Shibatani, M., Artawa, I K., and Ghanggo Ate, Y. (2015). Benefactive constructions in Western...

Benefactive constructions in western Austronesian

—Grammaticalization of GIVE—

Masayoshi ShibataniRice University

Ketut ArtawaUdayana University

&Yustinus Ghanggo Ate

STKIP Weetebula

(Weetebula College of Teacher Training and Education)

(This work was in part supported by the NSF grant BCS-0617198)

NINJAL International Symposium

Grammaticalization in Japanese and Across LanguagesJuly 3-5, 2015

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―western Austronesian ‖

≠ ―Western Malayo-Polynesian languages‖ (term for a genetic group)

*Alexander Adelaar and Nikolaus Himmelmann (eds.) 2004.The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar. London:Routledge.

= non-Oceanic Austronesian languages

Terms

(geographic term*)

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―western Austronesian‖

4Nusa Tenggara

WesternMalayo-Polynesian

Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian

Balinese Sasak Sumbawa Bima KodiWeyewa

Kambera

Sabu/Hawu Rote Helong Tetun Dili

Manggarai

Razong Lio Sikka Lamaholot

Languages of Nusa Tenggara being studied

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western Austronesian language types

1. Focusing languages

a. Four-way morphological/structural contrastFormosan, Malagasy, Philippine languages

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LF: Pi-nagulutu-an nila ng=karne ang=kawaliLF-cook-LF they GEN=meat TOP=pan‗They cooked some meat in the frying pan.

AF: Um-akyat siya sa=punong mangga.AF-climb he.TOP GEN=tree mango‗He climbed a mango tree.‘

Austronesian focus constructions

Proto-Austronesian focus morphology: <*um> Actor, *-ən Patient, *-an Location, *Si - Circumstantial

Tagalog reflexes

PF: In-akyat niya ang=punong mannga.PF=climb he.GEN TOP=tree mango‗He climbed the mango tree.‘

CF: I-b<in>ili ng=lalaki ng=relo ang=babae. (Benefactive)CF-buy<PRFV> GEN=man GEN=watch TOP=woman‗The man bought the woman a watch.‘

Demise of focus morphology

4-way contrast

FormosanPhilippine

3-way 2-way Ø

Kavalan (Formosan)Thao (Formosan)Lun Dayeh (Sawarak)

Malay/Indonesian Javanese, Balinese

Rukai (Formosan)

AF, PFLF, CF

AF, PF /LF (-an)CF (Kavalan)

AF, PF, LF(Thao)

AF (N-)PF (Ø-)

PAn focus morphology : <*um> Actor, *-ən Patient, *-an Location, *Si - Circumstantial

Sasak Sasak

Sumbawa Sumbawa

AF, PF, IF(Lun Dayeh; Clayre 2005)

Central-easternM-P languages

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Western Austronesian language types



b. Two-way morphological/structural contrastWestern Indonesia, Eastern Indonesia, western Nusa Tenggara

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Standard Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia) a. AF construction (N-)

Saya me-motong daging.I AF-cut meat‗I cut some meat.‘

b. PF construction (Ø-)Daging itu saya potong. meat that I PF.cut‗I cut the meat.‘

Balinese (Basa Bali) a. AF construction (N-)

Tiang n-godot be.I AF-cut meat‗I cut some meat.‘

b. PF construction (Ø-)Be=ne godot tiang. meat=DEF PF.cut I‗I cut the meat.‘

Puyung meno-mené Sasaka. Aku nyengke bace buku=ni

I PROG read book=this‗I am reading this book.‘

b. Buku=ni nyengke=k bacebook=this PROG=1SG read ‗I am reading this book.‘

Pancor ngeno-ngené Sasaka. Oku kenyengka-ng=ku mbace buku ini (N-AF)

I PROG-LIN=1 N.read book this‗I am reading this book.‘

b. Buku ini kenyengka-ng=ku bace (Ø-PF)book this PROG-LIN=1 Ø.read‗I am reading this book.‘

Sasak (Lombok Island)—losing morphological contrastbut structural contrast remains

(AF)

(PF)

Bima (Sila dialect; Eastern Sumbawa)

Further east

a. Nggomi ra tu‗ba=mu nahu (AF)you PERF hit=2 I‗You have hit me.‘

b. Nahu ra tu‗ba ‗ba nggomi (PF)I PERF hit by you‗You have hit me.‘

Manngarai (Ruteng dialect)a. Siti omo aku (AF)

Siti kiss I‗Siti kisses me.‘

b. Aku le=Siti omo. (PF)I by=Siti kiss‗Siti kisses me.‘

Western Flores

Riung‗Ali stabbed me.‘a. Ali ndwa(=i) aku. (AF)b. Aku le=Ali ndwa=i (PF)

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2. Isolating languagesEastern Nusa Tenggara, especially central Flores

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Sumba/Flores languages

Highly isolating

KamberaWeyewaKodi

Moderate morphology

Some morphology

Some morphology

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Kambera (Lewa Dialect)

Nyuna na=tulih=nya na ama=na hurat he 3SG=write=3SG.OBJ ART father=3SG.POSS letter

‗He wrote a letter for his father‘

Sumba Island

Kodi

Yamma ma=pa-ngandi=ni ndingi tanggu ana=ma we.PL 1PL.EXCL=CAUS-send=3SG.OBJ money to/for child=1PL.EXCL.POSS

We sent money to our child

Weyewa

Yamme ma=pa-ngindi-wi riti mbara na ana=muwe 1PL.EXCL=CAUS-send-3SG.OBJ money to ART child=2PL.POSS

‗We sent money to your child.‘

Central Flores Island

Kéo (Baird 2002)Jon mo'o kema tau ghumb sa‘o ha=di‘é ti‘i ‗iné ‗imuJohn want work do roof house one=CLF GIVE mother 3SG‗Jon will make a roof for his mother‘

Ngadha Gazi pesu payung ti‗i ine gazi3SG buy umbrella GIVE mother 3SG‗She bought an umbreall for her mother.‗

Lio (Ende)Kai tuli sura eka ema kai3SG write letter to father 3SG‗He writes a letter to his father.‘

Lewotobi Lamaholot (Naonori Nagaya)

1 a. go k-oi teʔe . (AF)

1SG 1SG-know this‗I know this.‘

b. teʔe go k-oi. (PF)this 1SG 1SG-know‗This, I know.‘

2 a. Ra r-enu tuaʔ (AF) 3PL 3PL-drink tuak‗They drink tuak.‘

b. Tuaʔ ra r-enu (PF) tuak 3PL 3PL-drink‗Tuak, they drink.‘

Further east; Sikka, Lewotobi Lamaholot, Adonara Lamaholot

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Adonara Lamaholot

Go‘e k-enu tua ana=k ana go‘e=nI 1SG-drink tuak child=POSS child I=POSS‗I drink tuak.‘ ‗my child‘ ‗my child‘

Mo‘e m-enu tua ana mo‘e=n‗You drink tuak,‘ child you=POSS

‗your child‘Na‘e n-enu tua ‗He drinks tuak.‘

Kame m-enu tua ‗We drink tuak.‘

Ra‘e r-enu tua‗They drink tuak.‘

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b. Two-way morphological/structural contrastwestern Indonesia, eastern Indonesia, western Nusa Tenggara

2. Isolating languageseastern Nusa Tenggara, especially Central Flores

How do these typological characteristics in the western Austronesian area correlate with the types and grammaticalization of benefactive constructions, the GIVE-based ones in particular?

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a. Four-way morphological/structural contrast

Formosan, Malagasy, Philippine languages


2. Isolating languages

Eastern Nusa Tenggara, especially Central Flores

By focusing morphology (CF/BF); Malagasy

By applicative morphology (+ Serial GIVE); Balinese

N-an-draho-an‘ny lehilahy trondro ny vehivavy.PST-CF-cook-CF.GEN.DET man fish DET woman‗The man cooked the woman fish.‘

Tiang nulis-ang bapa=ne surat Tiang nulis surat baang bapa=neI write-BEN father=3.POSS letter I write letter GIVE father=3.POSS

‗I wrote a letter for him.‘ ‗ I wrote a letter for his father.‘

By Serial GIVE (+ GIVE ditransitive); Razon (Central Florees)

Gia tulis surat zou emang Gia tulis zou emang surat3 write letter GIVE father 3 write GIVE father letter‗He wrote a letter for (his) father.‘ ‗He wrote a letter to his father.‘

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Patterns of benefactive constructions

Shibatani (1996:165): ―benefactives … are based on … ‗give‘ constructions‖

Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1996. Applicatives and benefactives: A cognitive account. In MasayoshiShibatani & Sandra A. Thompson (eds.), Grammatical constructions. Their form and meaning, 157–194. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Spread of benefactive constructions (intra- and cross-linguistically)

Form

Meaning

Those situations (e.g. ones involving transfer of a concrete object) easier to construe in terms of the GIVE schema allow benefactives more readily than those that are not.

Double object construction (DOC; Neutral)

John gave Mary a book. (GIVE)John bought Mary a book. (BEN)

Indirect object construction (Indirective)

Taroo ga Hanako ni hon o yatta. (GIVE)Taro NOM Hanako DAT book ACC gave‗Taro gave a book to Hanako.‘Taroo ga Hanako ni hon o katte yatta. (BEN)Taro NOM Hanako DAT book ACC buy.CON GAVE

Lexical GIVE verbs are recruited as a benefactive marker

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Alignment preferences in basic vs. derived ditransitives

basic derived number total

neutral neutral 33 (100%) (T = P = R) DOCneutral indirective — 33 (44.6%)neutral secundative —

indirective neutral 10 (30.3%)indirective indirective 21 (63.6%) 33 (44.6%) (T = P ≠ R) indirective secundative 2 (6.1%)

secundative neutral —secundative indirective — 8 (10.8%)secundative secundative 8 (100%) (T ≠ P = R)

total 74 74

―The numbers in Table refer to languages represented in the database that have morphological causatives and applicatives.‖ (285)

Andrej L. Malchukov 2013.Alignment preferences in basic and derived ditransitives.In: Dik Bakker & Martin Haspelmath (eds.) Languages across boundaries. Studies in memory of Anna Siewierska. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2013, 263-291.

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Form

Meaning






Lexical GIVE verbs are recruited as a benefactive markerNot arealNot typological

Typological areal?

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Alignment preferences in basic vs. derived ditransitives

basic derived number total

neutral neutral 33 (100%) (T = P = R) DOCneutral indirective — 33 (44.6%)neutral secundative —

indirective neutral 10 (30.3%)indirective indirective 21 (63.6%) 33 (44.6%) (T = P ≠ R) indirective secundative 2 (6.1%)

secundative neutral —secundative indirective — 8 (10.8%)secundative secundative 8 (100%) (T ≠ P = R)

total 74 74

―The numbers in Table refer to languages represented in the database that have morphological causatives and applicatives.‖ (285)

Andrej L. Malchukov 2013.Alignment preferences in basic and derived ditransitives.In: Dik Bakker & Martin Haspelmath (eds.) Languages across boundaries. Studies in memory of Anna Siewierska. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2013, 263-291.

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GIVE benefactives in Nusa Tenggara

Eastward spread

Standard Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia)

Saya membeli payung beri ibu saya. 3 (out of 1-5/bad-good scale)I buy umbrella give mother I

Ayah membangun rumah beri saya. 3father built house give me

Dia membaca buku beri ibu-nya. 13SG read book give other=3SG.POSS

Dia pergi ke pasar beri ibu=nya 13SG go to the market give mother=3SG.POSS

‗I bought an umbrella and gave (it) to my mother.‘

Saya membeli payung untuk ibu saya.I buy umbrella for mother I‗I bought an umbrella for my mother.‘

Dia membuka pintu itu beri kami 33 open door that give 1.PL

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GIVE benefactives in Nusa Tenggara

Eastward spread

Standard Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia)

Saya membeli payung beri ibu saya. 3 (out of 1-5/bad-good scale)I buy umbrella give mother I

‗I bought an umbrella and gave (it) to my mother.‘

Balinese (Basa Bali)Tiang meli payung baang memen tiang=eI buy umbrella GIVE mother I=POSS‗I bought an umbrella for my mother.‘

Serial GIVE benefactive constructions are found all the way to the east of Nusa Tenggara, except for Sasak (Lombok Island), which has not grammaicalized GIVE as a BEN marker.

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Forms of benefactive constructions in Nusa Tenggara

Lexical ditransitive (DOC)

Ama tu‘u ana siwe=na uma (Bima, Sumbawa Island)father built child female=3SG house‗Father built a house for his daughter.‘

Prepositional

Ama tu‘u=na uma ru‘u ana siwe=na (Bima)father build=3SG house for child female=3SG‗Father built a house for his daughter.‘

Serial GIVE

Ama tu‘u=na uma mbei=na ana siwe=na (Bima)father build=3SG house GIVE=3SG child female=3SG‗Father built a house for his daughter.‘

GIVE ditransitive

Ama tu‘u mbei=na ana siwe=na uma (Bima)father build GIVE=3SG child female=3SG house‗Father built a house for his daughter.‘

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Prepositions vs. serialized GIVEBima

a. Ama tu‘u=na uma ru‘u ana siwe=nafather build=3SG house for child female=3SG‗Father built a house for his daughter.‘

b. Ama tu‘u=na uma mbei=na ana siwe=nafather build=3SG house GIVE=3SG child female=3SG‗Father built a house for his daughter.‘

a‘. Ru‘u ana siwe=na , ama tu‘u=na uma Preposing of PP

b‘. *Mbei=na ana siwe=na, ama tu‘u=na uma Preposing of serial GIVE

*ru‘u=na

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Lembata Lamaholot

b. Goe denǝ kluo nei/soro bapa=k I cook rice GIVE/GIVE father=1SG‗I cooked rice for my father.‘

b‘. *Nei/Soro bapa-k, goe denǝ kluo

a. Goe ka kluo di bilik napipeI eat rice in room this‗I ate rice in this room.‘

a‘. di bilik napipe, goe ka kluo

Adonara Lamaholot

Si ama na‘en, na tulis suratto his father, he wrote a letter

?Nein ama na‘en, na tulis surat (first time OK; second time NO)GIVE his father, he wrote a letter.

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Helong (off Kupang, Timor)

nol un ama kua, un dul surat with her father that she write letter‗With her father, she wrote a letter.‘

?Beel un ama kua un dul surat (first time NO; second time O.K.)GIVE her father that she write letter.

Au beel bua beel tana ana kuaI give banana to? person child that‗I gave a banana to that child.‘

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Forms of benefactive constructions in Nusa Tenggara


Ama tu‘u ana siwe=na uma (Bima, Sumbawa Island)father build child female=3SG house‗Father build a house for his daughter.‘

Prepositional


Serial GIVE


GIVE ditransitive


[tu‘u mbei]=na verb compound?

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Helonga. Au pait daek beel auk amang

I again work GIVE my father‗I worked for my father again.‘

b. Au daek pait beel auk amang.I work again GIVE my father‗I worded for my father again.‘

Insertion of adverbs

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Table 6.1: Summary (Nagaya 2014: 243)

DITRANSITIVE ALTERNATION BENEFACTIVE ALTERNATION

PRODUCTIVITY Non-productive Productive

TARGET Recipient Recipient-beneficial

SYMMETRICITY Symmetric applicative Asymmetric applicative

Lewotobi Lamaholot (Nagaya 201)

Ditransitive alternation:Prepositional-recipient constructiona. go neĩ buku ia Nia.

1SG give book LOC Nia‗I gave a book to Nia.‘

Ditransitive constructionb. go neĩ Nia buku.

1SG give Nia book‗I gave Nia a book.‘

Benefactive alternation:Benefactive serial verb constructiona. go biho lama neĩ Ika.

1SG cook rice GIVE Ika‗I cooked rice for Ika.‘

Benefactive constructionb. go biho Ika lama.

1SG cook Ika rice‗I cooked Ika rice.‘

Nagaya, Naonori 2014. Ditransitives and benefactives in Lamaholot. In I Wayan ArkaAnd M.L.K. Mas Indrawati (eds.) Argument Relations and Related Constructions inAustronesian Languages. Canberra: Asia-Pacific Linguistics, ANU. 227-245.

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Problems of characterizing ditransitives in terms of their correspondencewith prepositional constructions and GIVE-serial constructions, i.e., in terms of ―ditransitive alternation‖ and ―benefactive alternation‖.

1. Some languages (e.g. Lembata Lamaholot, Helong) do not have a separate prepositional phrase—they use GIVE for give-expressions (give a book GIVE the boy).

2. Many languages have benefactive ditransitive constructions withoutcorresponding GIVE-serial constructions and GIVE-serial constructionswithout corresponding benefactive ditransitive constructions—they do nothave partners to alternate with.

Ditransitive constructions must be studied on their own right independentlyfrom their alternation partners, which may not have.

Does the ditransitive/benefactive dichotomy in terms of Object Asymmetryargued for by Nagaya (2014) really obtain?

Likewise, GIVE-serial constructions must be studied independently fromcorresponding ditransitives, though how they interact with existingditransives in their development is an interesting question, which we explorebelow.

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Ditransitive construction

Go neĩ teʔẽ anaʔ gula

1SG give this child candy‗I gave this child candy.‘

Lewotobi Lamaholot (Nagaya 2014)

teʔẽ anaʔ yang [go neĩ __ gula].this child REL 1SG give candy‗This is the child I gave candy.‘teʔẽ gula yang [go neĩ mo __].this candy REL 1SG give 2SG‗This is the candy that I gave you.‘

Benefactive constructionGo hope teʔẽ anaʔ gula

I buy this child candy ‗I bought this child candy.‘

teʔẽ anaʔ yang [go hope __ gula]this child REL 1SG buy candy‗This is the child for whom I bought candy.‘

*teʔẽ gula yang [go hope mo __].this candy REL 1SG buy 2SGIntended for ‗This is the candy I bought you.‘

symmetric double objects

asymmetric double objects

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Lio

Makes no difference between the two types of ditransitives—relativizationapplies to both first and second objects (double objects are symmtrical)

In other languages, there is no clear boundary between the two types ofditransitives—those semantically closer to GIVE construction tend to havesymmatrical objects, those further away tend to show variation in the treatment of the two objects. (Bima, Adonara Lamaholot, Lembata Lamaholot)

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Lembata Lamaholot

GIVEa. Go(e) nei/soro ana muko

I give/give child banana ‗I gave the child a banana.‘b. ana yang [goe nei/soro __ muko] ‗the child whom I give a banana.‘c. muko napipe yang [Goe nei/soro ana __ ] ‗the banana that I gave to the child.‘

SENDa. Moe gnatu tǝmǝ moe buku ‗You sent your friend a book.‘

you send friend youbookb. ǝmǝ moe yang [moe ngatu __ buku] ‗your friend whom you sent a book‘ c. ?buku yang [moe ngatu tǝmǝ moe __ ] ‗the book that you sent your friend‘

more acceptable with prep: nei ‗GIVE‘d. buku yang [moe ngatu __ nei tǝmǝ moe] ‗the book that you sent

to your friend‘

FEEDa.Nae taku ana kluo ‗She fed the child rice.‘

she feed child riceb. ana yang [nae taku __ kluo] ‗the child whom she fed rice.‘ c. kluo yang [nae taku ana __ ] ‗the rice that she fed the child‘

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BUYa. Go(e) hopi ana majo ‗I bought an umbrella for the child‘

I buy child umbrella b. ana yang [goe hopi __ majo] ‗the child for whom I bought an umbrealla‘

c. *majo yang [goe hopi ana __ ]

THROW AWAYa. Nae tifǝ ana jregen ‗He threw away the garbage for the child.‘

he throw.away child garbage b. ana yang [nae tifǝ __ jregen] ‗the child for whom he threw away the garbage‘c. ?jregen napipe yang [nae tifǝ ana __ ] ‗the garbage that he threw away for

the child‘

BUILDa. Nae dei ana lango ‗He built a house for the child‘

he build child houseb. *ana yang [nae dei __ lango] ‗the child for whom he built a house‘

c. *lango yang [nae dei ana __ ] ‗the house that he built for the child‘

Lembata Lamaholot

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Distribution of different types of benefactive constructions

Ditransitive GIVE-Ditransitive Serial GIVE(V NP NP) (V GIVE NP NP) (V NP GIVE NP)

Balinese Productive No Limitedw/ -ang, -in

Sasak Productive No No w/ -ang, -in

Sumbawa Limited No Limitedno –ang, -in

Bima Productive with Limited Limitedwea

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Kodi Productive w/ No LimitedObj clitic

Weyewa Limited Limited Limitedeven w/Obj clitic

Kambera Productive Limited Limitedw/ OBJ clitics

S

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Sabu/Hawu Limited Limited Productive

Rote Productive Productive Productive

Helong Limited Productive Productive

Tetun Dili Extremely Limited ProductiveLimited


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Flores Island

Manggarai Limited? Limited Limited(Ketut)

Manggarai Productive No Limited(Yanche)

Razong Mildly Limited ProductiveLimited

Lio Productive Productive Productive

Sikka Limited Productive Productive


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Lamaholot Productive Productive Productive(Lewotobi)

Lamaholot Limited Productive Productive(Adonara) w/ some limit w/ some limit

Lamaholot Productive Productive Productive(Lembata) w/ some limit


Relationship between GIVE-Ditransitive and Serial GIVE

Productive ⊃ Productive

No/Limited ⊂ No/Limited

GIVE-ditransitive is further development of Serial GIVE construction

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Where GIVE-ditransitives are not fully developed

Bima

a. Nahu weli=ku payu mbei=ku ina=kuI buy=1SG umbrella GIVE=SG mother=1SG‗I bought an umbrealla for my mother.‘

a‘. ahu weli mbei=ku ina=ku payu (―O.K. but rarely used‖)

b. Nahu ndawi=ku karedo mbei=ku ina=kuI make=1SG porridge GIVE=1SG mother=1SG‗I made porridge for my mother.‘

b‘. *Nahu ndawi mbei=ku ina=ku karedo

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Form

Meaning







☞

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Spread of GIVE serial constructionsGIVE Ditransitive

FEED

SHOWTEACH Serial GIVESENDTHROWKICK (BALL)WRITESELLBUYFETCHSTEALCOOKBUILD SWEEP (ROOM) DRAW (PICTURE)WASH CLOTHESOPEN (DOOR)PLANT (FLOWERS/PADDY)READSING (SONG)DANCE (DANCE)

-------- Kodi, Weyewa, Kambera (all on Sumba Is)

----------Balinese; Bima (DRAW O.K.); Sumbawa (WASH,DRAW O.K.)

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Surprise!

Intransitive-based Serial GIVE (often ―WORK GIVE‖ works)

Bima*Nahu rawa mbei=ku ana=kuI sing sing =1SG child=1SG‗I sang for my children.‘

*Sia karawi mbei=ku nahu3 work GIVE-1SG 1‗He works for me.‘

Kodi*Yayo ku=lodho wo=ni bhapa=nggu 1 1SGl=sing give-3SG.OBJ father=1SG.POSS‗I sang for my father.‘

Yayo ku=paghili wo=ni bhapa=nggu1 1SG=work give=3SG.OBJ father=1SG.lPOSS‗I work for my father.‘

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Form

Meaning







☞

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Problem of translation in grammar description


Ama tu‘u ana siwe=na uma (Bima, Sumbawa Island)father build child female=3SG house‗Father build a house for his daughter.‘

Prepositional


Serial GIVE


GIVE ditransitive


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Semantics of benefactives

―The beneficiary is a participant that is advantageousely affectedby an event without being its obligatory participant (either agent or Primary target, i.e. patient).‖ (Zúñiga and Kittilä 2010:2)

―Plain benefactive‖

―Deputative-benefactive‖

―Benefactive-recipient‖

Van Valin, Robert and Randy La Polla. 1997. Syntax. Cambridge: CUP)

Zúñiga and Kittilä (eds.) 2010. Benefactives and Malefactives: Typological Perspective and Case Studies. Amsterdam: John Benjamins)

Van Valin and La Polla (1997:383ff)

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Recipient beneficiary

You write a letter to your father as a favor (he wanted to hear from you).

Deputative recipient beneficiary

You write a letter on behalf of your illiterate father and give it to him.

Deputative beneficiary

Your write a letter and mail it out on behalf of your illiterate father.(Your father does not receive the letter.)

Plain beneficiary

Sikka: A'u lebe uhe weli Maria Serial GIVEI close door GIVE Maria‗I closed the door for Maria.‘

Sikka: A‘u lebe weli Maria uhe. GIVE ditransitiveI close GIVE Maria door‗I closed the door on behalf of Maria—she asked for it).‘

You just do some favor for the beneficiary

Elaboration

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Helong

a. un dul un ama kua surat3SG write 3SG father that letterLit. ‗S/he wrote her/his father a letter.‘

b. Un dul surat beel un ama kua3SG write letter GIVE 3SG father that―She wrote a letter for her father.‘


*Recipient beneficiary

*Deputative beneficiary

≠English: She wrote her father a letter.

Balinese

a. Tiang nulis surat ke bapa=ne

I write letter to father-3.POSS‗I wrote a letter to his father.‘

Recipient *BEN

c. Tiangnulis-ang bapa=ne surat *Recipient BENI write-BEN father=3.poss letter Deputative recipient BEN‗ I wrote a letter for his father.‘ Deputative BEN

Use of GIVE limitedd. Tiang nulis surat baang bapa=ne. Recipient BEN

I write letter GIVE father=3POSS Deputative recipient BEN‗I wrote a letter for his father.‘ *Deputative BEN

e. *Tiang nulis baang bapa=ne surat

b. Tiang nulis=in bapa=ne suratI write=LOC.APPL father=3SG letter‗I wrote my father a letter.‘

Recipient *BEN

Grammaticalization of GIVE: Recipient BEN > Deputative BEN

Stage 1

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Kambera (Lewa Dialect; Sumba Island)

a. Nyuna na=tulih=nya na ama=na hurat he 3SG=write=3SG.OBJ ART father=3SG.POSS letter


Recipient BENDeputative recipient

BENDeputative BEN

Use GIVE limited b. Nyun na=tulih=nya hurat wo=nya na ama=na

he 3SG=write=3SG.OBJ letter GIVE=3SG.OBJ ART father=3SG.POSS


BEN*Deputative BEN

c. Nyuna na=tulih wo=nya na ama=na hurat Recipient BENhe 3SG=write GIVE=3SG.OBJ ART father=3SG.POSS letter Deputative recipient

BEN*Deputative BEN

Stage 2 (development of (c) pattern)

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Lio (Central Flores)

Kai tuli ema kai sura Recipient BENs/he write father s/he letter *Deputative recipient BEN‗S/he wrote his/her father a letter.‘ *Deputative BEN

Kai tuli sura ema kai *Recipient BENs/he write letter father s/he Deputative recipient BEN‗He writes a letter for his father‘ Deputative BEN

Use of GIVE productiveKai tuli sura pati ema kai. Recipient BENs/he write letter GIVE father s/he Deputative recipient BEN‗S/he wrote a letter for his/her father.‘ Deputative BEN

Kai tuli pati ema kai sura. Recipient BENs/he write GIVE father s/he letter Deputative recipient BEN‗S/he wrote a letter for his/her father.‘ Deputative BEN

Stage 3 (Acquisition of deputative meaning)

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Helong

a. un dul un ama kua suratS/he write s/he father that letterLit. ‗S/he wrote her/his father a letter.‘

b. Un dul surat beel un ama kuas/he write letter GIVE she father that―She wrote a letter for her father.‘


c. Un dul beel un ama kua surats/he write give she father that letter‗She wrote a letter for her father.‘ Deputative recipient

beneficiary




*Deputative beneficiary

≠English: She wrote her father a letter.

Stage 4 (Specialization of GIVE-ditransitive as Deputative)

Not only form but also semantically similar to lexical ditransitive

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Does a typological characteristic drive grammaticalization?

Probably.

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Balinesea. Tiangnulis-ang bapa=ne surat *Recipient BEN

I write-BEN father=3.poss letter Deputative recipient BEN‗ I wrote a letter for his father‘ Deputative BEN

b. Tiang nulis=in bapa=ne surat Recipient *BENI write=LOC.APPL father=3SG letter‗I wrote my father a letter.‘

KamberaNyuna na=tulih=nya na ama=na hurat he 3SG=write=3SG.OBJ ART father=3SG.POSS letter



BENDeputative BEN

Lioa. Kai tuli sura ema kai

3 write letter father 3‗He wrote a letter for her father.‘

*Recipient BENDeputative recipient BEN Deputative BEN

b. Kai tuli sura pati ema kai.3 write letter GIVE father 3‗He wrote a letter for his father.‘

Recipient BENDeputative recipient BEN Deputative BEN

Shibatani, M., Artawa, I K., and Ghanggo Ate, Y. (2015). Benefactive constructions in Western...

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Transcript of Shibatani, M., Artawa, I K., and Ghanggo Ate, Y. (2015). Benefactive constructions in Western...