/hacer were influential from the

outset in velar-insertion is Penny (2002). This combined AM, specifically appealing to

its inter- and intra-paradigmatic influence and the emergence of a paradigmatic template,

is at the center of the analysis (Penny 2002; cf. Rebrus & Törkenczy 2005).

Inter-paradigmatic pressure is crucial since the –NGERE and decir/hacer sets showed

1s/SBJ allomorphic variation in opposition to the other forms of the PRS, thereby

creating a templatic structure supported by a good number of high frequency verbs.

Meanwhile, intra-paradigmatic influence is essential in the leveling of the allomorphy

found in the –NGERE class (i.e. cingo, ciñes, etc. >> ciño, ciñes, etc.). It also serves a

similar function diachronically as some velar-insert verbs are reanalyzed as having a

single, non-velar verb stem. In all other respects, Penny’s examination of the issue

resembles that of Malkiel discussed above, though with additional treatment of the

function of frequency in analogical change (cf. §4.3).

2.5.2.1.6—STEM ALLOMORPHY AND PHONOLOGICAL BALANCE. As mentioned earlier,

one of the major proponents of the resistance to palatalization, due to early loss of yod, is

Lenfest (1978, 1993). These works propose the reconstructed (possibly underlying) 1s

forms *teno, *veno and *pono and provide several arguments for doing so. First, there

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are a very small number of attested instances of 1s salo and valo, which share a

“canonical form”, i.e. CVCV (Lenfest 1993:634). In Spanish, these verbs show neither

palatalization nor the glide resulting from loss of hiatus between adjacent vowels in

Vulgar Latin (cf. MPtg. tenho, venho, ponho; OIt. tegno ~ tengo, vegno ~ vengo).

Second, given that the 1s of the verb sentir is siento, not *sienzo, it is believed to derive

from a reconstructed 1s *sento, having a raised stem vowel and no yod (cf. CL SĔNTIŌ,

cf. Menéndez Pidal 1980). The third motivation for this hypothesis involves the verbal

paradigm, which is believed to be resistant to innovation such that allomorphic variation

between forms like *veño ~ vienes would be avoided.

In addition to the preceding arguments, the increased productivity of the

inchoative infix –SC- in VL is used to suggest that there came to be a “preference for

longer 1st pers. stems in those languages in which the velar of the –sc- cluster resisted

assimilation” (Lenfest 1978:900, cf. the ‘indexical function’ of the velar in Elson 1988,

Hooper 1979, Fanciullo 1998, Moll 1952, as well as Pérez Saldanya 1995b and the

related indications found in Lloyd 1987, Maiden 1992, Malkiel 1974 and Martín Vegas

2007). This preference for longer stems in 1s forms, overlapping with a shift from

CVCV-type to CXXCV in a large group of verbs, resulted in velar-insertion in *teno and

*veno for “therapeutic” (i.e. paradigmatic and phonological) reasons.65 In the case of

*pono, salo and valo, the motivation for velar-insertion was instead “cosmetic”, i.e.

because their phonetic shape made them potential targets for the process. In the end, the

combination of factors such as the presence of digo, hago, yago (showing stem

allomorphy), vengo (from vengar), tango, along with the related set of (learned) –NGERE

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verbs (supporting the shape of the verb stem), and the inchoative infix (promoting a velar

marker of 1s) are all acknowledged as having attributed to the velar-insertion found in

tengo, vengo and pongo (Lenfest 1978, 1993).

The primary difficulty with such arguments is that they select the AM for

velar-insertion from a conceivably unrestricted domain according to the nature of

traditional analogical explanation. At the same time, they disregard the contradictory or

opposing influence that is found across these model verbs (e.g. the 1s/SBJ stem

allomorphy in the decir/hacer set in contrast to the single stem of 1st conjugation vengar).

In other words, what is provided is a set of potential AM whose actual role is unclear at

best and, in some cases, either clashes with the influence of other verbs in the model, or is

too far removed from the equation to truly be useful since there are other more similar

analogical triggers available. In other words, anything can and does serve as the model

for analogy. Secondarily, the ‘cosmetic’ explanation affecting verbs like poner, salir and

venir seems to contradict the ‘therapeutic’ repair strategy for tener and venir. Given the

1s forms in the preceding paragraph, the ‘cosmetic’ group had achieved paradigmatic

balance by leveling to a single verb stem throughout the inflected paradigm (with the

possible exception of the FUT and COND). The phonetic balance attained through

velar-insertion in tener and venir does not apply, which requires appealing to the

‘cosmetic’ preference for longer 1s stems, in contradiction to attested forms having both a

velar-insert and diphthong (e.g. suelgo, duelgo, fiergo) as well as those affected by

leveling.

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Several other difficulties also arise. First and foremost is the lack of explanation

for the appearance of /g/ in the SBJ. Ignoring the obvious morpho-phonological

conditioning environment, there is no salient motivation provided for the partition of the

1s from the remainder of the IND. Supporting evidence is also lacking for the idea that

the phonetic substance of a form like vengo (CVCCV) is equal to that of viene (CGVCV).

Finally, as is the case with the overwhelming majority of the previous research on the

subject, any treatment of the extension and loss of productivity of the velar-insert class

beyond the initial stages (i.e. tengo, vengo, pongo, salgo, valgo) is completely absent,

although forms like duelgo, suelgo, fiergo, caigo, vaiga, etc. are mentioned briefly.

In spite of these shortcomings, however, Lenfest provides support for the

linguistic reality and function of the verbal paradigm. In particular, it is suggested that:

[I]n a period of rapid evolution, if not always, paradigmatic forms are under tension and are subjected to pressures of varying intensity and origin, that they may be shaped and reshaped until they assume a form which conforms to the overall pattern or are otherwise felt to be members of a special subclass. Both regular sound change and analogical sound change can create forms which break the conformity of verbal paradigms; however, it has been demonstrated that a regularizing tendency will usually reassert itself and that speakers will have recourse to a wide variety of devices in their efforts to reestablish balance within the system. (Lenfest 1978:903)

The preceding paragraph summarizes quite succintly the diachronic development of the

velar-insert class whose members are each uniquely susceptible to competing analogical

forces, each of which has a particular set of defining variables. Thus, it is crucial to

appeal to the synchronic stages at which the velar-insert members entered the class. This

is the primary topic of discussion in chapter 3.

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2.5.2.2—CONTEMPORARY ANALYSES OF VELAR-INSERTION ACROSS ROMANCE.

Although hinted at previously, the distribution of the velar element in the paradigm has

only more recently been considered a relevant part of the analogical process. The

following investigations examine this ‘templatic’ structure and, at the same time, provide

additional insight into the development of the velar-insert subclass. In those cases where

the primary language of study is Catalan or Italian (in particular, Pérez Saldanya 1995a,

1995b, and Maiden 1992 respectively), the conclusions discussed here specifically apply

to Spanish.

2.5.2.2.1—THE VELAR-INSERT AS AN INFLECTIONAL COMPONENT. Martín Vegas (2007)

considers the possibility that the velar element is morphemic rather than representative of

stem allomorphy. The velar creates allomorphy in the inflectional markers for 1s/SBJ

(cf. the ‘infix’ status given the velar in Fanciullo 1998). Taking the example of MSp.

variant 1s yazgo, the stem yaz- is unchanged and instead takes on an alternant inflectional

marker /Ko/, where /K/ is a velar consonant that may or may not be marked for voice.

The goal is to more easily explain the extension of the velar to numerous verb forms

including tener, venir, etc. and is supported not only by decir and hacer but also by the

inchoative group (Martín Vegas 2007).

Este reanálisis [of /K/ as part of the inflectional marker for 1s/SBJ] sería el foco de difusión de un modelo de flexión que se caracteriza por tener en la 1a p. del presente de indicativo la desinencia -go y en el presente de subjuntivo -ga, -gas... El esquema tiene relativa fuerza léxica porque afecta inicialmente a verbos muy frecuentes... Algunos verbos menos usados que forman parte de este esquema acaban nivelando la alternancia: p. ej. cingo � ciño. Pero la alternancia se mantiene en verbos tan frecuentes como digo/dices, pongo/pones, salgo/sales...Con un análisis de

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este tipo no hablaríamos de una inserción de -g- en determinados verbos, sino de la extensión de un esquema/modelo de flexión que se caracteriza porque la 1a p. del pres. ind. y el pres. subj. terminan en -go, -ga, -gas... (Martín Vegas 2007:168)66 A potential problem with this analysis is that, from an immanent perspective, it

adds allomorphy to another level of the grammar which was previously systematically

rigid. In essence, it complicates the grammar in two ways: by altering an otherwise

stable part of the system and by not simply making use of the established contexts for

allomorphy.

Additional problems are related to dialectal variation and the heavy burden placed

on token frequency. It is claimed that the voicing of the velar element is predictable

according to the phonological context in which it occurs. However, this is does not

appear to be the case. The 1s variant yazgo mentioned above contradicts the

voicelessness of 1s conozco. Likewise, the presence of the velar in forms of very low

frequency, e.g. 1s asgo, roigo, and raigo, complicates the function of frequency such that

it cannot be relied upon as a primary factor in the extension of the velar element,

regardless of whether it is independent of stem, inflection or both. Another aspect of this

issue is the question of the productivity of this particular inflectional element. What are

the characteristics which trigger its influence, especially with respect to the traditional set

of inflectional markers? How does the phonological conditioning environment relate to

the paradigmatic structure, the token frequency of the verb, etc.? What factors contribute

to the leveling of the paradigms of verbs like ceñir described above? It seems more

appropriate to focus on the intra- and inter-paradigmatic relationship between stem and

inflection, and their respective phonetic shapes, so as to avoid such theoretical

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complications. While this does limit, in a sense, the relevance of some of the possible

AM, e.g. the influence of the inchoative set, it serves to more properly define the

analogical process so as to be useful from an cognitive point of view.

2.5.2.2.2—THE ‘INDEXICAL’ FUNCTION OF THE VELAR. Unlike the unique analysis of

Martín Vegas (2007), Elson (1988) concentrates on the diachronic extension of the velar

element in verbs stems, particularly to modern synchronic contexts.67 A velar consonant

is argued to appear in those forms (1s/SBJ) which are derived from the basic stem,

defined as the lexical stem plus thematic vowel.

Looking beyond the complicated derivational focus, the most relevant aspect of

the investigation is that the velar element is thought to take on an independent indexical

function, a concept which closely corresponds to those described in Alvar & Pottier

(1983), Fanciullo (1998), Hooper (1979), Pérez Saldanya (1995b) and Maiden (2001),

among others. The identity of paradigmatic function of the velar element in the set of

verbs under analysis provides a means for their categorization as a lexical subclass, i.e.

their having a “single paradigmatic unity” (Elson 1988:396).

In spite of sharing such innovative claims with other analyses, very little

treatment is actually given to this indexical function and the limited subclass to which it

pertains. In some instances, the explanation for the activation or non-activation of the

velar element within a set of similar verbs is based on very vague semantic resemblance

(Elson 1988). In fact, it is suggested that certain verbs are not susceptible to

velar-insertion in spite of their actually having attested velar variants. Rather than

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deconstructing form (and meaning) within the paradigm beyond a level commensurate

with that of the linguistic competence of speakers, the current investigation relies on the

immanent role of speakers to explain linguistic stability and change.

2.5.2.2.3—THE IMPLICATIONS OF VELAR-INSERTION IN CATALAN. The indexical

function of the velar (in Catalan) is more elaborately defined in Pérez Saldanya (1995b).

It has two distinct origins which come together to form a larger distributional AM, the

first being phonologically derived from the CL PRF marker –UI-, while the second is

originally etymological in the 1s/SBJ. Together, they are analyzed by speakers as a sort

of morphological marker, functioning to set apart a verbal subclass. In the beginning,

there were verbs which showed the velar in one or both of these instances, but analogy

led to their merger through reanalysis in order to increase stability in the inflectional

classes (Pérez Saldanya 1995b). This reanalysis gave the velar a single morphological

status which increased the transparency of the inflectional morphological system (Pérez

Saldanya 1995b). Iconicity or salience (esp. contrasting 1s from 3s and PRS from PRF)

was thus increased in the paradigm through the independent status of the velar and the

verbal inflection, which could be used separately to construct a formally-defined system

of oppositions (Pérez Saldanya 1995b). In other words, the velar took on an indexical

function that appears to have attained grammatical/morphological significance.

The numerous extensions of the velar and combinations of its functions into a

single subclass of the verbal system are believed to regularize paradigmatic allomorphy

(Pérez Saldanya 1995b). In this way, the presence of the velar in one form implies its

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presence in all other so marked forms (cf. the extension of a hypercorrection, Maiden

1992, following Tekavčić 1980a, 1980b), thereby resulting in implicatures that not only

create greater stability in the inflectional classes but also provide a more systematic

distribution of allomorphy that facilitates acquisition.

2.5.2.2.4—THE 1S/SBJ ‘MORPHOME’. Maiden (1992, 2001, 2003) takes a fairly

traditional approach to the inception of velar-insertion in Spanish and Italian, one of early

competition between velar and palatal-final stems, based on the combined influence of

verbs like Sp. decir, hacer, as well as the –NGERE, -RGERE, -LGERE verb sets (the latter

being crucial for Italian). Nonetheless, the innovative examination of the establishment

and extension of the 1s/(3p)/SBJ, or U- and L-patterns (for Italian and Spanish

respectively), gives these investigations an elegant and suitably immanent perspective of

the processes in both languages.68

Velar-insertion is characterized by Maiden (1992) as the emergence of novel

allomorphy, that is, not the creation of a completely new paradigmatic template but rather

the creation of allomorphy in an individual lexeme, in this case, due to analogical

influence of an already existing pattern. “Generalization of a velar REPLACES a

historically regular alternant, giving rise to alternation patterns (/ng/ vs. /n/; /lg/ vs. /l/;

/gg/ vs. /d/) for which there is no historical precedent” (e.g. venire, rimanere, salire,

valere, vedere, sedere) (Maiden 1992:298). In contrast to the indexical functions

described in previous works, velar-insertion is seen as having no easily identifiable

grammatical function since it is not possible to delineate those forms in a paradigm which

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take it from those that do not in a way that follows typical morpho-semantic lines. In

other words, the 1s/SBJ distribution of the velar in Spanish crosses the traditional

paradigmatic boundary associated with mood. For this reason, Maiden (2001), following

Aronoff (1994), adopts the term ‘morphome’, which is defined as a unit independent of

phonological and morphological conditioning (after its initial development via regular

sound change or analogy) (Maiden 2001). It is an internal paradigmatic structure not able

to be expressed solely in phonological or grammatical terms and has “properties which

are autonomously morphological, inherent in paradigmatic structure but not anchored in,

or derivable from, ‘extramorphological’ factors such as grammatical or lexical meaning

or phonology” (Maiden 2003:4).

From an immanent point of view, the U/L-patterns are given psychological

relevance for speakers as a means of categorization and generalization (cf. Maiden 2001).

Of major relevance is the fact that there are no mixed alternations, implying that forms

are not memorized as isolated units (Maiden 2001). Instead, they may be interpreted as

elements organized within a larger organizational structure, the morphome, binding its

member forms together through the strong associative links of particular cognitive and

linguistic features.

The morphomic distribution of the velar is motivated by the following points: (1)

there is no shared morphosyntactic or semantic function that distinguishes the velar cells

in the paradigm (1s/(3p)/SBJ) from the non-velar ones (remainder of the IND); (2) it is

not phonologically conditioned because the non-front vowel does not trigger

velar-insertion in all cases; (3) the appearance of the velar in the paradigm shows

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diachronic coherence, i.e. if it is found in one of the marked cells, it is found in all of

them, i.e. an “inviolable distributional regularity”; (4) the velar is not inserted by

proportional analogy since this would imply the creation of innovative allomorphy and

would contradict the observed diachronic coherence described above (Maiden 2001,

2003). An important consequence of point (3) is that this morphosyntactic categorization

is seen synchronically as an “autonomous morphological entity, inherent to the

paradigmatic structure of the verb” (Maiden 2001:45). In other words, the paradigmatic

structure has psychological relevance for the speaker as a unit of linguistic organization,

i.e. the ‘morphome’, which is independent of the morphological content of the individual

cells. With regard to (4), the process is not creating new allomorphic structure, but rather

undergoing a sort of leveling to increase transparency between the phonological form and

the paradigmatic structure, that is, a convergence of effects with a concrete, formal

realization represented by the already established distribution of the velar element

(Maiden 2001; cf. Federici & Pirrelli 1997).

With the foundation of a lexical subclass through the identification of the 1s/SBJ

morphome, the velar is extended to these forms through a sort of analogical leveling, or

hypercharacterization of paradigm-internal (‘morphomic’) structure, which increases

transparency between the form and the morphome (Maiden 2001, cf. Lenfest 1978, 1993,

Malkiel 1967, 1974). This process ruptures the established transparency between form

and meaning in favor of another, intra-morphological type (Maiden 2001).

The paradigmatic template/morphome that comes to be associated with

velar-insertion is perhaps the most salient contributing factor of the AM that permits the

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extension of the velar diachronically. For this reason, it is a concept that is emphasized

throughout the current investigation.

2.6—DIACHRONY, ANALOGY, PARADIGMATIC FUNCTION AND IMMANENCE. While

numerous insights into the process of velar-insertion are found in the preceding analyses,

their major shortcoming is the lack of specificity regarding both the analogical factors

which affect this verbal subclass and its chronological and diachronic development

beyond the initial (pre-historical) stage. The general tendency is to explain its inception

as ‘analogical’ and then (often partially) list the forms affected while completely

disregarding the importance of the various stages of synchronic variation and the Modern

Spanish standard and dialectal outcomes. The omission of major periods of variation in

some analyses, while providing a workable amount of information for a general

investigation, has created a very inflexible, too broadly defined analogical process. It

should be noted, however, that such neatly organized analogical effects are not

representative of the actual diachronic situtation when viewed with greater synchronic

detail.

The analogical processes involved in the creation of the velar-insert verbal

subclass can be defined much more formally and specifically within AEM. Of the major

points that are missing or downplayed in earlier investigations, the changes in categorical

membership and a concise analysis of the analogical/morphomic function of the

paradigm are of particular interest. Velar-insertion is an analogical change and it is the

paradigmatic structure (or template), in conjunction with the morphological, lexical and

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phonological properties of these verbs, that play the decisive role in its development. To

a large extent, the diachronic expansion and apparent closure of this lexical subcategory

are crucially based on the interaction of multiple morphological, phonological and,

especially analogical factors (i.e. “multiple causation”, following Malkiel 1967), which

are crucial to AEM. The initial stage of the Spanish process involves an AM based on

the set of –NGERE verbs that is supported, in a secondary fashion, by the paradigms of

related verbs such as decir ‘say’ and hacer ‘do, make’. Afterwards, the AM used to

extend velar-insertion included the set of verbs which had previously served as targets.

In both the subsequent expansion and retraction of velar-insertion (via inter-paradigmatic

analogical extension), the AM, composed of forms sharing multiple variables within a

‘homogeneous supracontext’, is constantly reanalyzed and pitted against competing

models, each of which has the potential to influence the direction of change of a

particular verb. These shifts in analogical influence necessitate a more elaborate

examination of the chronology of the process of velar-insertion from beginning to end,

highlighting the synchronic stages which show changes in class membership.

The point of departure for the current investigation is taken from Maiden (1992),

which indicates that the ‘immanent’ strategies utilized by speakers are founded in

analogy:

So far as the Romance data are concerned, I suggest that speakers, faced with conflicting typological evidence in lexical roots, resort to a variety of strategies whose fundamental aim is to anchor as firmly as possible in the grammar the various alternation patterns with which they are confronted. One strategy is to associate allomorphy with another major (and semantically arbitrary) morphological class, namely conjugation…Another strategy…consists in speakers’ seeking to identify

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common distributional patterns underlying the range of phonologically disparate allomorphy which they encounter. (309) These patterns are then separated, when possible, by semantic and/or

morphophonological prominence (in this case, by phonological salience of already

existing “abstract alternation patterns within paradigms” (Maiden 1992:310)). In other

words, speakers make use of the most closely associated AM possible in order to resolve

such linguistic problems as paradigmatic allomorphy. The following chapter attempts to

answer the questions concerning the variables of the AM relevant to the emergence of the

Spanish velar-insert class and the diffusion of the velar element beyond the initial stages.

The process of analogy as a psychological or ‘immanent’ means of language organization

and change is also emphasized.

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CHAPTER 3: A USAGE-BASED APPROACH TO VELAR-INSERTION

3.1—VELAR-INSERTION AS AN ANALOGICAL PROCESS. As indicated in the previous

chapter, Spanish velar-insertion is most elegantly and effectively explained as an

analogical process. The AM is defined through multiple causation, i.e. the (accidental)

confluence of numerous phonological, morphological, lexical and paradigmatic

characteristics in a shared group of exemplars resulting in their potential to serve as a

model for language categorization and change. The constructs of AEM provide the most

concise and ‘immanent’ portrait of this particular AM. In doing so, this theory also

accounts for the diachronic shape of the AM through synchronic mutation as well as the

synchronic and diachronic variation that characterizes the velar-insert subclass.

3.1.1—IMMANENCE AND ‘MULTIPLE CAUSATION’ IN AEM. The analogical function of

exemplars as an immanent means of cognitive linguistic organization is what separates

the current analysis from other theoretical solutions. The fact that Spanish velar-insertion

is traditionally viewed as an analogical process means that it is neither easily nor directly

included in the typical rule- or constraint-based analysis. Nonetheless, there are many

theoretical solutions, each of which handles the data in a different way, although in most

cases, such explanations account for the variation or subregularity found in the output

through idiosyncratic and/or extra-theoretical methods. Herein lies the problem with the

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typical analogical approach. The ideal solution is one which not only accounts for said

variation and subregularity, but which also incorporates it into the theoretical model and

proves to be a realistic means for the actual (imperfect) speaker to handle the

complexities of linguistic information.

The non-teleological nature of AEM is exemplified in Figure 3.1 by a comparison

of the different outcomes taken by the Romance languages with respect to the forms

belonging to the Spanish velar-insert subclass.

Lg INF IND SBJ #

MSp venir vengo venga 1 vienes vengas 2 MCat venir/vindre vinc vingui 1 véns vinguis 2 MIt venire vengo venga 1 vieni venga 2 MEPtg vir venho venha 1 vens venhas 2 MFr venir viens vienne 1 viens viennes 2 MRom a veni vin vin 1 vii vii 2 MProv venì vèni vengui 1 vènes vengues 2 MOc venir veni venga/vengui 1 venes vengas 2

Figure 3.1—Example of various paths for change in Romance.

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Velar-insertion is only one of the many potential directions for change since the AM that

affects a particular form or set of forms may differ and/or have different consequences

across speakers or groups of speakers. In all these particular cases, however, one can see

emergent patterns and changes which are exclusive to the verbal paradigm.

The number of factors that are essential in the emergence, extension and variation

attributed to Spanish velar-insertion necessitate a more elaborate examination of multiple

causation within the AM than has been previously proposed. This conception of the AM

is realized as exemplars linked through the variables they share that are relevant to the

model. Support for multiple causation in acquisition is found in Nosofsky & Zaki

(2002):

At early stages of category learning involving highly separable-dimension stimuli, most observers attend selectively to single dimensions. As learning proceeds, if no single dimension provides adequate information to allow satisfactory performance, then observers spread attention to multiple dimensions of the objects. Thus, at early stages of learning, the exemplars stored in memory may be composed of only single-dimension or other low-dimension combinations of information, whereas in later stages of learning, the exemplars are composed of multiple-dimension combinations of information. In both cases, observers classify objects on the basis of their similarity to these stored exemplars. (938)

The scenario described above directly corresponds to the diachronic changes in the AM

for velar-insertion analyzed below.

3.1.2—SYNCHRONY IN DIACHRONY. In the last decade, there has been increased interest

in the elaboration of synchronic stages between diachronic endpoints A and B (Janda &

Joseph 2005, Joseph 2001, 2006, Wanner 2006b). By examining these ‘synchronic

slices’, it is possible to more reliably identify the dynamic nature and multiple causation

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involved in language change. Though many analyses have explored the origin and

development of velar-insertion, none of these has laid out the precise details of the

“synchronic slices” or the resulting diachronic situation in a way that did not exclude or

ignore some of the crucial factors involved, such as the function of the verbal paradigm

and the existence of allomorphic variation.

Greater detail in the diachronic analysis means that each synchronic stage paints a

revised picture of the AM. In other words, synchrony in diachrony makes it possible to

see the ever-changing nature, productivity and systematicity of the AM over time (cf.

§2.4). In this way, the synchronic steps involved in the diachronic change and their

importance in the larger historical development become clear. Typically, the lack of

synchronic detail in diachronic analyses is due to the initial establishment of an AM.

That is to say, once an AM has been defined and is thought to be influential over the

remaining diachronic development of a particular phenomenon (assuming that all

affected targets become part of the expanded AM), it may appear unnecessary to examine

subsequent stages at all. Given that each synchronic stage actually has its own

well-defined AM based on new input, however, it continues to be crucial to dissect the

characteristics of the model to identify not only how it has changed over time, but also to

provide greater insight into the underlying analogical process. Properly defining the AM

helps to explain its potential productivity and diachronic direction. The following

sections investigate the stages of velar-insertion that show relevant changes in the AM

and consequently its affected targets. The potential targets for velar-insertion that are not

influenced by the AM are examined in §4.5.

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Another aspect of the analogical process that is not often discussed is the

influence of competing AM (cf. Zuraw 2003). In each synchronic stage, there is pressure

exerted on an analogical target from various directions, including from within the

particular group (not to mention paradigm) to which it already belongs. It should not be

overlooked that competing linguistic changes are inherently handled in AEM. This

resembles the concept treated in Wang (1969) concerning the non-systematic diffusion of

change, analogical or otherwise, as something that has long been a problem for traditional

linguistic theory. Competing analogical forces permit generations of speakers (or even

an individual speaker) to constantly restructure their grammar such that a form which is

affected by one particular AM may subsequently be reanalyzed due to the external

pressure of another AM. In such instances, language change can be seen as gradual and

lexically diffuse. Additionally, it is not solely the result of (near-)identity between a

particular AM and its target, but depends upon other factors like frequency and the role of

the speaker and their environment as defined by an immanent view of language (cf.

Joseph 1992, Wanner 2006a, 2006b).

Synchronic deconstruction of diachronic change highlights this immanent

perspective and provides the analogical basis of linguistic organization, including the

emergence of structures like the inflectional paradigm (cf. §§2.6 and 4.2). The theory of

immanence contends that a speaker’s memory is inherently imperfect, that input is

continuously susceptible to change, degradation and/or loss due to any number of factors,

including inhibited reception, new input, (un)conscious reforming, and time. Changes in

the categorization of information involve reanalysis according to a different AM. At the

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same time, accessibility (or activation) of an AM, as defined by associative strength or

salience and frequency, is representative of the time needed to extract from memory a

potential AM. Memory recall is supposedly measured by time and so the most accessible

AM is also the most quickly recalled. The speed with which it is accessed is a

consequence of its degree of similarity to the target and the type and token frequencies of

its members (cf. §4.3).

3.1.3—OUTLINE OF CHAPTER. The remainder of this chapter analyzes the diachronic

analogical process of velar-insertion in Spanish. First, a definition is provided of the

characteristics that are essential to the velar-insert AM. Afterwards, the historical

background relevant to the diachronic situation is reviewed with particular emphasis on

the emergence, spread and motivation of the analogical process. Next, a brief overview

of the orthographic problems associated with the historical data identifies complications

that have plagued many previous investigations. The diachronic process is then broken

down into a series of synchronic stages in order to provide a greater level of detail

concerning the analogical targets and the changes affecting the AM. The last data set

examined includes dialectal examples of velar-insertion demonstrative of the continuous

potential for change that is a consequence of AEM. Finally, the theoretical consequences

of this analysis lay the foundation for the discussion of numerous theoretical and practical

issues in chapter 4.

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3.2—DEFINING ‘MULTIPLE CAUSATION’ IN THE AM. As indicated in §2.4, the AM for

velar-insertion is complex and cannot be limited to any single linguistic domain. What

follows is a more precise examination of the particular features attributed to the AM.

Special emphasis is placed on the phonological, morphological and paradigmatic factors

that contribute to the localized regularity and productivity of this model.69

3.2.1—THE PHONOLOGICAL VARIABLES OF THE AM. The focus on the phonological

factors involved in velar-insertion is one of the main reasons that previous research has

fallen short in properly defining the AM. Velar-insertion occurs precisely on account of

the convergence of multiple causes from various aspects of linguistic structure and

organization, i.e. phonology, morphology and paradigmatic structure, the latter comprised

of lexical, grammatical, phonological, morphological and psychological elements, none

of which is sufficient by itself to motivate analogical change in this case. The function

and internal characteristics of paradigmatic structure are an innovative and crucial

addition to the AM for velar-insertion. Likewise, immanence, associative strength and

the dynamic nature of the cognitive organization of language are considered essential to

the AEM analysis.

In spite of these multiple causes, there are several phonological factors that prove

essential to the synchronic and diachronic views of velar-insertion. The most obvious of

these involve the sounds that are immediately adjacent to the velar’s position, i.e. the

preceding and following segments of the phonological environment (cf. ‘temporal

proximity’ in Burzio 2005). Amongst all of the necessary characteristics of the relevant

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AM, these are perhaps the most salient. However, they are not the only relevant

phonological variables. The shape of the verb stem is also crucial, especially in the

earliest stages of the process, as seen below.

3.2.1.1—PRECEDING CONDITIONING ENVIRONMENT. The initial stages of

velar-insertion demonstrate the generally accepted pattern of development on the basis of

the stem-final, or pre-velar segment. The velar extends from nasal- to

sonorant- (lateral- and rhotic-) then seemingly simultaneously to sibilant- and glide-final

verb stems (the latter representing respectively a lower and higher degree of sonority) due

to a simplification or broadening of the phonological conditioning environment (cf.

Maiden 2001). After these criteria are established, verbs containing these same

stem-final phonemes that are also marked by the other numerous variables of the

synchronic AM, are susceptible to velar-insertion and, consequently, the associated

paradigmatic structure/morphome.

The first synchronic slice is pre-literary and is characterized by the insertion of

the velar after the stem-final coronal nasal /n/, as found in tener, poner, remanir, and

venir. Later, in the earliest recorded historical stage, the verbs affected have a stem-final

coronal sonorant, i.e. /n, l, ɾ/, e.g. salir, herir. Subsequently, (non-syllabic) yod- and

sibilant-final stems are added to the mix, as the velar-insert class adds members like caer,

huir, oír, traer, and coser, as well as soler, valer, and toller. It can be seen through this

brief description of the first three stages of development that all of the affected stem-final

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segments are included. However, there are additional synchronic stages of

velar-insertion that merit detailed examination, which are therefore treated below.

The immediately adjacent stem-final segment is not the only part of the stem

involved in defining the AM. Early on, velar-insertion affects coronal-final stems

preceded by a (typically non-high) vowel, i.e. [+voc, –high] [-voc, +cor] __ [+voc, +bk].

The stem vowel is relevant because velar-insertion does not, in most cases, affect any of

the aforementioned alveolar sonorants when immediately preceded by a high vowel.70

This eliminates numerous verbs from both the model and target sets as explained by the

notion of the ‘homogeneous supracontext’, i.e. the contextual space in which all

exemplars act in a similar fashion with respect to the relevant variables (Skousen 1989).

Additionally, this context excludes other verbs and even forms within the same paradigm,

a consequence of which is the salience of the 1s/SBJ template.

The phonological features that characterize the stem-final segments in the affected

verbs demonstrate the broadening of the AM over time. The fact that the pre-literary

stage shows velar-insertion exclusively after the coronal nasal /n/ means that the

conditioning environment is defined by all of the distinctive features of that phoneme,

where [-voc, +son, +cor, +ant, -dist, +nas] are relevant for the diachronic process. It is

important to note that the phonemes affected at each stage comprise a natural class in

Spanish, a fact that should not be overlooked in the synchronic or diachronic

development of the velar-insert group. This is especially important for the composition

of the AM because including the specific phonemes as variables, as opposed to the

specifically relevant phonological features proposed here, would exponentially increase

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the necessary processing time, create a greater number of disagreements between possible

outcomes, and possibly result in false predictions of similarity (cf. Skousen 1989; cntr.

Eddington 2002). The motivation for including such highly detailed variables in the AM

is examined in §1.3.

In the second synchronic stage, the above set of features becomes less specific so

as to include stems ending in a coronal liquid /l, ɾ/, requiring loss of specification for the

feature [nas]. For inclusion of the sibilant- and yod-final verbs in later stages then, it is

again essential to eliminate some of the phonological features that characterized the

preceding AM. Specifically, the specification of the features [son] and [ant] is removed.

Diachronically, the changes affecting this natural class crucially rely on the relative

positions of the phonemes along the Sonority Hierarchy and the fact that the included

segments are the only ones (naturally) permitted syllable-finally in Spanish (see below).71

The analogical extension of the velar essentially involves the broadening of its

phonological context to the extent allowed by the phonotactic constraints of the language.

This resembles a rule-like progression, i.e. the way in which a generative system handles

rule formation, in that it is initially more highly defined, dealing with specific cases, then

giving way to the more broadly and widely applicable rules. The difference lies in the

fact that the rule system typically anticipates completely systematic application

synchronically while the analogical process permits imperfect, gradual change without

complete closure.

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3.2.1.2—POST-VELAR CONDITIONING ENVIRONMENT. The phonological conditioning

environment following the velar position is also of utmost importance. Since these verbs

come from the second and third conjugations, many of their inflectional forms are

marked in some way by a front vowel, e.g. 1s IMPF salía, 1s PRET salí, 1s IMPF SBJ

saliera. This includes the PRS IND forms which are not marked by a velar element, e.g.

2s sales, 3p salen. Thus, the distribution of /g/ is phonologically conditioned by the

following non-front vowel /a, o/ in the paradigm. The appearance of the velar before a

non-front vowel in the 1s/SBJ forms of the verbal paradigm highlights the interplay

between phonological and morphological change. It is based on the inflectional

distribution of vowels in the verbal system and prevents palatalization effects like those

associated with 2nd and 3rd conjugation verbs having an etymological velar (cf. §2.3).

This situation has implications for the development of the verbal subclass. First, the

hypothesis that the velar augment appeared in both 1s and SBJ at the same time is much

more plausible. It is not necessary to appeal to a basic-derived relationship between these

forms, nor to attempt to argue in favor of the appearance of the velar first in the IND,

then in the SBJ or vice versa (cf. §4.4). Second, once the 1s/SBJ distribution is

established (and supported by other verbs with the same allomorphic distribution of verb

stems, e.g. the inchoative set, decir, hacer, etc.), it becomes available to speakers as an

identifying characteristic of lexical organization. This means that when a speaker learns

a new form having a phonetic shape that could place it into such a group of verbs, it is

automatically a potential target for class membership. Whether it falls into a group or not

depends upon factors such as frequency and which of the conflicting analogical forces,

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i.e. competing AM, wins out. Finally, this also explains why the 1st conjugation should

be excluded from velar-insertion since the distribution of the non-front vowels does not

match the established paradigmatic template. Were this conjugation class marked by the

velar per the same phonological conditioning environment, it would appear in all cells of

the paradigm except the PRS SBJ and 1s PRET, thereby disrupting the established pattern

of variation and creating a completely innovative and unnatural distribution of

paradigmatic allomorphy. This last point is notable because it demonstrates the

symbiotic relationship between the phonological and morphological aspects of the

analogical situation.

3.2.1.3—ADDITIONAL PHONOLOGICAL FACTORS. Hooper (1979) addresses some of the

phonological factors in velar-insertion:

The answer has to do with syllable structure…Vowels, glides, nasals, liquids and /s/ happen to be just those segments that can end syllables in Spanish. Note that with the inserted velar, the stem-final segment becomes syllable-final. If the velar were inserted after an obstruent, or a cluster, an unacceptable syllable would result…In this case, then, it seems to be the general syllable structure conditions of the language that determine the morphological class membership. (124) The fact that these phonemes are found in syllable-final position when the velar is

inserted relates to another important phonological component of the AM, the basic shape

of the verb stem. In general, the verbs affected by velar-insertion have a basic

CVC- stem shape.72 With the possible exclusion of the verb remanir, all of the verbs

showing velar-insertion in the first two stages mentioned above have a CVC structure.73

This stem shape accounts for approximately 3/4 of all the velar-insert verbs as identified

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in this investigation, excluding derived forms. The numbers are even higher if it is

restricted to velars attested prior to the 16th c. (a stage marked by an increased frequency

of velar-insertion in learned or semi-learned forms, see below), in which case nearly 80%

of the verbs share this phonological pattern.

Ultimately, the AM for velar-insertion is defined by numerous phonological

factors including the immediately adjacent segments in the conditioning enviroment as

well as certain features of the stem. Their influence, however, is necessarily intertwined

with certain morphological aspects and it is only through the combined effect of all the

necessary characteristics of the model that they have the associative strength required to

trigger language change.

3.2.2—MORPHOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AM. The initial distribution of the

velar augment is a consequence of phonological developments affecting inflectional (i.e.

morphological) elements. It is quickly extended by analogical means to verbs (i.e. lexical

items having identical grammatical/syntactic function) of similar phonological shape and

morphological categorization (i.e. conjugation class). In spite of this consistent overlap

between the phonology and morphology involved in the construction of an AM, the

morphological criteria can be examined independently of the phonology. While in some

instances these criteria are quite obvious, their relevance should not be understated.

Perhaps the most salient of these observations is that velar-insertion is restricted

to the grammatical category of verbs (cf. §2.4, Stemberger 1994). While this indication

may appear rather inconsequential on the surface, it has important implications for the

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overall AM. First and foremost, finite verb forms carry inflectional markers. These

markers and their phonetic realization are implicated in the morphological

subcategorization of verbs into conjugational classes, the paradigmatic distribution of the

velar-insert, and the phonological changes affecting particular forms within the paradigm.

Thus, just as the phonology and morphology of the AM overlap, so does the morphology

overlap with syntactic function and paradigmatic distribution.

3.2.3—THE MORPHOMIC FUNCTION OF THE PARADIGM. Perhaps the most crucial point

of contrast between this and previous investigations involving velar-insertion in Spanish

is the function of paradigmatic structure in AEM. While more recent works have

initiated the discussion of its relevance (e.g. Maiden 2001, 2003), they have only touched

the surface of the matter, in some cases overlooking its usefulness, as well as that of

many other of the multiple causes that define the AM. What can be taken from previous

research, however, is the conception of a unit of linguistic organization and

categorization that is independent of the phonological and morphological conditioning

that give rise to it, i.e. the ‘morphome’ (cf. §2.5.2.2.4). Though it functions apart from

the phonological and morphological aspects of the AM, it is important to note that the

morphome is essentially a consequence of the ‘morphologization’ of phonological

information within the restricted domain of the inflectional paradigm (cf. Joseph & Janda

1988). As seen previously, the 1s/SBJ paradigmatic template, or morphome, is the result

of the systematic categorization of the phonetic realization of morpho-syntactic

properties.

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Not only did the velar extend the 1s/SBJ pattern to previously invariant verb

stems, but other alternations also came to be associated with this paradigmatic template

(cf. Maiden 2001). In Spanish, for example, it is possible to include both the ‘inchoative’

set as well as verbs with other types of allomorphy, e.g. caber (cf. §4.2). This

paradigmatic template is so well established that it has become a marker of the Romance

languages in general, as demonstrated in Appendix F. It is largely the result of

phonological changes that created allomorphy which is maintained, to greater or lesser

degrees, across the Romance-speaking territories (Maiden 2001). The establishment of

the 1s/SBJ morphome led to its psychological activation for speakers as a unit of

linguistic organization (cf. Pirrelli 2000). It continues to have psychological relevance to

the speaker thanks to its diachronic convergence and coherence. The immanence of this

paradigmatic pattern is supported by the current view of analogy as described in Maiden

(2003):

In effect, it seems that speakers actively seek out, then reinforce and generalize, recurrent patterns of similarity and difference between ‘cells’ of morphological paradigms across lexemes, perhaps as a way of constraining and making as predictable as possible the patterns of deviation between lexical meaning and form in the word-forms of paradigms. That speakers recognize and maximize such patterns is manifest in the fact that they display ‘coherence’ (prominent diachronic resistance to morphological and even phonological changes which might be expected to disrupt the paradigmatic patterns) and may be subject to ‘convergence’ (in effect a form of intramorphological analogical levelling such that the relevant cluster of paradigmatic cells comes to be endowed with certain common phonological characteristics across all lexemes in which it occurs). (Maiden 2003:5)

The relevance of the 1s/SBJ template for allomorphic variation is essential to the

current investigation since it provides the last essential piece of the analogical puzzle that

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explains velar-insertion in Spanish. As a realistic means of linguistic organzation for the

speaker, it also contributes to the immanent view of language change taken herein.

3.2.4—IMMANENCE AND LINGUISTIC CATEGORIZATION. What the preceding quotation

so succinctly addresses is the psychological reality of linguistic organization. Similarity

and difference between forms or groups of forms results in the emergence of patterns

which may, in turn, become the locally generalized characteristic that defines a partiuclar

lexical subclass. At the same time, the associative strength (including frequency)

garnered from such categorization may protect members of such a group from other types

of change. While the ‘coherence’ and ‘convergence’ of forms within a paradigm tends to

be taken for granted, it is important to note the special, psychologically real relationship

between them, as well as the relationship between entire paradigms or individual cells (or

groups of cells) across paradigms.

By adding the immanent effect of the speaker in their linguistic environment,

warts and all, into the equation, it is possible to see that language, even at the lowest

level, is in a constant state of flux, continuously being reanalyzed and resorted.

“Speakers can and do come up with analyses that make sense and to a certain extent are

almost forced on them by a certain configuration of facts, and such reanalyses often tell

the linguist just what is, or will be, going on in the language” (Joseph 1992:131). This is

the dynamic aspect of language that is incorporated into AEM and is so crucial to

diachronic and synchronic linguistic analysis.

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3.3—LOOKING BACK AT VELAR-INSERTION. In order to better understand the diachronic

process of velar-insertion by way of the most relevant synchronic stages, it is first

fundamental to return briefly to the question of its origin. This lays the groundwork for

closer examination of the AM and its extension (and retraction) over time. Although

these matters have been discussed thoroughly in the preceding chapter, it is important to

shed additional light on three questions essential to every analysis of the process: (1)

Where does the velar-insert come from?; (2) How does it spread?; (3) Why does it

spread?

The first question deals with the proposed analogical source, or AM, for

velar-insertion in the primary, pre-literary stage, affecting tener, venir, poner, and

remanir (see below). Although some previous analyses have suggested that the central

AM for these forms is the decir, hacer set, such a hypothesis is not permitted in AEM by

way of the principle of the ‘homogeneous supracontext’ which states that the target and

model share the highest possible degree of similarity. Because there is another set of

more similar verbs, those derived from CL stems ending in –NGERE, the analogical

function of the decir, hacer set can only be secondary. The -NGERE forms provide the

most similarly available AM for velar-insertion to occur in verbs like tener and venir.

The similarities involved are those described previously: (1) the CVC- stem shape; (2) a

non-high stem vowel /a, e, o/; (3) a coronal nasal /n/ preceding the velar; (4) a following

non-thematic, non-front inflectional marker, /a, o/; (5) the lexical categorization of these

forms as verbs of the second and third conjugations; and (6) the 1s/SBJ paradigmatic

shape emergent from the allomorphic variation in the verb stem. Such factors are

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influential not only through their involvement in the development and expansion of the

velar-insert class, but also by the linguistic material which they exclude, e.g. non-verbal

forms, VĪNEA > viña “vineyard”, ARĀNEA > araña “spider” (cf. §2.3.2.1). They also

validate the need to explore motivation for analogical change beyond the phonological

context to include the incorporation of morphological and paradigmatic information.

While the decir, hacer group shares most of the characteristics of the AM

summarized here (cf. §3.2), it lacks one crucial element, that of the preceding

phonological conditioning environment. In this instance, the AM relies on the presence

of a coronal nasal immediately before the point of insertion, a requirement which is

fulfilled by the CL –NGERE class. In spite of the fact that they are not the main AM for

first-stage velar-insertion, the decir, hacer set does provide support for the emergence of

the velar as indicative of the 1s/SBJ morphome. AEM relies upon comparison of any and

all lexical forms sharing identity in any respect that may be salient (consciously or

otherwise) to the speaker. In other words, exemplars are linked to each other via

assocations of relative strength made on the basis of any shared characteristic that is in

some way relevant in the mind of the linguistic individual. When exemplars are strongly

linked in this way, they form ‘exemplar clouds’, which may be abstractly envisioned as

distant views of a galaxy or the rather popular conceptualizations of the connections

between neurons in the brain (such as those often seen in television commercials, cf.

§1.3.2). In the central part of the exemplar cloud that connects the velar-insert targets

tener, venir, poner and remanir to the verbs derived from CL –NGERE, the decir, hacer

set is peripheral, associated, fairly strongly, to both model and target, by virtue of its

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identity in all of the aforementioned characteristics with the exception of the stem-final

consonant. Their paradigmatic shape and high token frequency provides stability for the

allomorphic distribution of the velar. Additionally, after the –NGERE set is reanalyzed

and leveled in favor of a palatal-final stem (and so is no longer strongly associated with

the velar-inserts), the decir, hacer set asserts its stabilizing function for the survival of the

velar-insert class and the 1s/SBJ morphome. This is supported by the extension of the

velar-insert to verbs characterized by other stem-final segments.

A related issue which has been scrutinized in previous investigations is whether or

not these initial analogical targets ever contained a palatal nasal, even if only in

synchronic variation with a non-palatal. On one hand, it is possible that the analogical

influence of the –NGERE set was enough to create a context for velar-insertion in these

targets such that the velar stem may have alternated for a time with the palatal one, i.e.

*teñ- ~ teng-. This hypothesis is supported by the palatal stems found in Portuguese and

the (somewhat limited and dialectal) palatal/velar alternations found in Old Catalan, Old

Provençal and Italian as seen in Figure 3.2 below. Unlike the set of –NGERE verbs,

however, the velar-insert targets were not pressured into leveling their paradigms in favor

of the palatal stem. This is explained by the stability of the newly established velar-insert

set in conjunction with the analogical force of the paradigmatic template they shared with

the decir, hacer set. On the other hand, the fact that these first-stage verbs have no

attested cases of palatal-final stems in the recorded history of the language suggests that

they have never had a palatal variant. The lack of palatalization effects in these and other

verbs, e.g. sentir (cf. §2.5.2.1.6), is indicative of the early loss of yod. The pan-Romance

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geographical distribution of the velar and palatal stems in these verbs also lends credence

to the non-palatal hypothesis. In the end, the presence of a palatal-final stem variant in

these verbs is actually inconsequential since they would be susceptible to the influence of

the same AM centered around the –NGERE set in either case.

Lg 1s

MEPtg tenho

venho

OCat/OProv tenc/tenh, venc/venh

venc/venh

OIt tengo/tegno (dial.), vengo/vegno (dial.) vengo/vegno (dial.)

Figure 3.2—Evidence in favor of palatalization prior to velar-insertion.

The preceding explanation of the first stages of the velar-insertion process should

be considered in conjunction with the need to dissect the diachronic process into its

relevant synchronic stages. This helps to answer the second question indicated above,

concerning how the velar spread. All of the most well-accepted investigations of

velar-insertion agree that it is an analogical process and therefore have proposed an AM

of one form or another (cf. §2.4.2). However, it is not sufficient to declare velar-insertion

an analogical development and then provide a singular, static model for the entirety of its

diachronic extension. It is true that from the outset, velar-insertion is analogical and it

continues to be so until its associative strength is weakened through an ever-broadening

domain of influence. The point, though, is that the forms which comprise the AM are

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constantly changing, as forms take on the velar, fall out of use, or are reanalyzed

according to competing AM or via phonological change. For these reasons, the following

analysis addresses the process by focusing on each synchronic stage where the AM

differs in some way.

Finally, the matter of why the velar-insert spread is less clear. Its extension

involves changes in the composition and frequency of the relevant AM and its members

as well as the shape and frequency of potential analogical targets. At the same time, the

interaction of competing models contributes to the overall lack of systematicity that

characterizes the process at all stages. These points are intricately related to immanence,

especially the speaker’s imperfect memory and the resolution of new or reanalyzed input

according to pre-existing linguistic information and structures.

This contextual background is the starting point for the closer examination of the

synchronic stages contributing to its diachronic development. The AM, composed of the

–NGERE set (and, secondarily, verbs like decir, hacer, and yacer), triggers velar-insertion

in the first forms entering the class. Through the ever-changing composition of the AM,

it continues to exert analogical influence in the minds of speakers, producing various

types of synchronic and diachronic change.

3.4—ORTHOGRAPHIC PROBLEMS. In spite of the assertions of Oelschläger (1940) that

the orthographic representation of the Spanish language has shown “startling

consistency…from its very origins up to the present” (x), the earliest scribal practices

encountered numerous problems in dealing with yod effects and palatalization. These

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matters were often resolved in a variety of ways, some of which created conflict between

the traditional and innovative use of certain graphemes, like <g>, which were already

representative of other sounds. Because of this historic variation in the use of this

particular letter, so crucial to the issue at hand, some of the earliest attested forms of

apparent velar-insertion should not be identified as such. This is due to the fact that they

do not appear to represent the velar occlusive /g/, but rather other, often innovative

fricative and/or palatal phonemes. Motivation for their exclusion involves the

representation of certain non-velar phonemes as well as the fact that the forms under

discussion show a vast chronological separation from the next attested instance of

velar-insertion in the same verb if any are attested.

Related to the multiple functions of the grapheme <g> is the aforementioned

consistency of orthographic practices in the Spanish language. Given that the written

language is characterized by a surprisingly systematic representation of sounds, it should

be noted that the use of <g> was in a state of flux during the periods in which these

so-called cases of velar-insertion are found, primarily the 10th to 12th centuries. The

variation found is due to the effects of yod and palatalization which resulted in the

creation of a whole new set of sounds in the Romance phonological system. For

example, the grapheme <g> could, like <j, i>, represent a voiced palatal fricative /ʒ/, even

before non-front vowels, e.g. ECLESIA > eclegia, egrija “church”, this phoneme, early on,

also being represented by <gi, ig, gg> (Cano Aguilar 1999). Adding to the problem is a

similarly -if not identically- realized phoneme, typically represented by the grapheme

<y> (e.g. RADIU > rayo “ray, lightning”, FAGEA > haya “beechwood (tree)”), which, due

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to its similarity with /ʒ/, could be represented by the same graphemes, i.e. <i, j, g, ig, gi>

(Cano Aguilar 1999). This accounts for several apparent cases of velar-insertion in the

Glosas Silenses and Emilianenses, documents which are widely believed to serve as the

starting point of the recorded history of the Spanish language (cf. Lapesa 1980). Thus,

the grapheme <g> in the 3s SBJ siegat and 1p SBJ segamus (from ser “be”), attested in

the Glosas Silenses and Emilianeses respectively, represents a pre-palatal fricative /ʒ/ (cf.

García de Diego 1951, Hanssen 1913, Lapesa 1980, Malkiel 1974). Based on this

information, it is possible to contend that these earliest attestations of this grapheme in

verb stems with a final non-consonantal segment are not representative of the occlusive

under investigation here, rather they are merely variants of the pre-palatal fricative. Not

only does this apply to the attested forms above, but also to others including 1p SBJ

kaigamus “fall”, as attested in the Glosas Emilianenses (cntr. Menéndez Pidal 1980).74

Support for this argument comes from the fact that these forms are attested in the

earliest recorded history of the language after which they are not attested again for a span

of centuries, if at all. After the establishment of more regulated and systematic

orthographic practices in the language, ca. 13th c., no such isolated anomolous forms are

attested (cf. Cano Aguilar 1999).

The palatalization affecting nasals and laterals, meanwhile, was also realized, on

occasion, with <g>. In the 11th c., there are examples of palatal graphemic variations, in

the Glosas and other documents from the same monasteries, such as valge ~ valle

“valley”, 3s SBJ punga ~ puña “poke”, though by the 12th c., they are primarily

represented by <ll, nn> (Lapesa 1980; cf. Cano Aguilar 1999). Add to this the fact that

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the palatal nasal can be derived from CL -NG- (where G could become yod by the effect

of a following front vowel), -NG’L-, and -GN-, among other sources, e.g. -NGERE > -ñir

(cf. punga, above), UNGULA > uña “fingernail”, SIGNA > seña “sign, signal” (Cano

Aguilar 1999). The relevance of the set of –NGERE verbs becomes all the more apparent

in light of this information. This is because there was a time when both the

nasal-plus-velar /ng/ and the palatal nasal /ɲ/ could have been represented, though less

than systematically, by the same graphemic units.

Arguments similar to those made for the representation of the nasal can also be

made for the lateral. For valer and salir in particular, there are highly limited attested

cases with a double <ll> grapheme, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ valla, 3p vallan but the confusion

between simple <l> and geminate <ll> in early writings calls the pronunciation of such

forms into question, as demonstrated by others like 3s IND salle, 3p IND sallen, INF

valler, sallir, where palatalization would not be expected phonologically (cf. Menéndez

Pidal 1980). There is no getting around the absence of the velar in numerous early

examples of the 1s/SBJ forms of these verbs, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ sala, vala, but this only lends

itself to the hypothesis that the forms indicated above may not have been realized with a

(pre-)palatal pronunciation. The appearance of geminate grapheme <ll> in forms of valer

and salir is likely a hypercorrection, given the preceding information and the absence of

any other alternate forms having a pre-palatal fricative /ʒ/ which would be expected as

the regular, phonetic development of these forms, cf. MPtg. 1s IND saio (cf. §2.3.2.1).

According to the details discussed above, the obvious confusion characteristic of

early documents, especially in the numerous uses of the grapheme <g>, is not surprising

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and tends to complicate the identification of the earliest attested examples of the

velar-insert. This information, in conjunction with etymological sources of the forms

under analysis, discounts several cases of unexpected velar-insertion early on in the

recorded history of the language, cases which have been considered problematic in

previous analyses, including 1p SBJ kaigamus and 1p SBJ segamus discussed above.

Such inconsistencies in the primitive stages of the Spanish language suggest that early

and far removed examples like those described in the preceding discussion are not true

velar-insert forms.

3.5—VELAR-INSERTION: A DIACHRONIC ANALYSIS THROUGH SYNCHRONIC

EXAMINATION. The diachronic development of the velar-insert class spans the entire

recorded history of the Spanish language. Within this time period, there are various

individual stages during which there have been changes affecting class membership and

the AM affecting target forms. Additionally, there are several instances of synchronic

variation between velar and non-velar forms in many verbs. What follows is an overview

of the synchronic stages that are essential to piecing together the diachronic puzzle.

Along with the preceding matters, treatment of these stages includes, as much as possible,

discussion of how and why the velar-insert spread. Within each particular section, the

verbs are generally divided according to their stem-final (pre-velar) segment. Whenever

pertinent, details concerning the AM are also examined.

The data used in this investigation comes from a number of sources. Attested

examples of velars and non-velars alike are mainly found in the CORDE (Real Academia

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Española 2005) and CREA databases (Real Academia Española 2007). The former

includes documents from the earliest recorded history of Spanish into the 20th c. The

latter is a database of both oral and written works from the late 20th c. through the

present. In some instances, information has been taken from some of the previous

investigations and historical analyses of Spanish mentioned in chapter 2. The dating of

texts in the CORDE has been compared against the PhiloBiblon database (Faulhaber et

al. 2002). When there is a notable discrepancy in the dating across these databases, the

text has been excluded. An attempt is made to utilize sources that are characterized by a

relatively brief chronological gap (usually less than 3 generations) between manuscript

and copy. The typical problems associated with the aforementioned databases should be

taken into consideration as they relate to the following sections.

Due to the volume of examples in some cases and the available filters, it has not

been possible to completely differentiate the use of the SBJ from that of the IMPTV.

However, this is not considered a problem on the basis that the IMPTV is generally

identical in phonological form to the SBJ former and is representative of one of its

pragmatic functions, i.e. influence. The inclusion of the IMPTV is especially relevant for

counts of frequency since none of the first or last attested examples indicated below are

believed to be IMPTV forms. In all cases, the frequency numbers are raw and are only

meant to convey very general tendencies in the language.

3.5.1—STAGE 1: PRE-LITERARY DEVELOPMENTS.

Verb: tener, e.g. 1s tengo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: pre-literary, attested beginning of 12th c.

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Verb: venir, e.g. 1s vengo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: pre-literary, attested beginning of 12th c. Verb: poner, e.g. 1s pongo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: pre-literary, attested beginning of 12th c. Verb: remanir, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ remanga Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: pre-literary, attested beginning of 12th c. Last attested forms of velar-insert: mid-14th c. The pre-literary stage of velar-insertion affects the nasal-final stems of tener,

venir, poner and remanir. While other verbs are affected by velar-insertion during the

time when the first attested examples for these verbs are recorded (see salir and herir

below), they differ in the fact that tener, venir, poner, remanir are marked by the

exclusive appearance of velar 1s/SBJ forms, i.e. they show no synchronic variation in the

recorded history of the langauge. Another point of contrast is that the other verb stems

are not nasal-final and so are dependent upon the subsequent reformation of the AM on

the basis of the above forms as mentioned earlier. In sum, this nasal-final set is affected

by velar-insertion in an unrecorded stage after which they provide the basis for analogical

extension of the 1s/SBJ velar-insert pattern to non-nasal stems as demonstrated in the

following section.

The AM for velar-insertion in tener, venir, poner and remanir is derived from the

CL verbs ending in –NGERE, e.g. 1s tango, 2s tañes/tanzes (with secondary support from

the decir/hacer set, cf. §§3.2.1.2 and 3.3). The variables that characterize the

homogeneous supracontext and are essential to the emergence of the AM, in addition to

their implied status as second or third (i.e. not first) conjugation verbs, include a basic

CVC-stem having a non-high stem vowel and a final coronal nasal, with a following

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non-front, non-thematic vowel marking the 1s/SBJ (cf. §§3.2-3.3). Note that the

inclusion of specific morphological, lexical and paradigmatic information makes it

difficult, if not impossible to formulate the conditioning environment for velar-insertion

in any other way. Although the AM and the context for change are now defined, there is

much more to say about 1s tengo, vengo, etc. and their leading role in the creation of the

velar-insert verbal subclass.

Were it not for the strength and number of associations between these verbs,

velar-insertion might not have been so productive in the Spanish language. One of the

most important aspects of this relationship is token frequency. This is obvious in that the

first synchronic slice of the diachronic development affects a set of highly frequent verbs.

Higher token frequency means increased input and equals increased lexical strength, not

only of the individual lexical forms, but also their distributional patterns as a consequence

of linguistic organization in the exemplar cloud. Thus, the establishment of a pattern of

paradigmatic allomorphy (or ‘morphome’) in these verbs is salient enough to provide an

active AM that is on par with any other that is potentially available to the linguistic

individual.

Not only is the effect of the verbal paradigm in analogical change made apparent

in such instances, but also its capacity to inhibit phonological change. The regular

phonological developments of nasal plus yod (and even lateral plus yod) did not

(generally) affect inflected verb forms. Similarly, the stem vowel in the 1s/SBJ forms of

Sp. tener and venir is unaffected by diphthongization, cf. 1s tengo, vengo ~ 2s tienes,

vienes. The monophthong found in Spanish is typically attributed to yod effects and

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phonotactic constraints involving closed syllables (cntr. Old Leonese and Old

Navarro-Aragonese, e.g. 1s tiengo), though it is also necessary to appeal to the

inter-paradigmatic influence of the 1s/SBJ morphome of the AM (cf. Malkiel 1974,

García de Diego 1951). This explains why the effects of frequency and paradigmatic

associative strength tend to be linked to analogical change.

The lack of diphthongization in tener and venir is only one commonality between

these two verbs. In fact, they exhibit a special connection in many Romance languages.

In some dialects of Italian, like French, CL TENĒRE has shifted from the second to the

fourth conjugation, i.e. tenire, under the evident influence of venire (Tekavčić 1980b).

They are also thought to be included among the verbs showing yod effects that provide

the AM for poner, due to its being the only other 2nd conjugation verb having a

nasal-final CVC stem (see remanir below, cf. §2.5.2.1.1). This attraction to a highly

similar AM (and avoidance of regular sound change) is supported by its inclusion in

velar-insertion in Italian and Spanish and its having a palatal-nasal in Portuguese

(Tekavčić 1980b; cf. Urrutia Cardenas & Alvarez Alvarez 1983). This is made all the

more apparent given the attested OCamp. ponio as evidence of the availability of a form

with yod in Late Latin (Wilkinson 1978).

While remanir appears to be isolated from the effects of the aforementioned AM,

it is easy to see the potential for a speaker to analyze it as a prefixed derivative of the

verb manir (OSp. maner) ‘remain’. In this way, it maintains the CVC stem-structure

associated with the AM and is suscpetible to its analogical influence. Notwithstanding,

Malkiel (1974) suggests that remanir did not continue on in this group because its

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phonological shape differentiated it from the other velar-inserts at the time. Not only did

this verb lose its status as a velar-insert, it fell almost completely out of use in Spanish

during the 14th c. It may have continued to be available to speakers, in spite of its being

generally replaced by quedarse, given its appearance (as anticuated and uninflected) in

the most contemporary version of the Diccionario de la Real Academia (Real Academia

Española 2004).

The ramifications of this pre-literary stage are felt throughout every subsequent

stage of velar-insertion in Spanish through the changes in the composition of the AM and

the forms included in it. The unique combination of factors that contribute to the

formation of the AM provide the speaker with the ability to create a new lexical subclass

built upon an originally phonological development affecting the language. The following

sections examine the changes in this subclass that result from reanalysis of the variables

that define the AM.

3.5.2—STAGE 2: LATERAL (AND RHOTIC) EXPANSION.

Verb: salir, e.g. 1s salgo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 12th c. Variation: from mid-13th c. to beginning of 14th c., intra-textual, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ sala

Verb: herir, e.g. 1s hiero Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 12th c. Variation: from beginning of 13th c. to end of 16th c., intra-textual, e.g. 3p SBJ fiergan Last attested forms of velar-insert: end of 16th c. The first forms to be visibly targeted by the velar-insertion process are salir and

herir. These verbs are not marked by a nasal-final stem consonant, but rather by a lateral

and rhotic respectively. This means that very early on, the AM is broadened through

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reanalysis so that the preceding phonological conditioning environment includes the

natural class of coronal liquids and nasals, i.e. [-voc, +son, +cor, +ant, -dist]. The

motivation for such a change is related, in part, to the appearance of other

lateral-plus-velar and rhotic-plus-velar verbs in the language and their relationship to the

earlier AM. There is a set of verbs in CL ending in –LGERE and –RGERE that, given the

high degree of identity to those of the more frequent –NGERE group, lend themselves to

the AM. In other words, presuming that the –NGERE set is the primary AM for the

pre-literary nasal-final targets, a natural progression of the AM is its extension to the next

most similar set of targets. Salir and herir share every aspect of the AM exemplified by

tener, venir, poner and remanir except for the feature [nasal] of the stem-final segment.

The (limited) support of the –LGERE and –RGERE sets of verbs and the established

relationship between the –NGERE AM and tener, venir, poner, remanir is sufficient to

trigger reanalysis of salir and herir in the mind of the speaker.

The extension of the velar-insert to the lateral-final roots is interesting because the

expected regular sound changes involving palatalization and yod effects would have

resulted in an allomorphic split in verbs like valer and salir initially between a palatal and

non-palatal lateral (Malkiel 1974, cf. toller below). This phonological change would

have created allomorphy in the 1s/SBJ forms of the PRS tense and so supports the

function of the 1s/SBJ morphome charateristic of the AM. Similar arguments concerning

this paradigmatic pattern can be made for many of the targets in the following synchronic

stages. The limited and questionable appearance of palatalized forms of lateral-final

verbs in Old Spanish in contrast to the widespread appearance of forms not showing yod

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effects, e.g. 1s salo ~ salgo, argue in favor of the earlier loss of antihiatic yod in Old

Spanish (see §3.4; cf. Elson 1988, Lenfest 1978, 1993, Menéndez Pidal 1980).

As seen in the preceding example, the paradigmatic development of the lateral in

such situations provides no less than two fairly widespread solutions: (1) leveling in

favor of the non-palatal lateral throughout the entire verbal paradigm, e.g. OSp. salo,

valo, duelo, suelo, etc.; or (2) velar-insertion, e.g. salgo, valgo, duelgo, suelgo, etc.

(Malkiel 1974). Wilkinson (1978) suggests that valo and salo are the regular

development of the Castilian verbs (through loss of yod, cf. §§2.3.2.1 and 2.3.3) but were

replaced by the introduction of valgo and salgo from the neighboring dialects, a

replacement supported by the existing nasal-final velar-inserts. In addition to the

synchronic variation of both of the above outcomes in a single form, the distribution of

the velar-insert across all lateral-final stems is also demonstrative of the non-systematic

nature of analogical change. For example, while salir and valer survive into the standard

modern language as members of the velar-insert class, the variation found in soler and

doler is leveled in favor of a single non-velar stem throughout their inflectional

paradigms.75 The differences between these lateral-final pairs of verbs is discussed

further in §§3.5.3 and 3.5.5.

Although salir and herir show the effects of velar-insertion during what could be

considered the same synchronic stage as those of the preceding section, they are

distinguished from the first-stage (nasal-final) velar-inserts by attested velar/non-velar

variation. For salir, this variation is mainly limited to the middle of the 13th through the

beginning of the 14th c. Within a majority of the documents containing a non-velar stem

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for the 1s/SBJ forms, the velar variant is also attested. The remaining non-velar

examples are heavily outnumbered by the exclusive appearance of velar-insert forms in

contemporaneous texts.

The most productive period of variation for herir closely resembles that of salir,

occurring between the 13th and 14th c., with the notable difference that the velar-insert

variant is lost. The question is why herir does not retain membership in the velar-insert

class. The answer is that velar-insertion tends to have very little effect on rhotic-final

verbs. Wilkinson (1979) finds it difficult to establish a model for the insertion of /g/ in

the rhotic-final verbs. The reason for this difficulty involves the characteristics of the

AM and the lack of a sufficiently strong and homogenized set of exemplars marked

stem-finally by a rhotic-plus-velar combination. First, /n/ and /l/ share the feature [+cont]

to the exclusion of the flap /ɾ/ in Spanish.76 While they are all sonorants, and so are

distinguished from the obstruent class, the fact that /ɾ/ is one step removed from the

strongest and most productive AM for velar-insertion, it is less likely to trigger

restructuring. It is also not susceptible to palatalization as are /n/ and /l/, thus, it does not

show the same potential for yod effects. An additional factor is the absence of any highly

salient 2nd or 3rd conjugation verb forms whose stems are characterized by the /ɾg/ cluster.

In fact, the CL verbs ending in –RGERE that managed to survive into the Spanish language

undergo a separate and very complicated series of changes (cf. Malkiel 1974).

Of the few avaiable r-final 2nd and 3rd conjugation verbs in Old Spanish, only

herir (and its derived forms) shows any attested velar forms, in most cases, in sychronic

variation with a non-velar in the same document.77 Taking MSp. 3p SBJ hieran as an

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example, it undergoes several interesting changes. First, it loses its original yod and then

is susceptible to remodeling on the basis of the velar-insert AM, producing synchronic

variation, i.e. OSp. fiergan ~ fieran.78 The velar variant is ultimately eliminated through

intraparadigmatic analogy of the 1s/SBJ forms with the remainder of its inflectional

paradigm not having /g/, i.e. fiergan >> hieran (Urrutia Cardenas & Alvarez Alvarez

1983).79

Although lateral- and rhotic-final verbs stems are ultimately distinct with respect

to velar-insertion, this stage demonstrates how speakers redefine the AM through

weakening of its feature specifications. The term ‘weakening’ is especially appropriate

in this case because velar-insertion is not systematic and shows rampant synchronic

variation and attrition. The following stage shows how continued weakening of these

specifications define the natural limitations of the AM.

3.5.3—STAGE 3: SONORITY AND THE AM.

Verb: soler, e.g 1s suelo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 13th c. Variation: from mid-13th c. to mid-16th c., e.g. 1s suelgo Modern dialectal usage: Spain Last attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 16th c. Verb: valer, e.g. 1s valgo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 13th c. Variation: from mid-13th c. to beginning of 14th c., intra-textual, e.g. 3p SBJ valan Verb: toller, e.g. 3p tuellen Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 13th c. Variation: from mid-13th c. to end of 15th c., intra-textual, e.g. 3p SBJ tuelgan Last attested forms of velar-insert: end of 15th c. Verb: caer, e.g. 1s caigo

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Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 13th c. (cf. §3.4) Variation: from mid-13th c. to beginning of 17th c., intra-textual, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ caya Verb: huir, e.g. 1s huyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 13th c. Variation: from mid-13th c. to beginning 17th c., intra-textual, e.g. 1s huigo Modern dialectal usage: Cuba, Dominican Republic, Mexico, Spain Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 18th c. Verb: oír, e.g. 1s oigo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 13th c. Variation: from mid-13th c. to mid-17th c., e.g. 1s/3s SBJ oya Verb: traer, e.g. 1s traigo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 13th c. Variation: from mid-13th c. to beginning of 17th c., intra-textual, e.g. 3p SBJ trayan Verb: coser, e.g. 1s coso Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 13th c. Variation: from mid-13th c. to end of 16th c., e.g. 1s/3s SBJ cosga Modern dialectal usage: Spain, Judeo-Spanish Last attested forms of velar-insert: end of 16th c.

Once salir establishes itself as a member of the AM, the extension of the

velar-insert to lateral-final stems like soler and valer is straightforward (cf. Fondow

2007). The identity of the relevant variables in target and model explains the potential

for reanalysis in the former. Velar-insertion, in such instances, is not obligatory, but

rather all the pieces are in place to promote change. The extremely high frequency and

salience of the members of the AM, as well as the relatively high frequency of the target

verbs (though lesser than that of the model forms), seems to increase the likelihood that

they will, at least partially, participate in the analogical process (cf. §4.3).

From the immanent point of view, it is not surprising that valer maintains the

velar into the standard modern language while soler does so only dialectally. At this

synchronic stage, the difference primarily involves frequency.80 Because the velar-insert

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class includes a number of heavily used 2nd and 3rd conjugation verbs, any other such

verbs are likely to be compared against them to determine the degree of similarity in

relation to frequency. If a form appears frequently enough in everyday usage, it is less

likely to be restructured unless there is another highly similar and more frequent/salient

form (or set of forms) that can serve as the basis for analogical change. In contrast, if a

form appears less frequently, it is more susceptible to competing influences, especially

pressure from the class to which it already belongs (i.e. no change whatsoever) or the

most frequent in both type and token (i.e. for soler, the set showing diphthongization in

the stressed nucleus of the verb stem without velar-insertion).

Frequency is intimately related to direct conflict between two or more competing

AM. When this occurs in a single speaker or group of speakers, it results in the

synchronic variation that is found in verbs like soler and earlier herir, as well as almost

all the verbs in the remaining stages below. While the high-frequency verbs that have

been examined up to this point have shifted in favor of the velar-insert, the competing

influence of other models tends to define the diachronic developments affecting the

mid- to low-frequency verbs examined in the following stages.

Although it may be included as a lateral-final stem alongside soler and valer, the

case of toller is rather exceptional. During the period in which it shows velar-insertion,

the orthography is fairly consistent regarding the geminate –ll- in inflected forms. For

this reason, it is safe to assume that the stem-final phoneme is palatal. There are two

possible interpretations of the analogical process affecting toller. First, it could be

representative of a change in the feature [coronal] from variables relevant to the

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stem-final phoneme of the AM. The palatal lateral would depalatalize in syllable-final

position (after velar-insertion) due to the phonotactic constraints of the language. The

motivation for such an explanation lies in the expansion of the AM along phonological

lines (see asir, caer, huir, etc. below). The second hypothesis is that the AM for toller

includes the verb cullir ‘grab’ which contains a presumably etymological velar in the

1s/SBJ in alternation with a palatal lateral (cf. Wilkinson 1978). There are several

reasons that the former hypothesis is more plausible. The broadening of the phonological

factors in the AM is a characteristic of this synchronic stage. It also assumes the second

analysis since the distribution of the velar in cullir, in the broader phonological context of

the AM, makes it part of the continuously reanalyzed analogical source for

velar-insertion. Additional evidence comes from the modern dialectal extension of the

velar-insert to verbs like bullir and zambullir (cf. §3.6.2).

As suggested above, the spread of the velar-insert at this stage is a consequence of

the broadening (or weakening) of the relevant phonological features of the stem-final

segment (cf. §2.3.1.1). Crucially, this change in the AM follows a phonological path that

directly correlates to sonority. In part, the relevance of sonority is a consequence of the

phonotactic constraints on the Spanish syllable, nonetheless, it is an important element of

the AM that has not been explored previously. The changes in the relevant phonological

features in the stem-final segment of the AM are such that they follow the Sonority

Hierarchy in both directions from the coronal sonorants /n, l, ɾ/, which defined it in the

earliest stages, to the coronal glide /j/ and the coronal sibliant /s/ (as well as its possible

shift to non-coronal palatals, as in toller above). The transition to targeting of yod-final

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verb stems involves increased sonority and loss of specification for the feature [ant]. In

the direction of decreasing sonority, meanwhile, the phonological context is expanded to

include sibilant-final coser through removal of the feature specification for [son]. From

this stage forward, the features relevant to the immediately preceding phonological

conditioning environment are [-voc, +cor, -dist]. The forms that are subject to

velar-insertion dialectally in the modern language exemplify the relevance of these

phonological criteria in the composition of the AM.

The development and extension of the velar-insert at this stage represents a

process that is unique to Spanish. The verbs huir and oír (as well as reír, haber, etc.

below) are characterized in earlier stages of Old Spanish by an antihiatic yod (or coronal

‘semi-consonant’, cf. Malkiel 1974) that emerges through regular sound change. In a

verb like OSp. 1s fuyo, this ‘semi-consonant’ is derived from the phonological change by

which CL FUGIŌ shows palatalization effects in the velar consonant followed by yod

(resulting from its contact with an immediately following vowel) (i.e. /gj/ > /ɟɟ/ > /ɟ/, cf.

§2.3.2.1). Notably, the 1s/SBJ paradigmatic distribution of this development coincided in

many cases with that of the already established velar-inserts, primarily because these

were the same cells in the paradigm which contained the necessary vowels in hiatus so as

to trigger the formation of anti-hiatic yod. The resulting palatal consonant in forms like

1s fuyo takes on its own anti-hiatic function and helps to establish the AM for the

emergence of yod in mainly monosyllabic roots like those of caer and traer (and

concluir, creer, destruir, raer, roer, ir below), providing OSp. 1s cayo, trayo (cf. Alarcos

Llorach 1954, Cano Aguilar 1999, García de Diego 1951, Lloyd 1987, Malkiel 1974,

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Penny 2002, Wilkinson 1981). This analogical extension, “presented an established

pattern of conjugation to follow…Thus we may say that in Spanish a subconscious sense

developed that for stems ending in a vowel it was proper to add a y before –o and –a”

(Wilkinson 1981:78). In this way, hiatus between *aa (haya), *ao (cayo), *oo (royo) was

generally avoided (cf. rare dialectal 1s roo, rao, etc. and the accepted combinations ae

(cae), eo (leo), ee (cree), ea (vea)) (Malkiel 1974). The extension of the anti-hiatic

consonant to these forms is attributed to changes in phonotactic preferences on the part of

speakers towards:

[A] new, ‘ideally-shaped’ syllable: C + V…then it becomes clear why a solid block of speakers, at a variety of socio-educational levels, went from here one step farther and rejected cayo, oyo, also hayo, then again subj. haya and vaya beside creya and leya in favor of caigo, oigo, huigo, dial. creiga, etc. Granting that C + V was gradually emerging –within the speech community – as the ‘ideal’ syllable, then it was obviously gratifying to speakers endowed with one spark of initiative to place in this favored position a full-blown consonant, such as /g/, rather than having a mere semi-consonant, such as /j/, perform the crucial rôle. (Malkiel 1974:336) The transition to velar-insertion in these same forms follows similar lines, as it

(often) affects the aforementioned 1s/SBJ variants having an anti-hiatic palatal consonant

(cf. the identical paradigmatic distribution of /k/ in the ‘inchoatives’). These yod-final

verb stems are part of a group having a high degree of identity and similar relative

frequency which explains their susceptibility to velar-insertion at the same synchronic

stage, not to mention that they are affected by velar/non-velar variation over the same

time period and serve as the primary AM for yod-final verbs in subsequent synchronic

stages. As before, velar-insertion in these forms involves mutations in the variables that

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define the ever-growing AM and the high frequency exemplars included in it (cf. Malkiel

1974, Menéndez Pidal 1980).

The synchronic variation in nearly all of the verbs affected by velar-insertion

during this stage continues dialectally in the modern language. This is telling of the

weakening of the associative strength of the AM as the number of analogical targets

increases. As the definition of the AM is widened, it becomes less specific such that

competing forces are more likely to interfere due to decreased salience. As a matter of

fact, all of the verbs affected by the velar-insertion process from this point forward are

plagued by the same conflict. Further treatment of this type of modern variation is found

in §3.6.

The effects of velar-insertion on sibilant-final verbs like coser is also indicative of

the conflict between competing AM. Due, in part, to the low token frequency of this

verb, it is susceptible to reanalysis (and uncertainty) in the mind of the speaker. This is

the last synchronic stage that includes a number of verbs (prescriptively) included in the

standard MSp. velar-insert class due to the much higher frequency of their velar-insert

variants diachronically. These verbs, in all forms, are also of notably higher token

frequency than the majority of those found in the following stages. Coser, however, falls

into the latter category as it has extremely low token frequency and involves such a

broadening of the AM that it is difficult for speakers to fully commit to the idea that it

should be marked by a velar in the 1s/SBJ. In most dialects of Spanish, this is

compounded by the appearance of other verbs in the homogeneous supracontext, e.g.

cocer “cook” and/or toser “cough”. Given the complexity of this situation, it is clear that

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such targets test the permissible (phonological) limits of the AM. Sibilant-final stems are

examined further in treatment of asir below.

The remaining stages include verbs that are primarily marked by velar-insertion in

limited, dialectal contexts. Therefore, it is possible, in a very general sense, to identify

this synchronic stage as the last truly productive period of velar-insertion in the standard

language, especially considering that at least one verb of each of the stem-final

consonants that characterize the AM has already been affected by the process. There are

numerous factors influencing this assertion including frequency, learnedness, decreased

associative strength and salience of the broadened AM, increased salience of competing

AM, etc. The first of these factors is examined further in chapter 4, while the others are

discussed below.

3.5.4—STAGE 4: CONTRASTING DIACHRONIC RESULTS.

Verb: destruir, e.g. 1s destruyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 14th c. Variation: from beg. of 14th c. to beg. of 17th c., intra-textual, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ destruiga Modern dialectal usage: Unconfirmed Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 18th c. Verb: instruir, e.g. 1s instruyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 14th c. Variation: beginning of 14th c., e.g. 3p SBJ instruigan Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 14th c. Verb: haber, e.g. 3s/3p hay; 3p SBJ hayan Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 14th c. Variation: from beginning of 14th c. to present, intra-textual, e.g. 3p SBJ haigan Modern dialectal usage: Argentina, Colombia, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Puerto Rico, Spain, Venezuela

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Since the verb huir entered the velar-insert subclass in an earlier stage, very little

is generally said about Spanish verbs ending in –uir like destruir and instruir (cf. Urrutia

Cardenas & Alvarez Alvarez 1983). While the analogical relationship between these

targets and their model is straightforward and includes all of the previously examined

variables pertaining to the established AM, these verbs are discussed in conjunction with

those found in a later stage as they offer a unique example of language change.

Relatedly, for the verbs affected in this and subsequent stages, with a few notable

exceptions, the non-velar is the overwhelmingly dominant variant throughout. In some

instances, velar-insertion of a particular verb is restricted to a single synchronic stage, or

even to a single author or text (see §3.5.6).

In contrast to the other verbs included in this stage, most historical examinations

of the Spanish language devote special attention to the verb haber. This is due, in large

part, to its multiple functions, meaning “exist”, “have, possess” and its use as an auxiliary

verb. Consequently, there are innumerable tokens throughout the recorded history of the

language. Although haber is not a standardized member of the velar-insert subclass, it is

one of few verbs to show continuously attested variation from the first appearance of the

velar through the present. In most other verbs of this sort, velar-insertion is attested for a

highly limited period of time, later reappearing in modern, dialectal contexts. Another

reason for the popular treatment of haber is that it is also affected by a number of

interesting phonological and morphological processes. The palatal stem appears in the

SBJ forms of the earliest Old Spanish texts. As indicated above, the velar-insert is

attested several centuries later and, like all the other verbs affected at this point in time, it

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is modeled on the well-developed and productive set of velar-insert verbs, including the

highly similar caer and traer.

The relationship between models like caer and traer and a target like haber is

interesting because the former are prescriptively velar-insert verbs (practically from the

first appearance of the velar) while the latter is not. Also, caer and traer undergo

velar-insertion at roughly the same point in time, with haber following relatively later.

Aside from several other arguments for distinguishing haber from its AM for

velar-insertion (e.g. paradigmatic alternations, defective paradigms, morphologization of

certain patterns of use, etc.), token frequency once more involves itself in the matter.

Haber is among the most frequent of all lexemes (not just verbs) in the language and so is

immanently of greater lexical strength and ‘autonomy’ in the mind of the speaker (cf.

Bybee & Brewer 1980). Such cognitive salience, in association with other exemplars or

AM, means that it may be more resistant to analogical change, especially when there are

other factors, outside of the essential variables of the AM, that are not completely

identical across model and target.

3.5.5—STAGE 5: PRESCRIPTIVE VARIATION.

Verb: doler, e.g. 1s duelo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 15th c. Variation: from beginning of 15th c. to mid-16th c., intra-textual, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ duelga Modern dialectal usage: Spain Last attested forms of velar-insert: mid-16th c. Verb: raer, e.g. 1s raigo, rayo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 15th c. Variation: from beginning of 15th c. to present

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Verb: reír, e.g. 1s río Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 15th c. Variation: from mid-15th c. to beginning of 16th c., e.g. 3s SBJ riga Modern dialectal usage: Spain Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 16th c. Verb: roer, e.g. 1s roigo, royo, roo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 15th c. Variation: from mid-15th c. to present, intra-textual

The appearance of the velar in lateral-final doler overlaps very slightly with that

of soler, and the support of verbs like valer and salir, along with the AM as a whole,

contribute to its susceptibility to velar-insertion. Like soler, it does not continuously

show velar-insertion diachronically, even though it is attested in modern dialects of the

language (cntr. haber, §3.5.4).

The remaining three verbs in this stage are more closely related because they are

all derived from CL verbs containing an intervocalic /d/, i.e. RADERE > raer, RĪDĒRE >

reír, RŌDERE > roer. A stem-final palatal segment emerges in these verbs as a means of

eliminating an intolerable hiatus in the 1s/SBJ forms, e.g. 1s rao from raer, following an

AM including verbs like huir, oír, caer and traer above (cf. §3.5.3, Cano Aguilar 1999,

García de Diego 1951, Lloyd 1987). As a consequence of this earlier analogical change,

these forms become targets for velar-insertion. In addition, each has at least two attested

synchronic variants. Interestingly, all the variants for raer (e.g. 1s rayo/raigo) and roer

(e.g. 1s roo/royo/roigo) are prescriptively accepted in the modern language (Real

Academia Española 2004, Kendris 1996b).

Another notable point about raer and roer is that they are exceptions to the

diachronic dilemma described above because they seem to attest continuous synchronic

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variation between velar and non-velar through the present. Unfortunately, the numbers

concerning raer are obstructed by the interference of rayar ‘underline; scratch’ (PRS

IND and IMPF) and N rayo ‘ray; spoke; thunderbolt’, raya ‘line’, and by the low token

frequency of the verb itself. Notwithstanding, during the period between the only two

attested instances of 3p raigan (15th to mid-18th c.), there are no examples of the

non-velar equivalent, as all instances of 3p rayan are IND forms of rayar. Notably,

during that same time period, there are two attested cases of 3p SBJ rayen from this same

first conjugation verb.

With respect to roer, the palatal stem appears in synchronic variation with the

velar in the same mid-15th c. text and in contemporaneous texts for all attested examples

until beginning of 17th c., at which time the palatal variant seems to fall out of use. The

third variant, with vocalic hiatus, is first attested in the 16th c. and continues to appear

fairly consistently, and much more frequently than the other variants, through the 20th c.

The complications associated with velar-insertion at this stage are indicative of

the weakening of the AM and the fact that its productivity is becoming heavily restricted

due to competing, more salient AM and frequency effects. The prescriptive variation

associated with the verbs raer and roer provides evidence in support of these arguments.

In fact, they are also prime examples of the directions of language change associated with

vowel- and palatal-final verbs stems in Spanish, something which is even more apparent

in the following synchronic stage.

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3.5.6—STAGE 6: EXTREME VELAR-INSERTION AND IDIOSYNCRATIC ANALOGY.

Verb: moler, e.g. 1s muelo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 16th c. Variation: from mid-16th c. to early 17th c., intra-textual, e.g. 1s muelgo Modern dialectal usage: Spain Last attested forms of velar-insert: early 17th c. Verb: creer, e.g. 1s creo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Variation: from beginning to middle of 17th c., intra-textual, e.g. 1s creigo Modern dialectal usage: Colombia Last attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 17th c. Verb: atribuir, e.g. 1s atribuyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 16th c. Variation: from beg. of 16th c. to beg. of 17th c., same author, e.g. 1s atribuigo Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Verb: concluir, e.g. 1s concluyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Variation: beginning of 17th c., intra-textual, e.g. 1s concluigo Modern dialectal usage: Spain Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Verb: contribuir, e.g. 1s contribuyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Variation: beginning of 17th c., same author, e.g. 3p SBJ contribuigan Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Verb: disminuir, e.g. 1s disminuyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Variation: beginning of 17th c., same author, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ disminuiga Modern dialectal usage: Unknown (unconfirmed as modern though plausible) Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Verb: excluir, e.g. 1s excluyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Variation: beginning of 17th c., same author, e.g. 1s excluigo Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Verb: extruir, e.g. 1s extruyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c.

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Variation: beginning of 17th c., e.g. 1s/3s SBJ estruyga Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Verb: instituir, e.g. 1s instituyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 16th c. Variation: from mid-16th c. to beginning of 18th c., e.g. 1s instituigo Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 18th c. Verb: sustituir, e.g. 1s sustituyo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: end of 16th c. Variation: from end of 16th c. to beginning of 17th c., e.g. 1s sustituigo Last attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 17th c. Verb: asir, e.g. 1s asgo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: beginning of 16th c. Variation: from beginning of 16th c. to beginning of 17th c., e.g. 1s asso Modern dialectal usage: Standard, prescriptive (though generally not used)

Although the verbs included in this stage are more widespread chronologically,

their periods of variation overlap sufficiently with each other, as well as with the

previously affected verbs so as to warrant grouping them together. In addition, they are

representative of the massive expansion of territory in which the Spanish language is

used, as the data from prior stages is primarily restricted to the Iberian Peninsula. From

this point forward, sociolinguistic factors play a tremendous role in the velar-insertion

process, as productivity is limited to dialectal, non-prescriptive usage (even in the case of

asir, see below).

Moler has the benefit of a slight chronological overlap between its first attested

velar-insert and the last attested instances in soler and doler. This is advantageous from

the standpoint of the immanent take on AM since these verbs share an ever so slightly

higher degree of homogeneity than the other, already well-established instances of

velar-insertion, even compared to lateral-final verbs like valer and salir. However, by

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this stage, the AM has been broadened to the point where the specific phonological shape

of the verb stem may be considered less relevant.

A similar analysis explains the appearance of the velar in creer. The support of

the other verbs in the AM not having a stem-final nasal or lateral is extremely important

in this case because creer does not make use of a stem-final palatal as do so many of the

other verbs analyzed herein. The availability of an AM showing a 1s/SBJ distribution of

the velar-insert, often in contrast to forms showing hiatus, e.g. 1s traigo, 2s traes,

increases the likelihood that speakers may reanalyze creer as a member of this verb class.

Thus, the importance of the inflectional vowel and the paradigmatic distribution of the

velar are made all the more apparent.

As noted above, verbs ending in –uir, like destruir and instruir, are demonstrative

of a possible direction of change. These mostly polysyllabic verbs are characterized at

this synchronic stage by a stem-final palatal ‘semi-consonant’ in all forms of the PRS

except the 1p and 2p IND, e.g 1p IND disminuimos ~ 3p IND disminuyen. As in the case

of creer above, the paradigmatic distribution of non-front inflectional vowels is crucial to

the emergence of the velar in these verbs. Huir is obviously at the center of the AM for

these verbs, given the continued presence of its velar variant and its high degree of

similarity, or homogeneity, with these targets.

The relationship between huir, destruir, atribuir, concluir, contribuir, disminuir,

excluir and sustituir, is such, in fact, that they all appear with a velar-insert in texts from a

single Spanish author whose works date from the beginning of the 17th c., in several

instances, representing the only attested example of velar-insertion in these verbs. The

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velar and non-velar forms often alternate indifferently within the same text, seemingly

indicating a permissible degree of synchronic/idiosyncratic variation in the language used

by this particular author. The random nature of this variation is displayed in Figure 3.3

below. It is telling of the susceptibility to velar-insertion of palatal-final stems and, more

specifically, of the more restricted set of verbs with an INF ending in –uir. These verbs

share the necessary variables with the AM and are of a mid- to low-frequency suggesting

that they may be continuously reshaped as the result of reanalysis. In other words, the

associative strength and ‘autonomy’ of these verbs is low due to their frequency and the

availability of a highly similar AM in direct competition with the lexical forms that have

been used up to this point. For the author in question, this is enough to cast doubt on

exactly how these forms are conjugated, creating the (perhaps conscious) intra-textual

variation found in his writing (cf. Joseph 1997a, 1997b).

INF Velars Non-velars % Velar Date (# docs) Velars Non-velars %Velar

atribuir 4 1 80% 1603-1607 4 3 57% concluir 5 36 12% 1605 1 0 100% contribuir 1 0 100% 1606 (2) 7 4 64% destruir 9 5 64% 1607 (2) 30 13 70% disminuir 1 7 13% 1609 (2) 5 6 45% excluir 1 1 50% 1609-1610 (2) 3 1 75% huir 60 0 100% 1610 (3) 6 4 60% influir 0 1 0% 1610-1612 9 8 53% sustituir 2 0 100% 1613 (4) 18 12 60% Total 83 51 62% Total 83 51 62%

Figure 3.3—Variation of –uir verbs in S. Juan Bautista de la Concepción (17th c.).

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This type of variation and the gradual extension of the velar-insert through the

lexicon is described in Wang (1969):

According to this view [of gradual lexical diffusion], during the early phase of the change only a small sector of the relevant morphemes is affected. Some of the affected morphemes may change to the Y-pronunciation directly. Other morphemes, however, will at first have both the X-pronunciation and the Y-pronunciation, fluctuating either randomly or according to some such factor as tempo or style. (14)

Although unintentional, this description of the diachronic situation is wholly applicable to

analogical change of the sort explored here (cf. Kraska-Szlenk 2007). Velar-insertion is

initially restricted to a localized set of verbs and is then extended to others as a

synchronic competitor. This results in changes in the composition of the AM such that

the entire process begins anew. Figure 3.3, meanwhile, demonstrates the synchronic

‘random fluctuation’ that may affect some analogical targets.

For the verbs ending in –uir, it is also important that they may all be considered

learned or semi-learned, appearing for the first time at a much later stage than the verbs

affected by the first and most productive stages of velar-insertion. Of this subclass of

verbs, only huir and destruir are attested before the 13th c. and nearly all the others are

first attested between the 14th and 15th c.81 It should be noted that the 8 verbs that are at

the core of the velar-insert subclass across all modern dialects of Spanish, i.e. caer, oír,

poner, salir, tener, traer, valer, venir, all appear in the earliest recorded history of the

language, prior to the first attested forms of the verbs under examination here. Moreover,

these ‘original members’ undergo velar-insertion before the first appearance, velar or

otherwise, of nearly the entire –uir set. This is yet another point in favor of the

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synchronic divisions and loss of productivity according to changes in the AM proposed in

this investigation.

Like the –uir set, the first attested appearance of the verb asir is at a very late

stage relative to velar-insertion. Unlike the former, however, asir is often a focus of

diachronic analyses because it is still prescriptively considered part of the velar-insert

subclass in the modern language. The inflected forms of this verb, however, are largely

unused and unknown by most modern speakers (cf. Fondow 2007).82 The extremely low

frequency and cloudy etymological history of this verb complicate the matter and have

given rise to a number of hypotheses, some more plausible than others, regarding the

development of the velar-insert forms. Wilkinson (1981) proposes a fairly widely held

theory that the velar is derived analogically from the combined set of inchoatives, e.g. 1s

conozco, traduzco and already existing velar-inserts, e.g. 1s tengo, valgo, caigo, etc.

(including 1s digo, 2s dices).83 However, an AM including forms like 1s conozco in the

AM for 1s asgo violates the homogeneous supracontext assumed under AEM and so

prohibits such an analysis. Nonetheless, the modern outcome establishes an associative

relationship between them that is of interest with respect to the salience of the 1s/SBJ

paradigmatic template discussed further in §4.2.

This represents the last stage in which velar-insertion affects the language proper.

What remains of velar-insertion is its analogical extension in localized, dialectal contexts

that move beyond the prescriptively-assigned verbs in the standard langauge. The next

section explores this more limited, though still productive extension of the velar.

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3.6—DIALECTAL AM AND POTENTIAL DIRECTIONS OF CHANGE. The dialectal

developments involving velar-insertion are divergent and therefore are more indicative of

the potential directions for analogical change than of the commonly shared characteristics

beween dialects. First and foremost among the dialectal examples is the more

widespread extension of the velar-insert in yod-final stem allomorphs in rural dialects,

e.g. huiga, haiga, vaiga, creiga, leiga, reiga. According to Malkiel (1974), such forms

exemplify the acceptance of earlier attested instances of velar-insertion that lost out to

another variant in the standard language. In addition, they support the psychological

reality of paradigmatic structure and its associative strength against the less cohesive

groupings typical of other syntactic categories. These forms also demonstrate the

changes in the definition of the AM for Spanish velar-insertion. The synchronic variation

and limited productivity that characterizes the later stages of the process is explained by

the constant struggle of competing AM:

Thus one (minor) analogical pressure within a verbal paradigm can deflect a few of its members from the expected path, onto which they may, three or four generations later, be pushed again through a stronger pressure exerted from a different direction. (Malkiel 1967:26)

The preceding quote implies the constant search for connections between one form and

another, or analogy in the first sense as proposed in §1.1. Associations of this sort follow

multiple linguistic and psychological lines and are at the heart of the immanent

perspective. As a consequence of the real-time comparison of exemplars, language, even

at the level of the individual, is dynamic and susceptible to reorganization and

reformation. This explains the synchronic variation and diachronic changes in the

velar-insert subclass that continue to show their effect in the modern language.

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3.6.1—THE QUESTION OF OUTSIDE INFLUENCE. Before discussing modern dialectal

velar-insertion in more detail, it is necessary to acknowledge the likely external

influences affecting the development of the Spanish velar-insert. Dialectal examples, and

even some of the earlier attested instances, could certainly be the result of borrowing or

analogical influence of neighboring languages/dialects. However, due to the

chronological overlap of the appearance of the velar-insert in targets and models

throughout the entire diachronic process in Spanish, it is unnecessary for present

purposes to explore the influence of other languages. This argument is corroborated by

Malkiel (1974): “Spanish morphology…has been far less affected by pressures from the

outside than has the Spanish lexicon” (341). In the early stages of the process, there was

most certainly influence from Navarro-Aragonese and possibly Catalan. Similarly, the

modern examples must be situated geographically against the developments affecting

these languages. Nonetheless, it is possible to establish an analogical relationship

exclusive to Spanish in order to explain the diachronic process of velar-insertion.

3.6.2—STAGE 7: DIALECTAL VELAR-INSERTION IN MODERN SPANISH.

Verb: bullir, e.g. 1s bullo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: early of 20th c., e.g. 2s SBJ buigas Modern dialectal usage: Mexico Verb: dar, e.g. 1s doy Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: 20th c., e.g. 1s/3s SBJ daiga Modern dialectal usage: Spain Verb: ir, e.g. 1s voy Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 19th c., e.g. 2s SBJ vaigas Modern dialectal usage: Rural Spain, Mexico

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Verb: parir, e.g. 1s paro Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: unconfirmed, e.g. 1s/3s SBJ parga? Modern dialectal usage: unconfirmed Verb: ver, e.g. 1s veo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: middle of 19th c., e.g. 2s SBJ veigas Modern dialectal usage: Spain Verb: zambullir, e.g. 1s zambullo Earliest attested forms of velar-insert: early 20th c., e.g. 1s/3s SBJ zambuiga Modern dialectal usage: Colombia

These dialectal cases, as well as those of all the verbs affected by velar-insertion

in the preceding sections, are demonstrative of the limits of the AM according to the

phonological constraints on the shape of the syllable in Spanish. The broadening of the

AM through the loss of phonological specificity in the conditioning environment

corresponds to those phonemes which are permitted naturally (i.e. not derived through

borrowing or affixation) in syllable-final position. This set includes vowels, glides,

nasals, laterals, rhotics and sibilants. Consequently, the potential for continued

analogical change is restricted to verbs characterized by these phonemes in stem-final

position, as demonstrated by the fact that each of the cases above involves an analogical

target that resembles a previously examined analogical change.

This continued potential is readily apparent in the expansion and growth of such a

highly reduced, lexically idiosyncratic allomorphic verb stem to a productive,

surprisingly widespread categorical indicator. In the end, velar-insertion comes to be

affiliated with a tightly restricted, though fairly systematic grouping of verbs.

Notwithstanding, in MSp. there are also a handful of cases where velar-insertion does not

occur where anticipated (e.g. pulir ‘to polish’, abolir ‘to abolish’). These examples

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demonstrate the loss of productivity, weakening and/or localized nature of the AM, even

in cases where the target meets all necessary characteristics of the model. Such

unaffected targets are also important with respect to the functions of frequency and time.

They are much less frequent than those verbs that are central to the standardized

velar-insert category. Consider, for example, that the extremely low frequency verbs

pulir and abolir are not attested prior to the 15th c., meaning that they are not available for

reanalysis during the most productive period of velar-insertion in lateral-final verb stems

(i.e. prior to the end of the 13th c.). Forms that are not used or not available at the right

period of productivity seem to have a decreased chance that analogy might take hold in

spite of meeting all the other the necessary criteria for change to occur.

Even if they are available, competing analogical pressures may prove

insurmountable for any number of reasons. Presumably, even if an innovative or learned

form were to be affected by velar-insertion, it would typically do so only dialectally or in

synchronic variation with a non-velar form (cf. moler, doler above). This point holds

true in a general sense for all the verbs that have or could have been affected by

velar-insertion due to their similarity to the AM. The other side of this issue involves

those forms which have been present throughout the history of Spanish but do not

undergo velar-insertion. Verbs like unir ‘unite’ and morir ‘die’, rather frequent and

highly used forms, which are characterized by all the necessary variables to attain the

velar obstruent, instead follow their original evolutionary path. For these verbs, it seems

that the analogical pressure of this model is not sufficient and is outweighed by another.

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3.6.3—ANALOGICAL CHANGE ACROSS DIALECTS. Velar-insertion has taken different

directions in all affected languages and dialects, as shown in Appendix F.84 Consider the

extreme example of neighboring Catalan, where the velar has been extended

exponentially across several high frequency verbal paradigms in many dialects due to

additional contributing factors in the AM (cf. §2.2.2 and §4.5.2). While Spanish does

show dialectal extension of the velar-insert, it is severely restricted by comparison.

For example, the changes affecting the velar-insert verbs of two dialects, the

Pasiega and Belsetán dialects of Spain, are analyzed in Penny (1969) and Badia i

Margarit (1950) respectively. In the Pasiega dialect, tener has a contracted form [teu] for

1s PRS IND (Penny 1969), while in the Belsetán dialect, it shows the velar systematically

in 1s/SBJ, excluding the 1p/2p SBJ forms which are marked by [j] post-nasally, i.e. 1p

SBJ teniamos, 2p SBJ teniaz (id. salir, venir; Badia i Margarit 1950). In these dialects,

the composition of the AM differs with respect to the shape of the 1s/SBJ morphome in

that it excludes the 1p/2p SBJ forms.

Caer, creer, oír, reír, traer and ver do not make use of the velar-insert (N.B. traer

and oír do so in limited areas) in the Pasiega dialect, instead being characterized by a

palatal fricative in the 1s/SBJ forms (cf. discussion of the developments prior to

velar-insertion treated in §3.5.3). Additionally, each of these verbs has two separate

paradigms, one where the palatal is extended to all forms of the PRS IND and one where

it is found only in the 1s/1p/2p as a means of hiatus (in the other IND forms, it is an

offglide, e.g. caer, 2s /kajs/) (Penny 1969).

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Another interesting example is taken from Clark (1986) which provides the INF

traigar and pongar from native Spanish-speaking children, indicating a shift of these

verbs to the first conjugation (-ar) and the making innovative use of the originally 1s/SBJ

allomorph. From the immanent perspective, the reanalysis of these two verbs involves

paradigm-internal and external analogical influence and is interesting for several reasons.

It can be argued that children produce such forms because they lack the linguistic

experience of adults. This includes both perception and production and may be indicative

of the salience of the PRS tense forms and, more to the point, on the 1s/SBJ forms. The

first conjugation is overwhelmingly more productive and frequent, in both type and

token, than the –er and –ir conjugations combined. The predominance of the 1s PRS is

logical for the ego-centric speech of children while the SBJ appears in contexts of

influence, like commands. The limited amount of input and output, in conjunction with

more limited attention and memory, that children have in comparison to adults means that

the domain from which they are able to extract the necessary AM is limited to those

lexical items that are more cognitively salient at a particular point in time.

In Spanish, velar-insertion is restricted by a number of factors including, though

not limited to frequency, timing, and phonological, morphological and paradigmatic

properties of the language. All of these must also be considered in relation to the

real-time salience of a particular AM in the mind of the speaker when production requires

reanalysis of a form due to imperfect memory, inhibited recall time, interference of

competing models, etc.

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3.7—THEORETICAL CONSEQUENCES AND CONCLUSIONS. The immanent perspective

required by the current conception of AEM separates it from most theoretical analyses of

velar-insertion. It more elegantly handles the data in its synchronic and diachronic

context as demonstrated in the preceding sections. From a broad perspective, the current

investigation corroborates the same general analogical path as proposed in previous

analyses, namely the extension of the velar-insert from stem-final nasal to lateral to rhotic

to palatal to sibilant, then being limited to dialectal productivity in verbs containing the

stem-final segments. On the basis of individual stages and forms, though, it becomes

clear that the analogical process is not so clear cut. In other words, there is too much

diachronic overlap to suggest that velar-insertion moved distinctly from verbs having one

stem-final phoneme to those having another. Instead, it is crucial to show how this one

contextual variable of the AM is broadened over time to include not a specifically

lateral- or rhotic-final verb stem, but rather both of them simultaneously. In doing so, the

weakening of the AM becomes apparent. This accounts for the decrease in productivity

over time, and the lexically diffuse, gradual, and incomplete nature of the analogical

process. Additionally, the diachronic process is marked by sometimes long periods of

synchronic variation of a particular form. The messiness of this analogical development

means that, by nature, it tends to fall outside the realm of most theoretical linguistic

models.

The current analysis of velar-insertion demonstrates how AEM is able to

incorporate the analogical process into the theoretical model. It supposes that analogy is

central to language acquisition and processing and categorizes input through its shared

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characteristics. For velar-insertion, these include specific phonological, morphological

and paradigmatic factors considered with respect to the immanent view of language

change. The input for the AM is reshaped by subsequent generations of speakers

according to the examination of available input, the function of frequency and the

imperfections of human nature (including memory) and environment. It also explains the

lack of systematicity in language change demonstrated by the synchronic variation that

affects particular forms and the diachronic changes in velar-insert class membership,

including its modern dialectal extension. A consequence of the non-teleological nature of

analogy allows for multiple directions of change through the influence of competing

models.

The following chapter explores aspects of the preceding analysis that require

further discussion, including the function of the paradigmatic template, or morphome,

type and token frequency, and the possible directions of language change. Also

addressed is the hypothetical basic-derived relationship between forms in a paradigm.

Each of these is relevant to the velar-insertion process and, more broadly, to the

analogical process at the heart of AEM.

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CHAPTER 4: AEM IN THEORY AND PRACTICE

4.1—THEORETICAL AND PRACTICAL ISSUES. The previous chapter demonstrated the

relevant synchronic stages included within the diachronic development of the velar-insert

subclass in Spanish. Each ‘slice’ of the larger process of velar-insertion adds information

about its diachronic development and illustrates the intermediate changes in linguistic

processes, especially with respect to the broadening of the AM and subsequent extension

of the velar to new analogical targets. It has been demonstrated that the analogical

development of velar-insertion is gradual yet dynamic, best handled by a theoretical

model that utilizes analogy as a primary means of language organization and

consequently, change. This is a central aspect of AEM which constructs an AM on the

basis of multiple variables shared between exemplars. The probabilisitc nature of the

theory permits but does not require the influence of a model on a potential target. It also

means that competing models may come into play. These factors were demonstrated in

various synchronic stages of the preceding analysis. The effect of probability and

competing models explain both synchronic variation and the non-systematic,

non-teleological nature of change. At the same time, AEM approaches language from an

immanent stance to ensure that the speaker is actively involved in all aspects of its

development.

In AEM, the relevance of the inflectional paradigm becomes readily apparent, as

it creates strong multi-dimensional associations between its members. For

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velar-insertion, these associations include phonological, morphological, and lexical

characteristics among others. Thus, the 1s/SBJ distribution of allomorphy in the

velar-insert class has been identified as a crucial variable of the AM that determines the

productivity and stability of this lexical subcategory.

The following sections treat this and several other specific issues dealing with the

analogical process within AEM as well as a number of topics that are not only quite

common in discussion of linguistic theory but are also extremely relevant to

velar-insertion. First, analogy is reviewed in relation to abuctive reasoning. Next, the

function of the paradigm in analogy, and specifically in the AM for velar-insertion, is

examined in greater detail. Afterwards, the role of frequency is briefly explored using

examples from the velar-insertion data presented in chapter 3. Questions about

markedness and the basic/derived relationships between paradigmatic forms are also

addressed. Finally, an analysis of possible directions of language change involving

velar-insertion are examined against data from other Romance languages.

4.1.1—THE ELEGANT COMPLEXITIES OF ANALOGY. Analogy has been defined in

previous research as an abductive process, i.e. a loose generalization based on specific

forms and abstract generalization (cf. Sims 2006, Andersen 1973). Accordingly,

velar-insertion requires a complex abductive analysis since a rule-based account is

difficult to formalize because there is no systematic rule which applies synchronically or

diachronically to all velar-insert forms to the exclusion of those verbs not affected by it

without appealing to abstract, special underlying representations and/or minor rules. As a

simplified example, consider the following explanation for the velar in 1s/SBJ forms of

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poner: the RESULT that poner is a (monosyllabic) second conjugation verb having a

non-high stem vowel and stem-final coronal nasal /n/ in 1s/SBJ marked by non-front

inflectional vowels, /o, a/ is combined with the LAW declaring that velar-insertion occurs

in 1s/SBJ forms of the second and third conjugations which are marked by non-front

inflectional vowels, /o, a/ and (monosyllabic) stems ending in a non-high vowel plus

coronal nasal /n/ (this LAW is an inductive generalization built from the AM tengo/tenga,

vengo/venga). The combination of RESULT and LAW implies the following CASE: that the

1s/SBJ forms of poner are (likely) to show velar-insertion.85 The preceding LAW and

entire abductive process are derived from a complex series of abductive, deductive and

inductive inferences since each individual characteristic of the AM requires (constant)

validation. The highly involved nature of these ‘perceptual judgments’ demonstrates the

complexity of cognition and linguistic organization through analogy. In the same way,

the innumerable variables and the frailty that are a consequence of abductive

generalizations (as well as the inductive and deductive processes built upon them) explain

the difficulties typically associated with the incorporation of analogy into linguistic

theory.

Another factor which only complicates the matter further is the function of

immanence. The real-time analysis (and validation) of information by a linguistic

individual is wrought with imperfections that interfere with the entire cognitive process.

Thus, the AM is in a constant state of flux as it emerges for each particular instance of

potential application (cf. Whittlesea 1987). Likewise, the influence of competing models

or changes in the salience of particular variables in the AM may, in such instances, result

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in different directions for language change, including no change whatsoever (due to the

high associative strength of an already active AM).

The broadening of the AM for velar-insertion is the result of new abductive,

inductive and deductive processes. These are the result of invalidation, insecurity,

competition or imperfections in the associative mechanism utilized by a speaker at a

given point in time. The consequences of such complex analogical processes are

demonstrated in the sychronic and diachronic variation that characterizes the velar-insert

verb class as well as the highly restricted productivity of velar-insertion in potential

targets throughout the history of the language.

4.2—THE COGNITIVE PARADIGM. An important component of the preceding abductive

equation, not to mention of the current overall analysis, is the inflectional paradigm. By

definition, it creates a strong association of form and meaning between it members (cf.

Joseph & Sims 2006, Joseph 2006, Clahsen et al. 2001, Ristad 1993, Martín Vegas 2007).

In general, the relationship between the members of a paradigm involves lexemic

identity/uniformity in the shape of a shared stem. The function of the paradigm in

linguistic organization is logical from the standpoint of AEM, as it is captured perfectly

by the concept of the ‘exemplar cloud’ (see §3.3, cf. Bybee 1995).

The paradigm is structurally emergent from the cognitive organization of

language and is crucially involved in many analogical processes (cf. Pirrelli & Battista

2000a, Harris 1973, Malkiel 1967, Menéndez Pidal 1980, Joseph 2009). Evidence for the

function of the paradigm as a cognitive structural unit is found in Clahsen et al. (2001),

which examines several studies on language impairment. These studies show that errors

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are bound by grammatical category and constrained by paradigmatic structure, often

within a single morphological dimension like person or number. Additionally, Sims

(2006) indicates that: (1) inflectional forms are not random but are based on related

forms, demonstrating the existence of inflectional (and derivational) classes; (2) leveling

occurs between related forms; (3) syncretism (identity between forms in a paradigm)

affects related forms; (4) there is a similarity in syntactic function across related forms;

(5) innovative forms are automatically associated with a paradigm; (6) analogical change

is able to affect paradigmatic forms to the exclusion of non-paradigmatic ones (cf. Joseph

& Sims 2006, Stump 2001, Carstairs 1983, Joseph 1997b, to appear). Notably, many of

these points have been observed in the velar-insertion process. Obviously, there is a

morpho-syntactic relationship between forms in the inflectional paradigm. More

importantly, leveling affects the AM set of –NGERE verbs and several potential and

‘partial’ members of the velar-insert class. Also, velar-insertion may be considered an

innovation in previously unaffected forms which is consequently associated with their

particular inflectional paradigm. The most crucial point, however, is that velar-insertion

is an analogical change that depends on paradigmatic structure, i.e. it excludes

non-paradigmatic forms. This is central to the composition of the AM proposed here

since it relies on the paradigm to restrict its potential application in the lexicon.

The paradigm in relation to its use in the AM for velar-insertion is examined

further below. First, the question concerning the function of the paradigm in language is

analyzed in more detail, especially as it pertains to velar-insertion. This includes its use

in analogy by way of inter- and intra-paradigmatic effects. Next, some of the various

roles assigned to the paradigm in previous research are then compared to identify

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commonalities. Finally, the ‘morphologization’ of the 1s/SBJ template or ‘morphome’ is

exemplified by data from several Romance languages.

4.2.1—PARADIGM THEORY. There are two main problems with depending on the

inflectional paradigm in explaining language change: What exactly is its function and

how can it be incorporated into linguistic theory? The first question is multifaceted and

is treated below. As for the second question, paradigmatic structure has long been

mentioned as being relevant to linguistic organization, hence also to theoretical

conceptualizations. §§1.2.2 and 2.5.1 describe recent, valuable attempts at incorporating

the paradigm into linguistic models, e.g. OO-Faithfulness, Paradigm Uniformity, etc.

However, such analyses do not resolve the matter of incorporating the paradigm into

linguistic theory in any truly innovative and elegant way. Thus, the proposal of this

investigation is that paradigmatic structure emerges as a logical function of AEM and as

such it is utilized by the speaker not only as a means of organizing the lexicon, but also of

analyzing new (inflectional) input.

Earlier discussion of velar-insertion demonstrated that the paradigm is a crucial

variable of the AM for velar-insertion because: (1) it accounts for several of the most

salient conditioning characteristics involved in this analogical process (e.g. verb,

following non-front vowel, inflectional markers, etc.); (2) it serves as a means of

including and excluding exemplars (directly and indirectly) from both the AM and target

data sets (e.g. non-verbs, 2s/3s/1p/2p/3p, etc.); (3) it is representative of a type of

gang-effect in its templatic structure, i.e. a supra-context where all the exemplars act in a

highly similar fashion, thereby increasing the likelihood that they may be selected as the

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model for a target (see below); (4) it accounts for the relationship between 1s and SBJ

forms. Hence, the paradigm is relevant to the phonological, morphological, lexical and

syntactic aspects of the AM. Also, the forms in a paradigm are related to each other and

those of other paradigms according to associative strength which is exemplified by the

emergent distributional patterns of allomorphy, e.g. the 1s/SBJ morphome.

With regard to AEM then, the paradigm can be defined as a higher order

exemplar cluster (cf. Fondow 2007). The reason is that the paradigm is comprised of a

high-density localized exemplar cloud/dataset, characterized by the inherent associative

strength of shared phonological, morphological, semantic and syntactic features. This is

a consequence of lexical storage according to AEM since, “[a] set of exemplars that are

judged to be similar phonetically and represent the same meaning are clustered together

and are represented as a word or phrase [here, a paradigm]” (Bybee 2007:716). For an

individual verb form, it will generally be the case that the other cells in its paradigm will

participate in the AM due to ‘proximity’, considering that the activation of one exemplar

in a cluster (here, one cell within a paradigm) increases the activation or readiness of all

other exemplars in that cluster (e.g. cells in a paradigm or entire paradigms themselves

functioning as exemplars) (cf. §1.3.2, Pierrehumbert 2001, Skousen 2003).

The analogical function of the paradigm is not entirely innovative as illustrated by

the following quote from Menéndez Pidal (1980):

El verbo se sujeta en general a las mismas leyes fonéticas que otra palabra cualquiera. Pero se comprende que las múltiples formas que reviste un mismo tema en la conjugación, estando nidas estrechamente entre sí por la unidad esencial de significado, no pueden dejar de influir unas sobre otras más a menudo que dos palabras extrañas en su origen; así que la fuerza de la analogía...es mucho más activa en la conjugación que en ninguna otra parte del dominio gramatical, y continuamente veremos formas que tuercen su desarrollo fonético para seguir la analogía con otras del mismo

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paradigma conjugable. El hablante...tiende a mirar el tema como invariable, pues invariable es la idea que expresa; y si unas veces la lengua conserva intactas las alteraciones fonéticas de un tema...otras veces busca la uniformidad. (269)86 In other words, the forms in the verbal paradigm share a stronger connection than

do non-paradigmatic ones. The stems of these forms tend to be identical in phonetic

shape, meaning and syntactic function, differentiated morphologically by the inflectional

markers attached to them. They often work as a linguistic unit such that change may

occur exclusively within or outside a paradigm and they may provide the AM for change

in other paradigms or parts of the lexicon (cf. Malkiel 1967). Therefore, there is a need

to describe the promotion of or resistance to change within a paradigm, both linguistically

and psychologically, something which is directly derived from AEM (cf. Hippisley et al.

2004).

Even in cases where such forms are not identical, as is the case with the

allomorphy that characterizes velar-insertion, there are generally stable patterns of

distribution, or ‘templates’ (see §4.2.3). It is only logical then for speakers to make

associations based on such patterns. For example, although the palatal ~ non-palatal

alternation is phonemic in the language (e.g. /kabal/ ~ /kabaʎ/ as in verbal cabalgar ‘ride

a horse’ ~ nominal caballo ‘horse’), it does not have this same function inside the verbal

paradigm, since no verb forms are distinguished intra-paradigmatically by such an

alternation. Instead, verbs show more salient types of alternation, e.g. /g/ ~ Ø, dipthong ~

monophthong, etc. (cf. Malkiel 1967).

Accordingly, the ‘irregularity’ associated with many inflectional paradigms is, in

fact, better qualified as an ‘entropic subregularity’ (cf. Maiden 1992). ‘Entropy’ here

refers to the fact that the distribution of the alternants highlights the division in the

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paradigm and can lead to its strengthening or ‘entrenchment’. It is ‘(sub)regular’ in the

sense that although there is an alternation (traditionally an ‘irregularity’), its distribution

is nonetheless systematic (or ‘regular’) within the affected paradigms.

4.2.2—PARADIGMATIC PROCESSES. In spite of the ‘subregularities’ that may

characterize a paradigm, more often than not, they are susceptible to loss/regularization

through reanalysis, i.e. an analogical process known as leveling. Martín Vegas (2007)

defines leveling as the elimination of morphophonological alternation through the

imposition of one of the alternants in the context of the other(s) and contends that it is

more frequent than the extension of an alternation. Countless examples of such

reanalysis of allomorphic variation are found in the preceding chapter, including the

restructuring of the velar ~ palatal alternation in the set of –NGERE verbs which provides

the primary AM for velar-insertion (e.g. 1s tango >> taño), and several cases where the

velar-insert is replaced by a non-velar throughout the paradigm, as in verbs like herir (3p

SBJ fiergan >> hieran), huir (3p SBJ fuygan >> huyan), doler (3s SBJ duelga >> duela),

etc., as well as the exceptional case of asir, which appears to be undergoing leveling in

modern usage.

The traditionally accepted view of leveling is that it is a morphologically

conditioned change which has as its goal the regularization of somehow “undesirable”

irregular information (cf. Lenfest 1978, Malkiel 1969). Such hypotheses seem too strong,

especially in sometimes contradictory situations such as those listed above when

compared against velar-insertion. However, the fact that leveling crucially depends upon

morphology provides additional support for the function of the paradigm as a cognitive

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unit of linguistic organization. This is because the process by which inflectionally (or

derivationally) marked forms are made more similar to each other is restricted to the

domain in which such forms are related, i.e. the paradigm.

Another well-known aspect of leveling is that it involves the loss of the less

frequent alternant in favor of the more frequent one. Hence, there is an obvious function

of frequency in many instances of leveling. However, the topic of frequency is a

complex one since the assumption herein is that leveling is the result of reanalysis

through a combination of intra- and inter-paradigmatic analogical effects. These types of

paradigmatic pressures involve both token and type frequency (see below). Before

exploring frequency in more detail, it is first necessary to address intra- and

inter-paradigmatic effects since they are intimately related to the former.

The most obvious type of analogical influence involving the paradigm is from

within, i.e. one form or set of forms within a paradigm affecting others. This is known in

the literature as an ‘intra-paradigmatic’ effect (cf. Penny 2002). On the surface,

intra-paradigmatic analogy is the process responsible for leveling. However, as

suggested previously, such an explanation is insufficient because in all cases, it is likely

that the innovative pattern is supported by additional, external models. In the

aforementioned case of leveling of the velar ~ palatal alternation in the set of –NGERE

verbs, for instance, it can be argued that the loss of the velar in favor of a systematic

palatal stem is not solely due to the overwhelming pressure exerted by the much larger

number of palatal-final forms but also by the very strongly established pattern across all

conjugations in favor of a single verb stem within inflected paradigms, i.e. an

‘inter-paradigmatic’ effect (cf. Penny 2002, Martín Vegas 2007).87

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Similar arguments are proposed by many investigations concerning

velar-insertion. Ford (1966) and Spaulding (1971) suggest that the velar-insert targets

like tener, venir, salir, etc. resist palatalization of the nasal in the 1s because of the lack

of palatal nasals in the other forms of the paradigm. While this is a strong motivation for

the lack of palatalization, and support of the role of the paradigm in linguistic processes,

it is also necessary to mention that a palatal ~ non-palatal alternation in the inflected

paradigm is not supported by any verbs in the language.88 On the other hand, the velar ~

non-velar alternation is already available in verbs like decir, where it arises through

regular sound change, and in its analogical extension to verbs like hacer. In fact, both of

the analyses under discussion highlight the influence of decir, hacer, etc. and the

analogical influence of forms from both within and outside the targeted paradigms.

Another oft-cited effect of intra- and inter-paradigmatic pressure is that inflected

verbal systems tend toward, or see as more natural, paradigmatic uniformity, i.e. the use

of a single (uniform) root to which inflection is added, as opposed to paradigmatic

(sub)regularity (cf. Harris 1973, Pérez Saldanya 1995a). Consider, for example, the types

of OT constraints acknowledged earlier (cf. §§1.2.2 and 2.5.1). The 1s/SBJ template that

characterizes velar-insertion, as well as the paradigms of countless other verbs in Spanish

(see below), flies in the face of this tendency since these high frequency verbs show no

signs of shifting towards uniformity of their stems (cntr. the increased likelihood of

uniformity in lower frequency verbs like asir, cf. Phillips 1984, Kraska-Szlenk 2007).

Although velar-insertion provides a counter-example, all is not lost. What is most

important in this case is that paradigmatic uniformity is a tendency, not a hard-and-fast

rule, and that it is intimately related to frequency. The probabilistic nature of AEM that

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emerges from the dynamic nature of language use in the form of competing AM means

that linguistic theory is obliged to make use of such tendencies. If not, the grammar will

always ‘leak’, requiring exceptions and ad hoc techniques to resolve problems.

The tendency towards paradigmatic uniformity is demonstrated in Harris (1973).

It involves a shift from OSp. cuego, cuezes to leveled cuezo, cueces. From a rule-based

standpoint, this shift necessitates a mere change in rule order, from marked to unmarked.

In this way, the process is not viewed as analogical. However, it should be noted that a

change in rule order should not be considered without appealing to the use of such forms

by speakers. It is not the case that speakers simply changed the order of the rules without

reason. Instead, the motivation for such change in rule order comes from both intra- and

inter-paradigmatic influence, which coincide with (token and type) frequency.

Another example is the case of first conjugation PRS SBJ forms treated in §2.3.3.

These forms resist regular sound change due to the associative strength of their

paradigms and the influence of similar patterns in other verbs (cf. Webster 1987). For

example, MSp. 1s/3s SBJ pag-ue (not *pace) << 1s pag-o, 3s pag-a (INF pagar). Harris

(1973) notes that any solution will show some ad hoc or marked/rare characteristics but

all demonstrate the active presence of paradigmatic uniformity. It is true that AEM

shows the tendency in this case towards uniformity but it does not require any special

explanation since analogy within and across paradigms is the means by which this change

occurs.

A final and very crucial case of paradigmatic influence involves the yod effects

discussed in §2.3. Recall that 1s/SBJ forms of verbs like tener and venir are marked in

CL by a thematic vowel, e.g. 1s TENEŌ, VENIŌ. The front vowel later loses its vocalic

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status, making this change a type of intra-paradigmatic leveling of the phonological

shape/syllable structure, i.e. CV-CV-V > CV-CGV, more closely resembling 2s, 3s, 3p

PRS IND CV-CVC. Afterwards, the regular effect of the newly formed yod is to

palatalize the preceding nasal, e.g. SENIŌRE > señor “sir”. However, tener and venir

show no such palatalization in the recorded history of Spanish. Although no solid

conclusion was reached earlier concerning the existence of pre-historical palatalized

forms of these verbs, paradigmatic effects shed light on one possible interpretation:

In the case of the yod…the loss of the forms containing this element [prior to palatalization] can easily be explained in terms of adaptation to the other forms in the paradigm; whether or not new analogical forms containing a yod are created depends on the necessary conditions being present in a particular language, such as the existence of a group of verbs forming a distinct class to which others can be attracted. The same thing can be said of…the substitution of a velar, c, or g, for the final consonant of the stem, or of the insertion of a velar or its modern reflex between the stem and the ending…evidenced in the case of the n, l and r stems. (Wilkinson 1981:80)

In other words, the fact that there are no such palatalized forms of these verbs in the

language may be the result of intra- and inter-paradigmatic analogy. On one hand, the

forms which were susceptible to palatalization would resist this change on the basis of the

other cells within their paradigms that had no such palatalizing yod. On the other hand,

the already existing 1s/SBJ patterns containing the velar, alongside the absence of

palatal/non-palatal stem allomorphy, supports the loss of yod without palatalization.

Another consequence in Spanish (and other Romance languages) is the effect of

leveling on first conjugation verbs against those of the second and third conjugations. In

part, because the first conjugation is the most frequent and highly productive of the three

classes, it is characterized by a tendency towards uniformity in inflectional paradigms.89

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This contrasts with the second and third conjugations which seem to be defined by

allomorphy (cf. Martín Vegas 2007).

The first conjugation is historically distinguished from the other two by the relative invariance of the verbal root. In Italo- and Ibero-Romance, there are no consonantal alternations in this conjugation, and [practically] none of the idiosyncratic root ablaut and consonantal alternation between the preterite and other tenses, which, in Italo-Romance in particular, characterizes most second-, and many third-, conjugation verbs. (Maiden 1992:291)

Although leveling is the most commonly examined instance of intra- and

inter-paradigmatic effects, it is not the only type of change that can occur as the result of

such analogical influence. Earlier, it was indicated the velar-insertion goes against the

general tendency towards paradigm uniformity. One of the explanations, which defined

the proposed AM, is that the verbs affected are from the second and third conjugations,

which permit allomorphy more frequently than the excluded first conjugation. Another

piece of the puzzle is the fact that the distribution of the stem alternants in the paradigm

is supported by already available models. The result is the entrenchment of a 1s/SBJ

paradigm template that functions as a cognitive means of organizing allomorphy in the

inflectional paradigm. This is an inter-paradigmatic effect that is a central component to

this and several recent linguistic analyses.

4.2.3—PARADIGMATIC FUNCTION. Malkiel (1967) suggests that paradigmatic patterns

may be salient enough to provide the source for analogical change (cf. ‘constructional

iconicity’, Pérez Saldanya 1995a) . These patterns or templates, though necessarily

paradigm internal, are always, or nearly always, grounded in the inflectional paradigms

of multiple verbs, giving them an inter-paradigmatic foundation. As demonstrated in

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§§2.5.2.2 and 3.2.3, appeal to these patterns of allomorphy takes many forms in the

literature, each providing unique nuances of their function in language.90 Nonetheless,

what they all share is an acknowledgement of the reality of the paradigm as a method of

categorization that is available to speakers, especially for analogical processing.

A crucial difference between the template/morphome stance taken here, and other

investigations deals with the specific function of the velar-insert within the paradigm.91

Pérez Saldanya (1995a), for example, indicates that the velar is a marker of

depalatalization (applicable to various stem-final elements) which increases paradigmatic

uniformity, in the sense that it limits allomorphy across the verbal system (cf.

Meyer-Lübke 1895, Fanciullo 1998, Elson 1988). Such an analysis applies only at the

earliest stages of velar-insertion when the possibility of palatalization still exists and it

seems to imply a rule-based approach such that the forms having a velar are marked to

prohibit palatalization from occurring. Rather than appeal to such lexical marking, the

current proposal is that the distribution of the velar, originally a consequence of regular

sound change in the –NGERE AM set, is structurally extended analogically to the same

paradigmatic slots in highly similar verbs. On the surface, its function then is to

distinguish the 1s/SBJ forms from the remainder of the PRS tense and nothing more. The

implication is that the growing type frequency of the pattern results in its use within the

AM in the form of a template. Interestingly, this is very similar to the conclusion reached

in Pérez Saldanya (1995b) in the analysis of Catalan (cf. 2.5.2.2.3).

The relevance of the 1s/SBJ template in Catalan, as well as in Spanish

(exemplified below), has its origins in Latin (see Appendix J). This explains the vast

extension of such patterning across Romance (see Appendices F, G, H, I; cf. Pirrelli &

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Battista 2000a, Maiden 2003, 2004, Webster 1987). The effects of changes in the vocalic

status of the theme vowel in the verbs related to Spanish velar-insertion demonstrates the

1s/SBJ template in the parent language (as seen by the shaded boxes in Appendix F as

compared against the same forms in Appendix J, for example). The hiatus between

adjacent vowels in 1s/(3p)/SBJ, a consequence of syllable structure, distinguishes them

from the rest of the PRS, e.g. CL 1s TE-NE-Ō vs. 2s TE-NĒS. After loss of hiatus between

adjacent vowels, the syllable structure changes but these forms continue to be marked

through the appearance of yod, i.e. 1s */tenjo/ (CVCGV) vs. 2s IND */tε-nes/ (CVCVC).

This 1s/SBJ template fortifies similar patterning in different subgroups of verbs (a type of

inter-paradigmatic influence), e.g. inchoatives, velar-inserts, etc., leading to what is often

deemed its ‘morphologization’.

4.2.4—PARADIGMATIC MORPHOLOGIZATION. The establishment of the 1s/SBJ template

or morphome is an instance of morphologization because it involves the restricted

application of phonological variation within a morphological domain (cf. Martín Vegas

2007, Malkiel 1974). For velar-insertion specifically, the distribution of the stem

alternants is systematic though it does not have an exclusively phonological basis because

there are exceptions both within and outside the verbal paradigm, i.e. cases where

velar-insertion does not occur where potentially applicable. Notwithstanding, this

systematicity gives it a psychological function for the speaker that is observed in its

analogical extension to previously unaffected verbal paradigms.

The motivation for morphologization of the 1s/SBJ template is strengthened by

the other variables that characterize the AM. Bybee (1995) suggests that connections

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between forms that are ‘relevant’ to a shared stem are stronger than those that are not.

This is a natural by-product of the relationship between exemplars in AEM. The

velar-insert forms comprise an exemplar cloud that has relatively greater associative

strength amongst themselves than to the other members of their paradigm (cf.

Pierrehumbert 2001). The connections between all forms within the paradigm,

nonetheless, are relevant for the construction of the distributional pattern of the template.

The question of morphologization relates to suppletion. Namely, is it possible

that the velar-insert forms are derived from some external source? Such a hypothesis

seems quite unlikely. Though the allomorphic patterning is idiosyncratic, it is built upon

an already existing paradigmatic template (see below). This templatic generalization is

costly in rule-based accounts because it does not follow morphological/paradigmatic

lines, i.e. it crosses mood (IND and SBJ) and person (1s vs. remaining persons). Also,

the fact that there is an obvious generalizable pattern, one would be hard pressed to prove

that such allomorphy were suppletive since it would require the speaker to overlook a

very real (and sometimes productive) generalization that extends well beyond the case of

velar-insertion.

4.2.5—A BROADER VIEW OF THE 1S/SBJ TEMPLATE. Up to this point, discussion of the

1s/SBJ template in Spanish has revolved around velar-insertion. However, as a means of

organizing paradigmatic allomorphy, it has much greater reach (cf. Martín Vegas 2007).

Appendix L demonstrates the expansive application of the 1s/SBJ template in Spanish.

The most obvious examples include verbs like decir and hacer which have been essential

in the analysis of the AM for velar-insertion (cf. §2.3.2.3). As indicated in chapter 2,

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these forms are not included in the set of velar-inserts because they are historically

removed from the process by the etymological nature of the velar (presuming loss of yod

in CL FACERE). Nonetheless, they show identical 1s/SBJ distribution of the velar stem

alternant in the PRS.

The verbs marked by the 1s/SBJ template do not all involve /g/. The previously

cited ‘inchoative’ class has identical distribution of a voiceless velar /k/. In this case, the

Spanish subclass includes verbs having both etymological and analogical sources for

their 1s/SBJ allomorphy. On the basis of this information, it is possible to contend that

the paradigmatic distribution of this element is also part of the AM for extension of the

‘inchoative’. This is one of the primary reasons that some earlier investigations have

argued in favor of a single analogical development involving both velar-inserts and

inchoatives (cf. §2.4.2.3).

Besides the velar-insert and inchoative cases, there are also instances of

allomorphy in isolated verbs which show identical paradigmatic patterning, e.g. caber

and the non-velar, anti-hiatic paradigms of raer and roer. It is even possible to argue that

some cases of suppletion follow the same pattern, e.g. ir.92 A psycholinguistic view of

paradigmatic allomorphy explains this broader functioning of the template:

The final property concerns the distribution of phonologically distinct stems over the morphosyntactic cells within a paradigm. The claim is that the patterning of these stems is not unconstrained but is determined by the morphological system in place. In other words, the distribution of phonologically unrelated stems in cases of suppletion follows the distribution of stems of more regular lexemes. (Hippisley et al. 2004:398)

Not only does this apply to suppletion, but also to the verbal subclasses under discussion

here. They follow a pattern of allomorphy based on regular sound change that over time

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extends well beyond its etymological domain. This extension is not systematic, however,

and so depends upon additional factors like frequency, examined below.

4.2.6—HOMOPHONY. Before dissecting frequency effects in more detail, a final point

that needs to be addressed regarding the function of the paradigm, and other variables,

within AEM involves the traditionally perceived effect of homophony or, more to the

point, the avoidance of homophony, in analogy. Malkiel (1974) believes that individual

lexical items with a shared lexico-syntactic function may prove influential, though

secondarily so, in the velar-insertion process:

[I]t is still permissible to search for appropriate ‘models’ involving either primary consonant clusters or differently arrived-at secondary groups. In a minor way, vengo VINDICŌ paved the road for vengo VENIŌ (indirectly, also for tengo, pongo) – while Ptg. vingo did nothing for venho; Sp. cuelgo1 COLLOCŌ and OSp. cuelgo2 COLLIGŌ blazed the trail for duelgo and tuelgo (less palpably, also for salgo, valgo); It. colgo and scelgo drove a wedge for dolgo, salgo, sciolgo, (s)velgo, tolgo, valgo, volgo. (Malkiel 1974:345)

Similar hypotheses are also found in Alvar & Pottier (1983) and Skousen (1989) among

others. The associative relationship between homophones is also a consequence of the

analogical basis for AEM. However, it is most definitely a secondary influence, taking

more of a supporting role, in the larger analogical set which is more homogeneous with

respect to the identified variable since they share the additional elements of identical

paradigmatic distribution and morphological properties. In other words, a form like Sp.

1s vengo (INF vengar) will only be part of the AM for 1s vengo (INF venir) if the

paradigmatic distribution of the velar element within conjugational classes is ignored.

This means one of two things, either the AM does not include the paradigm as a

contributing variable, or this (supra)context is not homogeneous since the relevant

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variables are unique for different members of the AM set. The first of these points is not

desirable as there are no cases of velar-insertion in Spanish which have violated the

established paradigmatic/morphomic pattern that is promoted in this investigation.93

With regard to the second possibility, the homogeneous supracontext is a concept which

limits the AM in order to provide some degree of measurability (in most cases). If one

were to disregard this limitation on analogical influence, then we are left with something

much closer to the classic, unrestricted conception of analogy. Again, the result is one

which is not altogether in line with the goals of this analysis. Finally, the weakening of

the restrictions on the AM lessen the cognitive relevance of the numerous distinctions

observed between conjugational classes (i.e. -ar vs. –er/-ir as seen above). Therefore, it

is necessary to consider such analogical associations as secondary in nature to the more

relevant primary analogical relationships which combine all of the necessary variables

and fall into the well-defined category of the homogeneous supracontext. Essentially,

these secondary models are irrelevant to the influence of the AM on the target but they do

provide (a sort of cognitive/subconsious) support for such a model upon its extension.

4.3—FREQUENCY EFFECTS. Before delving to the role of frequency in velar-insertion,

there are several important, though rather obvious characteristics of frequency that need

to be stated. Frequency, in the most general sense, plays a role in language change (cf.

Bybee 2000, Hooper 1976, Jurafsky 2003, Kraska-Szlenk 2007, Lloyd 1987, Maiden

1992, Phillips 1999, Pierrehumbert 2001, Scarborough et al. 1977, Skousen 1995, 2002).

Such a simple statement has important consequences in AEM since input, i.e. information

having some sort of tangible frequency, is the basis for the cognitive organization of

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language and the emergence of grammar. An implication of this is that analogy itself

relies on frequency. This inherently relates to AEM and ‘lexical strength’:

[E]very time a word or larger linguistic unit…is processed, it is mapped onto, or superimposed on, some existing representation…If meaning and phonological form of the word in processing matches a stored representation, then it is mapped onto that representation, which is consequently strengthened…high frequency words will have a greater lexical strength than low frequency words; this will account for their relatively greater ease of activation… (Bybee 1995:232; cf. Johnson 1997, Pierrehumbert 2001)

If the mapping is not exact, then partial mapping occurs, creating lexical connections,

resulting in the emergence of morphological structure, e.g. inflectional paradigms.

In addition, there are several different types of frequency one must consider in

analyzing paradigmatic forms. The primary division in the following sections is based on

type and token frequency. The former is organizational in the sense that it applies to the

number of items characterized by a particular morphophonological pattern. An example

is the frequency of paradigms marked by the 1s/SBJ template as it classifies verbs

according to the allomorphic distribution of stem alternants. Type frequency depends

upon token frequency and corresponds to increased salience or activation of a pattern

(Kraska-Szlenk 2007). Token frequency involves the number of occurrences of a

particular form (or, to complicate matters, lexeme) in language use.94 High token

frequency also corresponds to increased salience, entrenchment and recency (cf. Bybee

1995, Gagarina & Gülzow 2006, Hippisley et al. 2004, Johnson 1997).

The inflectional paradigm shows both internal and external frequency effects.

Intra-paradigmatic type frequency is the relative occurrence of one type of allomorphy to

another within a single paradigm. Consider the type frequency of the 1s/SBJ forms,

summing a total of seven (7) paradigmatic slots, against the five (5) remaining slots of the

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PRS tense. Intra-paradigmatic token frequency is the number of occurrences of the forms

in each individual paradigmatic slot, a true indicator of frequency in language use. This

contrasts with inter-paradigmatic token frequency which corresponds to the number of

occurrences of a lexeme in all inflected and uninflected forms. Finally,

inter-paradigmatic type frequency is the relative occurrence of a pattern of allomorphy to

others across the lexicon (e.g. the 1s/SBJ template vs. the invariant stem type).

Verb Frequency position95 Verb Frequency position

ser 9 pasar 74 haber 12 llegar 76 estar 22 venir 78 tener 24 creer 81 ir 28 parecer 85 decir 29 deber 89 hacer 32 hablar 90 poder 34 dejar 91 ver 39 llevar 98 dar 42 llamar 106 querer 44 poner 107 saber 59

Figure 4.1—Most frequent verbs by token (Juilland & Chang-Rodríguez 1964).

Several other important aspects of frequency have been well documented in the

literature. For example, the resistance to change in ‘irregular’ or suppletive morphology

is typically attributed to frequency (e.g. Bybee 1995, Bybee 2007, Bybee & Brewer 1980,

Gagarina & Gülzow 2006, Kraska-Szlenk 2007, Maiden 1992, Malkiel 1974, Martín

Vegas 2007, Phillips 1984, Skousen 1989, Webster 1987, Zuraw 2003). Consider the

data in Figure 4.1. Among the 107 most frequent words by token in Juilland &

Chang-Rodríguez (1964), there are 8 verbs having a single stem throughout their

inflectional paradigms as opposed to 15 showing some type of allomorphy. Accordingly,

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14% of the highest frequency lexemes and, more importantly, 65% of the most frequent

verbs are characterized by stem allomorphy. In other words, frequency is not

(necessarily) equivalent to regularity.96 This is an important aspect of linguistic

organization in AEM since it essentially promotes the ‘subregularities’ found in actual

language use, as opposed to complete systematicity. It highlights the localized,

non-teleological nature of analogy and its dependence on the coincidence of numerous

factors including not only the particular variables of the AM, but also things like

frequency and lexical strength.

Since members of paradigms differ in their token frequency, they also differ in their lexical strength; the more frequent member(s) will be easier to access than the less frequent ones…If the less frequent members of a paradigm are not accessible, a speaker would have to create a new form on the basis of the one that is available, regularizing on the basis of the most frequent form of the paradigm. This would be particularly likely to happen if the whole paradigm is low in frequency. (Bybee 1995:237) Immanence and frequency are also implicated in leveling. Leveling is a type of

‘gang-effect’, thought to occur more often in forms having low token (and type)

frequency, where the contextual space involved includes both intra- and

inter-paradigmatic influence (see above; cf. Phillips 1984, Zuraw 2003). This includes

forms that are unavailable to a speaker whether due to imperfect recall or lack of input

(including decreased probability of being transmitted from one generation of speakers to

another). Consider, for example, the high token frequency of tener and venir against the

much lower occurrence of raer, roer and asir (cf. §4.2.2).97 While all these verbs are part

of the standardized velar-insert subclass in Modern Spanish, the latter group appears to

favor leveling in actual usage (cf. §§3.5.5-3.5.6). Low token frequency also provides a

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means of explaining the large number of targets unaffected by velar-insertion (see

below).

4.3.1—TYPE FREQUENCY. Type frequency is essential to both regularity and allomorphy

in the inflectional paradigm. Eddington (2002) argues that type frequency is seen as a

better predictor of analogical processes and productivity than token frequency. This

emerges from the variables associated with the AM for velar-insertion treated earlier as

they relate more to patterns that apply across the exemplar models than to individual

forms. Nonetheless, it is important to keep in mind the importance of token frequency as

demonstrated in the preceding paragraph.

Type frequency, exemplified by the 1s/SBJ template, relates to the cognitive

organization of language. It is possible, then, to argue that there are several applications

of type frequency that are relevant to velar-insertion and the inflectional paradigm as a

whole. This view of type frequency already implies the categorization of the forms under

discussion as verbs. The data in Figure 4.2 demonstrate the type frequency of verbs in

contrast to other grammatical categories. Among the 5,000 most frequent lexemes in the

dataset, verbs account for 21% of the total. While this statistic does not appear

particularly relevant, its has far-reaching implications concerning the composition of the

AM for velar-insertion as explained below.

Another important example of type frequency involves the PRS. The relative

frequency of a random sample of Modern Spanish verb forms in Bull et al. (1947) shows

that the PRS IND is the most frequent of all types and it accounts for 40% of the tokens

appearing in the dataset. The PRS SBJ, meanwhile, is the 7th most frequent verb type,

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though it only comprises 3% of the total number of verbs. The combination of the two

tenses, then comprises nearly half of the entire dataset and so shows the potentially high

token frequency of the velar-insert in the 1s/SBJ forms.

Relatedly, the high type frequency of ‘regular’/leveled paradigms provides an

argument for reanalysis of verbs like raer, roer and asir discussed earlier. The

overwhelming majority of inflectional paradigms in Spanish utilize a single,

non-alternating stem which represents a type of morphological patterning. Among other

things, this relates to the high lexemic frequency of the productive, highly ‘regular’ first

conjugation in relation to the second and third conjugations. Figure 4.2 provides

frequency data concerning (sub-) classifications of verbs. As can be seen in the raw

frequency numbers, the combined frequency of the second and third conjugations is not

even half that of the first conjugation. However, the type frequency of these

conjugational classes shows a marked distinction. The only allomorphy associated with

the –ar class is diphthongization of stressed stem vowels in the PRS of a lexical subclass,

e.g. volar ‘fly’, 1s vuelo, 2s vuelas, cntr. 1p volamos, 1s PRET volé. The other two

conjugations, meanwhile, show many more types of allomorphy, not only in the PRS, but

also across all tenses and moods.98 Notwithstanding, there are also –er and –ir verbs with

a single stem like coser and bruñir, as illustrated in Appendix A. The end result is that

the ‘regular’ distribution of an inalterable or ‘iconic’ stem in the inflectional paradigm is

by far the most frequent pattern or type. The high token frequency of this ‘regular’

pattern is extremely salient and active in the mind of the speaker, thereby providing an

ever-present model for change (cf. Bybee 1995, Jurafsky 2003, Scarborough et al. 1977).

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Class Raw frequency99 % of Verbs % of data

I, -ar 753 70% 15% II, -er 150 14% 3% III, -ir 166 15% 3% Total Verbs 1074 - 21% II & III, -er/-ir 316 29% 6% Suppletive

100 5 >1% >1%

Velar-insert 44 (dial. 55) 4% (5%) >1% Velar target 32 3% >1% Inchoative 43 4% >1%

Figure 4.2—Frequency of verb classes (Davies 2006).

In spite of the tremendous frequency advantage of the regular pattern, the 1s/SBJ

pattern is well-represented. According to the data in Figure 4.2, approximately 12% of

verbs fall into this paradigmatic template. Within the second and third conjugations, the

1s/SBJ occurs in 28% of all lexemes. These statistics demonstrate that as specific

variables are added to the equation, the salience of the 1s/SBJ pattern increases because

this template affects various groups of verbs that are part of the second and third

conjugations. By including only these two conjugational classes, the probability of the

1s/SBJ template affecting a particular verb is higher than if no such constraint existed.

For present purposes then, the probability of the selection of the velar-insert as the AM

for a particular target is quite high, especially if all of the variables outlined in the

previous chapter are considered.101 The increase in probability directly correlates to

frequency as a determinant in activating the analogical process (cf. Kraska-Szlenk 2007,

Martín Vegas 2007). In the AEM, this corresponds to the ‘random-selection’ rule of

usage for determining the probability of a specific outcome (Skousen 2003). The token

frequency of exemplars of a particular lexeme contributes to the type frequency that

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characterizes it. Thus, token and type frequency are embedded in the possible outcomes

within the homogeneous supracontext. These numbers then provide the means for

calculating the probability of a particular outcome. Suppose, hypothetically, that for a

particular outcome, there are 12 exemplar models of velar-insert verbs against 24

non-velar models at the same supracontextual level. This means that the non-velar has an

80% chance of being chosen as the AM for this particular verb.102 Although the

likelihood of the non-velar is heavily outweighed by the alternative outcome, this method

correctly highlights the probabilistic nature of analogy and emphasizes the relevance of

frequency for predicting language change.

Because forms with higher token frequency generally retain their identity and

resist change/regularization, they may show lower type frequency relative to iconic

forms. In paradigmatic terms, allomorphic variation of any sort almost always involves a

lower type frequency than a paradigm showing no such variation. This is especially true

for Spanish. However, the lexemes showing alternation tend to be of high token

frequency. In AEM, the sheer volume of tokens could hypothetically be argued to count

towards type frequency. In this way, the contrast in type frequency between regular and

alternating patterns is minimized. Since forms are often attracted to higher type

frequencies, most often leveling or regularization, the preceding hypothesis becomes

more intriguing because it partially accounts for the analogical influence of the 1s/SBJ

pattern. “De este modo, la type frequency puede ser el motivo de la extensión de una

alternancia y, en otros casos, la token frequency puede ser el motivo de la estabilidad de

una alternancia” (Martín Vegas 2007:10).103

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Additional arguments for the function of frequency in analogical change come

from Kraska-Szlenk (2007), which examines the relationship between high type

frequency and the use of a template (showing allomorphy) as part of an AM.

Additionally, the ‘distinctiveness’ of a template and a balance in the frequency of

alternants helps not only to stabilize the use of a template but may also result in its

extension (cf. Albright 2008, Maiden 1992). "[T]he nuances of behavior with respect to

stem/pattern analogy highly correlate with various frequency criteria, such as the size of a

class, non-vacuous representation of a class among the highest frequencies

and…non-vacuous representation of a minor alternant at high-medium frequencies"

(Kraska-Szlenk 2007:123). All of these points are relevant to velar-insertion. First, in all

applicable contexts, the 1s/SBJ template is highly distinct from non-alternating

paradigms and is well-established among high frequency verbs, as seen in Figure 4.1

above (cf. Maiden 2004). According to the data in Figure 4.2, it is among the most

frequent types of stem allomorphy in verbs even though it represents an extremely

reduced amount of the data. If it is considered in the context of the second and third

conjugations, the numbers are much better, as standard velar-inserts account for 14% of

these verb classes (17% if dialectal data is included). More broadly, the percentages for

the 1s/SBJ template are even more telling, as this pattern accounts for nearly 1/3 of all

second and third conjugation verbs and the forms included are among the higher token

frequencies. Within the PRS paradigm, there is also excellent balance between velar and

non-velar alternants (see above). On the basis of these frequency effects, the use of the

template has extended over time, as demonstrated by the data in chapter 3. In the

broadest sense, the 1s/SBJ pattern is found among the most frequent subclasses of verbs

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(inter-paradigmatic type frequency), it is strongly represented in the highest frequency

verbs (inter-paradigmatic token frequency) and the balance of alternants in the PRS tense

implies high occurrence in usage (high intra-paradigmatic token frequency).

4.3.2—TOKEN FREQUENCY. Several consequences of high token frequency have already

been addressed. First, a form is considered more salient if it occurs more frequently. In

part, this explains the stability of (often ‘irregular’) distributional patterns in high

frequency verb forms (see above). Next, the more exemplars of a particular form, the

greater its lexical strength (cf. Skousen 1989). Together, these frequency effects

constitute ‘entrenchment’ of a form in the lexicon. Additionally, a form that occurs more

often than another form will tend to be more recent (cf. Johnson 1997). As a result,

frequent forms are more accessible, more highly anticipated and can be retrieved more

quickly from memory: “High frequency words correlate with high processing speeds,

evidenced by, for example, lexical decision times, suggesting a memory effect: the more

frequently an item is accessed, the stronger the memory traces, hence the shorter the

response times” (Hippisley et al. 2004:392; cf. Gagarina & Gülzow 2006, Pierrehumbert

2002, Stemberger 1994).

These points are crucial to the survival of the 1s/SBJ template and the velar-insert

subclass. The high frequency of the verbs affected by velar-insertion contribute to their

lexical strength and the entrenchment of their allomorphic distribution. An aspect of this

that has not been considered up to this point is the token frequency of verbs derived from

the members of the velar-insert class. Each of these derivatives increases the strength of

the established 1s/SBJ pattern, especially in the forms from which they originate. The

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rather exhaustive list of forms in Appendix B.2 should be considered in conjunction with

the examples of the inchoative found in Appendix L, as they also contribute to the

entrenchment of the paradigmatic template. Thus, the earlier findings that allomorphy or

irregularity is stable in high frequency forms and that it is generally associated with the

second and third conjugations in Spanish are a consequence of their frequency. On the

other hand, low frequency verbs are less entrenched, leading to longer processing times

and an increased probability of analogical reanalysis on the basis of a salient competing

AM.

Such is the case for verbs like raer and roer. These verbs technically belong to

the velar-insert class but standard practice also assigns them to other subclasses, e.g. 1s

roo, 2s roes, having a completely regular stem, and 1s royo, 2s roes, showing a stem-final

palatal in the 1s/SBJ. The history of roer demonstrates that its low token frequency

makes it susceptible to reanalysis from one generation to another (cf. §3.5.5). Figure 4.3

provides the token frequencies of the 3s/3p SBJ synchronic variants. It shows the

diachronic tendency among generations of speakers towards the leveled stem, as the

palatal stem has fallen completely out of use and the velar has been relegated to dialectal

use (Alvar & Pottier 1983).

Stem 1450-1500 1500-1550 1550-1600 1600-1650

roy- 3 14 9 3 roig- 0 0 1 2 ro- 1 3 6 10

Figure 4.3—Token frequency of 3s/3p SBJ synchronic variants of roer (per CORDE).

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The frequencies of these variants relative to each other is indicative of leveling of

the stem. This is supported by the extremely low frequency of the verb. In the CREA

database, the INF of appears only 125 times and the velar and palatal stems are not

attested, in contrast to 6 examples of the vowel-final stem (Real Academia Española,

2007). Similar numbers are found for raer, for which there are 6 tokens of the INF, 2 of

the palatal stem and no examples of the velar. Also, neither of these verbs is among the

5,000 most frequent lexemes per Davies (2006). Thus, it is clear that if a form is of such

a low token frequency that it is not commonly used, the analogical pressure of the most

frequent pattern is likely to affect it. That is not to say, however, that it is impossible for

less frequent analogical types to prove influential, as demonstrated by the available

variants in these examples as well as the truly extraordinary case of the extremely

infrequent verb, asir (see below, cf. §3.5.6).

While there are examples of low frequency verbs being affected by

non-regularizing changes, it has been suggested that forms having average token

frequency are the best predictors of the direction of language change (Eddington 2002).

This is because the highest frequency set includes many irregular/suppletive forms (cf.

Hippisley et al. 2004). In contrast, those in the middle are fairly homogeneous in their

patterning, giving them a sort of type frequency. The lowest frequency forms are

excluded on the basis of their limited activation, especially from an immanent point of

view. Given the previously indicated tendency for high frequency forms to be marked by

allomorphy or irregularity, an explanation emerges for the distribution of velar-insertion

across high and low frequency lexemes. Velar-insertion is more likely to occur in high

frequency items precisely because speakers have some awareness of the inherent

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‘irregularity’ (of a highly frequent type) associated with them (cf. Maiden 1992, 2004).

Low frequency forms tend to lack such variation and are usually modeled on

middle-frequency exemplars, most of which are regular (see above).

An interesting example of this comes from the yod-final stems affected by

velar-insertion, e.g. caer, oír, traer (1s caigo, oigo, traigo). These verbs are considered

to be of average frequency (respectively numbers 245, 263 and 289 in terms of lexemic

frequency, following Davies 2006) and are all characterized by a non-front stem vowel,

cntr. reír, ver, creer, which are affected only dialectally by velar-insertion. The

frequency of caer, oír, traer also contrasts them with lower frequency verbs like atribuir

(1539), concluir (1221), disminuir (1982), that show very isolated examples of

velar-insertion but are generally unaffected by it. Similarly, the extremely high

frequency verbs haber (11) and ir (30), though also showing low level effects of this

analogical process, are characterized by different types of allomorphy, including

suppletion (e.g. 1s voy). The fact that all of the verbs above are affected, to some degree

and at some point in time, by velar-insertion signifies that such evidence is only

indicative of an overall tendency and does not apply systematically in any way.104

Verb Frequency position105 Prefixed Verb Frequency position

tener 24 detener 397 venir 78 suponer 409 poner 107 convenir 441 salir 115 oír 130 traer 222 caer 269 valer 459

Figure 4.4—Frequency of standard velar-inserts (Juilland & Chang-Rodríguez 1964).

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In the exceptional instances where velar-insertion is triggered by a low frequency

verb, as in asir, AEM contends that this is due to the probabilistic nature of the cognitive

process (cf. Jurafsky 2003). In other words, velar-insertion cannot be completely

discounted in any case to which it may apply. Accordingly, the ‘random-selection’ rule

described earlier explains why the synchronic results for individual verbs are due to the

influence of an AM which may or may not be statistically dominant. Notably, the

preceding example is isolated in the lexicon by its conjugational class and phonological

shape, i.e. there are relatively few stem-final sibilant verbs in the third conjugation.

Thus, the supracontext of any proposed AM for asir will be rather distant from its target.

This increases the probability of the application of competing models and explains the

synchronic variation that characterizes this verb in modern (non-prescriptive) production.

The same arguments apply to raer and roer as they, along with asir, are the only standard

velar-inserts in the modern language that are not included among the most frequent

lexemes as illustrated in Juilland & Chang-Rodríguez (1964). In fact, the remaining

standard velar-inserts (and several of their prefixed forms) are of relatively high token

frequency. Their position among the most frequent lexemes in the dataset, as well as

those of several prefixed forms (in the second column), are shown in Figure 4.4 above.

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Stem P # Mood 1250-1300 1300-1350

sal- 1s/3s SBJ 30 9 salg- 1s/3s SBJ 473 109 sal- 1p SBJ 2 0 salg- 1p SBJ 18 17 sal- 2p SBJ 6 0 salg- 2p SBJ 13 12 sal- 3p SBJ 8 2 salg- 3p SBJ 88 53

Figure 4.5—Token frequency of synchronic variants of salir (per CORDE).

A final aspect of token frequency that is relevant to velar-insertion involves the

token frequency of variants to each other over time. The diachronic shifts in variation

provide evidence for the analogical nature of the process and its gradual lexical diffusion

(cf. §§ 1.3.2 and 3.5.6). Two examples of the relationship between frequency and time

involve the lateral-final verbs salir and valer. The former is characterized by a much

higher token frequency of the velar-insert variant from the outset. The high token

frequency of this lexeme in relation to the high token frequency of the forms included in

its AM, explain the fairly rapid extinction of the non-velar variant and

conventionalization of the velar-insert forms, as shown in Figure 4.5 (cf. Bybee 2007).

This verb is central to the AM for valer, a verb which shows a much longer period of

variation, initially favoring the earlier non-velar, though ultimately leading to its

reanalysis as part of the velar-insert class. Figure 4.6 demonstrates the gradualness of

this development (cf. Joseph 1997b, to appear).

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Stem P # Mood

1250-1300

1300-1350

1350-1400

1400-1450

1450-1500

1500-1550

1550-1600

1600-1650

val- 1p SBJ 0 7 0 1 0 0 0 0 valg- 1p SBJ 0 0 0 2 3 7 10 17 val- 2p SBJ 3 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 valg- 2p SBJ 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 4 val- 3p SBJ 128 84 64 53 204 135 40 3 valg- 3p SBJ 2 5 9 14 54 107 104 150

Figure 4.6—Token frequency of synchronic variants of valer (per CORDE).

In spite of the numerous aspects of type and token frequency that are relevant in

language change, alone they cannot explain the retention or loss of linguistic information

(cf. Maiden 1992). In part, this is because frequency provides no insight into the

composition of the AM relevant to a particular change. Also, there are seemingly

conflicting effects of frequency as seen in the changes affecting extremely high

frequency, relatively high frequency and low frequency verbs. It has been shown that

frequency effects are tendencies that contribute to the distribution of allomorphy and the

direction of change in each localized instance. In this way, they contribute to the

immanent view of language in AEM which incorporates memory effects and probability

into the analogical process.

Essentially, input is constantly compared against existing information in the

minds of speakers. High frequency implies lexical strength and so such forms, though

more constantly evaluated, are more resistant to reanalysis. Infrequent forms are more

susceptible to loss, a consequence of imperfect memory. When low frequency forms are

used, speakers may be uncertain about their realization, specifically because they are

actively making comparisons or analogies. The choice between two competing models is

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probabilistic and depends upon the factors that are relevant in the mind of the speaker at

the time of utterance. The decision making process may end up even (idiolectal

variation) or may change according to external (e.g. age, input, register, etc.) or internal

factors (e.g. processing time, consciousness of analysis, salience/state of activity of a

particular AM, etc.). Therefore, frequency is only one piece in the much larger puzzle of

multiple causation in analogical change.

4.4—MARKEDNESS. Frequency effects often go hand in hand with markedness. The

idea that one or more forms are seen as basic within the inflectional paradigm has long

been used as a means of explaining the direction of intra-paradigmatic change, i.e.

leveling. In some instances, however, type and token frequency go against what is seen

as a basic-derived relationship between paradigmatic forms. Some of the complications

of involving markedness in a process like velar-insertion are treated below. Also, it is

demonstrated that the basic-derived relationship does not provide an elegant solution to

the 1s/SBJ allomorphy that defines a large portion of verbs in Spanish.

Bybee (1995) discusses markedness with respect to the inflectional paradigm:

“Paradigms are represented as clusters of highly connected words. The strongest words

may be thought of as bases around which other words cluster. Especially in languages

with complex morphology, there may be more than one strong form per paradigm” (242).

The suggestion that there may be multiple ‘base’ forms within a paradigm is intended to

go beyond the traditional function of markedness to account for leveling.

In a similar fashion, Hooper (1979) attempts a partial explanation of the absence

of leveling in velar-inserts:

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There seem to be two major types [of sub-classification of rules with morphosyntactic conditioning]: those which govern alternations that are viewed primarily as suppletive, and are subject to leveling, and those which govern alternations that correlate with morphological categories, and are subject to analogical extension…but we do not know how to predict which type of rule will arise from a given alternation. While it is clear that there must be some reasonably strong correlations with morphological categories, this correlation need not be perfect. (125)

Part of the motivation in this instance is that the allomorphy that defines the template

associated with velar-insertion (among other types of allomorphy) crosses the

morphological boundaries that are often used to restrict or define markedness

relationships. In other words, the 1s/SBJ distribution of the velar is not easily explained

by appealing to any of the traditional basic-derived categorizations, e.g. 3s >> 1s, IND >>

SBJ, (or 1s >> 3s, SBJ >> IND). Even in the case where the proposed derivation crosses

mood, i.e. 1s >> SBJ or SBJ >> 1s, the markedness relationship is difficult to support.106

Instead, it is contended herein that the use of the template/morphome as a means of

cognitive organization avoids searching for a basic-derived relationship between forms

that share the same stem (cf. Webster 1987).

The idea that the allomorphy found in the SBJ is derived in some way from the 1s

requires a complex series of markedness relationships:

We will not claim that the 1s present indicative and the present subjunctive have any semantic properties in common (besides ‘present’), but we will suggest on the basis of the theory presented in Bybee and Brewer, 1980, some reasons why the occurrence of the velar in just these categories should be stable. First, it is normal for all person/number forms of a given tense and mood category to have phonological properties in common (Hooper, 1979a). Thus the velar throughout the present subjunctive should be an optimal feature if there is going to be a velar anywhere in the subjunctive. Secondly, it is also common for the marked members of a category to be formally derivable from the unmarked members (Vennemann, 1972). So the present subjunctive should be based on the present indicative. But the whole of the present subjunctive cannot be based on the whole of the present indicative. Rather, it is based on a

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single form of the present indicative, the most autonomous form (Bybee and Brewer, 1980). Evidence from historical change indicates that the most autonomous forms among person/number forms are the 3s and the 1s. It is also possible for the 1s form, because of its relative autonomy, to be distinct from other person/number forms in the same tense/mood. (Bybee & Pardo 1981:958; cf. Pérez Saldanya 1995a) From the immanent standpoint, the preceding hypothesis is rather exteme in the

sense that involves a multi-directional, yet apparently procedural analysis of related

forms to arrive at a particular output. It also places greater value on certain forms within

the paradigm essentially on account of their higher token frequency (since autonomy

relates to lexical strength/salience which are derived from frequency). The question is

why should the paradigm be broken down in such an almost arbitrary fashion? Is it

necessary for a speaker to examine the individual relationships between forms? This

method of deriving a particular form from another ignores the broader patterns that

emerge from examination of the paradigm as a whole. It also requires a completely

different, and possibly contradictory, series of analyses to explain other patterns of

allomorphy in the same language, such as the diphthongization of stem vowels in the

PRS, or the raising of the stem vowel in some 3s/3p PRET. In paradigms where there is a

single inalterable stem, the implication is that there is only one basic form, usually the 3s

IND, and that all other forms are derived from it.

The need for a limited number of basic forms comes from the rule-based tradition

of positing an underlying (or basic) representation from which all other forms may be

built. In cases where a single underlying form is difficult, if not impossible, to establish,

the next logical step is to propose two forms, one of which is marked with respect to the

other for the application or lack of application of certain rules in order to derive all the

attested surface forms. Pérez Saldanya (1995a) argues that such relationships create

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greater stability through the retention of a set of morphological idiosyncrasies based on

their systematic and recursive nature. However, the same stability emerges from AEM in

the sense that the ‘morphological idiosyncrasies’ are built into the lexicon in the form of

exemplars. These exemplars are organized according to similarity along all potentially

salient lines and so the ‘systematic’ and ‘recursive’ patterns that define a language are

consequential. Nonetheless, they are useful as a means of linguistic organization.

Maiden (1992) indicates that the historical evidence promotes the simultaneous

appearance of the velar in 1s and SBJ such that one is not easily derived from the other:

“On available evidence, there is no more reason to derive the subjunctive from the first

person singular than there is to derive the latter from the former: they are mutually

implicational and both diachronically and synchronically coherent” (307). Evidence

against deriving the SBJ from the 1s comes from the appearance of the velar in forms of

the defective paradigm of haber ‘exist’ (cntr. its other semantic functions, cf. §3.5.4). In

this case, each paradigm contains only one form which may be interpreted as 3s or 3p

depending upon its morpho-syntactic context. Hence, it is impossible to suggest that the

examples of the velar-insert in the SBJ form of this verb are derived from the 1s IND

within the same paradigm. Of course, the most plausible argument is that the velar

involves analogical extension from its non-defective, semantically distinct paradigms, yet

the absence of the 1s >> SBJ relationship holds and so goes against markedness relations.

There are additional problems with such markedness relationships. First, the fact

that the 1s/SBJ forms are intra-paradigmatically of a greater type frequency than the other

PRS forms should allow for reanalysis of the latter on the basis of the former. However,

no such leveling in favor of the velar-insert is attested. Similarly, why are there no

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intermediate patterns of allomorphy involving the preceding series of relationships? For

example, there no allomorphic patterns which separate the 1s IND and 1s SBJ from the

remainder of their paradigms nor cases where the 1s IND is marked with respect to the

remainder of the IND and SBJ paradigms. If the preceding relationships are relevant to

allomorphic distribution, there should be examples of at least some of these other

possible permutations. An alternative explanation is suggested in Pérez Saldanya

(1995a), which assigns the velar-insert dual functions, indicating that the velar in the SBJ

opposes it to the IND and that the velar of the 1s marks it against the 2s and 3s IND.

However, this hypothesis overlooks a very crucial and salient generalization concerning

the patterning of paradigmatic allomorphy and the phonological characteristics of the

related inflectional markers. Also, assuming that the velar has a dual function, why are

there no examples of an opposition between IND and SBJ?

That the 3s is marked with respect to the 1s has been refuted above because no

examples of velar-insertion are attested in the 3s. In contrast, if there is a markedness

relationship between the 1s and 3s such that the former is derived from the latter, then

leveling of 1s/SBJ patterns should be the preferred direction for change (cf.

Kraska-Szlenk 2007). Support for this relationship comes from several examples of

velar-insertion which were leveled in favor of a single, non-velar stem throughout their

paradigms (cf. ch. 3). Another example is provided in the active tendency for speakers to

level the paradigm of low frequency verbs like asir. A problem arises, however, in the

form of synchronic variation. Asir maintains its 1s/SBJ allomorphy dialectally and

prescriptively in the modern language. The same also holds true dialectally for several

other verbs affected by velar-insertion. In other words, even though there is an apparent

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tendency towards viewing the 3s IND as containing the basic stem, it provides no

explanation as to why its influence on derived forms is incomplete. It is for this reason

that previous analyses have suggested that some paradigms have multiple base forms (see

above). However, synchronic variation and conflicting evidence such as that described

above call into question the usefulness of the basic-derived relationship (cf. Clahsen et al.

2001). Therefore, it is believed that markedness does not account for the paradigmatic

distribution of the velar-insert (cf. Maiden 2004).

4.5—WHERE TO ‘GO’? ANALOGY AND DIRECTIONS OF CHANGE. The 1s/SBJ pattern of

allomorphic distribution is originally a consequence of regular sound change which is

extended analogically beyond its established conditioning environment, on the basis of

similarity along phonological, morphological, lexical, syntactic and paradigmatic lines.

These similarities constitute the variables associated with the forms that comprise the AM

for the extension of the pattern. As such, they are also indicators of potential directions

for continued change. What follows is discussion of the potential targets for

velar-insertion in Modern Spanish. Added support is provided from the Catalan and

Italian cases, which show numerous differences in the extension of the velar-insert.

Before examining these issues in detail, some theoretical points should be

considered. First, the potential for change is built into AEM. The probabilistic nature of

the analogical process, in conjunction with the immanent role of speakers, allows for the

possibility of reanalysis of individual linguistic forms. This gives the appearance of a

gradual change, though the non-teleological nature of AEM implies that such changes

need not be regular or systematic (cf. Wang 1969, Kraska-Szlenk 2007). Hence,

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language is a dynamic system which involves real-time decision making through

comparison with previously acquired knowledge, which may take the form of competing

AM.107

Next, the composition of the AM and the requirement of the homogeneous

supracontext restrict the direction of language change. The variables that are relevant in

establishing identity between model and target identify which forms may potentially be

affected by a particular analogical process. For example, consider the data in Appendix

B.1, all of which are marked by the variables associated with the AM for velar-insertion

as specified in chapter 3. The homogeneous supracontext, meanwhile, is more telling of

which forms may serve as the model for change. If a form falls outside the indicated

context, it should not participate in the analogical development and so it is not

representative of a direction for change in that particular instance. In this way, it is

possible to define what are and what are not potential analogical pathways.

4.5.1—POTENTIAL DIRECTIONS OF CHANGE. According to the definition of the AM for

Spanish velar-insertion, the primary targets are verbs of the second and third conjugations

whose 1s/SBJ stems end in /n, l, ɾ, j, s/ (cf. §3.2.1.1).108 Although Spanish shares a

lexical subclass marked by velar-insertion with other Romance languages, the criteria for

its extension and the forms it affects are not the same (cf. §2.2).

Wilkinson (1978) indicates that this change occurs only in those languages and

dialects where phonetic developments involving yod effects and palatalization are

identical in some way (cf. §§2.3.2-2.3.3). However, it is generally accepted that, in spite

of such similarities, the outcomes found across Romance do not presume a single

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development but rather characteristics that originate in some common linguistic stage

which would lend themselves to the limited range of (sometimes identical) results in the

Romance verb systems.

What becomes readily apparent is that the analogical extension of the velar in the

individual Romance languages takes its own path on the basis of the socio-historical and

linguistic situation particular to each (cf. Figure 3.1). Consider, for example, the

extension of the velar to yod-final stems in Spanish. This development is due to a series

of coincidental phonological changes which resulted in similarity of the shape of the verb

stem and mutations in the AM leading to its broader application. In other Romance

languages which did not undergo these same (thus localized) changes, the set of verbs

which is susceptible to velar-insertion is not the same. Instead, other paradigmatic

analogical effects may have led to distinct developments in these languages. The

following sections specify the distinct changes affecting Catalan and Italian followed by

more explanation concerning the potential for change in Spanish.

4.5.2—CATALAN. A marked distinction between Catalan and the other velar-insertion

processes is the expansive analogical extension of the velar in the former as the result of

the convergence of various phonological changes in a number of sections of the

inflectional paradigm (cf. §2.2.2). In this way, the velar-insert has become associated

with numerous subclasses of verbs.

In addition to third conjugation tenir and venir and and some other irregular

verbs, including estar, dir, dur, parts of the second conjugation in Catalan are marked by

the velar /k/ in the 1s and the voiced /g/ in the SBJ, as well as the IMPF SBJ, PRET,

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PART (and IMPTV) (Badia i Margarit 1962). As in the Spanish case, the salient variable

associated with these verbs is the shape of the end of their stem, in conjunction with their

conjugational subcategorization: (1) –ldre/-ndre (e.g. valdre ~ valer, vendre, pondre,

caldre ~ caler, doldre ~ doler); (2) –ure (where –u- represents Span. –b, v-, e.g. beure,

deure, escriure, moure, ploure, haure ~ haver); (3) –ure (where –u- is not representative

of Span. –b, v-, e.g. caure, plaure, creure, seure, riure, cloure, coure, treure, jeure); (4)

most verbs ending in –èixer (corresponding to the Spanish inchoative, e.g. conèixer,

parèixer).

As Catalan velar-insertion involves several conjugational paradigms not included

in Spanish (or Italian), its extension is much more widespread, in part as a result of its

high intra-paradigmatic frequency. Consequently, changes in the variables associated

with the AM have resulted in its targeting of verbs having other stem-final segments,

including vowels, e.g. 1s bec (INF beure), 1s ric (INF riure). Notably, dialectal examples

include stem-final palatal laterals, e.g. 1s vullc (std. vull, INF voler), and all rhotics, e.g.

1s morc, corrc (std. moro/mor, corr, INF morir, córrer). In all cases, the extension of the

velar maintains certain characteristics also associated with the Spanish AM, namely it

follows the Sonority Hierarchy and does not apply after stem-final consonant clusters.

The dialectal extension of the velar in Catalan is astounding. Its influence is even

felt in uninflected verb forms, e.g. valguer, tinguer, poguer, etc. (Moll 1952). Another

very crucial analogical extension involves the presence of the velar in first conjugation

verbs in some northern Catalan dialects, e.g. 1s /kantuk/ (INF cantar), including some

more peculiar instances, such as its appearance after the inflectional marker, 1s /donuk/

(INF donar) (Costanzo 2006; cf. Costanzo 2007, forthcoming).

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Finally, some evidence related to the dialectal expanses of velar-insertion in

Catalan is its subsequent borrowing in neighboring languages. Saura Rami (2000)

provides countless examples of velar-insertion in the dialectal Aragonese spoken in

regions neighboring Cataluña, including 3s SBJ ega/aiga (MSp. haber), baiga (MSp. ir),

corga (MSp. correr), creuga (MSp. creer), fuiga (MSp.huir), muergo/muerga (MSp.

morir), etc.

All of these examples provide possible directions for change in Spanish,

presuming that they fall within the context of a well-defined AM. It should be noted that

the Catalan case differs greatly in terms of intra-paradigmatic and token frequency and so

is at an advantage with respect to the amount of input available to a speaker. Also,

several of the examples discussed here correspond to actually attested cases of

velar-insertion in Spanish, either historically or dialectally. Similar arguments are made

evident in treatment of the velar-insertion process in Italian.

4.5.3—ITALIAN. Unlike Catalan, the Italian analogical process follows that of Spanish

much more closely, especially as it concerns the paradigmatic distribution of the velar in

the PRS. A point of contrast between Italian and Spanish, however, is the path taken by

velar-insertion in each language. In large part, this is due to the language-specific

phonological changes affecting them and, crucially, the composition of the AM for

extension of the velar. An example of the phonological contrast is the extension of the

velar-insert to yod-final stems in Spanish. The sound changes affecting Italian verbs like

rado, rada (MSp. raer), rido, rida (MSp, reír), credo, creda (MSp. creer), which result

in the presence of stem-final consonants in these examples, mean that they do not meet

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the phonotactic requirements for similar extension of the velar-insert since it would result

in incompatible consonant clusters (see Appendix I; cf. Wilkinson 1980). Relatedly, the

Italian AM is not generally supported by the appearance of the velar in high frequency

verbs like dire (1s dico) and fare (1s faccio) (MSp. decir, hacer).109 Instead, support

comes from the large number of etymological velars which are marked by an identical

pattern of allomorphy as a result of regular sound changes, e.g. 1s leggo, 2s leggi.

Another contrast of this type is the greater frequency and survival of the CL –LGERE set

in Italian, e.g. 1s colgo, scelgo. The availability of these forms as models for analogical

extension of the velar explains its presence not only in forms like 1s valgo, salgo, but also

1s dolgo, svelgo, etc (cf. Rohlfs 1968). These differences in the AM affecting the two

languages, among others, make it apparent why they have taken unique paths in the

analogical extension of the velar-insert.

Consequently, Italian also shows various dialectal extensions of the velar through

replacement of root-final consonants that distinguish this process from that occurring in

Spanish and which show stronger resemblances to Catalan, e.g. 1s pargo (std. paro), 1s

beggo (std. bevo) respectively. These examples show the extension of the velar to

rhotic- and vowel-final stems (through loss of the stem-final C), much like the examples

in the previous section. There are also dialectal examples of the extension of the

velar-insert pattern to the verbs dare (1s dago), stare (1s stago), and andare (1s vago).

Maiden (2001) asserts that it is not possible in such cases to appeal to the phonological

characteristics associated with the AM but rather to the extension of the paradigmatic

template though to the detriment of morphological transparency. This exemplifies the

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potential continuation of the analogical process of velar-insertion and the reinterpretation

of the relevant variables of the applicable AM.

A final point worth considering in distinguishing the velar-insertion processes of

Spanish and Italian is that Spanish characterizes allomorphy in a more salient fashion

than does Italian (Malkiel 1974). For example, allomorphy in the PRS paradigm in

Spanish often involve differences in multiple distinctive features including, in some

cases, the presence or absence of an entire phoneme, as in 1s digo, 2s dices and 1s salgo

~ 2s sales respectively. Italian, on the other hand, shows more instances of the former as

opposed to the latter, e.g. 1s dico ~ 2s dici, 1s spengo ~ 2s spegni. If this hypothesis is

true, then between Spanish and Italian, it is possible to assume a gradient view of

minimal allomorphic contrast, i.e. Spanish tends to oppose allomorphs by more

distinctive features than Italian.110

4.5.4—POTENTIAL, COMPETITION AND FREQUENCY IN SPANISH. Examination of

Appendix K shows that many of the potential targets for velar-insertion in Modern

Spanish resemble, or are identical to, those affected by the process in Catalan and/or

Italian. Otherwise, they follow the patterns established by the already available

velar-inserts in Spanish. The reason is that the forms that contribute to their respective

AM share a common set of relevant variables. The variables for the Spanish case are

detailed in §3.2, though they are highly similar to those involved in the Catalan and

Italian processes. The remainder of this section attempts to describe the characteristics of

the AM for velar-insertion in Spanish that are most salient for a particular set of

analogical targets, including those which are part of the velar-insert subclass dialectally.

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In addition, the function of frequency and the relevance of competing models are

examined in order to explain, in part, the lack of velar-insertion in many of the forms

outlined here.

§3.6 provides examples of modern dialectal instances of velar-insertion. Like

these forms, the potential analogical targets listed in Appendix K share a high degree of

identity with the verbs included in the AM. All of the potential targets included here are

second and third conjugation verbs, implying a 1s/SBJ pattern on the basis of the

non-front inflectional vowel, having a stem-final nasal, lateral, rhotic, glide, or sibliant.111

The categorization of these forms by their stem-final phoneme is indicative of the

broadening of the AM over time as described in the preceding chapter.

Another contributing factor is the generally low token frequency of these targets,

as shown by the very small portion of them among the most frequent lexemes in the

language (see notes to Appendix K). In cases of higher token frequency, the lack of

velar-insertion is due to the combined influence of their frequency and their long-lasting

membership in another lexically strong competing AM (cf. discussion of unir and morir,

§3.6.2). Low token frequency can be seen as motivation against velar-insertion as

exemplified by the status of the prescriptive velar-inserts asir, raer and roer (cf. §4.3.2).

Since high token frequency tends to be associated with the potential for irregularity, low

frequency severely decreases the likelihood that velar-insertion will apply to a particular

target. This is supported by the token frequency of the standard velar-inserts in Figure

4.4 above, which suggests that even among the higher frequency verbs, there is a tipping

point below which velar-insertion is less likely to apply and if it has, it is less likely to be

maintained or will only do so in synchronic variation with a non-velar stem. Aside from

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the previously mentioned low-frequency examples, there are numerous others including

verbs like doler, parir, huir, and coser which may be considered mid-frequency verbs (cf.

notes to Appendix K). Although these verbs show or have shown a velar-insert form in

the past, they are not part of the modern subclass or are so only dialectally.

The localized activation of the analogical process is visible in these varying levels

of success in affecting potential targets. Analogy is not motivated by systematic

application across all potential targets and so there are numerous cases where

velar-insertion could but has not occurred, or where it has been limited historically or

dialectally. Up to this point, one of the primary explanations for such limited

productivity is the presence of competing AMs. In many ways, this is related to the idea

of ‘selective attention’ described in Nosofsky (1986). It highlights the fact that the

‘context-dependent’ similarities between forms which draw the attention of the speaker in

real-time may vary (i.e. salience). While this takes on a seemingly random nature, it is

based a degree of activation of the stored exemplars. Not only does this provide insight

into the nature of competing models in cognitive linguistic organization, but it also helps

to explain the diachronic changes in the characteristics of the AM for velar-insertion seen

in chapter 3.

Another aspect of the extension of the velar-insert to these potential targets is the

relationship between token frequency and time. For low frequency verbs, velar-insertion

does not apply in large part because of their low-level usage over time, especially during

the most productive applicable stage of the analogical process. If a form does not occur

frequently enough, or at all, during these stages, it is less likely to undergo velar-insertion

and hence, more susceptible to regularization/leveling on the basis of a competing AM

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(e.g. abolir and pulir, §3.6.2, cf. §4.3). The same arguments hold true for the

velar-inserts showing continued variation between velar and non-velar forms, e.g. asir

(§3.5.6), and raer, roer (§3.5.5), while also demonstrating the probabilistic nature of

AEM.

Hippisley et al. (2004) suggests that high token frequency, inflectional

categorization and distribution of alternation (the latter two arguably referring to type

frequency) combine to detemine the resistance to regular sound change and/or the

stability of irregularity/suppletion/allomorphy. In effect, this provides an explanation for

the absence, loss, or limited availability of velar-insert forms in low frequency verbs.

Their susceptibilty to analogical change that promotes allomorphy is limited by

frequency. Since AEM is non-teleological, such forms are not forced to change in spite

of meeting all the necessary criteria that define the AM. This is due, in some ways, to the

intimate involvement of the speaker which includes the patterning and frequency of input

they use to construct associations between exemplars.

Early on, for example, the verb remanir/remaner was perfectly susceptible to the

analogical influence of tener, venir, poner, and possibly their analogical predecessors as

well. Thus, one finds OSp. 1s/3s SBJ remanga (cf. Tuscan 1s rimango) (Malkiel

1974:325). However, “[i]n numerous instances such candidacies lapsed, because the verb

at issue either fell into desuetude, or was regularized through levelling, or else was

pressed into the mould of an inchoative…” (Malkiel 1974:325). The preceding example

is an interesting one because it shows that a high degree of identity with the AM is not a

sufficient means of survival as remanir has generally been lost. It has, however, left

behind some etymological vestiges. The regular verb manir, an ideal target for

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velar-insertion, is still used in the modern language. Given its highly specialized

meaning, extremely low diachronic and synchronic frequency, and highly defective

paradigm, it has resisted velar-insertion in favor of a competing and extremely high (type

and token) frequency model showing no paradigmatic allomorphy whatsoever. Few

speakers are likely to have experience with this verb and so it does not carry the same

lexical strength as the much more frequent members of the velar-insert class. Although

there remains a small probability that such a verb could be affected by velar-insertion, it

seems that frequency, and consequently lexical strength and salience, play a part in its

actual outcome. Additionally, under such circumstances, a competing AM comprised of

mid-range frequency verbs, most of which show no such allomorphic variation, provides

the motivation for the leveled paradigms found in these potential analogical targets (cf.

the ‘robustness’ of analogy, Skousen 2002). Though this hypothesis is not without its

exceptions, these properties are implicit in the highly localized distribution of the

velar-insert throughout the lexicon.

A possible consequence of the effects of frequency and time involves the later

reintroduction of an alternation, as discussed in Kraska-Szlenk (2007):

Frequency of use of a given lexeme or a particular word-form may considerably change with time. Analogical leveling may affect a particular word when it has a limited scope of use, while at a later time the word may expand its usage due to a meaning extension or generalization, or a cultural or any other unpredictable reason. Once an alternation is eliminated from an unproductive pattern, it will not reappear, even though it would be tolerated well at the present stage. (40)

Although it may be argued that velar-insertion is unproductive, some possible

counter-examples to this hypothesis have been mentioned previously. According to the

tenets of AEM, the lack of productivity of a pattern should not be viewed in such a static

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fashion. This is because the constant, real-time processing of language implied by the

immanent view leaves open the possibility that a pattern may become productive again

according to its salience in the minds of speakers.

A final direction for change that is not included in the data for this section

involves the extension of the velar to first conjugation verbs.112 Such an analogical

development would require a tremendous restructuring of the AM to the point that many

of the relevant variables associated with it would be eliminated. In such a case, the

preceding phonological conditioning environment would still be applicable, as would the

requirement that such forms involve paradigmatic distribution of inflected forms, i.e. that

they be verbs. However, the 1s/SBJ template, so strongly linked to the distribution of the

velar-insert, among other patterns, would no longer be relevant. This would necessitate

reanalysis of the AM as not being characterized by any existing following phonological

criteria such as the alternation between front and non-front inflectional vowels that

defines the 1s/SBJ pattern. Similar hypotheses may be constructed with respect to its

extension to non-verbs.

In conclusion, the paths for analogical extension of the velar-insert are limited by

the variables characteristic of the AM. For the most part, the potential targets share a

high degree of identity with those forms that have been affected by velar-insertion

throughout the history of the language. In extreme cases, the likelihood of velar-insertion

requires changes in the definition of the AM. The probabilistic nature of AEM accounts

not only for the activation of velar-insertion but also its variable effect in localized

contexts and its lack of activation in other cases. Generally, these differing degrees of

242

velar-insertion involve both timing and frequency effects in conjunction with the salience

of various AMs in the continuous analysis of information on the part of the speaker.

4.6—CONCLUSIONS. The variation and lack of systematicity that are visible in the

synchronic stages and diachronic development of the velar-insert class in Spanish are

indicative of an analogical process. Instead of ignoring the subregularities of this lexical

class or handling them in some complicated way, AEM handles them in an elegant and

accessible manner by incorporating the emergence of cognitive linguistic structure

through analogy based on actual, concrete input. Language acquisition and change are

analogical, in that they arise from associations between input and stored information in

the form of exemplars.

Given its analogical nature, Spanish velar-insertion involves the coincidental

confluence and contribution of a number of phonological, morphological, paradigmatic,

lexical and historical factors. Among the multiple variables defining the relevant AM,

the paradigm is considered a crucial unit of organization, itself made up of exemplars that

tend to share features from multiple levels of linguistic analysis. In addition, the

paradigm provides a means for both internal (intra-paradigmatic) and external

(inter-paradigmatic) analogical influence in language on the basis of its categorical

nature. It has been shown that the patterning of allomorphy is salient in the Romance

verb system as a result of a shared history though independently utilized in each

language. The 1s/SBJ template associated with Spanish velar-insertion, among other

processes, is a consequence of phonological and morphological characteristics associated

with the second and third conjugational classes.

243

Through analysis of the synchronic stages which show productivity of the

velar-insert, it is possible to observe diachronic changes in the composition of the AM, as

well as in the members of the velar-insert class. The analysis of the affected verbs

according to first attested appearance of the velar demonstrates how the generic

explanation of the analogical process moving from nasal to lateral to rhotic to yod to

sibilant paints too broad a diachronic picture. Such a view ignores the relevant details

regarding the ever-changing definition of the AM. In this way, AEM, and its immanent

view of language, explain the synchronic variation, diachronic changes and limited or

localized productivity of the process. The ‘immanent perspective’, i.e. the relevance of

the “non-ideal” speaker in language change (through analogy) anticipates less than

systematic changes and the involvement of probabilistic decision-making.

It is hoped that the analysis provided herein contributes to the discussion of

velar-insertion in Spanish and proves insightful in defining the process of analogy in a

more specific, robust and detailed manner. Rather than carelessly appealing to analogy

as a means of explaining exceptional or outlying linguistic developments, this cognitive

mechanism has instead been placed at the forefront of language change, an idea which is

not only logical, but has its basis in the immanent, psychological processing of

information.

244

APPENDIX A: MODERN SPANISH REGULAR CONJUGATIONAL CLASSES (PRESENT

TENSE)

MSp Class INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

I (1) cenar dine ceno cene 1 1s

cenas cenes 2 2s cena cene 3 3s cenamos cenemos 4 1p

cenáis cenéis 5 2p cenan cenen 6 3p

II (2) coser sew coso cosa 1 1s coses cosas 2 2s

cose cosa 3 3s cosemos cosamos 4 1p

coséis cosáis 5 2p cosen cosan 6 3p

III (3) bruñir polish bruño bruña 1 1s bruñes bruñas 2 2s

bruñe bruña 3 3s bruñimos bruñamos 4 1p

bruñís bruñáis 5 2p bruñen bruñan 6 3p

245

APPENDIX B.1: MODERN SPANISH (NON-ETYMOLOGICAL) VELAR-INSERT VERB

CLASS113

MSp Gloss Notes

asir grasp Velar-insert per RAE, not generally productive caer fall oír hear poner put, place raer scrape One of two accepted variants per RAE roer gnaw, corrode One of three accepted variants per RAE salir leave tener have, possess traer bring valer be worth venir come bullir boil Non-standard, dialectally attested concluir conclude Non-standard, dialectally attested coser sew Non-standard, dialectally attested creer believe Non-standard, dialectally attested dar give Non-standard, dialectally attested doler ache, hurt Non-standard, dialectally attested haber have (aux) Non-standard, dialectally attested huir flee Non-standard, dialectally attested ir go Non-standard, dialectally attested moler grind Non-standard, dialectally attested parir give birth Non-standard, dialectally attested reír laugh Non-standard, dialectally attested soler be accustomed to Non-standard, dialectally attested ver see Non-standard, dialectally attested zambullir plunge (into water) Non-standard, dialectally attested

246

APPENDIX B.2: MODERN SPANISH VELAR-INSERTS DERIVED BY PREFIXATION

MSp INF Gloss

abstener abstain abstraer abstract advenir come anteponer place in front of aponer index (linguistic) dial. aprevenir prepare; prevent asalir meet atener abide atraer attract avenir reconcile componer form, make up contener contain contraer contract contraponer oppose contravenir infringe convenir arrange corroer corrode decaer decline deponer lay down desasir release desatraer separate desavenir cause to break up descaer decline descomponer decompose desconvenir disagree desimponer remove a condition desoír ignore detener detain detraer detract devenir happen, occur disconvenir disagree disponer dispose distraer distract entreoír hear vaguely entretener entertain equivaler be equal exponer exhibit extraer extract imponer impose indisponer upset interponer interpose intervenir intervene maltraer mistreat

mantener sustain; maintain manutener uphold (legal) obtener obtain oponer oppose posponer postpone predisponer predispose preponer put before presuponer presuppose prevaler prevail prevenir prepare; prevent proponer propose provenir arise from recaer fall back recomponer recompose; repair reconvenir reproach reponer replace resalir protrude retener hold, detain retraer bring back retrotraer predate revenir return sobreponer superimpose sobresalir project, stick out sobrevenir happen, occur sostener support, hold up

substraer steal; remove; subtract

subvenir help; defray superponer super(im)pose supervenir happen, occur suponer suppose

sustraer steal; remove; subtract

transponer move (behind) trasoír mishear trasponer move (behind) yuxtaponer juxtapose

247

APPENDIX C: PRESENT PARADIGMS OF STANDARD MODERN SPANISH VELAR-INSERT

VERBS

MSp INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

asir grasp asgo asga 1 1s

ases asgas 2 2s ase asga 3 3s asimos asgamos 4 1p

asís asgáis 5 2p asen asgan 6 3p

caer fall caigo caiga 1 1s caes caigas 2 2s

cae caiga 3 3s caemos caigamos 4 1p

caéis caigáis 5 2p caen caigan 6 3p

oír hear oigo oiga 1 1s oyes oigas 2 2s

oye oiga 3 3s oímos oigamos 4 1p

oís oigáis 5 2p oyen oigan 6 3p

poner put, place pongo ponga 1 1s pones pongas 2 2s

pone ponga 3 3s ponemos pongamos 4 1p

ponéis pongáis 5 2p ponen pongan 6 3p

raer scrape raigo raiga 1 1s raes raigas 2 2s

rae raiga 3 3s raemos raigamos 4 1p raéis raigáis 5 2p

raen raigan 6 3p

248

roer gnaw, corrode roigo roiga 1 1s

roes roigas 2 2s roe roiga 3 3s

roemos roigamos 4 1p roéis roigáis 5 2p roen roigan 6 3p

salir leave salgo salga 1 1s

sales salgas 2 2s sale salga 3 3s

salimos salgamos 4 1p salís salgáis 5 2p salen salgan 6 3p

tener have, possess tengo tenga 1 1s

tienes tengas 2 2s tiene tenga 3 3s tenemos tengamos 4 1p

tenéis tengáis 5 2p tienen tengan 6 3p

traer bring traigo traiga 1 1s

traes traigas 2 2s trae traiga 3 3s traemos traigamos 4 1p

traéis traigáis 5 2p traen traigan 6 3p

valer be worth valgo valga 1 1s vales valgas 2 2s

vale valga 3 3s valemos valgamos 4 1p

valéis valgáis 5 2p valen valgan 6 3p

venir come vengo venga 1 1s vienes vengas 2 2s

viene venga 3 3s venimos vengamos 4 1p

venís vengáis 5 2p vienen vengan 6 3p

249

APPENDIX D: ATTESTED FORMS OF REMANIR114

Sp INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

remanir remain remanga 1 1s

2 2s remangat 3 3s 4 1p

5 2p remangan 6 3p

250

APPENDIX E: VERBS WITH ATTESTED VELAR IN SYNCHRONIC VARIATION

Sp. Verb Gloss Example

atribuir attribute atribuigo

bullir boil buigas

concluir conclude concluiga

coser sew cosga

creer believe creigo

dar give daiga

destruir destroy destruiga

disminuir diminish disminuygan

doler ache, hurt duelga

excluir exclude excluigo

extruir extrude estruyga

haber have (AUX) aiga

herir wound fiergan

huir flee fuygan

instituir institute instituigo

instruir instruct instruigan

ir go vaiga

moler grind muelga

parir give birth parga

reír laugh reiga

soler be accustomed to suelgo

sustituir substitute sustituiga

toller deprive tuelgan

ver see veigas

zambullir plunge (into water) zambuiga

251

APPENDIX F: ROMANCE PATTERNS CORRESPONDING TO SPANISH TENER, VENIR

Lg INF IND SBJ # P #

MRom a ţine ţin / tiṷ ţin 1 1s

a ţinea ţii ţii 2 2s

ţine ţină 3 3s

ţinem ţinem 4 1p

ţineţi ţineţi 5 2p

ţin ţină 6 3p

MRom a veni vin / viṷ vin 1 1s

vii vii 2 2s

vine vină 3 3s

venim venim 4 1p

veniţi veniţi 5 2p

vin vină 6 3p

MEPtg ter tenho tenha 1 1s

tens tenhas 2 2s

tem tenha 3 3s

temos tenhamos 4 1p

tendes tenhais 5 2p

têm tenham 6 3p

MEPtg vir venho venha 1 1s

vens venhas 2 2s

vem venha 3 3s

vimos venhamos 4 1p

vindes venhais 5 2p

vêm venham 6 3p

OFr tieng / ting tiegne 1 1s

tiens tiegnes 2 2s

tient tiegne 3 3s

tenons tiegniens 4 1p

tenez tiegniez 5 2p

tienent tiegnent 6 3p

MFr tenir tiens tienne 1 1s

252

tiens tiennes 2 2s

tient tienne 3 3s

tenons tenions 4 1p

tenez teniez 5 2p

tiennent tiennent 6 3p

OFr vieng / ving 1 1s

viens 2 2s

vient 3 3s

4 1p

5 2p

6 3p

MFr venir viens vienne 1 1s

viens viennes 2 2s

vient vienne 3 3s

venons venions 4 1p

venez veniez 5 2p

viennent viennent 6 3p

MOcPrG tener teni / tenc tengui / tenga 1 1s tenes tengas 2 2s ten tenga 3 3s tenèm tengam 4 1p tenètz tengatz 5 2p tenon tengan 6 3p

MOcPrG venir vèni / venc / venh vengui / venga 1 1s

vènes vengas 2 2s

vèn venga 3 3s

venen / venèm vengam 4 1p

venès / venètz vengatz 5 2p

vènon vengan 6 3p

MCat tenir tinc tingui 1 1s

tens tinguis 2 2s

té tingui 3 3s

tenim tinguem 4 1p

teniu tingueu 5 2p

tenen tinguin 6 3p

MCat venir vinc vingui 1 1s

véns vinguis 2 2s

ve vingui 3 3s

venim vinguem 4 1p

veniu vingueu 5 2p

253

vénen vinguin 6 3p

MIt tenere tengo / tegno (dial.) tenga / tegna (dial.) 1 1s

tieni tenga / tegna (dial.) 2 2s

tiene tenga / tegna (dial.) 3 3s

teniamo teniamo / tegniamo (dial.) 4 1p

tenete teniate / tegniate (dial.) 5 2p

tengono tengano / tegnano (dial.) 6 3p

MIt venire vengo / vegno (dial.) venga / vegna (dial.) 1 1s

vieni venga / venga (dial.) 2 2s

viene venga / vegna (dial.) 3 3s

veniamo veniamo / vegniamo (dial.) 4 1p

venite veniate / vegniate (dial.) 5 2p

vengono vengano / vegnano (dial.) 6 3p

254

APPENDIX G: MODERN EUROPEAN PORTUGUESE VERBS CORRESPONDING TO

STANDARD MODERN SPANISH VELAR-INSERTS

MEPtg INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

asir grasp aso asa 1 1s

ases asas 2 2s ase asa 3 3s asimos asamos 4 1p

asis asais 5 2p asem asam 6 3p

cair fall caio caia 1 1s cais caias 2 2s

cai caia 3 3s caímos caiamos 4 1p

caís caiais 5 2p caem caiam 6 3p

ouvir hear ouço (oiço) ouça (oiça) 1 1s ouves ouças (oiças) 2 2s

ouve ouça (oiça) 3 3s ouvimos ouçamos (oiçamos) 4 1p

ouvis ouçais (oiçais) 5 2p ouvem ouçam (oiçam) 6 3p

pôr put, place ponho ponha 1 1s pőes ponhas 2 2s

pőe ponha 3 3s pomos ponhamos 4 1p

pondes ponhais 5 2p pőem ponham 6 3p

raer scrape 1 1s 2 2s

rái 3 3s 4 1p 5 2p

6 3p

255

roer gnaw, corrode 1 1s

2 2s 3 3s

4 1p 5 2p 6 3p

sair leave saio saia 1 1s

sais saias 2 2s sai saia 3 3s

saímos saiamos 4 1p saís saiais 5 2p saem saiam 6 3p

ter have, possess tenho tenha 1 1s

tens tenhas 2 2s tem tenha 3 3s temos tenhamos 4 1p

tendes tenhais 5 2p têm tenham 6 3p

trazer bring trago traga 1 1s

trazes tragas 2 2s traz traga 3 3s trazemos tragamos 4 1p

trazeis tragais 5 2p trazem tragam 6 3p

valer be worth valho valha 1 1s vales valhas 2 2s

vale valha 3 3s valemos valhamos 4 1p

valeis valhais 5 2p valem valham 6 3p

vir come venho venha 1 1s vens venhas 2 2s

vem venha 3 3s vimos venhamos 4 1p

vindes venhais 5 2p vêm venham 6 3p

256

APPENDIX H: STANDARD MODERN CATALAN VERBS CORRESPONDING TO STANDARD

MODERN SPANISH VELAR-INSERTS

MCat INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

caure fall, lower caic caigui 1 1s

caus caiguis 2 2s cau caigui 3 3s caiem caiguem 4 1p

caieu caigueu 5 2p cauen caiguin 6 3p

oir hear oeixo oeixi 1 1s oeixes oeixis 2 2s

oeix oeixi 3 3s oïm oïm 4 1p

oïu oïu 5 2p oeixen oeixin 6 3p

pondre lay (an egg) ponc pongui 1 1s pons ponguis 2 2s

pon pongui 3 3s ponem ponguem 4 1p

poneu pongueu 5 2p ponen ponguin 6 3p

raure scrape rac ragui 1 1s raus raguis 2 2s

rau ragui 3 3s raem raguem 4 1p

raeu ragueu 5 2p rauen raguin 6 3p

tenir have, possess tinc tingui 1 1s tens tinguis 2 2s

té tingui 3 3s tenim tinguem 4 1p teniu tingueu 5 2p

tenen tinguin 6 3p

257

traure bring trac tragui 1 1s

traus traguis 2 2s trau tragui 3 3s

traiem traguem 4 1p traieu tragueu 5 2p trauen traguin 6 3p

valer be worth valc valgui 1 1s

vals valguis 2 2s val valgui 3 3s

valem valguem 4 1p valeu valgueu 5 2p valen valguin 6 3p

venir come vinc vingui 1 1s

véns vinguis 2 2s ve vingui 3 3s venim vinguem 4 1p

veniu vingueu 5 2p vénen vinguin 6 3p

258

APPENDIX I—STANDARD MODERN ITALIAN VERBS CORRESPONDING TO STANDARD

MODERN SPANISH VELAR-INSERTS

MIt INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

cadere fall cado cada 1 1s

cadi cada 2 2s cade cada 3 3s cadiamo cadiamo 4 1p

cadete cadiate 5 2p cadono cadano 6 3p

udire hear odo oda 1 1s odi oda 2 2s

ode oda 3 3s udiamo udiamo 4 1p

udite udiate 5 2p odono odano 6 3p

porre put, place pongo ponga 1 1s poni ponga 2 2s

pone ponga 3 3s poniamo poniamo 4 1p

ponete poniate 5 2p pongono pongano 6 3p

radere shave rado rada 1 1s radi rada 2 2s

rade rada 3 3s radiamo radiamo 4 1p

radete radiate 5 2p radono radano 6 3p

rodere gnaw rodo roda 1 1s rodi roda 2 2s

rode roda 3 3s rodiamo rodiamo 4 1p rodete rodiate 5 2p

rodono rodano 6 3p

259

salire go up salgo salga 1 1s

sali salga 2 2s sale salga 3 3s

saliamo saliamo 4 1p salite saliate 5 2p salgono salgano 6 3p

tenere keep, hold tengo tenga 1 1s

tieni tenga 2 2s tiene tenga 3 3s

teniamo teniamo 4 1p tenete teniate 5 2p tengono tengano 6 3p

trarre draw, pull traggo tragga 1 1s

trai tragga 2 2s trae tragga 3 3s traiamo traiamo 4 1p

traete traiate 5 2p traggono traggano 6 3p

valere be worth valgo valga 1 1s

vali valga 2 2s vale valga 3 3s valiamo valiamo 4 1p

valete valiate 5 2p valgono valgano 6 3p

venire come vengo venga 1 1s vieni venga 2 2s

viene venga 3 3s veniamo veniamo 4 1p

venite veniate 5 2p vengono vengano 6 3p

260

APPENDIX J—CLASSICAL LATIN REGULAR CONJUGATIONAL CLASSES (PRESENT

TENSE)

CL Class INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

I (1) CĒNĀRE dine CĒNŌ CĒNEM 1 1s

CĒNĀS CĒNĒS 2 2s CĒNAT CĒNET 3 3s CĒNĀMUS CĒNĒMUS 4 1p

CĒNĀTIS CĒNĒTIS 5 2p CĒNANT CĒNENT 6 3p

II (2) TENĒRE hold, keep TENEŌ TENEAM 1 1s TENĒS TENEĀS 2 2s

TENET TENEAT 3 3s TENĒMUS TENEĀMUS 4 1p

TENĒTIS TENEĀTIS 5 2p TENENT TENEANT 6 3p

III (3) DĪCERE say, tell DĪCŌ DĪCAM 1 1s DĪCIS DĪCĀS 2 2s

DĪCIT DĪCAT 3 3s DĪCIMUS DĪCĀMUS 4 1p

DĪCITIS DĪCĀTIS 5 2p DĪCUNT DĪCANT 6 3p

III-i (3-i stem subclass) FACERE do, make FACIŌ FACIAM 1 1s FACIS FACIĀS 2 2s

FACIT FACIAT 3 3s FACIMUS FACIĀMUS 4 1p

FACITIS FACIĀTIS 5 2p FACIUNT FACIANT 6 3p

IV (4) VENĪRE come VENIŌ VENIAM 1 1s VENĪS VENIĀS 2 2s

VENIT VENIAT 3 3s VENĪMUS VENIĀMUS 4 1p VENĪTIS VENIĀTIS 5 2p

VENIUNT VENIANT 6 3p

261

APPENDIX K—SOME POTENTIAL TARGETS FOR VELAR-INSERTION IN MODERN

SPANISH

Conjugation INF Gloss Notes

115

3 abolir abolish defective 3 adherir adhere D # 4890 3 adquirir acquire J # 530 3 adurir burn uncommon 3 argüir deduce; argue 3 asaborir savor; flavor uncommon 3 aterir stiffen (in cold) defective 3 atribuir attribute attested; D # 1539; J # 1456 3 banir turn in (a criminal) anticuated 2 caler be necessary uncommon 2 cerner sift 3 cernir sift 3 circuir surround 3 colorir color defective 2 compeler compel 3 compelir compel 3 concernir concern 3 concluir conclude attested; D # 1221; J # 1925 3 conquerir conquer anticuated 3 constituir constitute J # 495 3 construir construct D # 689; J # 838 3 contribuir contribute D # 1183; J # 1461 2 coser sew attested; D # 3799; J # 2678 2 creer believe attested; dialectal; D # 91; J # 81 3 cusir stitch (poorly) colloquial 1 dar give dialectal; D # 39; J # 42 3 definir define D # 974; J # 1332 3 derruir demolish 3 desleír disolve 3 destituir dismiss (from office) 3 destruir destroy attested; D # 1207; J # 2030 3 digerir digest 3 diluir dilute D # 4029 3 discernir discern 3 disminuir diminish attested; D # 1982; J # 1659 3 distribuir distribute D # 1503 2 doler ache, hurt attested; dialectal; D # 2037; J # 2033 3 enfusir stuff (sausage) 3 engreír make vain

262

3 enserir insert (in text) 3 entregerir mix uncommon 2 esleer elect uncommon 3 esleír elect uncommon 3 estatuir establish 3 excluir exclude attested; D # 3121 2 expeler expel 3 ferir wound attested; anticuated 3 finir finish 3 fluir flow D # 3350; J # 4962 3 freír fry 3 fruir enjoy

3 fuir flee uncommon 3 gruir call (of a crane) 3 guarir heal anticuated 3 haber exist defective; attested; dialectal; D # 11; J # 12 3 herir wound attested; D # 3109; J # 2709 3 huir flee attested; dialectal; D # 1574; J # 725 3 imbuir imbue 2 impeler impel 3 incluir include D # 720; J # 1840 3 influir influence D # 2022; J # 1473 3 ingerir ingest 3 injerir insert 3 inmiscuir mix 3 inquirir inquire 3 inserir insert 3 instituir institute attested 3 instruir instruct attested; D # 4918 3 intuir intuit D # 4638 3 ir go suppletive; dialectal; D # 30; J # 28 3 irruir invade 2 leer read D # 244; J # 232 3 luir redeem; rub, shine uncommon 3 manir remain; age (meat) anticuated; defective 2 moler grind attested; dialectal 3 morir die D # 293; J # 257 3 muir milk 3 obstruir obstruct 3 ocluir occlude 2 oler smell D # 3036; J # 1902 3 parir give birth D # 3602; J # 4812 2 peer fart 2 poseer possess J # 515 3 preferir prefer D # 541; J # 991 3 prever foresee J # 4212 3 prostituir prostitute 2 proveer provide J # 4515 3 pulir polish 3 punir punish 2 querer want D # 57; J # 44

263

3 reconstruir reconstruct D # 2328; J # 3960 3 recluir seclude

3 referir refer J #322 3 reír laugh attested; dialectal; D # 1493; J # 529 3 remanir remain attested; anticuated 2 repeler repel

3 requerir require D # 1081; J # 1858 3 restituir restore 3 retribuir compensate 3 reunir reunite J # 856 2 seer be; be seated anticuated 3 sepelir bury uncommon 2 ser be suppletive; D # 8; J # 9 2 soler be accustomed to attested; dialectal; D # 487; J #358 3 sonreír smile J # 1194

3 substituir substitute J # 1739 3 sustituir substitute attested; D # 1786 3 sugerir suggest D # 1327 2 toser cough 3 tribuir attribute uncommon 3 unir unite D # 918; J # 1067 2 ver see dialectal; D # 37; J # 39 3 zambullir plunge (into water) dialectal

264

APPENDIX L—1S/SBJ TEMPLATE IN STANDARD MODERN SPANISH

Type INF Gloss IND SBJ # P #

Etymological hacer do, make hago haga 1 1s haces hagas 2 2s hace haga 3 3s hacemos hagamos 4 1p hacéis hagáis 5 2p hacen hagan 6 3p

Other examples

decir and derived forms, afacer, contrafacer, refacer, arefacer, rarefacer, licuefacer, grandifacer, malfacer, ienfacer, desfacer satisfacer, yacer and derived forms, restructured forms, e.g. –NGERE, cocer, esparzer, erzer, etc.

Velar-insert poner put, place pongo ponga 1 1s pones pongas 2 2s pone ponga 3 3s ponemos pongamos 4 1p ponéis pongáis 5 2p ponen pongan 6 3p

Other examples asir, caer, oír, raer, roer, salir, tener, traer, valer, venir, derived forms (Appendix B.2), dialectal forms (Appendix B.1); synchronic variants (Appendix E)

Inchoative nacer be born nazco nazca 1 1s naces nazcas 2 2s nace nazca 3 3s nacemos nazcamos 4 1p nacéis nazcáis 5 2p nacen nazcan 6 3p

Other examples

abastecer, ablandecer, aborrecer, abravecer, adolecer, adonecer, adormecer, afeblecerse, agradecer, aloquecerse, altivecer, amanecer, amarecer, amarillecer, amodorrecer, amorecer, amortecer, anochecer, apetecer, arbolecer, arborecer, aridecer, aterecer, avanecerse, blanquecer, calecer, carecer, clarecer, colucuecer, condolecerse, conocer, convalecer, crecer, defenecer, desbravecer, descaecer, desflaquecer, desmorecerse, desvanecer, embarbecer,

265

embarnecer, embastecer, embebecer, embellaquecerse, embellecer, embermejecer, emblandecer, embobecer, embosquecer, embravecer, embrutecer, empecer, empequeñecer, emplebeyecer, emplumecer, empobrecer, empoltronecerse, emputecer, enaltecer, enamarillecer, enardecer, encabellecerse, encallecer, encandecer, encanecer, encarnecer, enceguecer, enloquecer, encorecer, encrudecer, encruelecer, endentecer, endurecer, enfierecerse, enflaquecer, enfranquecer, enfurecer, engrandecer, engravecer, engrumecerse, enloquecer, enlustrecer, enllentecer, enmagrecer, enmalecerse, enmarillecer, enmollecer, enmudecer, enmugrecer, ennudecer, enorgullecer, enralecer, enrarecer, enrigidecer, enriquecer, enrojecer, enronquecer, enrudecer, enruinecer, ensandecer, ensarnecer, ensilvecerse, ensorberbecer, ensombrecer, ensordecer, entenebrecer, enternecer, entestecer, entigrecerse, entontecer, entorpecer, entristecer, entumecer, envaguecer, envanecer, envejecer, envilecer, enzurdecer, escaecer, escalfecerse, escarnecer, establecer, estremecer, evanecer, evanescer, excandecer, fallecer, favorecer, fenecer, florecer, fortalecer, fosforecer, fosforescer, frutecer, guarecer, guarnecer, herbecer, hermanecer, humedecer, juvenecer, lagrimacer, languidecer, lentecer, lividecer, lobreguecer, lozanecer, lucir, merecer, mohecer, nacer, negrecer, noblecer, obedecer, obscurecer, ofrecer, onecer, oscurecer, pacer, padecer, palidecer, parecer, perecer, permanecer, pertenecer, pimpollecer, placer, plastecer, podrecer, prevalecer, pubescer, reblandecer, recrudecer, remanecer, remostecerse, resplandecer, retoñecer, revejecer, robustecer, tallecer, tardecer, terrecer, tullecer, verdecer, derived forms and OSp. forms. -ducir: aducir, conducir, deducir, educir, inducir, introducir, producir, reconducir, reducir, reproducir, retraducir, seducir, traducir.

Anti-hiatic yod raer scrape rayo raya 1 1s raes rayas 2 2s rae raya 3 3s raemos rayamos 4 1p raéis rayáis 5 2p raen rayan 6 3p Other examples roer

Suppletive ir go voy vaya 1 1s vas vayas 2 2s va vaya 3 3s vamos vayamos 4 1p vais vayáis 5 2p van vayan 6 3p

266

Suppletive

116 caber fit quepo quepa 1 1s

cabes quepas 2 2s

cabe quepa 3 3s cabemos quepamos 4 1p cabéis quepáis 5 2p

caben quepan 6 3p Other examples

117 saber

267

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Endnotes 1 The rules are what mattered since “analogy was too vague a notion to deal with in a formal model” (Myers 1999:265). For discussion of this issue, see Downing et al. 2005 (cf. Lahiri 2000). 2 The Greek tradition of scientific classification was composed of an analogical model with contiguity and similarity axes. The paradigm (index) provides the example upon which analogy (proportion, empirical regularity) is based. Analogy as a method of problem solving (i.e. hermeneutics—pattern explanation), then, was simply the filling of gaps by means of comparison across these axes. Unlike mathematical proportions, in most cases these gaps are filled by “vaguer similarities” (Anttila 2005:426). 3 There are many recent well-written outlines of analogy in historical linguistics, including Martín Vegas 2007, Kraska-Szlenk 2007, and Hock 2005. 4 Personal example (2006). Attested as an obsolete PART from the the 16th c. (Oxford English Dictionary 1989).

5 In a sense, these types of change are the same since it is possible to provide a proportional analogical equation for cases of leveling, the forms in the proportion representing a larger analogical set (see below). 6 Sturtevant’s Paradox suggests that “phonetic laws are regular but produce irregularities. Analogic creation is irregular but produces regularity” (Hock 2005:450).

7 Any investigation concerning analogical change is incomplete without reference to the infamous ‘tendencies’ and ‘laws’ of analogy as found in Mańczak 1958 and Kuryłowicz 1949 respectively. The current investigation follows Wanner 2006a, which indicates that these treatments of analogy cannot be viewed as determinative since analogy is not required to follow the guidelines or tendencies they set forth as illustrated by available counter-evidence for each tendency and law (cf. Hock 2005). Thus, these works maintain the vagaries of traditional analogy that have doomed it to remain outside the formal domain of linguistic theory. 8 "[Inference] is used in reference to the process of reasoning from parallel cases and presumptive reasoning based upon the assumption that if things have some similar attributes, their other attributes will be similar" (Lahiri 2000:2; cf. Anttila 2005).

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9 Some examples of the rather arbitrary, less defined nature of analogy are provided in the numerous AM used in previous research to explain Spanish velar-insertion. Arguments against such models is provided in chapter 2 because there are other forms which better fulfill the analogical criteria as defined in this investigation. 10 The following example from the late 19th c. illustrates an idea which seems to linger on in the discussion of analogy: "As one might expect, opponents of the Neogrammarian doctrine of exceptionless sound laws were particulary hostile to the notion of analogy, which was ridiculed as a convenient fad to deal with obvious counter-examples. To be sure, if analogy can be invoked whenever a sound shape in some word a come to (partially) match the sound shape of some word b, and the relatedness between a and b is unrestricted, the empirical explanatory power of analogy is virtually nil. Critics have insisted that analogical formation is in principle always possible, but never necessary (Curtius 1885:39). While the latter is in fact also true of physiologically motivated sound laws (cf. Tobler 1879), many agreed that recourse to analogy should be an ultimum

refugium to the linguist, to be invoked only if all else fails, and that such an analysis should be 'happily' abandoned for any alternative explanation, especially a strictly phonological approach (cf. Schmidt 1882; Curtius 1885). While other researchers felt that granting a fundamental priority to strictly phonological explanations was not necessarily justified, they still deplored the lack of rigid criteria to motivate the legitimate use of analogy (Scherer 1868:177)" (Downing et al. 2005:2-3). 11 Consider the description of the lexical entry for ‘help’ in King (1969): "Typically, in the history of a language, a lexical entry is simplified in ways that reduce the number of idiosyncratic features it carries. The change in the verb 'to help' between Middle English and Modern English is characteristic. In Middle English it was conjugated strong with the principal parts helpe(n) halp hulpen holpen; today it is weak help helped helped. What seems to have changed here is the set of features that determine this verb's morphological behavior. In Middle English it had schematically the lexical entry: (help+ [+ Verb, + Strong, + Class III, ...]) which characterizes it as a strong verb of the third ablaut class plus whatever else (...) is required to determine its grammatical behavior completely. In Modern English it has the lexical entry: (help+ [+ Verb, -Strong, ...]) which represents a simplification in that the single feature [- Strong] has replaced the two features [+ Strong, + Class III]" (62). In such a way, the rules are saved through exceptional application by lexical marking or the lack thereof. 12 Several other arguments against a rule-based approach to linguistic organization are found in Chandler 1993. 13 An extreme take on this argument is found in Reiss 1997, which indicates that analogy is a purely diachronic, non-grammatical process and therefore is not of concern in phonological theory.

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14 The gradualness of language change is a well-known point of linguistic discussion, cf. Kiparsky 1974, Wang 1969, Joseph 1997a. 15 A single example should suffice. Harris 1973 posits underlying /ak-/ and /dik-/ as the stems for MSp. hacer and decir. Their 1s forms hago and digo are derived through the voicing of intervocalic /k/. However, the same rule is used for spirantization of underlying /kok-/ (INF cocer) and /proteg-/ (INF proteger) to derive 1s cuezo and protejo. Thus, a special mechanism is hypothesized to reverse the order of application of this and other rules in the former, ‘irregular’ pair of verbs. 16 See, for example, Johnson 1997, Minsky 1975.

17 There are also constraints like Uniform Exponence which are meant to reduce surface allomorphy (e.g. Kenstowicz 1996). 18 In order to attain the Optimal Candidate Output for the four-part equation: drive:drove::dive:X, a highly localized OO-F constraint, Ident-OO (drove,dove;[o]), establishes a relationship between model and target, and outranks the relevant IO-F constraints for the past tense Input for dive (Myers 1999:68). 19 "The Ganong effect can be characterized by saying that a phoneme-size perceptual unit is a candidate for attraction by a phoneme-sized mental category while at the same time the word-sized perceptual unit it is part of may also be attracted by a member of the word lexicon, and that the two attractions are cumulative" (Burzio 2005:73). 20 It has been suggested that non-relevant linguistic and extra-linguistic information is also stored in memory (see below). 21 Salience is also used to explain why phonic/form characteristics are often relevant in analogical associations (Skousen 1992, 1995). 22 As a means of illustration, consider the exemplar cloud to be a knot in a large cord of rope. The links between such paradigmatic exemplar clouds, or knots, are ropes of varying thickness stretching in multiple directions towards other knots (or clouds). Bunches of thread represent exemplars and each individual strand, a feature of that exemplar. These bunches are also of varying thickness according to the number of features shared between exemplars and clouds. The more strands and ropes involved, the stronger the connection. As a way of complicating the matter, input may be categorized according to countless pieces of information, creating a multi-dimensional associative space. Continuing with the rope metaphor, this is represented by individual strands of an exemplar or paradigm rope being connected to other knots or ropes in multiple directions from their source. For additional visual conceptualizations, see §3.3.

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23 An interesting example of the robustness of linguistic processing is the ability to interpret incomplete information as found in cross-word puzzles, text messages, shorthand, etc. 24 AL is typically geared more towards quantum computating and computational modeling of language. The relevant statistical methods are not utilized in AEM (see examples in Wanner 2005). 25 “There is abundant psycholinguistic evidence that imperfect learning plays a prominent role in both directing human verbal behaviour and justifying language change” (Pirrelli & Battista 2000b:296). 26 The above definition excludes predictable allomorphy, e.g. diphthongization of the stem vowel in certain present tense forms determined by the placement of stress. From a synchronic point of view, these ‘stem-changers’ resemble the velar-insert verbs which are the subject of this investigation as both show a clearly identifiable allomorphic distributional pattern (based on stress placement and the frontness of the following vowel respectively). However, in both instances the identification of those verbs which are members of these ‘irregular’ classes is not systematic, hence their exclusion from the regular category. 27 This discussion does not include defective verbal paradigms which are characterized by the absence of inflected forms in certain cells of the conjugational structure. Such verbs, as well as those defined as suppletive, are not addressed in this investigation. 28 There is little debate that the velar is considered part of the verbal stem. For arguments in favor of its status as an inflectional marker, see Martín Vegas 2007. 29 The L-pattern mentioned above, as described in Maiden 2001, involves the distribution of the velar element in the highlighted forms in Figure 2.1, which resembles an inverted and reversed capital <L>. See additional information below. 30 There are a number of verbs in which root-final /g/ is etymological. In some cases, this consonant is found in all forms of the paradigm, as in pagar “pay”, i.e. pago, pagaba,

pagué, pague, pagara, pagaré, pagaría, etc. Such forms are not considered members of the velar-insert class. In other instances where the /g/ is due to regular sound changes, i.e. ‘lautgesetzlich’, a verb may traditionally/pedagogically be included in the set of velar-insert forms due to the allomorphy found in their verbal paradigms, e.g. decir “say”, digo (dices), decía, dije, diga, dijera, diré, diría, etc. In this investigation, neither of these of these types of verbs is part of the velar-insert class although the latter is relevant to historical analysis. For present purposes then, the velar-insert verbal subclass

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includes only those forms where the velar obstruent is not etymological nor results from regular sound change and promotes allomorphy. In this sense, the set is as highly-defined as possible. 31 The verb poner “put, place” is exceptional since its Classical Latin forms did not contain the vocalic hiatus which has been considered to trigger palatalization prior to velar-insertion (cf. Hanssen 1913, Malkiel 1974, Menéndez Pidal 1980, Meyer-Lübke 1895). Most previous research indicates that this form entered the velar-insert class quite early via analogy in form and function with tener and venir, (e.g. Corominas & Pascual 1980, Lloyd 1987, Penny 2002). This is due to the fact that the earliest attested forms are latinate hypercorrections, e.g. 3s SBJ poncat, a form concurrent to the first attestations of the voiced velar in both tener and venir. However, the voiceless velar can be quite easily viewed as a hypercorrected reconstruction derived from a voiced velar in the Spanish spoken at the time since the scribe producing such a form would certainly be aware of the lenition process that was a notable indicator of contrast between Latin and Spanish resulting in voicing of simple voiceless obstruents in certain phonological environments. 32 The entrance of remanir into the class is typically thought to have been later in spite of the earliest attested velars occurring during the same time period as with the other nasal-final stems, cf. §3.5.1. 33 The diachronic dialectal data is too sparse to determine which of these is the case. Regardless of such complications, it is plausible that both are true with respect to the individual verbs under analysis, i.e. some having renewed their attraction to the group, others having merely continued to show variation, on a reduced scale, from the initial stages. 34 The data used in the current investigation, including Appendices, is derived from various sources according to language. Catalan: Badia i Margarit 1962, Blasco Ferrer 1984, Claret 2002, García de Diego 1951, Institut d’Estudis Catalans 2004, Klausenberger 1984, Moll 1952, 1975, Pérez Saldanya 1995a, 1995b, Wheeler 1995, Wilkinson 1978-1983. French: Allen 1988, Fouché 1976, Gossen 1970, Kendris 1996a, Maiden 2001, 2003, Malkiel 1967, 1974, Wilkinson 1978-1983. Italian: Burzio 2004, Colaneri & Luciani 1992, Fanciullo 1998, Lenfest 1978, Maiden 1992, 2001, 2003, Malkiel 1967, 1974, Napoli & Vogel 1990, Olivetti 2009, Pirrelli 2000, Rohlfs 1968, Tekavčić 1980b. Latin: Malkiel 1974, Prior & Wohlberg 1995. Portuguese and Galician: Malkiel 1974, Nitti 1995, Webster 1987, Wilkinson 1978-1983, Williams 1962. Provençal, Gascon and Occitan: Bec 1973, Klausenberger 1984, Malkiel 1967, 1974, panOccitan.org 2009, Wilkinson 1978-1983.

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Romanian: Industrial Soft 2009, Lombard & Gadei 1981, Maiden 2003, Meyer-Lübke 1972. Finally, while the primary Spanish data for chapter 3 are taken from the CORDE (Real Academia Española 2005) and CREA (Real Academia Española 2007) databases, relevant examples and information are also found in Alvar & Pottier 1983, Badia i Margarit 1950, Bello 1964, Bosque & Pérez Fernández 1987, Busquets & Bonzi 1993, Cano Aguilar 1999, Carrera de la Red 1999, Clark 1986, Corominas & Pascual 1980, Diez 1874-1876, 1887, Dworkin & Malkiel 1983, Elson 1988, Espinosa 1955, García de Diego 1951, 1985, Gassner 1897, Grandgent 1907, Hanssen 1913, Harris 1972, Kasten & Cody 2001, Kendris 1996b, Lapesa 1980, Lenfest 1993, Lloyd 1987, Maiden 2003, Malkiel 1967, 1974, Martín Vegas 2007, Menéndez Pidal 1976, 1980, Meyer-Lübke 1972, Mondéjar 1995, Moya et al. 2003, Nebrija 1989, Oelschläger 1940, Penny 1969, 2002, Real Academia Española 2004, Santana Suárez 2002, Schede 1987, Spaulding 1971, Suances Torres 2000, Wilkinson 1978-1983. 35 For greater detail on those Romance languages which are not affected by velar-insertion, see Wilkinson 1978-1983. 36 Though this does not exclude the possibility of some degree of mutual influence or borrowing. 37 Fr. pondre ‘lay an egg’ is excluded due to its phonological shape and highly specified meaning. 38 For further treatment of the changes affecting the vowel system, see Penny 2002. 39 The inclusion of the 3p PRS IND here assumes its analogical leveling on the basis of intra-paradigmatic influence. The Spanish forms are not directly derived from those of Classical Latin because they are marked by the theme vowel instead of a non-thematic inflectional morpheme. In contrast, Italian shows a straightforward etymological relationship between 3p forms from CL. For Spanish, it is assumed that this form had already been restructured prior to the process under analysis. Maiden 2001 discusses the U- and L-patterns for Italian and Spanish respectively (see below). 40 Notably, certain dialects of Modern Spanish still show yod developing from front vowels as the result of loss of hiatus, e.g. teatro, dial. [`tja-tro] “theater” (Wong-opasi 1993). 41 See Tekavčić 1980a:187-188 for examples. 42 Spanish phonology prohibits the appearance of palatalized consonants in coda position in the native lexicon (cf. Pensado Ruiz 1997).

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43 For arguments against yod hardening to /g/, including examples of a velar softening word-initially, the ad hoc nature of such a hypothesis, its specificity to verbs, etc., see Lenfest 1978. 44 The actual situation leading up to the described stage is more complicated than it would appear. A detailed analysis of the preceding stages of proposed development are found in Alarcos Llorach 1954. 45 Penny 2002 indicates that 1s TRADO is an attested form relevant to the development of this verb in Spanish. 46 This palatal consonant later extended to learned forms ending in –uir, e.g. 1s construyo from construir “construct” (Penny 2002). 47 For additional examples of the set of –NGERE verbs, see Figure 2.8. 48 Forms 6 (3p) like TANGUNT were restructured in Spanish through inter- and intra-paradigmatic influence. The presence of the theme vowel was extended to these forms on the basis of the rest of the forms of the PRS IND (with the exception of 1s) (also possibly via the PRS SBJ where a vocalic inflectional marker is found systematically). Influence is also believed to have come from CL conjugations I and II where the theme vowel did occur in 3p forms. This is similar to the loss of the theme vowel from all 1s PRS IND forms (e.g. CL DĒBEŌ > Sp. debo ‘1s ought’; CL PŪNIŌ > Sp. puno ‘1s punish’). 49 Malkiel 1967 and 1974, among others, provide perhaps the most informative and detailed, though possibly contradictory (or preferably dual) analyses of this matter in Spanish. More recently, Martín Vegas 2007 examines these developments with a particular focus on analogical pressure and frequency. See also Alvar & Pottier 1983, Mondéjar Cumpián 1995 and Lenfest 1978, 1993. Mention should also be made of similar developments creating a major dialectal division in Italian, on the basis of the geographic distribution of the palatal nasal (central/southern piagnere ‘cry’) against the nasal plus affricate sequence (northern piangere). For a more detailed discussion of the Italian situation, see Tekavčić 1980a. 50 For alternative (i.e. paradigm-external) explanations of the leveling that eliminates the allomorphy in these verbal paradigms, see Lenfest 1978 and Malkiel 1974. 51 A thorough diachronic analysis of individual verbs is provided in Martín Vegas 2007. 52 There are numerous changes affecting the inflected and uninflected forms of decir that are irrelevant to the creation of the velar-insert verb class. Of particular interest to these

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topics are Urrutia Cardenas & Alvarez Alvarez 1983 and Martín Vegas 2007, as well as the numerous traditional examinations of the history of the Spanish language. 53 The loss of yod is favored by Elcock 1960, Lenfest 1978, Martín Vegas 2007, Menéndez Pidal 1980, Mondéjar Cumpián 1995, and Wilkinson 1980 among others. The alternative view is argued in Malkiel 1974 on the basis of lack of attested evidence and an analysis that relies on analogically restructuring a weakly marked alternation (cf. Cuervo’s analysis in Bello 1964, Meyer-Lübke 1895, Malkiel 1969). 54 In this sense, the Spanish situation contrasts with the Italian one which shows a shift from palatal to velar, e.g. OIt. 1s tegno >> MIt. 1s tengo. See especially Malkiel 1974, Maiden 1992, 2001, 2003, and Fanciullo 1998. 55 See §2.2 and App. 2F. 56 This synchronic stage is the one analyzed in the vast majority of the literature because it is the point of departure required to explain the extension of the velar-insert diachronically. A highly detailed analysis of the extension of the velar beyond its inception is a central part of chapter 3, as it has been lacking in previous research. 57 A phonological description of these verb sets is found in §2.3. 58 The ‘inchoative’ subclass of verbs in Spanish does not have an inchoative function or meaning. The term refers to its historical role in Latin and represents the group of verbs which are marked by a voiceless velar /k/ in the 1s/SBJ, see Figure 2.9. For the development of this class, see Lloyd 1987. The same hypothesis is considered, secondarily, in Martín Vegas 2007 and Pérez Saldanya 1995a. 59 The primary motivation for grouping these classes of verbs together is to explain the variant 1s/SBJ stems of the verb yacer ‘lie (down)’ – 1s yazco ~ yazgo ~ yago. The last form coincides with the conjugation of the verb hacer and is thought by some (e.g. Martín Vegas 2007), to be the expected outcome through very early loss of the yod. The first one is analogically based on the inchoative set, e.g. conocer – 1s conozco. The middle variant, yazgo, is less clearly motivated. Per the data provided in CORDE (Real Academia Española 2005), this form appears very late (XIX c.) and could be due to a combined influence of its etymological form, the velar-insert class and the inchoative set, or it may have to do with an assimilation of voicing at the very early stages of Old Spanish when the grapheme <z> typically represented a voiced segment. 60 It is important to note that the use of valgo in the formalization of the constraint is merely a convenience. The actual shape of the Input potentially requires a more complicated explanation than is able to be explained here. See the subsequent paragraphs for the importance of formalizing the Input.

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61 For more elaborate cases involving paradigms as output candidates, see Bachrach & Nevins 2008, Burzio 2005, Downing et al. 2005, Kenstowicz 2000, Kraska-Szlenk 2007, and McCarthy 2003. 62 The proposed AM includes OSp. 1s digo ‘say’, fago ‘do’, yago ‘lie (down)’, cuelgo ‘hang’, and sigo ‘follow’ among other verbs. 63 Another reason for refuting the avoidance of homophony argument is that the proposed forms of these verbs are, in fact, not homophonous as the verbs having a palatal nasal in their stem undergo raising of their stem vowel due to yod effects, cf. 1s tengo ~ tiño, pongo ~ puño. 64 Alvar & Pottier 1983 excludes asir from the velar-insert set due to its greater phonetic similarity to other available AM. For further discussion of this verb’s exceptional status, see §3.5.6. 65 Apparently, for *teno and *veno, the insertion was therapeutic (a repair strategy) because the stem vowel had not diphthongized, "having created an imbalance in the paradigm" (Lenfest 1978:900, cf. verbs with 1s stem-change, e.g. siento (<< *sento), alongside sientes, siente). The repair strategy is based on phonetic weight (CVCCV ≈ CVVCV, cntr. CVCV, Lenfest 1978). “The set tengo, tienes…fell within the limits of paradigmatic tolerance which excluded the set *teno, tienes…Because gross phonetic substance, rather than the particular sequence of phonemes, was the source of uneasiness, it made no difference that the semi-vowel of the 2nd pers. diphthong was balanced by a velar in the 1st pers. sing. pres. indic.” (Lenfest 1978:901). 66 “This reanalysis [of /K/ as part of the inflectional marker for 1s/SBJ] would be the focus of diffusion in an inflectional model that is characterized by having the marker –go in the 1s PRS IND and –ga, -gas in the PRS SBJ…The schema has relative lexical strength because it initially affects very frequent verbs…Some of the lesser-used verbs that are part of this schema end up leveling the alternation: e.g. cingo � ciño. But the alternation is maintained in such frequent verbs as digo/dices, pongo/pones, salgo/sales…With an analysis of this type we wouldn’t speak of an insertion of –g- in certain verbs, but rather of the extension of a schema/model of inflectional that is characterized because the 1s PRS IND and PRS SBJ end in –go, -ga, -gas…” 67 Any terms used here related to velar-insertion are not taken directly from Elson 1988 where they have been intentionally avoided. It should be pointed out that the term velar-insert is not applicable in the sense used in the current investigation given the inclusion of verbs with etymological velar allomorphs, i.e. contexts in which the velar element is not ‘inserted’ per se.

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68 The U-pattern described in Maiden 2001 equates to the 1s/3p/SBJ distribution of the velar-insert in Italian, resembling the letter <U> turned on its side. A variant N-pattern is also found in Italian in which the 1p/2p SBJ forms do not contain a velar. The L-pattern, is described in an earlier note (cf. Maiden & O’Neill 2008). 69 An interesting and unintentionally similar analysis applies to a verbal subclass of the Anglian dialect of Old English examined in Hogg 1980. 70 Of the verbs included in the velar-insert group through the end of the 13th c., only the final stage includes verbs having a high stem vowel, e.g. huir. In other words, the earliest AM further limits the preceding phonological structure in that the stem vowel need be [-high]. 71 It is no coincidence that nasal consonants are at the center of the Sonority Hierarchy (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1986). This permits analogical spread of the velar-insert to verbs having both more and less sonorous stem-final segments, especially when considered in conjunction with the phonotactic constraints on the syllable in Spanish. 72 Although the data includes forms having a consonant cluster syllable-initially (traer), no initial consonant (oír), diphthongs (fiergo) and stems ending in a yod (caigo), the general phonological shape of the stem holds true as these apparent exceptions fall within the expected phonological constraints on the Spanish syllable. Even more broadly, the implication here is that the non-derived stem is closed (or offgliding) and monosyllabic. Excluded are remanir and definir because their derivational sources (i.e. manir ‘remain’ and finir ‘finish; end’) do not show a velar. 73 It is possible to argue that there is a requirement that the stem be closed or at least decreasing in sonority, i.e. CVC, where the final element is simply non-syllabic. This implies no vowel-plus-velar combinations (cf. §4.5.4). 74 A counter-argument that identifies these early instances of g as representative of the velar occlusive /g/ is established in Lenfest 1978. It is suggested that these cases are all examples of the antihiatic use of /g, k/ as opposed to an orthographic misrepresentation of a palatal fricative as g. The attested 3s SBJ form poncat is, for example, difficult to explain without appealing to velar-insertion/inchoative productivity, if it is not viewed, as in this investigation, as a hyper-correct reconstruction of an earlier stage. 75 Note the potential involvement of diphthongization in the outcomes affecting these pairs of verbs. Ongliding diphthongs are not associated with the standard modern velar-insert set, though they do appear dialectally (cf. Penny 1969).

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76 The identification of nasals as [+cont] is controversial (Kenstowicz 1994). However, for present purposes, [cont] refers to the uninterrupted flow of air through either the oral or nasal cavity. 77 Wilkinson 1978 indicates that the verb parir ‘bear, give birth’ shows velar-insertion in modern dialects, though no such forms are attested in the CORDE. Nonetheless, the suggestion that this verb is affected by velar-insertion is indicative of the nature and direction of analogical change (cf. §§3.6 and 4.5). 78 Urrutia Cardenas & Alvarez Alvarez 1983 suggests first that the yod raises (or closes) the stem vowel (with velar-insertion, e.g. unattested 1s *firgo) which is then diphthongized due to intra-paradigmatic analogical effects (providing attested fiergo). The hypothesis that this yod is lost prior to exerting any such effect and the absence of any attested forms with a high vowel permit the stance indicated above (cf. §2.3). 79 It is more in line with the current investigation to assume that this verb is reanalyzed via inter-paradigmatic analogy with the very large AM set of rhotic-final diphthongized verbs not having a velar-insert, e.g. querer ‘want’, 3p SBJ quieran; morir ‘die’, 3p SBJ mueran, including the intra-paradigmatic influence of the non-velar forms as indicated above. 80 For example, during the 14th c., the 3s IND form of valer appears twice as often as that of soler (410 cases in 81 documents against 204 cases in 62 documents respectively). Diachronically, Davies 2006 ranks valer 387th and soler at 487th in weighted frequency. 81 Based on the first attested examples of INF and 3s. 82Preliminary research indicates that this verb is characterized by a completely regular, non-velar stem, i.e. 1s aso, 1s/3s SBJ asa. This exemplifies the robustness of analogy in AEM (cf. Skousen 2002). 83 Motivation for the incorporation of the inchoative verbs in the AM come from examples of the variation of /g/ and /k/ in forms like 1s asgo ~ asco, conozgo ~ conozco, and the analogical extension of the inchoative class, e.g. yacer, 1s yago ~ yazco ~ yazgo (id. the –ducir verb set). The variation found in the verb asir, e.g. 1s asgo ~ asco ~ aso, is seen as an ‘experimental innovation’ because of its root-final sibilant which, to a certain degree, represents a new direction for the velar-insertion process (Malkiel 1989). The first two variants are related to the “long-drawn-out wavering between (etymological) –sco, -sca and (analogical) –zco, -zca in the pres. ind. and subj. of inchoative verbs” and the aforementioned similarities between the velar-insert and the inchoative (Malkiel 1974:338). The latter form, meanwhile, represents a regularized/leveled analysis.

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84 Malkiel 1967 provides a note about additional data which demonstrated the extension of velar-insertion in some Italian dialects: “On the Berkeley campus R. Stefanini has drawn my attention to several Italian parallels and near-parallels. Thus, such northeastern dialects as Veronese and Trentino exemplify the spread of the voiced velar from di-go, -ga, ‘I say, may say,’ producing fa-go, -ga, va-go, -ga, da-go, -ga, sta-go, -ga, which match Stand. It. faccio (fo) ‘I make,’ vo ‘I go,’ do ‘I give,’ sto ‘I stand,’ and the corresponding sets of pres. subj. forms…” (64). 85 Note that the use of the terms ‘LAW’ is not meant to imply that this generalization is systematic nor without exception. It simply follows the conventional notations as employed in Andersen 1973. 86 “The verb is subject to the same phonetic laws as any other word. But it is understood that the multiple forms that express the same stem in conjugation, being tightly connected to each other by the essential unity of meaning, cannot stop influencing one another more often than two words that differ in their source; such that the power of analogy…is much more active in conjugation than in any other part of the grammatical domain, and we continually see forms that distort their phonetic development in order to follow an analogy alongside others from the same conjugational paradigm. The speaker…tends to see the stem as invariable, since the idea it expresses is invariable; and if at times the language preserves intact the phonetic alternations of a stem…other times it seeks uniformity” 87 The verbs included in the AM may be palatal-final but it is possible to argue that such a variable need not be included if the appearance of an isomorphic stem throughout the entire inflectional paradigm is considered a ‘morphome’ like the 1s/SBJ. 88 The preference of the 1s/SBJ velar-insert forms over palatalized ones implies a type of intra-paradigmatic effect or leveling in the sense that the verb stem maintains a non-palatal nasal throughout (cf. Spaulding 1971, Ford 1966, Lenfest 1978). 89 Another reason for the distinction of the first conjugation is the lack of any salient phonological changes conditioned by the non-front vowel /a/ which is the theme vowel for this conjugational class. This contrasts with the front vowels /e, i/ which represent the second and third conjugations respectively and are essential in triggering numerous sound changes like the palatalization effects examined in chapter 2. 90 Other perspectives on the function of the velar element in the paradigm which resemble the template, to greater or lesser degrees, are found in various investigations, e.g. Alvar & Pottier 1983, Elson 1988, Fanciullo 1998, Lloyd 1987, Lenfest 1978, Pérez Saldanya 1995a.

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91 Although the term ‘morphome’ has been used interchangeably with ‘template’ up to this point, the former, as defined in Maiden 2001, following Aronoff 1994, does not traditionally correspond exactly to the latter. The difference lies in the fact that 1s/SBJ distribution of the velar-insert is, on the surface, completely defined by its phonological conditioning environment (cf. §2.1.2, Kraska-Szlenk 2007). 92 It is also arguable that verbs like dar, estar and haber could be included in this group because the 1s/SBJ forms are distinguished, though not in the same way, from the remainder of the PRS, e.g. 1s doy, estoy, he, 3s SBJ dé, esté, haya, cntr. 2s IND das, estás, has. 93 Similarly, the influence of homophonous non-verbs in the AM is not possible as it would require elimination of a number of relevant variables. This is supported by the fact that velar-insertion does not seem to be attested outside the verbal paradigm. 94 Where clarification of the distinction between word frequency and lexeme frequency is indicated. 95 Based on the approximately 5,000 most frequent lexemes in the corpus dataset. 96 Consider the effect of inter-paradigmatic (or lexemic) frequency in the survival of the 1s/SBJ pattern in verbs like decir and hacer against the paradigmatic leveling of lower frequency verbs like tañer and teñir, as discussed in Martín Vegas 2007. 97 These three low-frequency verbs are the only standard velar-inserts not among the 5,000 most frequent lexemes as calculated in Davies 2006 and Juilland & Chang-Rodríguez 1964. 98 The actual patterns across the entire inflectional paradigm are numerous. In the PRS tense alone, there are at least three types of templatic patterns, not including the systematic use of a single stem. The point is that allomorphy is a distinctive characteristic of these verb classes which substantiates their unified analysis against the first conjugation (cf. §2.1.1). 99 Based on the top 5,000 most frequent lexemes in the corpus dataset. 100 Included here are dar, estar, ir, haber, ser. 101 In fact, the only nasal-final second or third conjugations verbs included in the data are homogeneous in this respect, i.e. they all show velar-insertion in the 1s/SBJ. All non-velar examples have a low lexemic frequency.

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102 This is based on the square of the frequencies. 122 = 144, 242 = 576; Probability of velar 144/720 = 1/5; Probability of non-velar 576/720 = 4/5. This method is contrasted with ‘selection by plurality’ which would (undesirably) result in the non-velar being chosen in all such cases (cf. §1.3.3). 103 “In this way, type frequency can be the motive for the extension of an alternation and, in other cases, token frequency can be the motive for the stability of an alternation.” 104 See Maiden 1992 for similar arguments concerning Italian. 105 Based on the approximately 5,000 most frequent lexemes in the corpus dataset. 106 An example of problems associated with such arguments is based on token frequency. According to rough numbers taken from the CREA database, the 1s salgo appears approximately 1000 times against nearly 4000 tokens of the SBJ. Notably, the 1s/3s SBJ alone accounts for over half of all examples of the SBJ (Real Academia Española 2007). 107 Wang 1969 elaborates on the types of competing changes that occur in time to include successive/complementary changes and intersecting/overlapping changes. For present purposes, both are assumed under the same term. 108 For verbs like creer, it is assumed that velar-insertion coincides with a yod-final stem, as observed in several dialectal examples like 3s SBJ creiga. 109 This point also has a phonological basis as the intervocalic velar in 1s dico is not subject to voicing (via lenition) as in Spanish. Similarly, the presence of yod and its palatalizing effect eliminate the possibility of the velar appearing in forms like 1s faccio (cf. §2.2.3). 110 An even more extreme example of this gradient contrast is that of Portuguese in which many examples of paradigmatic allomorphy are distinguished by a single distinctive feature, e.g. 1s tenho ~ 2s tens. 111 Some of the verbs have a vowel-final stem. In these cases, the velar would be preceded by a glide as there are practically no attested cases of a velar-insert immediately following a vowel. This is indicative of an additional variable of the AM, namely that the syllable preceding the velar be closed or at least decreasing in sonority. In the extremely few exceptional cases where a stem-final vowel does appear, it calls into question the pronunciation of the velar (cf. §3.4). 112 Another possibility, however, is the extension of the velar-insert to non-alternating stems in the first conjugation. An example of this sort is mentioned in §3.6.3, where the verbs traer and poner are shifted to the first conjugation as traigar and pongar in the

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language of some Spanish-speaking children (Clark 1986). Rather than attributing such reanalyzed forms to velar-insertion, they should rather be associated with the analogical influence of the leveled patterning typical of the highly productive first conjugation on a single stem alternant. 113The non-standard, dialectally attested forms in this Appendix are taken from the CREA database (Real Academia Española 2007). In contrast, those forms that are marked as attested in Appendix K are from the CORDE database (Real Academia Española 2005). In sum, the data is distinguished by chronology, i.e. those forms occurring in the most modern language data against those which primarily predate the 20th c. respectively. 114 This verb is the only to show velar-insertion exclusively that is not used in the modern language (Real Academia Española 2004). The attested forms are taken from the CORDE database (Real Academia Española 2005). 115 The numbers concerning lexemic frequency are taken from Davies (2006) and Juilland & Chang-Rodríguez (1964). See also comments regarding Appendix B.1. 116 The verb caber may be seen as suppletive or irregular, depending on perspective. In the modern language, it is unlikely that the typical speaker identifies an etymological relationship between the two stem allomorphs. 117 Thanks to Terrell Morgan for providing an real-world example of 1s sepo ‘taste’ which means that it corresponds, at least at the level of individual speakers, to the example provided by caber.