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REVISITAR O MITO | MYTHS REVISITED

Organização: Abel Nascimento Pena, Maria de Jesus C. Relvas,

Rui Carlos Fonseca, Teresa Casal

Capa: Sandro Botticelli, O Nascimento de Vénus, ca. 1485 (pormenor)

Conceito gráfico: Maria de Jesus C. Relvas

Paginação: Ângela Andrade

© EDIÇÕES HÚMUS, 2015

End. Postal: Apartado 7081

4764 -908 Ribeirão – V. N. Famalicão

Tel. 926 375 305

E -mail: humus@humus.com.pt

Impressão: Papelmunde, SMG, Lda. – V. N. Famalicão

1.ª edição: Fevereiro de 2015

Depósito legal: 387047/15

ISBN 978 -989 -755-112-3

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SCIPIO AEMILIANUS AND ODYSSEUS AS PARADIGMS OF

PRÓNOIA

Breno Battistin Sebastiani! **

Polybius’ digression on generalship (9.12-20) postulates that “in military opera-tions what is achieved openly and by force is much less than what is done by strata-gem and the use of opportunity ($0&U)#;/'()G,M)-v2)G,.6>)” (9.12.2). Because even in well-timed actions failure is more recurrent than success, due either to error or to negligence on the part of commanders, the whole digression revolves around how to choose the exact moment to act 1. Its last paragraph quotes Odys-seus as astronomer and closes a list of four military skills a general shall master to be successful (0=-&'k0S2): first, to keep absolute secrecy; second, to be acquainted with night and day expeditions by land and sea; third, “to have a notion of time and season”; last, to heed signals, collaborators and modes of action (Walbank, Com.II 138). Polybius considers the third skill the most important one (9.13.7), and ex-plains at length how the acquaintance with astronomy (9.14.5-19.4) and geometry (9.19.5-20.4) improves a general’s own experience by giving mastery over previs-ible circumstances (:06M)�2)#(2,&;2)8-&.):6'�#@-9,.).

This digression describes the basics of the tactical training of an aristocrat, and its contents probably mirror the training of Scipio Aemilianus, Polybius’ own pupil. The core of Polybius’ concerns is how to define π6;2'., and its main com-ponents, both positively presented in association with Odysseus and contrasted with paradigms of military failure. C6;2'.,, however, is better understood when presented as a distinctive intellectual ability of successful commanders. In spite of the absence of explicit references to Scipio Aemilianus in that very digression, his importance to the life of Polybius, and the presentation of him as a paradigm of successful commander through a series of suggested analogies convergent on Od-

* Universidade de São Paulo.

** I am grateful to FAPESP and to DLCV/FFLCH/USP for their financial support, and to the referees for their very valuable comments and criticisms. Translations of Polybius are by Paton; plain quotations such as (9.12-20) are all from Polybius.

1 Knowing the exact moment to give up is also an ability, as in the cases of Xanthippus (1.35.2-3) and Hamilcar (1.62.5).

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yssean features, raise questions about an intentional relationship between Scipio Aemilianus, Odysseus and π6;2'., created by both the text of Polybius and the historiographical tradition about Scipio relying on him. Two specific questions give a starting point to this reflection: a) whether one can actually identify a medi-tation on Odysseus associated with the historiographical presentation of Scipio Aemilianus’ career from Polybius onward; b) whether to resort to Odysseus could have a special meaning for the meditation of Polybius on Scipio Aemilianus, like a careful compromise between Roman demands of the day and his own intellectual independence even from Scipio’s friendship 2.

The paper divides the investigation of these questions into two stages: first, it presents the role of Odysseus within the digression 9.12-20, linking it with other mentions to him in the Histories and assessing some current interpretations about Polybius’ use of Odysseus. My chief aims at this first moment are to identify who is Odysseus for Polybius and to show that his references to Odysseus had politi-cal implications especially when associated with Scipio Aemilianus and his family. Secondly, the paper concludes trying to evince that compromise after discussing the Odyssean features of some of Scipio’s political attitudes portrayed by the his-toriographical tradition initiated by Polybius. At the end of the paper I hope to have demonstrated that the suggested analogies between Scipio Aemilianus and Odysseus through π6;2'., evinces the peculiar stance of Polybius toward the Ro-man power.

The paper was conceived as an exercise to trace in both Polybius and the Greek historiographic tradition about Scipio Aemilianus, assuming that it relied directly on the texts of Polybius today lost, the other side of Polybius analogies not explicit in the Histories. In other words, as a contribution to catch a glimpse into Polybius thoughts about how and why to present an outstanding historical charac-ter. This hermeneutic circle includes necessarily historical, historiographical and philological data.

Polybius plainly writes that

Homer is therefore deserving of praise in representing Odysseus, the most capa-ble of commanders, as observing the stars to direct not only his course at sea, but his operations on land. For those accidents which take us by surprise and cannot be accurately foreseen are quite su�ciently numerous to expose us to great and frequent di�culties, I mean sudden rains and floods, exceeding great frosts and snowfalls, a foggy and clouded state of the atmosphere and the like, and if we pay no attention even to such things as can be foreseen, we are sure to fail in most en-terprises by our own fault. So that none of the above-mentioned matters must be neglected, if we are not to commit such blunders as many other generals are said to have committed besides those I am about to cite as examples (9.16).

2 See the point about &R &g3 z-&'6D,3 e9'3 at Plb.1.14.4-9; also 38.4.

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Astronomy has for Polybius a double aim, practical utility and intellectual training in foresight. In ascribing to Odysseus the knowledge of astronomy, and the consequent ability to foresee, Polybius clarifies the first aim with allusions to passages known to Greeks and Romans, Il.10.251-3 and Od.5.270-7. The first pas-sage deals precisely with choosing the exact moment to act: Odysseus urges Dio-medes to depart, “for the night draws far along, and the dawn nears, / the stars have gone far on their course, and the full of the night has passed by, / through two portions, and the third portion is that which is left us” 3. In the second passage, Odysseus navigates looking at the Pleiades and the Bootes, and keeps the Bear on his left hand, following the advice of Calypso. In the eighteenth day he saw the mountains of the Phaeacians 4, where he arrived after surviving the tempest of Poseidon.

Under the second aim (i.e. intellectual training in foresight) the mention to Odysseus becomes a paradigm of π6;2'.,. For Polybius, π6;2'., means the abil-ity to foresee (π6'�#@-9,.) that distinguishes competent generals whose plans are “soundly reasoned out (-v2 2>)” (9.12.1). From all possible choices they detect the exact one. Those generals observe tokens (&0G$,.6;$02'2), either material, in the case of Odysseus, or factual, in politics, and make the right choice after grasping the situation thoroughly, sometimes at a glance (10.5.8: #.’ VEkD2'.,2 8G /'E.-$'T).

Polybius contrasts that ability of Odysseus with its absence in other generals, what caused them embarrassing situations. The Achaean strategus Aratus made a mistake of counting hours, failed to take Cynaetha, and brought destruction on his accomplices inside the city (9.17). King Cleomenes of Sparta arrived too late at Megalopolis, failed to take the city, and suered heavy losses (9.18.1-4). King Phil-ip V of Macedon arrived too early at Melitaea, and was forced to make a shame-ful retreat (9.18.5-9). The Athenian Nicias deferred the departure from Syracuse, struck with terror on an eclipse of the moon, and was made prisoner together with his army (9.19.1-2).

Shrewdness to detect the exact moment is a military commonplace, and for that very reason a point never stressed enough 5; error and negligence were not exceptions. Significantly, Polybius quotes only Greek examples, less a complai-sance towards Rome than an ambiguous advice to his fellow aristocratic Greeks if inclined to rise up: brains win, not violence 6.

3 All translations from Homer are by J. Huddleston. See also (Hainsworth 177-8). Twice in the Odyssey the poet mentions a “night of three portions”: Od.12.312 and 14.483.

4 The passage alludes to a Phoenician way of navigation: (Finkelberg 232-4).

5 (Kissinger 26-7): “When an international order first comes into being, many choices may be open to it. But each choice constricts the universe of remaining options. Because complexity inhibits flexibility, early choices are especially crucial”.

6 Polybius (1.35.4) quotes Euripides: G,M $B2 &R π,6’ �=6.πD#] πN/,. G,/43 0X6g-9,. #'G'T2 d3 �2 -'rR2 +'1/0($, &U3 π'//U3 k0S6,3 2.Gn.

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In a world where politics and war were mutually supporting, those were pli-ant advices 7. The contrast between Odysseus’ success and the failure of those men shows that Polybius quoted Odysseus not to merely enhance a point, but to clearly advise whom Greek and Roman young aristocrats could meditate on if eager for pragmatic paradigms. His interpretation of Odysseus as a paradigm of π6;2'., is not the byproduct of rhetorical concerns, but forms perhaps the basis of a deeper ethical and political reflection toward the Roman power. Against Eratosthenes and perhaps Aristarchus, for Polybius Homer’s gist should be seriously taken as true. He conceived the Homeric poems as theoretical works made up of history, rhetorical disposition, and myth (34.4.1-4) (Pfeier 231), and plainly wrote that even “Homer’s most mythical statement (e.g. Aeolus called the dispenser of the winds) was not quite an idle tale, but darkly hinted at the truth (,X2.K,$@2'( &B2 V/%90.,2)” (34.11.20). My interpretation derives not only from these points of view of Polybius, but also from the criticism of some of the current studies about the possible motives of Polybius’ rationale, and its implications in the understand-ing of 9.12-20. Briefly, the three most relevant are:

a) by the end of the nineteenth century R. Hirzel, R. von Scala and C. Wun-derer, saw in Polybius a Stoic under Panaetius’ influence. Their assumptions were fiercely criticized, and it is important to highlight this refutation because it gave rise to the current interpretations 8. These interpretations show that there is no firm enough ground for postulating a stoic Polybius through philological data; Polybius’ fundamentalist approach to the Odyssey and his anti-Alexandrian state-ments were not due to Stoic convictions 9.

b) F. Walbank’s paper The geography of Polybius contrasted Polybius’ mentions to Odysseus with the Alexandrinian and Stoic exegeses of his time. Those men-tions would be a polemical display of romantic pride derived from the extent of Polybius’ travels from 156 onwards 10. F. Walbank was chiefly concerned with Poly-bius’ geographical book 34; his reading was a glimpse into Polybius’ psychology and was rea�rmed throughout his texts. Its influence spread over contemporary scholars who delineated the main contours of Odysseus as a political or ethical paradigm for Polybius 11. For A. Eckstein, Polybius admired in Odysseus the dili-

7 (Champion 6, 32, 237) on the flexibility inherent in Polybius’ representations of Roman institutions and culture.

8 Discussion in (Brouwer 112-3). (Pédech, Méth. 249-53) demonstrated the historical improbability of a strict Stoicism underlying his thought. Already in (Ziegler 1466 and 1471). (Dorandi 91-2) cogently argued that Panaetius would have met Scipio Aemilianus at Rome, and perhaps also Polybius, only after 146. The same chronology was suggested by (Astin 297). (Zetzel 173-9) demolished the idea of the “Circle of the Scipios”.

9 As cogently demonstrated by (Walbank, Hell. 41-5); (Walbank, Selec. 235); (Walbank, Com.I 3-6); (Walbank, Com.II 142); (Pédech, Méth. 582-6); (Polybe xxvii-xxxv).

10 On Polybius’ travels during and after his exile: (Walbank, Com.II 332); (Pédech, Méth. 523-9); (Polybe 71); (de Sanctis 209-10). Walbank’s paper “The geography of Polybius” is reprinted in (Walbank, Hell. 31-52).

11 (Walbank, Hell. 44); (McGing 129); (Marincola 17-20); (Polibio 15); (Champion 22, 239); (Eckstein 281); (Vercruysse 306); (Walbank, Polyb. 51, 117, 126); (Pédech, Méth. 571). The self-identification Poly-

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gent general and the experienced man who strove with intelligence for the sake of higher goals (Eckstein 281). For J. Marincola, Polybius had in Odysseus a model and precursor in inquiry and practical experience (Marincola 17). B. McGing ac-knowledges that “Polybius was thinking of himself as the Homeric champion of history writing”, but left aside “the interesting and unusual admiration of an hon-est historian for such a crook as Odysseus” (McGing 129). For Polybius, however, I think Odysseus was surely not a crook, and the ethical paradigm he informs in the digression on generalship is a peculiar one: Polybius presents him as an expert in military strategy within a merely technical lesson 12.

c) K. Ziegler suggested that Polybius’ quotations from Homer were not a by-product of late concerns, due to his travels or to Panaetius, but rooted in an aris-tocratic ethos due to an upbringing similar to that of his master and relative, the strategus Philopoemen 13. From his boyhood Polybius would have learned to medi-tate on Odysseus for examples of ethics and politics 14. These points are di�cult to prove, but the analogy Ziegler envisaged ascribes a new credential to Polybius, and helps to explain his privileged status when detained in Rome.

The starting point to restore the tradition that suggests links between Scipio Aemilianus and Odysseus through the Polybian concept of π6;2'., lies in the very text of Polybius, chiefly in the passages concerning his own biography and report-ing his appreciation of his pupil. When Polybius was brought to Rome, he quickly became friend of Aemilius Paullus’ sons, Fabius Maximus and Scipio Aemilianus, whose injunctions granted his permanence there (31.23.5). He had a fate quite dierent from that of the other thousand detainees 15, and perhaps was not merely due to friendship.

Polybius was a former hyparch of the Achaean League, the post second only to the strategus 16. His father was a former strategus, and Polybius had been pupil of the great Philopoemen. Polybius was a young aristocrat with practical experience in Achaean politics, diplomacy, and military tactics. He was also a theoretician who before the Histories had probably written a biography of Philopoemen, and surely a treatise on Tactics, from which the digression on generalship was probably borrowed (9.20.4) 17. For a man like Aemilius Paullus, concerned with the educa-tion of his teenager sons, those would be valuable qualifications; if its bearer were able to convert readings from the Odyssey into practical lessons, it may have had a

bius-Odysseus: 12.27.10-1.

12 Partly recognized by (Eckstein 248).

13 (Ziegler 1466). Ziegler’s analogy depends on the assumption, with Heeren (1820), Haug (1854) and Nissen (1863), that Polybius’ biography of Philopoemen was the main source of Plutarch’s Philopoemen. See also (Pédech, “Philop.” 83); (Walbank, Com.II 221-2).

14 Also (Pédech, Méth. 583-5) and (Walbank, Com.III 584, 586).

15 On the problems concerning the correct term to describe Polybius’ situation: (Erskine, “Cave” 19-20).

16 There was an bπ'-&6N&?E'3 (4.59.2; 5.94.1; 38.18.2), but whose scope and duties were obscure: (Wal-bank, Com.I 514, 623-4).

17 On the Polybius’ Philopoemen see (Walbank, Com.II 221-2); on the Tactics: (Sacks 128).

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peculiar appeal, seen that the knowledge of the Odyssey in Rome may have been rooted in old political interests of the Aemilii Paulli.

Since the sixth century B.C. Odysseus was associated with central Italy and featured in accounts of Roman prehistory 18. In 219 Lucius Aemilius Paullus, fa-ther of the homonym conqueror of the Macedon, and Scipio Aemilianus’ grand-father, was the Roman consul in charge of the fleet in the Second Ilyrian War, fought around Odysseus’ homeland. His colleague was Marcus Livius Salinator, one of the Livii Salinatores that divergent traditions postulate to have been the patron of the poet Livius Andronicus 19. Acknowledged traditions and/or the Ro-man enthusiasm about recent victories at sea would have led Livius Andronicus to conclude his abridged translation of Homer’s Odyssey at some time between 240-188/7, surely under the patronage of the victorious commanders and to their own political gloria. It is possible that when Polybius came to Rome Odysseus was al-ready a character whose intellectual skills and military value were associated with the Aemilii Paulli for two generations.

The friendship and intimacy between Polybius and Scipio Aemilianus, who was eighteen, “took its origin in the loan of some books and conversation about them” (31.23.4). From that time onwards, Polybius continues, they always “give proof to each other of their worth”, and “came to regard each other with an aec-tion like that of father and son or near relations” (31.25.1).

An analogous relationship between a father instructing his son can be found in the Odyssey, where part of Telemachus’ military instruction was performed by Odysseus himself. Following the advice of Athena, father and son make plans to slay the suitors (Od.16.233-320) 20: both first calculate their amount (233-57); then Odysseus explains that the swineherd will bring him to the city (272), and warns the son to endure if his father suer evilly (274-7), asking for absolute si-lence (300-3). These were advices Odysseus himself have already listened from Athena (Od.13.307-10). They set up signals to conceal the spears (281-94), and lastly they agree to assess the women and test the serving-man (304-7). Later, at the exact moment to launch the slaughter, Odysseus nodded at the son with his brow (Od.20.431). Polybius’ four skills and π6;2'., (9.12-6) condense key tacti-cal points displayed also in these verses available for Greeks and Romans in their respective idioms.

Nowhere in the remaining Histories Polybius links the digression on general-ship with the education of Scipio Aemilianus, but the probable years (156/5) in which Polybius might have written his book 9 give a hint 21. This period coincides

18 (Erskine, Troy 144-156); (Gruen 8-51).

19 On the problems of Livius Andronicus’ cronology and his translation of the Odyssey: (Livingstone xii-xiii); (Goldberg 50-1).

20 Four verses helps to convert a conversation between father and son into a paradigmatic educative scene: &'.EU6 8EY2 86@<, -v #* -1290' G,D $0( �G'(-'2, / G,M r6N-,. (259-60); �//' #@ &'. 86@<, -v #’ 82M r60-M +N//0' -_-.2 (281 and 299).

21 On the probable cronology of Polybius’ writing and publication: (Baronowski 4); (Walbank, Selec. 325-30).

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with the outset of Aemilianus’ political career, probably holding the quaestor-ship. By the end of 152 Scipio was a member of the senate (Astin 14-5). Since 160 his father and most outstanding example of valor and political skills was dead; it is reasonable to suppose that in these years he was most eager for Poly-bius’ knowledge and experience 22. It was the time to check his π6;2'., in the political arena. Diodorus, Plutarch, and chiefly Appian fill in some lacunae of Polybius’ text about Scipio’s career; they seem to have used Polybius directly and/or traditions relying on Polybius, from either the Histories or the now lost monograph on the Numantine War 23.

Nowhere in that tradition one finds explicit links between Scipio Aemilianus and Odysseus; but some punctual references seem not to have been unplanned. First, in 151, at the siege of Intercatia in Spain, Scipio met a barbarian in single combat (35.5) 24. Appian preserved a suggestive detail (Hisp.53 White): Scipio “was still a youth, felt very much aggrieved (bπ06%/E?-@2), and springing forward accepted the challenge. Fortunately he won the victory, although he was small, and his opponent big (8G6N&?-02 V2#6R3 $0EN/'( -$.G6R3 �2)”. Single combat, suering, hellenized small Roman versus barbarian giant: Appian may have fol-lowed, or built up, an evocation of Odyssey 9 with all its intellectual and tactical implications.

Yet it was Scipio’s two elections to the consulship, secondly, what really evinced his singular timing ability and intimacy with other aspects of Odysseus latent in Polybius’ association of war #;/'3 (9.12.2: here a technical synonym for stratagem or plan 25), with exact moment, silence, topographical knowledge, sig-nals, agents, and foresight.

In 148, after two years of alleged Roman military incompetence in Africa, the Roman people was tired of the war; remembering Scipio’s deeds as military tri-bune, they wanted to send him to Carthage as consul (Ap.Pun.112). Scipio applied for the aedileship, because he was underage, but the people elected him consul. Appian plainly writes that it was illegal (π,6,2;$'() 26, but a joint action of tri-bunes of the people and senate against the protests of the consuls, backed up by popular pressure, legitimized the election. He was also granted the province of Africa without casting lots. Diodorus (32.24) and Appian (Pun.132) report that he quoted the Iliad at the fall of Carthage; seeing the burning city he cried fearing for Rome, and recited: “there will come a day when sacred Ilion shall perish, / and

22 References in (Rawson 464) for Scipio’s acquaintance with Homer and Xenophon.

23 Cicero (Fam.5.12.2) is the only source to refer to this work. On Polybius as Appian’s, Plutarch’s, and Diodorus’ source: (Schwartz 219-20); (Schulten 569-70); (Richardson 194-8).

24 (Walbank, Com.II 648) for other sources.

25 Despite (Eckstein 86-7), Scipio Africanus’ night attack on the Camps by fire (14.1-5) is a kind of trick accepted by Polybius; it must be rare: 13.3.7: +6,kv #@ &. /0Dπ0&,. π,6U �<$,D'.3 �k2'3 O&. &g3 V6k,D,3 ,z6@-0<3 π06M &U π'/0$.GN· G,M EU6 π6'/@E'(-. &'v3 π'/@$'(3 G,M &,S3 82@#6,.3 -π,2D<3 k642&,. G,M &B2 $Nk?2 8G k0.6R3 π'.'T2&,. G,M (-()-&N#?2. Also Scipio Aemilianus avails himself of a trick to cap-ture Nepheris (Ap.Pun.18.126: 820#601-,3).

26 (Wolf 43); (del Castillo 121-6); (Astin 65 ).

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Priam, and the people of Priam of the strong ash spear”. Homer put these verses in the mouths of Agamemnon and Hector 27, but the action they suggest draw a revealing parallel between the doom of Troy, due to Odysseus, and the fall of Car-thage engineered by Aemilianus.

Similar was the scenario in 134 depicted by Appian (Hisp.84): the people were tired of the Numantine war, and again Scipio availed himself both of the same connivance of the Republic to achieve a second illegal consulship 28, and of the province of Hispania Citerior extra sortem as well. When still in Numantia Scipio was told about the death of Tiberius Gracchus, his brother-in-law and po-litical opponent (Astin 199). Plutarch (Ti.Grac.21.7) reports Scipio quoting the Odyssey (1.47): “may also any other one who does such things so perish”, a claim from Athena endorsing the doom of the treacherous Aegisthus.

Aemilianus’ illegal acts were not the first ones in Rome; in both cases, Ap-pian relies on a tradition which insists on that illegality not to denounce it, but to explain, or to justify, the methods Scipio employed to legalize the submission of the Republic to his immense prestige and power. Scipio was portrayed availing himself of the exact occasion when his ambition and resources to end those wars were a necessity. Like Odysseus, Scipio is shown awaiting and calculating the ex-act moment to consolidate his power. He was depicted as a man worth that power; from 151 onward Polybius already presented him eager for the reputation of cour-age, and volunteering for the Celtiberian war (35.4.8-9) 29. For Polybius, V2#60D, is “nearly the most essential virtue in all states and especially so in Rome” (31.29.1), and a component of reasoned actions (31.30.3: G,&U /;E'2).

The three centuries from Polybius to Appian forged the Scipio-paradigm of the competent commander whose Odyssean-like π6;2'., was crowned by timely quotations from Homer. For those historians he was a providential man in very critical times, never a harsh opportunist. When assessing the reasons for the fall of Numantia, Appian underlies that the small city imposed many reverses and trea-ties on equal terms to the Romans, until the arrival of Scipio: “he showed himself more experienced in war (-&6,&?E.GI&06'3) than themselves, by refusing to join battle with wild beasts when he could reduce them by that invincible enemy, hun-ger. In this way alone was it possible to capture the Numantines, and in this way alone were they captured” (Hisp.97). The distinguished character and abilities attributed to Scipio suggest a parallel between him and Odysseus, for Polybius &R2 fE0$'2.GI&,&'2 �2#6, (9.16.1). One further example emphasizes his superlative qualities in critical times.

Polybius reported the conversation he had with his pupil when both watched the fall of Carthage. The text is corrupted, but Polybius may have asked whether

27 Agamemnon speaks at Il.4.164-5; Hector at Il.6.448-9. (Walbank, Com.III 722-5).

28 Liv.Per.56: iteratio was illegal since 151; (Wolf 42); (del Castillo 126); (Astin 135). In B.C.1.3.19 Appian restates that both consulships were π,6,2;$<3.

29 See Plb.31.23.11: Scipio’s young fears of a reputation of “quiet and indolent man”.

491

something could be finer than that 30. Scipio agrees, but reveals “a dread fore-boding that someday the same doom will be pronounced on my own country”. Polybius stresses that it is a sign of an outstandingly wise and statesmanlike char-acter (38.21: π6,E$,&.G<&@6,2 G,M 2'(20k0-&@6,2), of a great and perfect man ($0EN/'( G,M &0/0D'(), to bear in mind the mutability of chance at the moment of his greatest triumph and of disaster to his enemies 31. After slaying the suitors and recovering his former power, Odysseus likewise meditates on “the law of god” (Q-D?) and forbids Eurycleia to rejoice (Od.22.407-16). Both Odysseus and Scipio Aemilianus, at the climax of their careers, are presented addressing their inner-most thoughts to persons who albeit not their blood relatives, are the dearest ones to them and closely associated with their breedings. As mature and experienced men, neither of them indulges in joy; both meditate on the links between human actions and unpredictable powers, and show self-control after having executed their enemies. D. Baronowski compared Scipio Aemilianus and Herodotus’s Xe-rxes (Baronowski 153). Besides Baronowski’s own reservations, Xerxes’s tears at Hdt.7.46 were depicted as one episode within a series of barbarian hybristic hys-terias 32, a behavior hardly comparable to that of Scipio. Both the cross-references created by Polybius between Scipio Aemilianus and Odysseus through π6;2'.,, from their famous friendship until the annihilation of Carthage; and the analo-gous references grounded perhaps in passages from the Histories and/or the lost Numantine War, passages preserved by the historiographical tradition relying on him (Diodorus, Plutarch, Appian), allow one to postulate that a) Polybius did meditate on a relationship between Odysseus and Scipio Aemilianus; and b) this meditation, seen the political contexts of Polybius’ life in which it was produced, and due to the ethical elements which it is grounded in, may be said to point to an aim deeper than a merely rhetorical comparison.

What compromise, then, Polybius could have envisaged in his parallel between Scipio Aemilianus and Odysseus? Polybius was full aware of the wide gulf between himself and his pupil (31.24.11), and was immune to romantic illusions. The sug-gestion of parallels between Scipio Aemilianus and Odysseus as paradigms of π6;2'., had the double advantage of displaying a praiseworthy historiographical portrait and an ambiguously obvious ethical advice; those texts may have sounded as guidance to action as well as lucid presentations of how power works, an ex-hortation and an alert for both Greeks and Romans indistinctly. The digression on generalship survived complete but without a context, what indeed strengthens rather than diminishes its neutrality, in a very peculiar sense, and importance; it is a truism to state that for Polybius reason means power and vice-versa, but exactly

30 Conjecture postulated by (Astin 77, 283).

31 (Baronowski 99): behaving without arrogance at the moment of success is a dear lesson to Polybius; Scipio Aemilianus follows the examples of his father, Aemilius Paullus, and of his adoptive granfather, Scipio Africanus.

32 Mental disturbation (Hdt.7.15-9: night visions); arrogance (Hdt.7.24: digging mount Athos); rage (Hdt.7.35: scourging the Hellespont); rage and cruelty (Hdt.7.39: dissevering Pythiou’s son). Other examples from Xerxes in Herodotus’s book 7 see (Fisher 217-24); (Lateiner 178-9).

492

because of it the Odyssean compromise Polybius outlined exposes a branch of his complex political thinking. Choosing to describe how power grows and works re-veals an ambiguous adherence (Champion 196-7). I share the view of A. Momigli-ano: Polybius “was caught in the system he attempted to describe. He was not free – in the least metaphysical sense of the word. To disapprove of Rome was to perish. But by the mere eort of studying the causes and consequences of his master’s vic-tories Polybius created a space for himself. He never accepted the Romans whole-heartedly” (Momigliano 85). Texts like that digression at the same time spared his life and justified his allegiance to the Roman power, but could also work as advice to his fellow Greeks: they must either accept the Roman rule or, if decided to rise up, act like Odysseus and not like Critolaus (38.12-3), for instance; small or subject people should carefully meditate on the exact moment to act. If Polybius was not a revolutionary toward Roman power, he was not a conformist, either 33.

That di�cult compromise mirrored Polybius own problematic social situation from 167 onward, of Greek aristocrat and Roman detainee without judgment; of young tactician entitled only to observe and write, then a formal 0�2'(3 to Rome due to the Achaean War (39.8.2). Sometimes neutrality is most binding than ad-herence; but a special kind of neutrality was also the expertise of Odysseus-��&.3. Neutrality in the latter sense, i.e. as a way to simulate one’s own eacement in order to achieve a higher goal, was also what allowed Scipio to trample on the Republic; perhaps it was to show his clear conscience of it, at the same time avoid-ing the charges of ingratitude and uprising, that Polybius suggested analogies be-tween his pupil and Odysseus, some of them preserved by later historians. For Polybius analogy was the most important intellectual process to grasp historical paradigms (12.25b; 25i.8): although no more than plausible, the parallel between Scipio Aemilianus and Odysseus still remains no less instructive.

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ÍNDICE

5 PREFÁCIO7 PREFACE

1. MITOS NA LITERATURA ANTIGA

MYTHS IN ANCIENT LITERATURE

11 THE APOLLONIAN FEATURES OF PINDAR’S PYTHIAN ODES Emilio Suárez de la Torre

31 O RETRATO DE CLITEMNESTRA NA LITERATURA GREGA Joaquim Pinheiro

41 IPHIGENEIA PARTHENOS Nuno Simões Rodrigues

49 CONSIDERAÇÕES DE COMO OS MITOS ESCATOLÓGICOS DIRIGEM-SE MUITO MAIS À VIDA DO QUE À MORTE Izabela Bocayuva

59 “NÃO FOI DESTA MANEIRA QUE O TOURO CARREGOU SOBRE O DORSO O PESO DO AMOR” (BATRAC. 78-79) Rui Carlos Fonseca

69 O MITO DE TAGES NO DE DIVINATIONE Giuseppe Ciafardone

75 MATERNIDADES MALDITAS Cristina Santos Pinheiro

85 VICIMVS VICTI PHRYGES: EQUIPARAÇÃO ENTRE VENCIDOS E VENCEDORES, TROIANOS E DÁNAOS, NO AGAMÉMNON DE SÉNECA Ricardo Duarte

99 AMOR MORBUS EM PHAEDRA: O MITO E A DOUTRINA ESTÓICA DOS AFFECTUS Ana Filipa Isidoro da Silva

107 THYESTES DE SÉNECA: O TEATRO DA FRUSTRAÇÃO DA ALMA HUMANA. ENTRE A TRANQUILLITAS ANIMI E O FUROR REGNI Mariana Montalvão Horta e Costa Matias

119 READING CLASSICAL MYTHS IN LATE ANTIQUITY: MACROBIUS’ PROPOSAL OF LITERARY IDENTITY IN COMMENTARII IN SOMNIUM SCIPIONIS Julieta Cardigni

2. MITOS NA LITERATURA MODERNA E CONTEMPORÂNEA

MYTHS IN MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY LITERATURE

133 MITOLOGIA E MUNDIVIDÊNCIA MANEIRISTA EM O LIMA DE DIOGO BERNARDES José Cândido de Oliveira Martins

145 O MITO DE DON JUAN E LES LIAISONS DANGEREUSES DE LACLOS Ana Isabel Moniz

155 SERVINDO A CIRCE Margarida Vale de Gato

165 A PRESENÇA DO MITO NA POESIA DE JULES LAFORGUE Guacira Marcondes Machado

171 TRAÇOS DE UMA REFLEXÃO MÍTICA SOBRE O FEMININO EM O LIVRO DE ALDA DE ABEL BOTELHO Rui Sousa

187 APOLLINAIRE E A RELEITURA DOS MITOS EM ALCOOLS Silvana Vieira da Silva

199 THE RECEPTION OF MYTH IN FERNANDO PESSOA Maria João Toscano Rico

217 BABEL AND MERLIN REVISITED IN C.S. LEWIS’S THAT HIDEOUS STRENGTH Maria Luísa Franco de Oliveira Falcão

225 O MITO DE NARCISO E A LITERATURA DE INTROSPECÇÃO Anna Faedrich Martins

239 ULISSES E O VELHO SANTIAGO Maria Mafalda Viana

251 RECEÇÃO MÍTICA EM AGUSTINA BESSA LUÍS Maria do Carmo Pinheiro e Silva Cardoso Mendes

261 RESSIGNIFICAÇÕES DO MITO CLÁSSICO DO MARAVILHOSO NO LIVRO FITA VERDE NO CABELO, DE JOÃO GUIMARÃES ROSA Nerynei Meira Carneiro Bellini

273 O MITO REVISITADO NA FICÇÃO DE ANGOLA: O DESEJO DE KIANDA E A PARÁBOLA DO CÁGADO VELHO, DE PEPETELA Maria Cristina Batalha

283 O RESSURGIMENTO DE VÉNUS Joana Marques de Almeida

291 “THE MYTH TO END ALL MYTHS” Alexandra Cheira

299 REVISITING THE TUDOR MYTH IN SANDRA WORTH’S THE ROSE OF YORK TRILOGY Susana Paula de Magalhães Oliveira

307 DO CAOS AO COSMOS Helena Malheiro

317 A INEXORABILIDADE DO DESTINO DO MITO GREGO NA MODERNIDADE ATRAVÉS DA POESIA DE SOPHIA DE MELLO BREYNER ANDRESEN Maria da Conceição Oliveira Guimarães

3. MITOS NAS ARTES

MYTHS IN ARTS

331 RECYCLING MYTHS IN BYZANTINE ART Livia Bevilacqua

343 AFRODITE E EROS, REVISITADOS POR FRANCISCO DE HOLANDA Teresa Lousa

351 EROS PLAYING WITH WALNUTS IN THE COMEDIES OF JORGE FERREIRA DE VASCONCELOS Silvina Pereira

363 O MITO INSTÁVEL DE ORESTES E HAMLET Henrique Miguel Carvalho

373 A PRESENÇA DE ALCESTE NA MÚSICA ERUDITA Ana Alexandra Alves de Sousa

383 TRISTÃO E ISOLDA: O MITO DO AMOR IMPOSSÍVEL Gianmarco Catacchio

391 OS MITOS ARTURIANOS NA PINTURA DO SÉCULO XIX Ana Margarida Chora

403 PAIXÃO, SABEDORIA E NARRATIVA MÍTICA NA XILOGRAVURA DE HEIN SEMKE Joanna Latka

413 ALGUNS APONTAMENTOS NA MITOLOGIA DAS “LOUCAS” Isabel Henriques de Jesus

423 CAGE WAKES UP JOYCE Ana Luísa Valdeira

433 MARGARET ATWOOD’S THE PENELOPIAD Sara Paiva Henriques

445 PERCY JACKSON: O LADRÃO DE MITOS João Peixe

453 BITE ME! BUT PLEASE BE SEXY ABOUT IT – O MITO DO VAMPIRO NO CINEMA José Duarte

4. MITOS NA HISTÓRIA E NA FILOSOFIA

MYTHS IN HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY

471 THE THEBAN MYTHS IN HERODOTUS: NOT YET A NEGATIVE PARADIGM Pierpaolo Peroni

483 SCIPIO AEMILIANUS AND ODYSSEUS AS PARADIGMS OF PRÓNOIA Breno Battistin Sebastiani

495 RECONFIGURAÇÕES MEDIEVAIS E MODERNAS DO MITO DE ATLÂNTIDA Margarida Santos Alpalhão

503 A CHEGADA DO CARDEAL ALEXANDRINO A LISBOA (1571) André Simões

517 FROM OBSCURITY TO THE PANTHEON OF PORTUGUESE AMERICAN HEROES: RECYCLING PETER FRANCISCO FOR ETHNIC MINORITY ‘FEEL GOOD’ AND UPLIFT Reinaldo Francisco Silva

529 IRACEMA PARA ALÉM DAS EXPECTATIVAS Tito Barros Leal

539 CASSANDRA REVISITADA Sandra Pereira Vinagre

551 O MITO COMO LEITURA DA HISTÓRIA Ivone Daré Rabello

559 A ERÓTICA DO ÊXTASE Lolita Guimarães Guerra

575 DEVOLVER O FOGO AOS DEUSES Sofia Santos

5. MITOS NA CULTURA POPULAR

MYTHS IN POPULAR CULTURE

587 RARIDADE E DIVERSIDADE COMO FACES DA MESMA MOEDA Marina Pelluci Duarte Mortoza

595 MITOLOGIA NA FÁBULA Ana Paiva Morais Teresa Araújo

607 TEMAS MÍTICOS NOS CONTOS POPULARES PORTUGUESES Cristina Abranches Guerreiro

615 “A SERRANA” E “A GALHARDA”, DOIS RETRATOS DA MULHER DEVORADORA NO ROMANCEIRO DE TRADIÇÃO PORTUGUESA Ana Sirgado

625 A LENDA DAS ÁGUAS SANTAS DO VIMEIRO Natália Albino Pires

637 O HERÓI MÍTICO E A IMAGEM DO PRÍNCIPE NOS CONTOS DE JOSÉ LEITE DE VASCONCELOS Teresa M. Gonçalves de Castro

651 MITO E CONTO POPULAR Maria Auxiliadora Fontana Baseio

659 AS MÃOS DOS PRETOS, DE LUÍS BERNARDO HOWANA Maria Zilda da Cunha

671 ANGELA CARTER E BARBA-AZUL Cleide Antonia Rapucci

6.MITOS NA RELIGIÃO E NAS CIÊNCIAS

MYTHS IN RELIGION AND SCIENCE

685 THE JUDGMENT BETWEEN HORUS AND SETH AS A PARADIGM FOR THE JUDGMENT OF THE DEAD André de Campos Silva

697 REVISITANDO O MITO EGÍPCIO DAS LUTAS ENTRE HÓRUS E SET José das Candeias Sales

715 DA PALAVRA AO ACTO Miguel Pimenta-Silva

727 LILITH: FROM POWERFUL GODDESS TO EVIL QUEEN Maria Fernandes

737 ENTRE MITO E CIÊNCIA Abel N. Pena

749 A MIGRAÇÃO DOS PORTENTOS Isabel de Barros Dias

763 O MITO DA CRIAÇÃO NO CORÃO E O SEU REFLEXO NA MÍSTICA SUFI Natália Maria Lopes Nunes

777 REVISITAR A CATÁBASE Daniela Di Pasquale

789 REMINISCÊNCIAS DE VERGÍLIO NA OBRA POÉTICA DE PEDRO JOÃO PERPINHÃO Helena Costa Toipa

805 NARCISO E LEONARDO NA PERSPETIVA DE FREUD Isabel Castro Lopes

815 À PROCURA DE UM FINAL FELIZ, OU A NARRATIVA ADÂMICA REVISITADA POR LLANSOL Cristiana Vasconcelos Rodrigues

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