Kandola

Sheetal Kandola AAS 412: War Crimes and GenocideResearch Paper October 28, 2011

Sikhs in India and the Pursuit for Autonomy: An Examination for Statehood and Social Change.

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Kandola

““To perseve the unity of India, if we have to eradicate 20 million Sikhs, we will do so.” –Balram Jakhar, a former Indian Cabinet Minister and Speaker of the Indian Parliament.”69

The quote above depicts the cancer at the heart of

Indian and Sikh relations, which ultimately ensued in

Genocide of the Sikhs in 1984. Since the birth of Sikhism in

the fifteenth century, the Indian subcontinent has been in

opposition to Sikh social and religious practices

especially, the Khalsa movement, which began in 1699 and held

a strong belief to oppose the Hindu caste system,

inequalities, and defend against any injustice.

Subsequently, the Hindu ruling majority launched a series of

massacres against the Sikhs. The development in 1947 of

India into “the world’s largest democracy,” however, has not

functioned as a constitutional liberal democracy. Democracy

69 Documents on Punjab.Anmol Publications-New Delhi,India

2

Kandola in India has corresponded with the creation of a highly

centralized state, 1as well as the harassment,

discrimination, and murder of the Sikhs.2

The Sikh movement for political autonomy in Punjab has

its roots in Sikh divinity and history, both playing an

important role in Sikh ethno-religious nationalist movement.

Sikhs share a common religious tradition, scripture,

linguistic script and several social, political and economic

institutions. Approximately twenty-five million people

worldwide identify themselves as believers of the Sikh

faith, making it the fifth largest world religion. Gurmat,

the Sikh doctrine, imparts that all human beings, regardless

of their religion or beliefs, have the potential to realize

God through devotion, truthful living, pursuit of justice,

and service of creation. Historically, all Sikh states have

been based on secular, non-theocratic laws because the Sikhs

neither have a priestly class, which may rule in the name of

an invisible God, nor do they have a body of civil law of

divine origin and sanction. 3

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Kandola

The hate crimes committed by the Indian state upon

Sikhs in 1984 need to be examined closely to understand

whether Article 2 of the Genocide Convention is applicable

since they were “committed with intent to destroy, in whole

or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious

group”.4The Sikh sense of alienation started with denial on

the part of the Indian National Congress to accept that they

were a minority in independent India and needed protection.

The conflicts that followed in Punjab were a continuum

leading to an overwhelming Sikh perception that they were

being discriminated against. 5 Because religion is the

dominant social bond defining the characteristics of the

Sikh nation, ethnicity continues to function in the

background attributing the Punjabi language and the Gurmukhi

script intimately tied to the Sikh identity. In order to

understand the Sikh desire for formal recognition by the

Indian government, one must understand the atrocities that

culminated in the 1984 Operation Bluestar incident, and

loomed over the political, social, and humanitarian makeup

of Punjab over the following decades. These injustices have

4

Kandola significantly bolstered a desire for the formal recognition

by the Indian government of these 1984 massacres against

Sikhs and political sovereignty among Sikhs—the state of

Khalistan—which stems from their historical and theological

background, the suppression of basic human rights, and the

Sikh Genocide.

Early figures in the history of Sikhism facilitated the

manifestation of a distinct Sikh identity and nation. Sikh

literature composed by Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh

faith, began a new Panth or Guru’s path , which was distinct

from the way of the Hindus and the Muslims. With the

creation of a seat of Sikh political power through the

institution of the Akal Takht ( the Eternal throne), Guru

Hargobind (1601-1644), the sixth successor to Guru Nanak,

greatly emphasized the need for political responsibility for

the Panth. 6 Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth Guru, imagined the

idea of creating Sikhs into a religious and military

commonwealth and “executed his design with the systematic

spirit of a Grecian lawgiver.”7 On March 30, 1699, Vaisakhi,

the festival which celebrates Guru Gobind Singh’s founding

5

Kandola of the Sikh community ordained a new order, the Khalsa Panth,

literally meaning the pure path or way, whose members were

mandated to garnish themselves with five articles of faith

at all times: kesh (uncut hair), kangha (comb), kara (steel

braclet), kirpan (small sword), kachera (cotton underwear).

These articles of faith, based on a strict code of conduct,

served as a uniform with the intent that Sikhs initiated

into the Panth could no longer hide their identity, even

under extreme conditions.  Furthermore, all members were

required to shed their caste in favor of a uniform Sikh

identity; Sikh men were to adopt “Singh” and Sikh women were

to accept “Kaur” as their last names.  The Panth, which was

founded as a democratic institution devoid of all hierarchy,

was to even possess authority over Guru Gobind Singh, its

founder. 8 With an array of religious symbols, collective

institutions and internal structures of governance, some

developed, while others still in their infancy, the Sikhs

had become a distinct community—a nation that aspired for

state power. 

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Kandola

By the late 1800s, the British had complete control

over India. During the Anglo-Sikh Wars (1845-1849), the

British had been sufficiently impressed by the Khalsa Army

to raise several battalions of Sikh forces and decided to

incorporate them in the British army in India. As they

enlisted men into their own regiments, the entire profile of

the British Army changed to include turbaned and bearded

Sikh men. 9The Khalsa Army, previously a formidable enemy of

the British, became some of their most fervent devotees. In

1914 as World War I began to unfold, so too did the drive to

enlist Indian troops to bolster the war effort. Sikhs joined

en-masse. During that time, the world beheld what is

probably the largest volunteer army ever in action, as Sikhs

made up nearly twenty per cent of the British Indian Army

despite being only two per cent of the population. 10Despite

this contribution, however, the relationship between the two

began to deteriorate appreciably after the Amritsar

Massacre. On April 13, 1919, Punjabis gathered in Amritsar's

Jallianwala Bagh as part of the Sikh Festival "Vaisakhi

fair" and to protest at British extraordinary measures.

7

Kandola General Dyer appeared at the head of a contingent of British

troops. Giving no word of warning, he ordered soldiers to

fire into the gathering, and several rounds of ammunition

were unloaded into the screaming, terrified crowd, some of

whom were trampled by those desperately trying to escape.

Many Hindus and Sikhs died. Sikh men who had fought for the

Crown to free occupied lands in Western Europe were to

return to their own occupied country, thus beginning the

call for independence.

With the end of British colonialism in sight, the Sikh

leadership became concerned about the future of the Sikhs. 

The Congress, led by predominantly a Hindu majority, denied

Sikhs their separate identity and labeled them as a sect of

Hinduism as they feared the defragmentation of India or the

imagined ‘Hindustan’.With the Muslims proposing the creation

of a Pakistan to uphold their interests, some Sikhs put

forth the idea of carving out a Sikh state of Khalistan.12

During a lengthy negotiation process during the 1940s

between the British and the three groups seeking political

sovereignty—Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs—the Congress Party

8

Kandola continually promised autonomy to prevent Sikhs from allying

with the Muslim League. To win Sikh support, Jawaharlal

Nehru claimed on behalf of the Indian Congress in 1946 that,

“Adequate safeguards would be provided for minorities in

India…It was a declaration, pledge and an undertaking before

the world, a contract with millions of Indians and,

therefore, in the nature of an oath we must keep.”13 His

empty promise was primarily due to the political pressures

he was facing with the creation of Pakistan and the looming

threat of a disjoined India. However, during a press

conference later that year, Nehru declared that the Congress

may “change or modify” the agreement. 14 As a result, the

Muslims were forced to seek precautions for their community

through the formation of an independent Pakistan. Sikhs,

however, were stuck under India’s Constitution, which did

not even recognize them as a separate religion, as Sikhs

refused to join a Muslim state and were not swift enough in

organizing a movement for their own political sovereignty.

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Kandola

After the departure of the British, the Congress Party

renounced all pledges and Constituent Assembly resolutions

propagated to uphold Sikh interests. 17 Many Sikhs felt that

they had been tricked into joining the Indian union.  The

Sikhs, whose contribution in India’s struggle for freedom

was unbalanced in comparison to their small numbers (see

Table 1)70, had greater reasons to be worried in an

independent India. According to Kapur Singh, who was the

Deputy Commissioner at Dalhousie and a member of the Indian

Civil Service (ICS) at the time stated:

“Sikhs in general and Sikh migrants in particular must be treated as a “criminal tribe”.  Harsh treatment must be meted out to them…to the extent of shooting them dead so that they wake up to the political realities and recognize “who are the rulers and who the subjects.” 15

In this instance, the rhetoric of calling an entire

religious community a “criminal tribe” not only displays the

foreshadowing events that violated Article 2 of the Genocide

Convention but also the collective nature of the chief

70 Singh, Patwant.The Sikhs. London: John Murray, 1999, p. 143

10

Kandola Indian politicians, who from the very beginning attempted to

eliminate the Sikhs in order to build solidarity among the

Hindus of the Punjab.  Master Tara Singh, a prominent Sikh

leader and politician, summed up Sikh sentiments in his

Presidential Address to the All India Sikh Conference on

March 28, 1953:

“English-man has gone, but our [Sikh] liberty has not come. For us the so-called liberty is simply a change of masters, black for white. Under the garb of democracy and secularism,our Panth, our liberty and our religion are being crushed.”16

The Partition had torn apart the Sikhs. Their richest

lands, over 150 historical shrines and half of their

population were left on the Pakistani side. 19 All that

Sikhs needed was empathy and some political space, which

would have taken away the pangs of resettlement. The

government refused to recognize the distinct identity of the

Sikhs in order to maintain the Hindu ruling majority and

undermine a rather powerful minority group. India needed

Sikhs to be obedient and disciplined as they relied on Sikhs

for military defense. The Congress slowly reneged on all its

pre-independence commitments. First, it denied a minority

11

Kandola status and then denied linguistic state as Nehru interpreted

their demand “as a cover for Sikh majority State.” 20 Due to

the pressures he faced from other minority groups for

statehood, Nehru could not afford other groups breaking away

from India. Punjab’s conflict with the central government

prolonged in the later years because it failed to remedy the

basic grievance at the initial stages of independence. 21

The Indian National Congress (INC) has mainly guided

India’s federal government since its independence in 1947.

The two largest political parties have been the INC and the

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).71 The discrepancy between the

two parties can be seen as a left-wing/right-wing division.

From 1950 to 1990, barring two brief periods, the INC

enjoyed a parliamentary majority. The INC was out of power

between 1977 and 1980, when the Janata Party won the

election due to public discontent with the corruption of

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. She was found guilty of

dishonest election practices, excessive election

71 Kumar, Ram N. The Sikh Unrest and the Indian State: Politics, Personalities,and Historical Retrospective. New Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1997.

12

Kandola expenditure, and of using government machinery and officials

for party purposes. Indian High Commissioner BK Nehru said

Gandhi's conviction would not harm her political career.

"Mrs Gandhi has still today overwhelming support in the

country," he said. "I believe the prime minister of India

will continue in office until the electorate of India

decides otherwise".72 The ruling later became the primary

reason for the imposition of emergency by Indira Gandhi.

As the central government attempted to marginalize

certain regional languages, linguistic issues in India

caused civil disorder in the 1950s and 1960s. The Hindu

elite leading the Congress imposed Hindi as the national

language of all Indians. The nationwide movement of

linguistic groups seeking statehood resulted in a massive

reorganization of states according to linguistic boundaries

in 1956. At that time, Indian Punjab had its capital in

Shimla, and though the vast majority of the Sikhs lived in

Punjab, they still did not form a majority. However, if

Haryana and Himachal could be separated Sikhs could have a

72 Ibid, pp.90-1.

13

Kandola Punjab in which they could form a majority of 60% while

Hindus would make up about 40%. 22 The Indian government was

afraid that by creating a primarily Sikh statehood in

Punjab, Sikhs would become the majority in Punjab, which

they feared could lead to fragmentation and other minorities

demanding statehood. Their interest was to keep Sikhs a

minority in order to silence and control a threating and

powerful group of people. As a result, the Shiromani Akali

Dal, a Sikh dominated political party active mainly in

Punjab, sought to create a Punjabi suba, or a Punjabi-

speaking state. Hindus suspected what the Sikhs had in mind.

They, supported by the Hindu newspapers from Jalandhar,

pressured Punjabi Hindus to declare Hindi as their “mother

tongue” instead of Punjabi in the polls that took place, so

that the Sikhs could be deprived of the argument that they

were only asking for a Punjabi-speaking Suba. Why would

Punjabi Hindus misrepresent and repudiate their linguistic

heritage?  According to Paul Brass, a scholar of Sikh

history, claimed: “The dominant Hindu majority, unable to

assimilate the Sikhs, adopted the tactic of avoiding their

14

Kandola language so that the Sikhs, a minority people by religion,

might become a minority by language as well.” 73The demand

for adoption of Punjabi for Punjabi-speaking areas first

created and later intensified the rift between Hindus and

Sikhs of Punjab.

In 1965, the war broke out between India and Pakistan.

Sikhs fought bravely and defeated Pakistan. After seeing

loyalty of Sikhs, the Indian government decided to finally

create a Punjabi state but it was divided into three parts

Haryana, Himachal Pardesh and whatever left became Punjab.

Other two parts became Hindi states and Punjab was declared

a Punjabi state. Punjab was divided because the Indian

government had seen the courageousness of Sikhs and the

government was afraid that if Sikhs rebel against the Indian

government, they would demand a free Punjab robbing India of

Punjab’s great natural resources. The Indian government

also divided the Sikh army into many battalions and it did

by mimicking the British and adapting their theory of

"divide and rule."73 Deol, Harnik, Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of the Punjab,London: Routledge, 2000, p. 93.

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Kandola

The Punjabi Suba was officially created in 1966. The

Akali Dal had finally secured a separate Punjabi speaking

state that also contained a Sikh majority after 20 years of

periodic agitation. 23However, the creation of the Punjabi

suba did not diminish the tension between Akali Dal and the

central government. For example, the central government

deemed Chandigarh (Punjab’s capital today) a Union Territory

instead of granting it to Punjab and they were unwilling to

incorporate certain Punjabi-speaking areas into the state.

24

Through the mid-1970s, the Akali Dal continued its

largely confrontational relationship with the government. In

1975, Ms.Gandhi imposed a national emergency under which

democratic rule was suspended throughout India in reaction

to a High Court judgment debarring her from elected office

for six years for engaging in electoral corruption.25

Invoking Article 352 of the Indian Constitution, Indira

granted herself extraordinary powers and launched a massive

crackdown on civil liberties and political opposition. The

government cited threats to national security, as a war with

16

Kandola Pakistan had recently been concluded. Due to the war and

additional challenges of drought, the economy was in bad

shape. The government claimed that the strikes and protests

had paralyzed the government and hurt the economy of the

country greatly. After Gandhi suspended law, jailed

political opponents, and implemented severe censorship, the

Akali Dal, the Sikh political party, organized the first

public protest. Over 40,000 Sikhs were jailed in the “Save

Democracy” campaign, which became the nation’s only

sustained, large-scale agitation against the emergency. 26

Gandhi, who feared their defiance might inspire civil

disobedience in other parts of the county, offered to

negotiate a deal with the Akali Dal that would give it joint

control of the Punjab Legislative Assembly. The leader of

the protests refused to meet with government representatives

so long as the Emergency was in effect. In a press

interview, he made clear the grounds of their campaign, “The

point is whether democracy in this country is to survive or

not. The democratic structure stands on three pillars,

namely a strong opposition, independent judiciary and free

17

Kandola press. Emergency has destroyed all these essentials”.

74Gandhi withdrew the emergency in 1977 and ordered new

elections in which Akali Dal finally had a government in

power in the center. Thus, the Akali Dal had become much

more competitive with the Congress in Punjab’s “secular”

political system after the creation of the Punjabi Suba,

making political competition between parties more

consequential and intense.

In response to the perceived marginalization and fear

of termination of the Sikh community, an effort followed to

purify the Sikh faith by returning to its roots and

distinctiveness as a separate community. When the Akali

government was dismissed in 1980 before it completed its

term the Akali Dal decided to confront the Centre. Fuming

over the dismissal of their government, the Akalis came up

with a list of grievances of the Sikh community – the

Anandpur Sahib Resolution (ASR) – that tackled, many issues

concerning the rights and governance of Punjab to create a

74 Singh, Gurmit. A History of Sikh Struggles. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers,1991, 2:39.

18

Kandola deep sense of hurt and deprivation at the hands of the

Centre. 27 The Resolution , perceived as secessionist by the

Congress party , affirmed the principle of decentralization

of powers and endorsed “the principle of state autonomy in

keeping with the concept of federalism.” 28 The ASR

highlighted the economic, cultural and religious grievances

of Sikhs with the central government, such as economic

deprivation brought on by the lack of large-scale industrial

development and heavy taxation with little support from the

central governemnt, the diversion of 75% of Punjab’s river

waters, and the implementation of a ceiling for recruitment

of Sikhs in the Army; territorial loss, such as the

truncation of Punjab and the transfer of Punjab’s capital

Chandigarh to the Union; and identity concerns, such as

Article 25 of the Indian Constitution defining Sikhs as

Hindus and denying Sikhs separate marriage contracts from

Hindus .29The government of Indira Gandhi ignored their

demands. The Akalis marched to Delhi in a massive display of

strength with a charter of demands for change; the agitation

between Sikhs and the Indian government manifested at the

19

Kandola march, which would lead to mass separatist sentiment and a

decade of violence, took root. 30

Indira Gandhi proceeded to break up the power of Akali

Dal party by encouraging a new leader, who would counter the

propaganda of the Akali Dal. She found for her purpose, Sant

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, a radical, militant religious

preacher advocating the shunning of worldly vices that had

entered Punjab and a return to embrace the roots and purer

form of Sikhism or the Khalsa, which was created Guru Gobind

Singh. This was a grave miscalculation on Mrs. Gandhi’s part

and her advisors, as the politicization of Bhindranwale’s

cause gained mass support and he became less and less of

their puppet. Sant Bhindranwale had emerged as a force to be

reckoned with. He began challenging the moderate Akali Dal.

This is exactly what Congress wanted from the radical Sant ,

however, they did not realize he could also become a

challenge to their governments in the State and the Centre.

31

In September of 1981, in a politically heated India,

Lala Jagat Narain, owner of the Hind Samachar group of

20

Kandola newspapers, was assassinated. He had been vital in

influencing Punjabi Hindus to declare their mother tongue as

Hindi. His editorials consistently attacked the Akali Dal’s

leadership. His murder led to mob violence by Hindus, who

set Sikhs shops on fire and burnt the offices of the Akali

Patrika, a Punjabi newspaper that represented Sikh interests.

32 The government acted hastily by prosecuting Jarnail Singh

Bhindranwale, even though he was camping in Haryana, where

he had a large following. The police, who were furious at

Jarnail’s resistance to arrest, set his buses on fire. The

buses contained copies of the most holy Sikh scripture, the

Guru Granth Sahib. The Sant who had been propped and funded by

the Congress to vanquish the Akalis, became enraged with the

government and began unite Sikhs against them. 33

Bhindranwale’s emphasis on a distinct Sikh identity and his

insistence on fighting for justice provided all the needed

ingredients to strengthen the Sikh movement for greater

autonomy.34

The Akali Dal led by Harcharan Singh Longowal launched

the dharam yudh morcha, or the “battle for righteousness” in

21

Kandola August of 1982. Bhindranwale and the Akali Dal united for

the first time ever; their goal was the fulfillment of the

demands based on the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. 35 In two

and a half months, security forces arrested thirty thousand

Sikhs for their peaceful demonstrations to the point that

protesting volunteers could not be accommodated in the

existing jails. 36During the Asian Games of 1982 in Delhi,

Akali Dal organized massive demonstrations. The central

government consequently had every Sikh entering Delhi,

whether he was a High Court judge or general in the Army,

targeted, searched and interrogated. Security forces

prevented the majority of the Sikhs from passing through

Haryana, and thus they could not reach Delhi. 37

The situation in Punjab deteriorated as violence

escalated with the murders of Hindus and Sikhs. The most

notable Hindu killings were on October 5, 1983 when a group

of innocent Hindu passengers on a Delhi bound bus were

killed in cold blood. The government blamed the Sikh

extremist while the Sikhs blamed the intelligence agencies.

Neither the identity of the killers was revealed nor were

22

Kandola they ever found. However, it gave Indira Gandhi an

opportunity to place Punjab under her authority. Hindu

extremist began to systematically attack Sikh business

establishments, houses, and religious institutions. One mob

even broke a replica of the Golden Temple, killed Sikh

religious leaders, and defaced the photos of Sikhs Gurus.

During this turmoil, the Akali Dal began another agitation

in February 1984 protesting against clause 2b of Article 25

of the Indian constitution, which defines Sikhs, Buddhists

and Jains as Hindus. Several Akali leaders were arrested for

burning the Indian constitution in protest. 38

Indira Gandhi and her government disregarded Akali

Dal’s protests and the Anandpur Sahib Resolutions with the

statement: “The propositions contained in the Anandpur Sahib

Resolution on Center-State relations are at total variance

with the basic concept of the unity and integrity of the

nation as expressed in our Constitution. These cannot be

accepted even as a basis for discussion.” They went on to

assert that, “The people of India do not accept the

proposition that India is a multi-national society.” 39

23

Kandola Gandhi wanted to create the idea that all of India was one

and together in order uphold her own political interests and

to prevent others from seeking their own statehood like,

Pakistan. The denial of the distinct, separate, Sikh

identity is in direct contradiction for what it means for a

country to be a democracy. With the general elections

approaching, by 1984 Indira Gandhi transformed the Punjab

problem “into a Sikh threat that was nationalized and placed

outside the bounds of institutional politics.” 40 Due to

their strong political opposition, a vicious campaign was

launched against the Sikhs portraying them as terrorist and

accusing them of demanding Khlalistan. The Anandpur Sahib

Resoultion, which demanded more autonomy for states and

establishment of a “genuine federal structure” was dubbed

secessionist. 41

Sant Longowal announced the next stage of the peaceful

Akali morcha to further display their agitation with the

state Sikhs refused to pay water and land taxes to the

government and they blocked the movement of grains, water,

and power supplies from Punjab to other states threatening

24

Kandola Gandhi’s government with a sixty percent decrease in grain

supply. 42 In 1983, Gandhi, fearing the secessionist

ambitions of the Sikhs, set a plan in place by enforcing the

Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which was first

promulgated in the 1950s, allowed the governor of a region

or the Central Government to declare any part of the state a

“disturbed” area, allowing security forces to kill any

person carrying something deemed capable of being a weapon,

and arrest any person based on a “reasonable suspicion” that

they intend to commit an offense. It also empowers security

forces to kill any person who is engaged in an action deemed

to be a threat to public order, and instructs courts not to

take cognizance of any offense committed by such security

forces unless specifically instructed to do so by the

Central Government.43 Amnesty International later described

this act as emboldening security forces with a “license to

torture and kill with impunity.” 44 Sant Bhinderanwale was

charged with violating AFSPA as he was accused of amassing

weapons while hiding in the holiest temple of Sikhs. Gandhi

25

Kandola used this as a prelude to the storming of the Golden Temple—

the center of Sikh religious and political life.

Violence ensued in June of 1984. On June 1st when

Bhindrawale held his rooftop meeting, the Indian Army,

rather than directing fire at the meeting, shot various

buildings in the complex for hours from outside its

perimeters. An eyewitness, Giani Kirpal Singh, confirmed the

bullet marks and the deaths of 11 pilgrims. 45On June 2nd,

the Indian government sealed off Punjab from the rest of the

world: journalists were removed, telephone lines were cut,

preventing internal and external communication, and all news

and information was controlled by the Indian government.

Security forces kept Indian journalist in Chandigarh under

virtual house arrest, and confined those in Amritsar to a

hotel with no phone lines, warning them they would be shot

if they left the hotel. The government banned reporting on

all security operations and the conflict in Punjab.46 An

indefinite shoot-on sight curfew was imposed across the

26

Kandola whole of Punjab, with 20 million residents placed in a state

of siege and imprisonment.75

On June 4th 1984, Operation Bluestar was launched and

the Indian Army invaded the Golden Temple in Amritsar under

order from Prime Minister Gandhi, allegedly to flush out

Bhindrawale and his “terrorists.” As it was the anniversary

of the martyrdom of the Sikhs’ 5th Guru Arjun Dev the temple

was full of thousands of Sikhs. The Army attacked without

warning using cannons and heavy artillery. In the days that

followed, heavy cannon firing continued as the complex was

engulfed in flames. Several religious leaders and gurudwara

employees died as the Army invaded the complex with tanks

and cannons. Eight tanks battered the Akal Takht, the seat

of Sikh temporal authority, reducing the first floor to

rubble and destroying the building.47 As human rights

activist Ram Narayan Kumar notes, “Operation Blue Star was

not only envisioned and rehearsed in advance, meticulously

and in total secrecy, it also aimed at obtaining the maximum

75 William K. Stevens, Indian Army Takes over Security in Punjab as New Violence Flares, (New York Times : June 3, 1984).

27

Kandola number of Sikh victims, largely devout pilgrims unconnected

with the political agitation.”48 As eyewitness Ranbir Kaur,

a schoolteacher, described soldiers tying the hands of Sikhs

behind their back with their turbans and shooting them at

point-blank range: “[the detainees] were taken into the

courtyard. The men were separated from the women…When we

were sitting there the army released 150 people from the

basement…They were asked to hold up their hands and then

they were shot after fifteen minutes.” 49When Bhan Singh,

the General Secretary of the gurudwara’s management,

witnessed the point-blank killing of young Sikhs he

protested. However, the Major tore off his turban and

“ordered him to either flee or join the ‘array of martyrs.’”

Bhan Singh fled as hundreds of young Sikh pilgrims were

executed. 50

Lt.Gen.Ranjit S. Dayal, the commander of Operation

Bluestar, announced Army control over the Golden Temple,

claiming they had arrested 450 Sikh militants. Although,

eyewitnesses cited figures ranging from 4000 to 8000 people

killed, mostly Sikh pilgrims.51 Although official documents

28

Kandola state that the Sikh Reference Library was destroyed the

night of June 6th, because of firing militants, Devinder

Singh Duggal, the in-charge librarian, insists that the

library was intact when he saw it on June 6th, after the

Army had gained control of the complex. When he returned on

June 14, the Army had burned the library and destroyed over

1,500 invaluable rare manuscripts, including hand written

copies of the Guru Granth Sahib and various other portraits and

manuscripts. 52

In her speech to the nation following Operation Bluestar,

Indira Gandhi masked the simultaneous attacks on 41 other

gurudwaras in Punjab, the killing and point-blank executions

of innocent Sikh pilgrims, the coordination of the attack on

a day commemorated by Sikhs, and the failure to issue the

curfew earlier to warn innocent civilians. She went on to

declare the Golden Temple was unscathed; she admitted some

damage to the Akal Takht but insisted all Sikh artifacts

remained intact. 53. Twenty years later, however, the Union

government filed an affidavit in a court case acknowledging

that it possessed many articles, including handwritten

29

Kandola scriptures and documents, and wished to return them. 54 The

High Court then disposed of the petition, ordering the

government to return the materials, which has not yet

occurred. 55

On the morning of October 31, 1984, two Sikh security

guards in New Delhi assassinated Prime Minister Indira

Gandhi. Her murder triggered the anti-Sikh organized

violence against Sikhs across north India. In the words of

Khushwant Singh, on the night of October 31, “Politicians

belonging to the ruling Congress party met to decide how to

teach the Sikhs a lesson they would never forget.”56 In a

personal account, Jarnail Singh, author of I Accuse describes

this horrific violence:

“By the evening of 31 October some people—many from the nearby basti—started forcing their way into Sikhs house and taking awayTVs and fridges. When a few of them tried to come towards us, Sardarjitook out his kripan and chased them away…my husband, said “How canthey kill anybody like this? Isn’t there something called the law?”… suddenly a huge crowd turned up...They threw the burning sacks inside the house. When the house started burning we had no choice but to rush out…a brick thrown by the crowd hit Sardarji on the head and he fell, bleeding profusely…they hit him again and again with sticks and iron rods. I too received a few blows …they threw kerosene and some sort of inflammable white powder over me and Sardarji. They were about to light the match when somebody from the nearby Hindu priest’s house stepped in and said that they would not allow them to say or do anything to women and children. But it was clear to the mob

30

Kandola that they could burn Sardarji. Sometimes I feel that it was a good thing they saved my honor from the mob but sometimes I think that if themob was listeningso much to the priests, then they should have saved Sardarji too… I was sobbing when I was pulled away from there. He would have probably survived the pains of his wounds but the rioters had thrown kerosene and white powder over him. They must have burnt him alive.’ 57

According to the Delhi Sikh Gurudwara Management

Committee, the mobs used kerosene to burn Sikhs alive, burn

them while unconscious, and burn their dead bodies in bulk.

Before killing their victims, the mobs humiliated them and

inflicted specific acts of cruelty. The majority of the

victims were burned alive. On November 3, pacifist leader,

Swami Agnivesh, toured Trilokpuri, one of the most affected

areas, and stated:

“The carnage was mind boggling. Half burnt bodies were still

lying scattered.

Some had been mutilated by gorging their eyes. Some had

smoldering tyers

around their necks, The houses had been completely destroyed

and burnt.”58

Women were not spared in the attacks. The mobs sexually

molested and raped surviving Sikh women. Gurdip Kaur, a

survivor of the massacre, was raped in front of her youngest

31

Kandola son before they killed him along with her other two sons and

husband. In several cases, elderly women were raped in front

of their families. According to Gurdip, women anywhere from

nine to 80 years old were gang raped. The rapist then either

took the women home with them, or left them naked in the

streets. 59 Societal stigma and shame silenced the victims

as Gurdip Kaur noted, “The unmarried girls will have to stay

unmarried all their lives if they admit that they have been

dishonored. No one would marry such a girl.” 60 Moreover,

rape cases required special evidentiary procedures, which

doctors in relief camps could not follow. These doctors

intimidated the women from registering complaints and

getting medical examinations and failed to refer these women

to competent hospitals. 61

The police had sufficient force and knowledge to

effectively counter the violence. However, most officers

ignored and instigated violence and they manipulated the

records of atrocities to counter the massacres. The United

States Department of State’s 1993 Country Report on Human Rights

32

Kandola Practices: India, described the police practice of faked

encounters:

“In the typical scenario, police take into custody a suspected militant or militant supporter without filing an arrest report. If the detainee dies during interrogation or is executed, officials deny he was ever in custody and claimhe died during an armed encounter with police or security forces. Alternatively, police may claim to have been ambushed by militants while escorting a suspect. Although the detainee invariably dies in “crossfire,” police casualties in these “incidents” are rare.” 62

Moreover, the police force actively disarmed Sikhs of

their kirpans, a small sword and a Sikh article of faith,

broke up defense groups, and sent Sikhs to their homes

defenseless from the lootings and killings by the mobs. An

eyewitness, Surjit Singh, claims Congress leaders often led

mobs; they instructed mobs and policemen to kill every Sikh

and burn their properties. 64 Police officers systematically

targeted the destruction of Sikhs by refusing to report

attacks committed against Sikhs and falsified their records

to cover up the carnage of their lawless activities.

Efforts to hold the organizers of the carnage

accountable through the judicial system failed, primarily

because of the initial destruction of evidence by the

33

Kandola police, subsequent harassment of potential witnesses, and

government and political interference in the initiation of

cases. The main governmental commissions and committees

inquiring into the massacres also failed to hold accountable

the organizers of the massacres, by their own initiative or

because of pressure by Congress party officials and

governments. 65 Thus, more than 25 years later, no senior

politician or police officer has faced conviction or

official governmental condemnation for his role in the

massacres.

The Indian government has labeled the massacres of

Sikhs following Indira Gandhi’s assignation as a “riot,”

defined as a “wild or turbulent disturbance created by a

large number of people.” 66The label “riot” not only fails

to characterize the brutalities but it also paints a false

picture of disorganized crime. The human rights crimes of

1984 are more accurately described by the term, Genocide.

Sikhs were targeted for extermination as displayed through

attacks by gangs to ensure Sikhs were killed, destruction of

Sikh property such as homes, businesses, symbols and

34

Kandola structure of Sikh faith, rape and sexual assault, physical

beatings, looting, extortion, harassment, and humiliation.

Moreover, the 1984 massacres involved a heavy police

participation in the violence as well as the manipulation of

records and the destruction of evidence. The most damning

evidence against the idea of a ‘riot’ is the way it was

systematically organized, firstly by public meetings the

night before the plan was put into action, organized

broadcasting of rumors, effective identification of Sikhs

through voter and ration lists, organized transportation of

the gangs, and the systematic and uniformity in the method

of killing Sikhs. 67 Thus, the label of riot or even crimes

against humanity does not account for the aggravating factor

that the attack was specifically directed against a

religious group. It is this threat to group survival and the

higher threshold of specific intent to destroy a group that

distinguishes genocide from a riot or crimes against

humanity.68

After 27 years of grief, the Indian government still

has not accepted responsibility for killing the innocent

35

Kandola lives of Sikhs lost in the 1984 massacres. India has,

however, admitted that the state was complicit and active in

the violence that was organized and planned against Sikhs,

as they provided voter registration lists of Sikhs to target

to kill. Nevertheless, India claimed that they do not have

the capacity to find people guilty or enforce punishments.

Since 1984, there have only been 11 commissions or inquires

done by the Indian state and several cases pending. 76

Today, the Indian judicial system is still in the process of

convicting former member of Parliament, Sajjan Kumar, who

has been accused of instigating mobs to kill innocent Sikhs

in 1984 in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi's assassination.

Manmohan Singh, India’s Sikh Prime Minister today, has

apologized on behalf of the Indian government to Sikhs

advising them to ‘forgive and forget’. Although Singh may

be Sikh and wear a turban, he does not represent how Sikhs

feel about 1984. He was primarily placed in a power to be

the economic retainer of the Gandhi dynasty. Singh

bolstered India’s economic liberalization and put India on

76 Oral Interview Jaswinder Kandola (November 10, 2011)

36

Kandola the map where it is today. However, three of the largest

perpetrators of the 1984 atrocities were given cabinet

positions.77 So, the Indian state has admitted inciting one

community against another, yet they are still not doing

anything aside from apologizing and advising Sikhs to move

on? Yet, how can Sikhs feel cathartic enough to move on

from such a travesty when nothing has been addressed and no

justice has been served? India’s apathy to address Sikh

concerns may be due to that fact that most evidence has been

dismembered or destroyed and all the accused political

leaders are old and powerful, and will possibly die soon,

allowing them to escape from the pangs of justice. Although

statehood is not the only way to a peaceful solution, if

Sikhs continue to be systematically discriminated against

with no formal recognition of the 1984 Genocide, Sikhs must

focus on powerful ways to be heard and be seen to achieve

justice for their people.

Clearly, through the strategic attack on the Sikh’s

holiest temple and the violence that ensued in 1984 against

77 Oral Interview Jaswinder Kandola (November 10, 2011)

37

Kandola innocent Sikhs, the Indian government has failed to uphold

Article 2 of the Genocide Convention, as crimes were

committed with “intent to destroy, in whole or in a part, a

national ethnical, racial, or religious group.”78 The way

the Indian government completely disregarded their own

constitution when it came to the Sikhs further indicates

that the fabric of the Indian democracy is not built on

individual rights, which have varied according to the

religious affiliations of those concerned. The state

policies against Sikhs that were given to Indian

paramilitary forces would not have existed in a liberal

constitutional democracy. Due to India’s treatment of Sikhs,

the international community should uphold the Genocide

78 According to Article 2 of the on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (“Genocide Convention”):“… genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting onthe group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

38

Kandola Convention’s basic mandates on human rights and make the

Indian government recognize the violence in 1984 against

Sikhs as Genocide.

Failure to properly recognize the systematic mass

killings of 1984 has not only undermined the laws of

humanity but also has largely devalued the Sikh community

living in India, which has driven them to seek independence.

The level of political oppression has left the Sikhs in

Punjab unable to raise their voice and now, as the recent

Punjab election results demonstrate, their destiny lies in

the hands of their historic enemy the Congress party and the

right wing Hindu, both of which have shown their clear

intention to destroy the Sikhs as a nation. Meanwhile, those

who were responsible for the mass human rights violations

against the Sikhs remain protected by the Indian state. Be

that as it may, the Sikhs will never abandon their lawful

and rightful claim to independence and will, as their

history shows, ultimately overcome the forces of oppression

and injustice. While, media outlets project the image that

Punjab is now content and satisfied, unbiased observers like

39

Kandola Amnesty International claim that the basic human rights of

the Sikhs continue to be violated by the Indian state. 70

For example, on April 14, 2004, Daljit Singh Bittu, who is

currently incarcerated, founded a new political party, the

Shiromani Khalsa Dal, with “establishment of a free,

sovereign, and separate Khalistan state” as its primary

objective.71 To support this movement many Sikhs organized a

week long “Khalsa Freedom March” from the Akal Takht in

Amritsar with an objective of gaining support for the idea

of Khalistan by peaceful means. 72 India must be charged by the

International community to seek a political solution to the

Punjab crisis through a peace process to avoid additional

violence and a repeat of the 1984 massacres. The time has

come for the Sikh Nation to launch an all out struggle to

liberate the homeland of Punjab, Khalistan, through peaceful,

democratic and political means.

40

Kandola

Bibliography

Primary SourcesArchives/Biographies:

Amnesty International, “India: Break the cycle of impunity and torture in Punjab”, January 2003.  http://web.amnesty.org/aidoc/aidoc_pdf.nsf/Index/ASA200022003ENGLISH/$File/ASA2000203.pdf

Indian Army Storms Sikh Golden Temple in Punjab, Facts on File World News Digest (June 8, 1984).

Mrs. Gandhi Explains Need for Action at Golden Temple, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (June 18, 1984).

In a press conference on June 6, Lt. Gen Dayal stressed thatno damage had occurred to Harmandir Sahib. Security Forces Take Control of Golden Temple, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (June 8, 1984)

Amnesty International, India: Torture, Rape & Deaths in Custody (1992), p. 60.

Documents on Punjab Anmol Publications-New Delhi,India

Editorial, Violence in Amritsar, Financial Times (June 7, 1984), I-18.

Prachin Panth Prakash, Rattan Singh Bhangoo, edited by Bhai Vir Singh, KhalsaSamachar, Amritsar, pp.14-17.

41

Kandola

Article 2 of Genocide Convention

Guru Granth Sahib (holy Sikh scripture)

Shiromani Khalsa Dal, “Daljit Singh Founds New Party on Idealism and Activism”, http://sikhe.com/htmlpages/2004/0416_skd_pressrelease.htm

Jodh Singh, Varan Bhai Gurdas: Text, Transliteration and Translation, Vol.1, (Patiala: Vision and Venture, 1998), p. 75.

Jarnail Singh, I Accuse: The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984, (New Delhi:Penguin, 2009) pp.140-141.

Films:BBC Program, Remembrance- The Sikh Story Full program, firstaired 11/9/2010 http://www.saanj.net/video/bbc-remembrance-the-sikh

Lecture/Interviews:

Kandola, Jaswinder Singh. 2011.

Singh , Giani .2011.

Kandola, Surjit Singh. 2011.

Secondary SourcesBooks and Articles: Jugdep Chima, The Sikh Separatist Insurgency in India, (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2010), p.32.

Jaskaran Kaur, Twenty Year of Impunity (Portland, OR: Ensaaf, 2006), p.101.

Jarnail Singh, I Accuse: The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984, (New Delhi:Penguin, 2009) pp.140-141.

42

Kandola Kapur, Anup Chand, The Punjab Crisis, New Delhi: S. Chand, 1985, p. 45.

Khushwant Singh, My Bleeding Punjab (New Delhi: UBS Publishers’ Distributors, 1992), 50.

Alexander Greenawalt, Rethinking Genocidal Intent, (Pace University, 1999) p.293

Ramachandra Guha, India after Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy (New York: Harper Perennial, 2008).

Kumar, Ram N. The Sikh Unrest and the Indian State: Politics, Personalities, and Historical Retrospective. New Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1997.

Harnik Deol, Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of the Punjab, (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 93.

Zakria Fareed. The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, (New York: W.W. Norton, 2004) , p. 17.

Alexander Greenawalt, Rethinking Genocidal Intent, (Pace University, 1999) p.293

Sikh News Bureau, “Khalsa March for Freedom”, http://www.sikhe.com/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=1658

Shiromani Khalsa Dal, “Daljit Singh Founds New Party on Idealism and Activism”, http://sikhe.com/htmlpages/2004/0416_skd_pressrelease.htm

Sikh News Bureau, “Khalsa March for Freedom”, http://www.sikhe.com/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=1658

Jodh Singh, Varan Bhai Gurdas: Text, Transliteration and Translation, Vol.1, (Patiala: Vision and Venture, 1998), p. 75.

43

Kandola

Singh, Gurmit, History of Sikh Struggles (New Delhi: South Asia Books, 1989), pp. 110-112.

Iqbal Singh , Punjab Under Siege: A Critical Analysis (New York: Allen, McMillan and Enderson, 1986), p. 18. 

Human Rights Watch, Punjab in Crisis: Mrs. Gandhi’s Last Battle (London: Cape, 1985), pp.184-5.

William K. Stevens, Indian Army Takes over Security in Punjab as New Violence Flares, (New York Times : June 3, 1984).

William K. Stevens, Heavy Fighting Reported at Shrine in Amritsar, (NewYork Times: June 5, 1984).

Ram Kumar, The Sikh Unrest and the Indian State: Politics, Personalities, and Historical Retrospective (New Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1997) .

Harminder Kaur, 1984:Lessons From History (New Delhi: Corporate Vision, 2010).

Madhu Kishwar, Gangster Rule, pp.176-7.

Material Seized During Bluestar to be Returned, Tribune (April 27, 2004), athttp://www.tribuneindia.com/2004/20040427/punjab1.htm#38.

Kumar, Ram Narayan, et. al., Reduced to Ashes, (New York: Penguin, 2007),

S atwant Singh, The Sikhs (London: John Murray, 1999).

Human Rights Watch, Punjab in Crisis: Mrs. Gandhi’s Last Battle (London: Cape, 1985), pp.184-5.

Jaskaran Kaur, Twenty Year of Impunity (Portland, OR: Ensaaf, 2006).

44

Kandola Neal Robbins, International, United Press Int’l (June 6, 1984)

Citizens for Democracy, Report to the Nation, p. 66.

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—1993: India, 31 Jan. 1994, at http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1993_hrp_report/93hrp_report_sasia/India.html

1Zakria Fareed. The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, (New York: W.W. Norton, 2004) , p. 17.

2Ramachandra Guha, India after Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy (New York: Harper Perennial, 2008).

3Singh, Kapur, “Golden Temple and Its Theo-political Status,” http://www.sikhcoalition.org/Sikhism16.asp

4According to Article 2 of the on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (“Genocide Convention”):“… genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting onthe group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

5Harminder Kaur, 1984:Lessons From History (New Delhi: Corporate Vision, 2010), p.158

6Jodh Singh, Varan Bhai Gurdas: Text, Transliteration and Translation, Vol. 1, (Patiala: Vision and Venture, 1998), p. 75.

45

Kandola 7Iqbal Singh , Punjab Under Siege: A Critical Analysis (New York: Allen, McMillan and Enderson, 1986), p. 18. 

8A composition attributed to Guru Gobind Singh in the Sarab Loh Granth declares: khalsa akal purakh ki fauj; pargatiyo khalsa parmatam ki mauj,  meaning “The Khalsa is the army of God and was came into existence through the Will of God.” 

9Oral Interview, Surinder Singh (October 8, 2011)

10Singh, Gurmit, History of Sikh Struggles (New Delhi: South Asia Books, 1989),pp.114.

11On April 13, 1919, Punjabis gathered in Amritsar's Jallianwala Bagh as part of the Sikh Festival "Vaisakhi fair" and to protest at British extraordinary measures. General Dyer appeared at the head of a contingent of Britishtroops. Giving no word of warning, he ordered soldiers to fire into the gathering, and several rounds of ammunition were unloaded into the screaming, terrified crowd, some of whom were trampled by those desperately trying to escape. Many Hindus and Sikhs died.

12 http://www.khalistan.net/?p=832

13Anup Chand Kapur, The Punjab Crisis (New Delhi: S. Chand, 1985 ), p. 45.

14Ibid, p.56.

15Singh, Kapur, Sachi Sakhi,   Amritsar: SGPC, 1993, p. 4-5.  Kapur Singh was one of the officials who received a copy of the memorandum and speaks as an insider.

16Kapur, Anup Chand, The Punjab Crisis, New Delhi: S. Chand, 1985, p. 45.

46

Kandola 17Gurmit, Singh, History of Sikh Struggles (New Delhi: South Asia Books, 1989), p.90-93

18Ibid, pp. 110-111.

19Harminder Kaur, 1984:Lessons From History (New Delhi: CorporateVision, 2010), p.24.

20Ibid, p.159.

21Ibid, p. 160.

22Harnik Deol, Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of the Punjab, (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 93.

23Jugdep Chima, The Sikh Separatist Insurgency in India, (New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2010), p.32.

24Ibid, pp.32-34.

25Patwant Singh, The Sikhs, 207.

26Harminder Kaur, 1984:Lessons From History (New Delhi: CorporateVision, 2010), p.77.

27Ram Kumar, The Sikh Unrest and the Indian State: Politics, Personalities, andHistorical Retrospective (New Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1997) p.45.

28Ibid., 211.

29Ibid., 211-2.

30Harminder Kaur, 1984:Lessons From History (New Delhi: CorporateVision, 2010), p.98.

31Harminder Kaur, 1984:Lessons From History (New Delhi: CorporateVision, 2010), p.88.

47

Kandola

32Ibid, pp.88-89.

33Ibid, pp.89-90.

34Harnik Deol, Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of the Punjab, (London: Routledge, 2000), p.104.

35Ibid, pp. 102-104.

36Ibid, p. 105.

37Khushwant Singh, My Bleeding Punjab (New Delhi: UBS Publishers’ Distributors, 1992), 50.

38Harnik Deol, Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of the Punjab, (London: Routledge, 2000), p.106.

39Harminder Kaur, 1984:Lessons From History (New Delhi: CorporateVision, 2010), p.105.

40Ibid, p. 166.

41Ibid, p.167.

42Editorial, Violence in Amritsar, Financial Times (June 7, 1984), I-18.

43Indian Army Storms Sikh Golden Temple in Punjab, Facts on File World News Digest (June 8, 1984),

44Amnesty International, India: Torture, Rape & Deaths in Custody (1992), p. 60.

45Oral Interview Giani Singh (October 12, 2011)

46William K. Stevens, Indian Army Takes over Security in Punjab as New Violence Flares, (New York Times : June 3, 1984).

48

Kandola 47William K. Stevens, Heavy Fighting Reported at Shrine in Amritsar, (New York Times: June 5, 1984).

48Kumar, Ram Narayan, et. al., Reduced to Ashes, (New York: Penguin, 2007), p. 34. 

49Human Rights Watch, Punjab in Crisis: Mrs. Gandhi’s Last Battle (London: Cape, 1985), pp.184-5.

50Ibid, pp.194-7.

51Neal Robbins, International, United Press Int’l (June 6, 1984)

52Citizens for Democracy, Report to the Nation, p. 66.

53Mrs. Gandhi Explains Need for Action at Golden Temple, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (June 18, 1984).

54In a press conference on June 6, Lt. Gen Dayal stressed that no damage had occurred to Harmandir Sahib. Security Forces Take Control of Golden Temple, BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (June 8, 1984)

55Material Seized During Bluestar to be Returned, Tribune (April 27, 2004), athttp://www.tribuneindia.com/2004/20040427/punjab1.htm#38.

56Ram Narayan Kumar , et. al., Reduced to Ashes, p. 42

57Jarnail Singh, I Accuse: The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984, (New Delhi:Penguin, 2009) pp.3-5.

58Documents on Punjab Anmol Publications-New Delhi,India

59Madhu Kishwar, Gangster Rule, pp.176-7.

60Ibid, p.179.

49

Kandola 61Ibid, p.180.

62Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Country Reportson Human Rights Practices—1993: India, 31 Jan. 1994, at http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/1993_hrp_report/93hrp_report_sasia/India.html

63A sword, a Sikh article of faith.

64Oral Interview with Sujit Singh (October 8, 2011)

65Oral Interview Surjit Singh (October 8, 2011)

66Dictionary.com http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/riot

67Jaskaran Kaur, Twenty Year of Impunity (Portland, OR: Ensaaf, 2006), p.101.

68Alexander Greenawalt, Rethinking Genocidal Intent, (Pace University, 1999) p.293

69Jarnail Singh, I Accuse: The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984, (New Delhi:Penguin, 2009) pp.140-141.

70Amnesty International, “India: Break the cycle of impunityand torture in Punjab”, January 2003. 

71Shiromani Khalsa Dal, “Daljit Singh Founds New Party on Idealism and Activism”, http://sikhe.com/htmlpages/2004/0416_skd_pressrelease.htm

72Sikh News Bureau, “Khalsa March for Freedom”, http://www.sikhe.com/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=1658

50